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Workplace
Workplace boredom coping: boredom coping
health, safety, and HR
implications
701
Annilee M. Game
Norwich Business School, University of East Anglia, Norwich, UK Received May 2005
Revised March 2006
Accepted June 2006
Abstract
Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to investigate how people cope with boredom at work, and
whether differences in “boredom coping” effectiveness are associated with differences in employee
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Boredom at work is widespread, being experienced at least some of the time, by most
employees, at all occupational levels (Fisher, 1993; Guest et al., 1978; Keichell, 1984).
Moreover, boredom has been linked to many negative outcomes for individuals and
organisations (Fisher, 1993). Unfortunately, although there is growing recognition of
the importance of emotions generally in the workplace (Ashkanasy et al., 2002), the
study of boredom at work remains as neglected today as Fisher (1993) noted over a
decade ago. Traditional theories of job enrichment and job redesign (e.g. Hackman and
Oldham, 1976, 1980; Herzberg, 1966) suggest that by changing the nature of a job, Personnel Review
Vol. 36 No. 5, 2007
particularly intrinsic characteristics such as variety and skill utilisation, employees pp. 701-721
will experience greater interest and satisfaction. However, so little is known about the q Emerald Group Publishing Limited
0048-3486
nature and causes of boredom that job design alone should not be considered a panacea DOI 10.1108/00483480710774007
PR (Shackleton, 1981). Research on “boredom coping” may offer a complementary
36,5 solution. While everyone experiences boredom at least occasionally, some are better at
coping with it than others (Hamilton et al., 1984). By understanding how different
employees counteract or prevent feelings of boredom at work it may be possible to
tailor job enrichment and training interventions for individuals who cope less
effectively. This may be especially useful for employees with jobs in which some
702 monotony (a key risk factor for boredom) is unavoidable. As a preliminary step
towards understanding boredom coping, the present study focuses on how individuals
cope with boredom at work, and the links between boredom coping and individual
well-being and safety behaviour.
Boredom coping
Boredom coping in the present study reflects an individual’s stable preferences for
adopting more or less effective coping strategies when boredom is encountered at
work. More specifically, boredom coping as a psychological construct was first
described in the personality literature by Hamilton et al. (1984), but appears to have
received little or no further research attention since then. Hamilton et al. (1984, p. 183)
defined boredom coping as, “one’s disposition to restructure one’s perceptions and
participation in potentially boring activities so as to decrease boredom (and/or to
maximise the opportunities for intrinsic enjoyment).” Hamilton et al. (1984) posited that
the mechanism underlying individual differences in boredom coping is attentional
capacity. The ability to actively control and focus attention is thought to be the key to
enabling cognitive and behavioural restructuring, and thereby transformation (either
actually or perceptually) of a potentially boring situation. This emphasis on the role of
attention and perception in boredom coping is consistent with the literature reviewed
earlier showing that boredom is associated with attentional difficulties, and its
occurrence often depends on individual perception, as opposed to objective reality.
Preliminary investigations by Hamilton et al. (1984) found reliable individual
differences on a measure designed to assess tendency towards constructive boredom
coping. Validation research conducted with the measure showed that individuals with
high boredom coping scores performed better on a sustained attention task, compared
with individuals scoring low on the boredom coping measure. Hamilton et al. also
found that boredom coping was not significantly correlated with a measure of boredom
susceptibility (Zuckerman, 1979). Therefore, although some individuals may tend to
experience boredom quite readily, (i.e. have a low boredom threshold), they may (or
may not) also be predisposed towards recognising the potential boredom in a situation,
and implementing strategies to alleviate it.
To the best of the author’s knowledge, there has been no further research based on Workplace
Hamilton et al.’s work (1984). In particular, individual differences in boredom coping boredom coping
have not been systematically investigated in the workplace using Hamilton et al.’s
framework. However, a limited amount of mostly qualitative research has examined
the behavioural strategies that individuals engage in when they attempt to deal with
boredom at work. Fisher (1987) asked respondents from a range of occupations to
provide written narratives concerning how they dealt with being bored at work. Many 705
adopted non-work coping strategies such as letter writing or reading. Others sought
greater involvement in the job by asking for extra work or training, helping others, or
finding additional tasks to do on their own initiative. McBain (1970) observed that long
distance lorry drivers reduced boredom by introducing variety into an otherwise
monotonous job. A range of strategies was employed, including playing private games
such as spotlighting deer at the roadside, observing and commenting on other road
users’ driving skills, and detecting recent changes along their accustomed route.
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Runcie (1980) spent five months as a participant observer studying how car assembly
workers adapt to the monotony of their jobs. In common with earlier studies in similar
settings (e.g. Walker and Guest, 1952; Wyatt et al., 1937), Runcie found that operators
coped with boredom by varying the pace and rhythm of work, setting private goals, job
swapping, and devising ways of making tasks easier. Other subsidiary, or
task-unrelated, strategies included talking, singing, reading, playing games, and
smoking (Kishida, 1977).
Notably, Runcie (1980) also found that some individuals responded to boredom by
sabotaging the production process, engaging in unsafe work practices, or stealing
company property. Similarly, in an in-depth study of US Air Force security guards,
Charlton and Hertz (1989, p. 317) found that “in attempting to cope with the boredom
that accompanies their job and the work environment, guards routinely break the
rules”. Thus, listening to the radio, reading, horseplay, and even vandalism were all
engaged in despite being explicitly forbidden, with a severe penalty attached.
Generally, the risk was considered “worth it” to alleviate the boredom. Clearly then,
while all of the above behaviours may be effective in reducing boredom for the
individual, some strategies are potentially dysfunctional for organisations.
Overall, from this brief review, it is apparent that a diverse range of strategies may
be adopted to cope with boredom in a given job. In order to make sense of this
diversity, it is useful to view the array of possible coping strategies as arranged along a
continuum representing the extent to which a strategy involves direct and constructive
engagement with the boring situation. Thus, for example, talking, reading, and unsafe
or illegitimate work behaviours represent disengagement strategies because while
indirectly alleviating the unpleasant affective state of boredom but they do not
constructively influence the nature, or alter the perception of, the cause of boredom.
Conversely, finding a new way to complete a task may be considered as an engagement
strategy because it is task-related and designed to manage the source of boredom
directly and constructively. This conceptualisation is fully consistent with the
commonly made distinction in stress coping theories (e.g. Lazarus and Folkman, 1984)
between emotion-focused coping (aimed at regulating only the emotions accompanying
stress, c.f. disengagement) and problem-focused coping (aimed at dealing directly and
constructively with the perceived source of stress, c.f. engagement). However, the
language of engagement is more appropriate to the discussion of boredom because it
PR connotes the differences in attentional capacity believed to underlie boredom coping.
36,5 Moreover, it is consistent with Farmer and Sundberg’s (1986) contention that boredom
is maintained by “disconnectedness” (i.e. lack of engagement) with one’s environment.
Although by no means unequivocal, stress coping research indicates that
problem-focused strategies may be most adaptive, with greater associated health
benefits (Parkes, 1994). Thus, it is assumed that, in coping with boredom, engagement
706 strategies may also be the most beneficial for individuals and, at worst, neutral or
harmless for their organisations (depending on the strategy).
this, the overall purpose of the present research is to enhance our understanding of
boredom coping at work, guided by two aims. The first aim is to assess the
implications of boredom coping for individual well-being, and safety behaviour. The
review of the literature revealed evidence of negative associations between boredom at
work and individual well-being and job satisfaction. Thus, if boredom coping functions
to reduce the level of boredom typically experienced it is predicted that the incidence of
negative outcomes associated with boredom should also be reduced:
H1. High boredom-copers will report better job-related well-being (less anxiety
and depression) than individuals with lower boredom-coping scores.
H2. High boredom-copers will report greater job satisfaction than their lower
boredom-coping counterparts.
Given the evidence that boredom is often associated with low self-reported arousal, it is
expected that successful boredom coping, that effectively reduces boredom levels,
should be associated with typically higher self-reported arousal levels. Specifically, it is
hypothesised that:
H3. High boredom-copers will be less likely to report low arousal levels at work
compared with individuals scoring lower on the boredom-coping scale.
Regarding the safety implications of boredom coping, the literature suggested that
higher arousal levels should be associated with fewer errors. Thus, if indeed high
boredom-copers have higher arousal levels, they should be less likely to compromise
organisational safety through, for example, lapses in vigilance. The research on coping
strategies indicated that while some coping strategies might be beneficial for reducing
an employee’s boredom, other strategies might involve increased risk-taking and/or
behaviours detrimental to organisational safety. Given that high boredom-copers
should be more persistently concerned to actively and constructively reduce their
levels of boredom, and can draw upon a broader repertoire of appropriate strategies
(Fisher, 1993; Hamilton et al., 1984), it is predicted that they should not need to resort to
unsafe working practices in their efforts to alleviate boredom:
H4. High boredom-copers will report greater compliance with organisational
safety procedures than individuals with lower boredom coping scores.
The second aim of the research is to investigate, qualitatively, which coping strategies Workplace
are used by high and low boredom-copers to help them reduce boredom at work. The boredom coping
literature on coping behaviours suggested a continuum of strategies that might be
adopted, ranging from engaged, task-related strategies to disengaged, task-unrelated
strategies. Hamilton et al. (1984) argued that high boredom-copers are especially skilled
in reducing boredom by manipulating their perception of and/or participation in
boredom-inducing situations. Therefore, it is predicted that: 707
H5. Relative to low boredom-copers, high boredom-copers will report largely
task-related, engagement strategies (at both the cognitive and behavioural
level) in attempting to deal with boredom at work.
Method
Participants
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The study participants were 212 employees (189 males, 23 females) of a chemical
processing plant in the UK. The potential hazards inherent in the manufacture and
storage of large volumes of chemicals make chemical processing a safety critical
industry. Consequently, the organisation placed a high priority on compliance with
safety procedures by all employees, and the site provided an ideal setting for
investigating the impact of boredom coping on organisational safety behaviour, as well
as individual well-being. The mean age for the sample was 40.4 years. Mean length of
service with the organisation was 16.1 years. Employees from all levels in the
organisation were represented (10.8 per cent managerial, 21.7 per cent specialist
technical, 22.2 per cent technical support, 5.2 per cent administrative, 29.7 per cent
operators).
Procedure
The study was conducted in two stages. In the first stage a questionnaire survey was
administered to as large a sample of employees as possible. The questionnaire was
designed to assess individuals’ boredom coping tendencies, affective well-being, job
satisfaction, typical arousal levels, and safety compliance behaviour. During one week,
two researchers visited the organisation and administered the survey to participants in
a designated room on-site. At the start of each of 22 survey sessions the researchers
introduced the survey as a “staff opinion survey”, and emphasised the confidentiality
of responses. Respondents were allowed as much time as necessary to fill in the
questionnaires. Participants then sealed their completed questionnaires in the
envelopes provided, and handed them in person to the researchers.
Scores on the boredom-coping measure formed the basis for selection of participants
for the interviews that comprised the second stage of the research. The purpose of the
interviews was to identify and compare the boredom coping strategies practised by
high and low scorers on the measure. To this end, interviewees were randomly selected
from among the respondents with the 30 highest and 30 lowest mean boredom coping
scores. The final sample of interviewees comprised nine high boredom-copers (eight
male, one female) and seven low boredom-copers (five male, two female). In order to
investigate the behavioural and cognitive aspects of boredom coping strategies,
interviews were based on the critical incident approach (Flanagan, 1954). Interviewees
were asked to recall and describe in detail:
PR .
one or more dull, or un-stimulating, situations encountered at work during the
36,5 past month; and
.
specific behavioural and cognitive reactions to the situations.
The interviewer was blind regarding interviewee boredom coping scores. Interviews
lasted approximately 30 minutes and took place on site but away from participants’
708 normal work environment, in a room in the HR department. All interviews were tape
recorded and fully transcribed.
Measures
Job-related boredom coping. A brief measure of job-related boredom coping was
developed for the current study by adapting Hamilton et al.’s (1984) Boredom Coping
Scale. The original ten-item, forced-choice scale was designed to assess boredom
coping across a range of work/school and leisure contexts. A total of seven items
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drawn largely from the work/school items were re-worded as necessary to refer
specifically to boredom coping at work. Rejected items were those that could not easily
be adapted in a manner that retained face validity for a job-related measure. Hamilton
et al.’s forced-choice response format was replaced with a Likert-style format in order
to enhance reliability (Kline, 2000). Participants were required to indicate the extent to
which they agreed with each item on a five-point scale ranging from 1 ¼ strongly
disagree to 5 ¼ strongly agree. Principal axis factor analysis revealed that six items
loaded as a single factor, while one item (“In my job it is generally easy for me to
concentrate on what I’m doing”) loaded as a separate factor. Attentional capacity is
posited by Hamilton et al. (1984) to be an integral part of boredom coping, and inclusion
of the item in the main factor did not adversely affect scale reliability. Therefore, it was
decided to retain the item and incorporate it into a single-score scale. All items used in
the present study are shown in the following list:
.
In my job it is generally easy for me to concentrate on what I am doing.
.
I am usually able to find a certain enjoyment in my job, even in routine kinds of
work.
.
When I’m working, time always seems to be passing slowly (R).
.
I easily find ways to make my job more interesting.
.
When I’m bored with my job, it is usually only a short time before I’m interested
again.
.
During an average day (or shift) at work, I’m generally more bored than
interested (R).
.
In my job, I can usually find something to do to keep me interested.
These cut-off points took into account the minimum and maximum scale scores in the
overall distribution and ensured a similar range of scores within each group. Thus,
individuals with scale scores at or above 4.00 constituted the high boredom coping
group (n ¼ 75, mean ¼ 4.18, range ¼ 4.00-4.71); individuals with intermediate scores
made up the medium boredom coping group (n ¼ 89, mean ¼ 3.67; range ¼ 3.29-3.99);
and individuals scoring below 3.29 formed the low boredom coping group (N ¼ 44,
mean ¼ 2.99, range ¼ 2.43-3.28).
Given the lack of previous research on boredom coping, the data were analysed to
check that the construct was not confounded with differences in gender, occupational
group, age, and organisational tenure. Chi square analysis indicated that there were no
significant relationships between boredom coping and either gender (x2 ¼ 1.78, ns) or
occupational group (x2 ¼ 7.67, ns). Thus, for the present sample there were no gender
differences in boredom-coping levels, and no single job group contained
disproportionately greater or smaller numbers of individuals from each
boredom-coping group. In addition, Pearson correlations revealed that boredom
coping (as a continuous variable) was not significantly associated with either age
(r ¼ 0.04, ns) or organisational tenure (r ¼ 2 0.01, ns).
Finally, in order to ascertain whether the safety compliance scale was influenced by
socially-desirable responding, the frequency distribution for the three response-check
items was examined. If the proportion of “agree”/”strongly agree” responses exceeded
what would be expected in a normal distribution, this would indicate that responses to
the other scale items might also be biased. However, in the present sample, only 5.7 per
cent of individuals reported that they agreed/strongly agreed with the response-check
items. Therefore, no further steps were taken.
Relationships between boredom coping and the dependent variables. The hypotheses
for Stage 1 sought to establish whether there were any significant differences in
anxiety and depression, job satisfaction, arousal, and safety compliance between
individuals with different levels of boredom coping. All hypotheses were tested using
one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA). Table I shows the results of these analyses.
H1 predicted that individuals in the high boredom-coping group would report better
job-related well-being. As can be seen in the table, high boredom-copers reported
significantly lower job-related anxiety compared with low boredom-copers, although
not compared with medium boredom-copers, F (2, 205) ¼ 10.23, p , 0.001. Regarding
Workplace
Boredom coping
boredom coping
Low Medium High F
Affective well-being:
Anxiety 2.94a 2.62b 2.43b 10.23 * *
Depression 3.01a 2.39b 1.98c 48.96 * *
Job satisfaction: 711
Intrinsic 3.77a 4.69b 5.10c 33.52 * *
Extrinsic 4.13a 4.70b 5.15c 22.61 * *
Low arousal: 3.04a 2.56b 2.25c 28.72 * *
Safety compliance: 3.24a 3.47 3.63b 6.46 * Table I.
Mean differences on all
Notes: Within each row, means with different subscripts differed significantly at p , 0.05 according dependent variables by
to a Tukey-B test, * p , 0.01; * * p , 0.001 level of boredom coping
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boredom coping and job-related depression, a strong overall relationship was found,
F (2, 205) ¼ 48.96, p , 0.001, and significant difference were found between all three
boredom coping groups. Thus, overall, the higher an individual’s tendency to cope with
job-related boredom, the less likely they were to report feeling depressed and anxious
at work.
H2 predicted that high boredom-copers would have greater job satisfaction than
their medium and low counterparts. The results of the ANOVAs in Table I show that
there were significant overall differences between boredom coping groups in relation to
both intrinsic job satisfaction, F (2,205) ¼ 33.52, p , 0.001, and extrinsic job
satisfaction, F (2,205) ¼ 22.61, p , 0.001. High boredom-copers’ mean intrinsic
satisfaction was significantly higher than that of both medium and low
boredom-copers. Medium boredom-copers also reported significantly greater
intrinsic job satisfaction compared with low boredom-copers. The same pattern of
differences was found between the groups regarding extrinsic satisfaction. The
hypothesis was therefore fully supported.
The empirical evidence reviewed suggested that the experience of boredom may be
associated with reduced physiological arousal. Thus, it was anticipated that
individuals scoring highly on boredom coping should be less likely to report low
arousal levels at work (H3). Table I shows that the hypothesis was supported. High
boredom-copers had significantly lower mean scores on the arousal scale (indicating
higher arousal) than both medium and low boredom-copers, F (2, 205) 28.72, p , 0.001.
Additionally, medium boredom-copers’ arousal levels were also significantly higher
compared with their low boredom-coping counterparts.
Based on the literature review, it was predicted that high boredom-copers should
not need to resort to increased risk-taking or unsafe working practices in order to
prevent or alleviate their boredom (H4). The table shows that there was an overall
positive association between boredom coping and safety compliance, F (2,205) ¼ 6.46,
p , 0.01. High boredom-copers reported greater compliance with safety regulations
compared with low boredom-copers. The difference between high and medium
boredom-copers scores was non-significant. These findings support the hypothesis.
In sum, the results for stage 1 of the study indicate that, in line with predictions,
high boredom-copers were more satisfied with their jobs; they reported better
job-related well-being; and they had typically higher self-reported arousal levels. In line
PR with expectations, high boredom coping did not adversely affect reported compliance
36,5 with safety regulations. Conversely, it appears that inability to cope effectively with
boredom at work (i.e. low boredom coping) was associated with reports of unsafe
behaviour.
Stage 2 – interviews
712 Identification and comparison of boredom coping strategies. The final research
hypothesis (H5) was examined qualitatively. It was anticipated that relative to low
boredom-copers, high boredom-copers would report adopting largely task-related,
engagement strategies (at both the cognitive and behavioural levels) in attempting to
deal with boredom at work. The interview transcripts were systematically analysed
using template analysis (King, 1998). Template analysis is a thematic analysis of
qualitative data using a defined coding scheme (i.e. template). Drawing upon the
guidelines outlined by King (1998) the coding scheme was developed iteratively,
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informed by the research hypothesis, interview questions, and several readings of the
transcripts. After coding the data, the focus of the analysis was on identifying and
summarising the differences between low and high boredom-copers’ reports of their
personal boredom coping strategies (intermediate boredom-copers’ experiences were
not sampled since the extremes were expected to provide a clearer contrast of
strategies if any effect of individual differences in boredom coping were present). The
results of this analysis are presented below. First, the strategies reported by low
boredom-copers are discussed. This is followed by a consideration of the strategies
described by the high boredom-copers.
Low boredom-copers’ strategies. Individuals in the low boredom coping group were
generally able to recall with ease at least one task, or aspect of their jobs, which had led
to feelings of boredom during the past month. Examples included filing, administrative
paperwork, word-processing, and repetitive chemical processing procedures. None of
the low boredom-copers reported adopting any behaviours or cognitions that could be
classified as fully engaged coping. Instead, the methods of coping reported by these
individuals can be classified into two categories: partial engagement strategies and
disengagement strategies.
.
Partial engagement strategies. The majority of low boredom-copers stated that
their primary approach when faced with aspects of their jobs which could cause
boredom, was simply to get on and do the task as quickly as possible. More
specifically, they used cognitive strategies such as setting speed goals, and
devising incentives (e.g. a coffee or cigarette on completion of the task).
Behaviourally, these individuals scheduled their work to tackle
boredom-inducing tasks first, worked as quickly as they could, and forced
themselves to focus their attention on the task, in order to terminate the
boredom-evoking situation as soon as possible. The following was a typical
response:
I tend, if I’m doing a boring job, to get my head down and get stuck into it, and try to
blot out everything else in an effort to get it done as quickly as possible, so that I can
move on to something more interesting.
Clearly, these strategies are not attempts to fully escape or avoid the boredom-inducing
task, and as such cannot be considered as examples of disengaged coping. However, it
seems that the strategies were largely intended to reduce the duration of the affectively Workplace
unpleasant situation, rather than to constructively tackle the source of boredom in a boredom coping
way that increased individuals’ interest in the task. The self-setting of a speed goal, for
example, was non-specific and did not appear to constitute an effort to increase on-task
stimulation through the creation of a personal challenge. Had this been the case, it
would have been an example of engaged coping. Overall, the strategies outlined here
suggest partial engagement with the source of boredom. 713
. Disengagement strategies. In addition to partial engagement strategies, many low
boredom-copers reported using disengagement strategies. Specifically, individuals
described behaviours, and to a lesser extent cognitions, that involved avoiding the
task and/or seeking additional stimulation from non-task-related sources. The most
frequently cited behavioural strategy was the use of informal interaction with
co-workers as a means of relieving boredom. As one employee explained:
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If somebody comes up, it’s something different. There’s a lot of camaraderie, there’s a lot
of humour. . .it’s not as boring as just being quiet and getting on with your work.
The above are all examples of behavioural engagement strategies. Evidence was
also found regarding the use of cognitive engagement strategies. These
strategies involved cognitive restructuring of the task. That is, the situation was
mentally re-framed in such a way as to enable individuals to perceive it
differently, and consequently reduce boredom. For example, some participants
described framing the task in terms of the impact it would have for themselves
(e.g. skill development, or “something for the cv”), or others (e.g. the organisation,
the customer). Thus, by looking at the bigger picture, the boredom associated
with the situation was reduced:
It does help if you see that it has an impact and is important to someone else – then it
helps you a bit more to realise that what you’re doing isn’t just going to be ignored. So
you can maintain a bit of interest in that respect – you’re trying to help them.
Another type of cognitive engagement strategy mentioned by high
boredom-copers involved playing mental games that related to the task in
hand. For example:
I pretend someone is making a documentary about my life and I’m telling them in my
head about how to do this really mundane job.”
These were constructive engagement strategies because they involved thinking about
the task as it was performed, but simultaneously the individuals projected themselves
and the task into a more stimulating context via imagination, or a form of cognitive
restructuring. The strategy as a whole was therefore aimed at increasing stimulation
and reducing boredom, whilst still performing the task.
.
Partial engagement strategies. In common with interviewees in the low
boredom-coping group, some high boredom-copers also reported using partial
engagement strategies. These included the self-setting of speed goals, and
scheduling work that was typically associated with boredom for the start of the
working day.
To summarise, the results of the interviews showed that low boredom-copers tended to
use disengaged, as well as partially engaged, cognitions and behaviours in order to
deal with boredom at work. By comparison, high boredom-copers reported using
mostly engagement, and some partial engagement, strategies. These findings support Workplace
the predictions of H5.
boredom coping
Discussion
The research investigated how employees cope with boredom at work, and whether
differences in the effectiveness of boredom coping were associated with differences in
levels of well-being and safety behaviour. A multi-method approach was used, 715
combining a survey and critical incident interviews. The survey revealed that
individuals who scored highly on the job-related boredom coping scale reported
significantly lower levels of work-related depression and anxiety compared with
individuals who had lower boredom coping scores. In addition, compared with
individuals in the medium and low boredom coping groups, high boredom-copers
reported significantly higher arousal levels, and they were significantly more satisfied
with their jobs. Such individual level outcomes are consistent with predictions about
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the personal benefits of effective boredom coping throughout. Although boredom per
se was not included as a dependent variable in the present study, these results suggest
that high boredom-copers were relatively more skilled in counteracting, or decreasing,
feelings of boredom at work.
The interview data may provide some additional insight into the above
relationships. It appeared that some of the strategies adopted by high
boredom-copers when faced with potentially boring work situations served to
increase the value, or significance, of the task to themselves and/or others. This in turn
seemed to make completing the task a more rewarding, as well as less boring,
experience. According to the Job Characteristics Model (Hackman and Oldham, 1976,
1980), the experienced meaningfulness of a job is a critical psychological state that
influences employees’ motivation and job satisfaction. People need to feel that their job
is worthwhile and important, and they have more positive job-related feelings and
attitudes when this is the case. Effectively then, high boredom-copers may have
attempted to alter the nature (either actually or perceptually) of potentially boring
tasks in order to meet their needs for meaningful and stimulating work. Conversely,
low boredom-copers were seemingly less likely, or unable, to change the nature of
situations they perceived as boring, and this may have contributed to their reports of
lower satisfaction and well-being. Thus, an individual’s inability to enhance the
stimulation inherent in a task, using constructive boredom coping techniques, may
signal the beginning of a downward spiral in well-being and quality of work-life.
Overall, this suggests that constraining task or contextual factors may moderate the
effects found in this study. It would therefore be important in future research to
investigate degree of job control or task constraint as a potential moderator.
Also consistent with predictions, high boredom-copers reported the highest
compliance with organisational safety regulations. This finding suggests that high
boredom-copers were able to sufficiently raise their levels of interest using constructive
methods, without the need to resort to dysfunctional non-compliance as a
boredom-reducing strategy. Conversely, low boredom-copers were perhaps less able
to reduce boredom by functional means, therefore non-compliance may have
represented an easier or more viable means of increasing their levels of interest (Fisher,
1993). Alternatively, the explanation may lie in the fact that high boredom coping was
associated with more positive work attitudes in general. Research on organisational
safety has shown that job satisfaction influences attitudes towards risk and
PR subsequent safety-related behaviour. Specifically, high satisfaction is associated with
36,5 careful, conscientious work behaviours, whereas low satisfaction may result in
procedural violations and unsafe acts (Mearns and Flin, 1996).
It was hypothesised that, relative to low boredom-copers, high boredom-copers
would report using more engagement strategies when faced with potential boring work
situations. The interviews found broad support for the hypothesis. Low
716 boredom-copers tended to deal with boredom using either partial engagement (e.g.
doing the task as quickly as possible), or disengagement strategies (e.g. doing
something else). Both types of strategy could be viewed as attempts to limit exposure
to the disliked activity and associated feelings of boredom. There was little or no
indication of low boredom-copers actively reducing the boredom they experienced
using perceptual or behavioural restructuring of the situation. In contrast, while some
high boredom-copers used partial engagement strategies, most also reported
implementing a range of cognitive and behavioural engagement strategies designed
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Practical implications
This study was the first of its kind and exploratory in nature. Clearly, further research
is required before policy recommendations can be made with confidence. Nevertheless,
the findings of this study provide preliminary indications that the ability to cope with
boredom at work, using a variety of behavioural and cognitive engagement strategies,
may be beneficial both for individuals and organisations. Dyer-Smith and Wesson
(1995, p. 56) asserted that “the bored are liability both to themselves and to others”.
Thus, constructive boredom coping skills may be of particular relevance in jobs where
low boredom coping capacity (with its associated reduction in arousal levels and
compliance behaviours) could have serious safety implications (e.g. air traffic control).
Job redesign or enrichment initiatives including use of breaks, shorter shifts,
alternating activities etc. should always be considered as the first option in attempting
to reduce the incidence of boredom at work. However, an analysis of employee
boredom coping levels and strategies could provide a valuable tool in helping HR
managers to identify low boredom-copers and offer them individualised, or Workplace
“differential” job redesign solutions (Ackerman and Ulich, 1987). Where job boredom coping
re-design is infeasible, or cannot be immediately implemented, it is nevertheless
desirable to ensure that all employees are equipped to cope effectively should they
experience boredom in their jobs. Thus, in the short term, individuals could be trained
in the use of more constructive boredom coping techniques, regardless of their
susceptibility to boredom. Much more research is needed before it is possible to specify 717
exactly which strategies would be most useful, and clearly training would require
tailoring to suit specific contexts. However, in general terms, the emphasis should be
on encouraging the use of engagement styles of coping, characterised by increased task
involvement and innovativeness. A useful training and/or action research approach
might be to use learning groups in which group members in similar jobs identify
common boredom-inducing situations and discuss and share their ideas for creative,
constructive ways of dealing with them.
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Future research
There is much scope for future research. If the job-related boredom coping scale is to be
used by HR practitioners as a diagnostic tool, an important next step will be to further
validate the scale. Hamilton et al. (1984) posited that boredom coping is associated with
reduced boredom and superior sustained attention. These variables should be included
as dependent variables in future research if we are to verify and understand the
mechanisms underlying boredom coping and its consequences. Validation research
should also examine whether the job-related boredom coping scale correlates with
measures of Boredom Susceptibility (Zuckerman, 1971, 1979) and Boredom Proneness
PR (Farmer and Sundberg, 1986). If little or no association is found it will provide evidence
36,5 of discriminant validity, and also add weight to the proposition that effective boredom
coping skills can be learned – regardless of an individual’s boredom threshold.
Following additional psychometric work, research should also attempt to replicate the
findings of this study in different organisational settings, with varying safety records,
and more diverse samples. It is also desirable to control for any impact of Negative
718 Affectivity – the general tendency to report more negative affective experiences
(Watson and Clark, 1984) in future research, since this was not controlled for in the
present study.
In addition to validation and replication, there are many other avenues for further
research. More research is needed to illuminate what differentiates high and low
boredom-copers, for example, are high boredom-copers more creative and innovative,
as the present findings suggested? How far does effective boredom coping actually
reduce boredom, or simply make it more tolerable? Further, in-depth, exploration is
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also required in order to understand what determines strategy choice, including the
role of contextual factors. Observational research or the use of diary techniques might
help to shed light on these issues. Finally, research could also focus on the development
and evaluation of training to enhance boredom coping skills.
Conclusion
The present study is the first to examine the construct of “boredom coping” at work,
and to link individual differences in boredom coping tendency to health and safety
related outcomes. Until additional research has been undertaken to further validate the
job-related boredom coping scale and replicate the reported findings, the research must
be considered as exploratory and conclusions must remain tentative. Nevertheless,
these findings offer preliminary indications that individuals who are high
boredom-copers tend to use more functional styles of coping when they encounter
boredom at work, and this may be beneficial for both individuals and their employing
organisations. Identifying ineffective coping, and perhaps training individuals in the
use of more effective coping skills, may form part of an integrated solution to reducing
boredom in the workplace. However, for this to be possible, much more research is
needed on all aspects of work-related boredom and boredom coping. It is hoped that the
present study will encourage other researchers to take up the challenge.
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