UNIVERSITATEA BUCUREŞTI

FACULTATEA DE LIMBI ŞI LITERATURI STRĂINE

SECŢIA TRADUCĂTORI, INTERPREŢI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICENŢĂ LA LIMBA ENGLEZĂ – SESIUNEA IANUARIE 2011

TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p)

It may have worked politically, but not on other fronts. Two weeks ago, Romania’s prime minister, Emil Boc, doomed his own
government to collapse by ousting his interior minister, Dan Nica (1). The ostensible reason was that Mr Nica(2), who
represents a junior partner in the coalition(3), had groundlessly alleged(2) that a huge electoral fraud was being planned in the
presidential election due on November 22 nd(4). He did not name the supposed ballot-riggers. But this is a touchy issue.
Romania’s president, Traian Basescu, won power in 2004 on the crest of an anti-corruption campaign. Since then some of his
biggest supporters have become increasingly critical of his record. Sacking Mr Nica(5) was meant to force his Social Democratic
party to quit the government, leaving a minority administration to be run by Mr Basescu’s supporters,(6) the Liberal
Democrats. That, cynics say, was meant to ensure that the interior ministry, which runs the election machinery(7), was in safe
hands in the run-up to the poll. It may yet work. But the Social Democrats counter-attacked this week by ousting the
government in Romania’s first successful no-confidence vote since the fall of communism. In one sense the vote(8), which took
place on October 13th, was progress(9). Unlike in the 1990s the government’s removal did not involve miners rampaging
violently through the streets of Bucharest. Shenanigans around the conduct of the presidential election and uncertainty about
the next government are distractions from Romania’s most pressing problems. The economy(9) is forecast to shrink by around
8% this year(9). The IMF and European Union have bailed out the country to the tune of €20 billion ($30 billion). Romania
has yet to implement the unpopular reforms that it agreed with the lenders. And it has also exasperated the EU by backsliding
on promised improvements to the judiciary and legal system. Mr Basescu may have won the battle for his political survival for
the time being. But he has not fulfilled his promises of modernising and cleaning up his country’s politics (10).

I. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)

2.1 Analyse the clauses in (the underlined strings in the fragment above (1 – 10) : type and syntactic function of the clause, type of
predication) (0,50x10=5 points)
2.2. Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates and the semantic modal function of the modal verbs in the
following predicates (may have worked, have become, was meant, did not involve , are distractions (0,40x5 = 2
points).
2.3 .Provide synonyms to the following words/phrases in the text above: doom, groundlessly, touchy, on the crest of, poll, to oust,
to rampage, shenanigans, to bail out, to backslide (0,20 x 10 = 2 points)

II. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH: (9p + 1 = 10 p)

Modelul economic si social pentru care societatea romaneasca optase in a doua jumatate a secolului al XIX-lea, avand drept cap de
afis un optimism robust, ar merita – asa cum scris si in alte comentarii – sa fie reinviat astazi. Atunci, intr-un context istoric si
cultural generator de torente de energie, incepea sa se adevereasca visul de bunastare de la 1848. Un climat economic, politic, social
si moral innoit radical, care promova respectul pentru lucrul bine facut, schimbase fata Romaniei. Incet, incet, romanii au inteles
forta devizei « Daca vrei, poti!... »  si au inceput sa vrea. Si cand au vrut au vazut ca au si putut. Privind inapoi, acum, tocmai faptul
ca tara invatase sa vrea ne ajuta sa intelegem mai bine cum s-a nascut, in capitalismul romanesc timpuriu, o preocupare vibranta
pentru inaltarea unor cladiri reprezentative. Ele au fascinat ochii privitorilor si, totodata, au dat expresie rolului istoric si
importantei institutiilor noului stat capitalist, dorintei de integrare a Romaniei in clubul tarilor a caror optiune pentru modernizare
si dezvoltare era ferma. Si iata ca pe pamant romanesc, intr.-o comunitate abia scapata de durerile feudalismului, au fost inaltate
adevarate minuni ale arhitecturii. Am in vedere, mai cu seama, celébrele monumente de arhitectura ridicate in acea vreme, ce au
dat personalitate « micului Paris », au scos din anonimat multe alte orase din tara, au format infrastructura dezvoltarii Romaniei.
Cu toate acestea, in anii care au urmat, romanii nu au avut o grija si o preocupare adevarata pentru aceste cladiri, fie ca le-au
nationalizat, fie ca le-au inchiriat si de-a lungul anilor, multe din acest frumoase bijuterii ale arhitecturii romanesti au intrat in
paragina, au decazut, s-au distrus, roase de colbul vremurilor si al uitarii. De-abia azi am reinceput sa descoperim, parca, aceste
cladiri, unele din ele, vechi, dar pastrand inca din maretia si eleganta liniei arhitecturale, devenita etalon pentru majoritatea
capitalelor europene de la sfarsit de secol XIX si inceput de secol XX. In concluize, daca vrem, putem restaura aceste cladiri si
transforma Bucurestiul intr-o reala perla a Europei, dar trebuie sa vrem, evident. Nimic si nimeni un ne poate ajuta mai mult decat
o putem face singuri. Si, in cele din urma, poate vom fi invatat, totusi, ceva de la istorie.
UNIVERSITATEA BUCUREŞTI
FACULTATEA DE LIMBI ŞI LITERATURI STRĂINE
SECŢIA TRADUCĂTORI, INTERPREŢI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICENŢĂ LA LIMBA ENGLEZĂ – SESIUNEA FEBRUARIE 2012

I. TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p)

THE buzzword in Brussels these days is “growth”. Perhaps the looming recession across much of Europe is concentrating
minds. Or leaders may realise that the prospect of years of austerity is stirring bad blood. Unless the debt crisis was resolved
and growth recovered, said Christine Lagarde, the IMF’s head, Europe and the world risked reverting to the 1930s. At their next
summit on January 30th, European Union leaders will solemnly talk of boosting output, tackling youth unemployment,
supporting small firms and much else. They might even commit money to job creation, for example by recycling unspent EU funds
through the European Investment Bank. Do not be fooled by such pieties. Everybody has always had different ideas about growth
and they often reflect longstanding prejudices. For Germany, fostering growth is not about spending more money, but about fiscal
discipline and structural reforms in weaker countries. For the British, Dutch, Swedes and other north Europeans, growth should
come from the boost to competition from deepening the single market and pursuing free-trade agreements. For ex-communist
countries in the east, the secret is the vital role of EU transfers. Beyond papering over such disagreements with official verbiage,
the main business of the summit will be to push ahead with the “fiscal compact”. This requires the signatories to adopt balanced-
budget rules. “They are going to sign a treaty that makes Keynesianism illegal,” comments one diplomat. Mrs Lagarde, for her part,
seems to lean the opposite way. Her recommendations for growth include easing monetary policy and relaxing deficit-cutting in
surplus countries, such as Germany, that can afford to boost demand. She is also urging the euro zone to increase the size of its
rescue fund. And she makes the case for a Europe-wide system to support banks and for the mutualisation of some sovereign
debt. It would help if Europe were more productive. This is one area of concern. Having almost closed the productivity gap with
America in the mid-1990s, Europe is again being left behind. This trend is most alarming in southern Europe, where
productivity has actually dropped. A simple explanation is that Mediterranean countries enjoyed easy “catch-up” growth by
importing technology. New growth needs the harder graft of innovation and enterprise. Southern economies with cumbersome
regulation, poor administration and an over-protected labour force are bad at this. Fixing that will be the work of a generation, not a
summit.

II. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)

2.1 Analyse the clauses in (the underlined strings in the fragment above (1 – 10) : type and syntactic function of the clause)
(0,50x10=5 points)
2.2. Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates and the semantic modal function of the modal verbs in the
following predicates (is concentrating, may realize, was resolved, has always had, is again being left behind) (0,40x5
= 2 points).
2.3 .Provide synonyms to the following words/phrases in the text above: looming, stir bad blood, tackle, commit, EU
transfers, signatories, make the case for, sovereign debt, gap, cumbersome (0,20 x 10 = 2 points)

III. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9p +1 =10)

Luni noaptea, dupa Consiliul European, s-a organizat o reuniune separata privind situatia din Grecia.Liderii europeni nu au fost de
acord cu Germania privind punerea guvernului elen sub tutela unui comisar europeana.Situatia Greciei a fost dezbatuta si in cadrul
reuniunii Consiliului, opiniile liderilor europeni fiind divizate. In zilele anterioare reuniunii, Germania lansase ideea numirii unui
comisar european care sa urmareasca guvernul elen in indeplinirea masurilor necesare iesirii din criza, idee respinsa de mai multi
lideri, inclusiv de Nicolas Sarkozy, presedintele Frantei.In fata opozitiei liderilor europeni de a trece la o asemenea masura,
cancelarul german a spus ca este nevoie de o supraveghere a deciziilor guvernului grec pentru ca nu toate reformele promise au si
fost puse in practica. Mai marii Europi au cerut institutiilor UE finalizarea in zilele urmatoare a acordului de salvare a Greciei de la
faliment.Miza acestui acord o reprezinta deblocarea a 130 de miliade de euro, promisi de europeni in octombrie. Acest ajutor este
vital pentru Grecia care trebuie sa ramburseze in 20 martie imprumuturi in valoare de 14,5 miliarde de euro.In paralel insa, Atena
trebuie sa poarte negocieri cu creditorii sai privati pentru a reduce datoria de 100 de miliarde de euro, conditie sine qua non pentru
deblocarea ajutorului european.
UNIVERSITATEA BUCUREŞTI
FACULTATEA DE LIMBI ŞI LITERATURI STRĂINE
SECŢIA TRADUCĂTORI, INTERPREŢI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICENŢĂ LA LIMBA ENGLEZĂ – SESIUNEA FEBRUARIE 2013

I. TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p)

IN 2003 Tony Blair’s efforts to drag Britain into “the heart of Europe” hit the buffers. His chancellor of the exchequer,
Gordon Brown, blocked the then prime minister’s attempt to join the euro. Then came the Iraq war, which estranged London’s
continental partners. So the question arose: if not at the heart of Europe, where should Britain be? Until now Mr Blair’s
successors have avoided it. But in a speech in London on January 23rd, David Cameron boldly ventured an answer, thus closing
an uncertain, decade-long chapter in the history of Britain’s relationship with the EU. The prime minister committed
his Conservative Party to loosening Britain’s ties to Europe—particularly on crime, social affairs and the environment—and to
putting the new settlement to a stark in-out referendum before the end of 2017. Eloquently, if vaguely, the prime minister
imagined a more flexible network of states centred on the single market, each choosing where to co-operate and where to opt out. A
new treaty might codify this new relationship, he suggested. If not, Britain could embark on a unilateral renegotiation. Mr
Cameron pledged to draft a referendum bill before the 2015 election, then enact it by the end of that year if re-elected. This has the
double benefit of convincing his Eurosceptic backbenchers of his sincerity and forcing the opposition Labour Party to say whether
or not it would implement the legislation. That makes life difficult for Labour’s leader, Ed Miliband. Unlike the Conservative
Party, Labour is not prone to bouts of chest-beating over Europe. And whereas Mr Cameron now has a clear position, Mr
Miliband’s line on the EU looks vague and hesitant. “Wait and see” may be sensible diplomacy, but it is lousy politics. It also
puts the party on the wrong side of broadly Eurosceptic public opinion. Mr Cameron appears to be on the right side:
voters tell pollsters they want renegotiated membership, they want a referendum and, on many issues, they want more
independence from Brussels. The European Commission’s own polls consistently show Britons to be the union’s least enthusiastic
members. But in one crucial respect, the prime minister is wrong. He said in his speech that Britons are “increasingly
frustrated” about Europe, and that this frustration is developing “dramatically”. That is certainly true of Mr Cameron’s
Conservative Party. It is not, however, true of the British public. Voters are far less neuralgic about Europe than their
representatives in Westminster. It is very important for voters to be asked which topics most concern them, but they mention
Europe much less than they did when Mr Blair was inviting them to love it . Even supporters of the United Kingdom Independence
Party, which campaigns to leave the EU, worry more about the economy, immigration and crime than Europe. And Britons are
equal-opportunity cynics: they distrust their own politicians almost as much as they distrust Brussels. Mr Cameron’s speech has
gone down well with his party and given his adversaries a headache. But for all these immediate benefits, he risks
encouraging the impression that his party is fixated on a subject that most voters do not much care about—and at the expense
of subjects they do care about, such as jobs, health care and the economy. Labour was in agony this week, as it squirmed and tried to
change the subject to something other than Europe. But it may have been wise to do so.

II. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)

2.1 Analyse the clauses in the underlined and bolded strings in the fragment above : type and syntactic function of the clause)
(0,50x10=5 points)
2.2. Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates and the semantic modal function of the modal verbs in the
following predicates (should be, have avoided, might codify, could embark, would implement , is not prone to bouts
of chest-beating looks vague and hesitant, is developing, has gone down, has gone down) (0,20x10 = 2 points).
2.3 .Provide synonyms to the following words/phrases in the text above: chancellor of the exchequer, settlement, to codify,
to pledge, bill, to put someone on the wrong side of, membership, voter, to give somebody a headache, to
campaign(0,20 x 10 = 2 points)

III. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9p +1 =10)

Guvernul britanic ia în considerare lansarea unei campanii publicitare negative în România şi Bulgaria, în încercarea de a a-i
convinge pe potenţialii imigranţi să nu vină în Marea Britanie după anularea restricţiilor, scrie presa britanică."Vă rugăm nu veniţi
în Marea Britanie. Plouă,locurile de munca sunt puţine şi prost plătite", plănuiesc miniştrii să fie mesajul acestei campanii negative,
scrie The Guardian în ediţia online.Acest plan se va concentra asupra dezavantajelor vieţii britanicilor şi printre între alte opţiuni se
numara si înăsprirea accesului imigranţilor din Uniunea Europeană (UE) la servicii publice sau "deportarea" celor care nu găsesc un
loc de muncă într-un termen de trei luni, potrivit publicaţiei.Conform declaraţiei unui oficial, această campanie va "corecta impresia
potrivit căreia străzile de aici sunt pavate cu aur".Britanicii sunt îngroziți de numărul covârşitor de români şi bulgari care le vor
asalta ţara. The Guardian mai scrie că nu s-au dezvăluit informaţii despre felul în care va arăta campania, dacă ca îi va prezenta pe
britanici "cât mai groaznic posibil" sau îi va încuraja pe potenţialii imigranţi să se bucure de gradina Carpaţilor din Romania sau
staţiunile bulgare de la Marea Neagră. În contextul în care guvernele din lumea întreagă cheltuiesc sume importante angajând
consultanţi de la Londra să le facă imagine, "ar fi o ironie dacă Marea Britanie ar alege să îşi strice imaginea", notează The
Guardian.Parlamentari conservatori au exercitat presiuni asupra premierului David Cameron pentru a bloca migraţia dinspre
România şi Bulgaria după ce, la sfarsitul acestui an, se vor anula restricţiilor impuse celor două ţări, potrivit ediţiei online a
publicaţiei Daily Express. Fireste, imigrantii doresc o acţiune care să asigure o "relaxare" a limitelor numărului de imigranţi din cele
două state UE, cu respectarea legislaţiei Uniunii, potrivit publicaţiei.
UNIVERSITATEA BUCUREŞTI
FACULTATEA DE LIMBI ŞI LITERATURI STRĂINE
SECŢIA TRADUCĂTORI, INTERPREŢI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICENŢĂ LA LIMBA ENGLEZĂ – SESIUNEA IUNIE 2008

TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p)

The Walesa question

Truth and memory conflict in post-communist Poland

DID the most famous living Pole, Lech Walesa, collaborate with the communist secret police? Over the past 15 years, he has
vehemently denied it. Mr Walesa has won a number of legal battles to clear his name. A forthcoming book on the subject comes
not from nutty conspiracy theorists, but from two respected Polish historians, Slawomir Cenckiewicz and Piotr Gontarczyk, who
work at the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN, in its Polish acronym), the custodian of the communist regime's secret-police
files. They claim to have unearthed previously unknown documents linking Mr Walesa—who led the Solidarity union, served as
president and won a Nobel prize—to the secret police, for a period up until 1976. The argument affects Poland's more recent past.
Some believe that Mr Walesa's seemingly erratic behaviour and poor choice of advisers as president from 1990-95 was the result of
blackmail, which he strongly denies. That goes straight to the most divisive question in modern Polish politics. For a large chunk of
Polish opinion, the former Polish People's Republic was fundamentally illegitimate. Everything that happened—including much
so-called “dissident” activity—was a sham and a fraud, orchestrated by Polish or Soviet secret police. Others see the People’s
Republic as a pragmatic response to Poland's impossible position after 1945. Surely it was better to live as best as one could than to
die senselessly in the forests or rot in jail. Solidarity under Mr Walesa in 1980 and 1981 partially bridged that gap. The idea that
dissident intellectuals could unite with industrial workers and strike a deal with communist bureaucrats set the precedent for the
1989 round table, when the one-party state negotiated its own demise. The argument about whether that deal was an honourable
transition from totalitarian rule to freedom, or a shameful cop-out in which traitors and criminals dodged responsibility for their
deeds, is still raging. The dilemmas that may have faced Mr Walesa are those of millions of Poles, including most of those who
have been running the country since 1990.One response to this would be to say that Mr Walesa's behaviour in the early 1970s is
simply irrelevant. From 1980 onward, with his remarkable negotiating abilities, charismatic personality and stubborn bravery under
arrest, he redeemed himself for any youthful mistakes. Like many public figures, he was great in his heyday, and it is better not to
dwell too much on what happened before or afterwards. Winston Churchill drank too much, grossly misunderstood economics,
and had deplorable views about race. From that viewpoint, Lech Walesa is a Polish trademark, symbolising the country's courageous
struggle for freedom: damage him, and you damage Poland. As the years pass, and Poland's international image is anchored more
firmly in the achievements of others, that argument is diminishing. But it still counts. Some would even say that the historians of the
IPN should devote their attention to other subjects. But neglect won't make the problem go away. If the arguments for discretion are
strong, the argument for truth is stronger. If the proof is overwhelming, Mr Walesa can still admit his lapse. If it is not, many
people won't believe it. But a public cover-up would be the worst of both worlds.

III. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)

1. Identify the tenses and their values in the underlined instances in lines 2, 3, 18,19,23 (has won, comes, is
raging, has been running, drank). (0,40p x 5 = 2p)

2. Identify the values of the underlined modal verbs in lines 14, 18, 27, 29 (could, may, should, can) (0,25 p x 4 = 1 p)

3. Provide one synonym for the following words: unearth, illegitimate, demise, dodge, lapse. (0,10 p x 5 = o,50 p)

4. Identify the underlined constructions in lines 5-6, 7-9, 13 (twice), 22-23 (to have unearthed previously unknown
documents, that Mr Walesa's seemingly erratic behaviour and poor choice of advisers as president from 1990-95 was the
result of blackmail, to live, as best as one could, what happened before or afterwards.) . State their syntactic function
(0,30 p x 5 = 1,5 p)

5. In each of the sentences below there is an error. Identify and correct it. (0,30 x 5 = 1,5p)

1. Martin was used to smoke a lot when he was studying. 2. This switch isn’t working. May the children have broken
it? 3. Not until the next morning we noticed that she had not come home. 4. I didn’t like asking about my private
life. 5. The women life longer than men.
 6. Give the passive counterpart of the sentences below: (0,30 x 5 = 1,5p)

1. People reported that there were serious problems with the new designs. 2. An earthquake is more likely to cause
serious damage than a storm. 3. We are going to have to sell my old car. 4. The police can keep you in custody for 24
hours and may question you about your activities. 5. While she was moving the furniture she damaged the floor.

7. Use the verb in brackets in the most appropriate form to get a correct sentence: (0,20 p x 5 = 1p)

1. They allowed us (enter) the room.2. Jessica was disappointed not (see) any of her friend at the theater.3.He had
difficulty in (concentrate) on his work.4.Those curtains want (dry-clean). 5. In addition to (lose) her purse, Joan
also lost her passport.

IV. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9 p+1 = 10)

Zilele trecute, in orasul nipon Osaka, ministrii celor opt natiuni industrializate (Germania, Canada, SUA, Franta, Marea Britanie,
Italia, Japonia, Rusia) vor solicita din nou OPEC sa creasca productia de petrol asa cum au facut-o in mai multe randuri . Adjunctul
secretarului american al tezaurului, David McCormick, preciza ca “evolutiile pe piata petrolului si preturile crescute ale alimentelor
vor face parte din discutiile privind economia mondiala”, ministrii urmand a evoca politici pe termen mediu si lung care ar putea
inflenta cererea si oferta, in special dezvoltarea carburantilor alternativi. Franta doreste marirea transparentei in ce priveste
stocurile petroliere si stabilirea unui dialog cu statele producatoare. De aceea Parisul si Washington vor pleda pentru oprirea
subventiilor in sectorul energetic care functioneaza in multe tari consumatoare. Insa cursul petrolului a explodat saptamana trecuta,
de aceea pe data de 22 iunie in Arabia Saudita este prevazuta o reuniune intre tarile consumatoare si cele producatoare. Cresterea
pretului petrolului si al alimentelor a generat tulburari sociale in numeorase state in ultima vreme, ceea ce a creat un efect in
cascada, adica pana si tarile mai mici, cu un consum relativ mediu de petrol si energie au avut de suferit de pe urma cresterii
pretului petrolului si al energiei in general.
UNIVERSITATEA BUCUREŞTI
FACULTATEA DE LIMBI ŞI LITERATURI STRĂINE
SECŢIA TRADUCĂTORI, INTERPREŢI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICENŢĂ LA LIMBA ENGLEZĂ – SESIUNEA FEBRUARIE 2010

TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p)

Once upon a time, or about two years ago, the European Union was full of optimism (1) about China, and how it was
becoming a “responsible stakeholder” (2) in the world. Reports poured out of think-tanks (3) with titles like “Can
Europe and China shape the new world order?” Europe has a good chance of persuading China that its interests lay in
co-operation (4) over climate change, Africa or nuclear proliferation, it was said. And Europe was better placed than
America: European co-operation was a model and, unlike America, Europe was not a strategic rival.
Head into ancient history, or to 2004, and such leaders as France’s Jacques Chirac were telling Chinese leaders (5) they
shared a “common vision of the world”, based on a “multipolar” system in which “international balance” would be
achieved by closer ties (6) between Europe, China and Russia. In case that jab in America’s eye was not clear enough,
France and Germany led calls for the lifting of an EU arms embargo imposed on China after the Tiananmen Square
protests in 1989. This was also the age of books (7) with titles like “Why Europe will Run the 21 st Century”. Europe was
bullish about its exemplary wealth, social harmony, and “post-national” kindliness (8), and how such values would soon
span the globe (9). The mood is different now. Inside China, America and Europe several bubbles of optimism have
burst at the same time (10).

V. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)

1. Analyse syntactically and morphologically the underlined strings in the fragment above (1 – 10).
1.1. Identify the type of predications, the semantic and aspectual lexical value of the lexical verbs in the predication
phrases and the grammatical form of the verbs (tense, mood, voice, etc.) (1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10) (0,25 x 10 = 2,5p);
1.2. Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates and the semantic modal function of the modal verbs
in those predications which include them (0,25 x 10 = 2,5p).
1.3. Analyse the clause in (9): type and syntactic function of the clause, type of predication) (1,5).
2. .Provide synonyms to the following words in the text above: think-tank, protests, achieve, wealth, burst, jab, lift,
embargo, vision, span (0,25 x 10 = 2,5p)

VI. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9 p+1 = 10)

După cutremurul din 12 ianuarie, din Haiti, soldat cu peste 150.000 de morţi, au apărut cazuri de trafic de copii şi de
organe, a declarat premierul haitian, Jean-Max Bellerive."Se practică acest gen de trafic de organe prelevate nu numai
de la copii, pentru că este nevoie de toate tipurile de organe", a declarat Bellerive într-un interviu acordat CNN. Nu a dat
detalii, dar, întrebat de Christiane Amanpour ce stie despre posibilele cazuri de trafic cu copii, Bellerive a răspuns:
"Informaţiile pe care le-am primit arată că exista asemnea cazuri".Autorităţile din Haiti încearcă să localizeze copiii
sinistraţi şi să îi înregistreze, pentru a fi apoi daţi în grija altor membrii ai familiei sau daţi spre adopţie. Dar traficul cu
copii este una dintre cele mai mari probleme cu care se confruntă Haiti.Premierul a spus că încearcă să colaboreze cu
ambasadele din Port-au-Prince pentru a-i apăra pe copiii din Haiti de traficanţi. Bellerive a precizat că primul lucru pe
care încearcă să îl confirme oficialii haitieni este dacă copii au acte de adopţie valabile înainte de a li se permite să plece
din ţară.La Washington, Departamentul de Stat a anunţat că acţionează cu precauţie în ceea ce priveşte adopţiile din
Haiti. "Vrem să fim siguri că, atunci când se identifică un copil, s-au făcut toate eforturile pentru a ne asigura că este cu
adevărat un copil orfan şi nu un copil care chiar are familie", a spus purtătorul de cuvânt al Departamentului de Stat P.J.
Crowley. "Uneori dacă faci presiuni prea mari, prea repede, pot apărea consecinţe nedorite. Aşa că suntem foarte, foarte
atenţi", a adăugat el.Cutremurul din Haiti, din 12 februarie, s-a soldat cu peste 150.000 de morţi şi a lăsat un milion de
oameni fără adăpost.
UNIVERSITATEA BUCUREŞTI
FACULTATEA DE LIMBI ŞI LITERATURI STRĂINE
SECŢIA TRADUCĂTORI, INTERPREŢI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICENŢĂ LA LIMBA ENGLEZĂ – SESIUNEA IUNIE 2010

I. TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p)
Francisco Granados, a conservative Spanish politician, works in a tastefully modernised palace.(1) He is guarded at
street level by men in quaint uniforms (in his case, Civil Guards in patent-leather tricorne hats) and upstairs by serried
ranks of aides. All in all, he offers a fine study of political power as it is exercised across Europe every day. Following
other European countries, Spain’s Socialist central government recently announced austerity plans. (2)Cutting public
spending fast is not easy, and (3) it is no coincidence that governments have trimmed things they directly control,
like public-sector salaries: measures range from a pay freeze in Italy to a 25% pay cut in Romania. With an eye to
public opinion, governments have also tackled symbols of privilege, making deep cuts to ministerial pay or limousine
fleets. Even in France, where the government rejects talk of “austerity” or public-sector pay cuts, the political elite is
doing its bit: (4)the education minister is reported to have started to decorate his offices with artificial flowers. (5)In
several countries cuts are being stealthily applied by not replacing civil servants when they retire. Spain, for instance,
has said that only 10% of those (6) who retire will be replaced. The 10% rule in Spain does not apply to areas like health,
education or care for the elderly, and does not stop regional governments creating new posts. Moreover, (7)powerful
men like Mr Granados are oddly powerless when it comes to changing the status quo. Last week Madrid’s regional
government announced (8)it was scrapping 48 of its 125 official cars, and replacing the remaining limousines with
midsized models. “The paradox is, I can’t get rid of any of the official drivers,” sighs Mr Granados. He can try moving
government drivers to new duties, but only with their consent (though he is laying off 23 drivers on temporary
contracts).

II. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)

2.1Analyse syntactically and morphologically the underlined strings in the fragment above (1-8). . Analyse the clauses
( type and syntactic function of the clauses) (2 p)
2.2. Identify the type of predications, the semantic and aspectual lexical value of the lexical verbs in the predication
phrases and the grammatical form of the verbs (tense, mood, voice, etc.) (0,20 x 15 = 3 p);
2.3 Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates (0,2 x 10 = 2 p).
2.4.Provide synonyms to the following words in the text above: quaint, aide, study, public spending, to trim,
pay freeze, to do one’s bit, stealthily, the elderly, to scrap (0,2o x 10 = 2 p)

III.TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH: (9p + 1= 10 p)

Sistemul de alianțe al României din periada interbelică, admirabil în logic articulării sale, avea o mare carență: între
România, pe de o parte, și Franța și Marea Britanie, pe de alta, relațiile economice rămâneau firave: între marile
democrații apusene și România nu exista o solidaritate economică în măsură să o consolideze pe cea politică. În schimb,
economiile României și Germaniei erau complementare: prima exporta petrol și grâne în Germania și importa de acolo
produse industriale. Adversitatea politică era aici contrabalansată de interese economice reciproce. Cel de al doilea
aspect al relațiilor româno-germane este locul de capitală însemnătate deținut de petrolul românesc în economia de
război a Reichului. In poziția Germaniei față de România a devenit o adevărată axiomă că nimeni și nimic nu trebuie să
perturbe fluxul de petrol din România destinat Reichului, mai ales după ce a izbucnit cel de al doilea război mondial.
Dependența economiei de război germane de petrolul românesc era evidentă. In ajunul conflagrației, potrivit
estimărilor Biroului 2 francez, importurile de petrol ale Axei Berlin-Roma se repartizau astfel: 33% din Venezuela, 26,5
% din SUA, 21,5 % din România. Dacă, întocmai ca în primul război mondial, Marea Britanie și Franța instituiau
blocada maritimă, ponderea României avea să crească în mod considerabil. In primele opt luni de război, România a
acoperit 94% din importurile de petrol ale Germaniei, așadar, se poate spune – figurat vorbind – că inima de carburant
a Wehrmachtului bătea la Ploiești. (O Istorie sinceră a poporului român, de F. Constantiniu, p. 353, ed. A IV-a).
UNIVERSITATEA BUCUREŞTI -FACULTATEA DE LIMBI ŞI LITERATURI STRĂINE
SECŢIA TRADUCĂTORI, INTERPREŢI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICENŢĂ LA LIMBA ENGLEZĂ – SESIUNEA IUNIE 2011

I. TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p)
STRIKING gold is generally considered a slice of good luck. Owning it, however, is a sign that you fear the worst.
Some people buy the yellow stuff because they think it looks pretty, to be sure. But the quintessential gold bug is an
investor who expects every form of paper wealth to collapse, along with civilisation itself. Gold is not like other
quintessential commodities. The demand for iron ore depends on down-to-earth things, the demand for gold depends
on airier considerations, such as whether you think Barack Obama is the Anti-Christ. Not all gold investors stockpile
guns and tinned food in remote cabins, of course. But most agree that the world is a scary place. The euro zone is
tottering, America’s deficit is alarming and inflation is looming, they reckon. Such fears have ramped the price of gold
up to an incredible $1,545 a troy ounce, up almost sixfold in a decade. Yet gold miners’ shares have failed to keep pace .
This is new. Over the past five years, however, the price of gold has trebled while the value of gold miners has merely
doubled. As mines age, extracting gold gets harder and costlier. Ores give up less of the metal—average grades have
fallen by 30% since 1999 according to GFMS, a consultancy. And ore must be hauled up from ever greater depths. Fuel
is pricier. So, too, are labour and equipment, since the global minerals boom has driven up demand for miners and
drills. A decade ago the average cost of extracting an ounce of gold from the ground stood at a little over $200. In 2010
it hit $857. Finding new seams to replace depleted ones is becoming harder. Metals Economics Group, a mining
consultancy, estimates that in 2002 gold miners spent $500m on exploration. By 2008 they were spending $3 billion
but finding much less, but all the easy gold has been mined already. The world’s miners dug up 2,689 tonnes of gold
last year. Granted, that was a record. But, despite the huge surge in investment, it was only a few flakes more than the
total output a decade ago. Investing in gold miners carries risks unrelated to the price of the metal. Mergers can flop. As
readily recoverable reserves dwindle in stable places such as North America and Australia, miners are forced to
operate in more troublesome ones, such as Latin America and Africa. Huge investments can yield disappointing
returns if promising mines turn out to contain less glitter than predicted. Gold bugs, by definition, bet that the price of
gold will go up and up. Miners sometimes do the opposite. Many hedged their wares, selling gold forward to ensure
smooth cash flows and to raise money to dig more mines. This may have seemed prudent at the time. But it
repelled gold bugs and, as the gold price rose ever higher, it hurt the miners’ profits, too. Gold bugs are often allergic to
other metals. Gold miners are not. Many produce copper, too, since it often sits in the same ore bodies as gold. Most
damaging of all for the marriage between gold bugs and gold miners has been the arrival of a seductive new financial
tool. Exchange-traded funds (ETFs), backed by physical gold, offer investors direct exposure to the gold price without
any exposure to gold miners themselves. They have become popular: in less than a decade gold ETFs have gone
from nothing to holding some 2,200 tonnes of gold—nearly a whole year’s production. If the world goes to hell, gold
bugs will say: “I told you so.” But if investors ever wake up and notice that the yellow metal is little more useful than
tulips, the gold bugs will be burned. The miners, less so.
II. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)
2.1.). . Analyse the clauses ( type and syntactic function of the clauses) that you fear the worst.; expects every form of
paper wealth to collapse, that the world is a scary place , finding new seams to replace depleted ones , investing in
gold miners , to operate in more troublesome ones, if promising mines turn out to contain less glitter than predicted ,
to ensure smooth cash flows , holding some 2,200 tonnes of gold , If the world goes to hell (3 p)
2.2 Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the predicates is considered, looks pretty, gets harder and
costlier, is becoming harder, were spending, has been mined , are forced , may have seemed prudent,
have become popular, will be burned (0,3 x 10 = 3 p).
2.3.Provide synonyms to the following words in the text above: quintessential, to collapse, down-to-earth,
stockpile, to haul up, granted, surge, dwindle, yield, exposure (0,3o x 10 = 3 p)
III.TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH: (9p + 1= 10 p)
Dacă sunt calculaţi toţi banii datoraţi pentru a acoperi costurile viitoare ale unor programe guvernamentale, SUA se afla
într-o situaţie mai gravă decât Grecia sau alte state îndatorate excesiv. Obligaţiile financiare ale Statelor Unite ajung la
aproape 100.000 de miliarde de dolari, de circa şapte ori produsul intern brut al ţării, dacă pe lângă datoria publică sunt
incluse costurile unor programe sociale sau de sprijinire a economiei în perioada crizei. Preşedintele american Barack
Obama a avertizat, ieri, că un eşec al negocierilor din Congres referitoare la majorarea plafonului datoriilor Statelor
Unite, care au atins limita maximă legală, ar putea sa puna în pericol redresarea economică şi să declanşeze o nouă criză
financiară. Atenţia opiniei publice din Statele Unite este concentrată asupra datoriei publice, de 14.300 de miliarde de
dolari, însă, aceasta nu include fonduri de aproape 50.000 de miliarde de dolari garantate de stat prin diverse
programe, cum ar fi cel de asigurari sociale. Statul este prins şi în capcana altor datorii, precum programul de susţinere
a sistemului financiar din cauza crizei din 2008-2009, arată date guvernamentale. O serie de bănci americane au
anunţat că nu vor mai folosi obligaţiuni ale Trezoreriei ca garanţii pentru diverse tranzacţii.În condiţiile date, în ultimul
timp, între preşedintele Obama şi republicani au existat tensiuni şi conflicte în legătură cu majorarea plafonului maxim
al datoriei. Democraţii susţin ridicarea acestui prag, însă republicanii militează pentru o reducere drastică a mai multor
cheltuieli publice. Dacă între cele două părţi nu se va ajunge la o înţelegere, Guvernul riscă să nu îşi mai poată îndeplinii
obligaţiile, ceea ce va avea consecinţe grave, potrivit analiştilor economici. Ministrul de finanate, Timothy Geithner a
declarat că a găsit modalităţi prin care Guvernul să îşi continue activitatile, însă doar pentru alte câteva luni înainte de a
da faliment.Decizia reflectă temerile tot mai mari din partea comunităţii financiare referitoare la capacitatea SUA de a
găsi o soluţie la problema datoriilor şi a deficitului,. Dacă blocajul nu va fi rezolvat până la 2 august, Statele Unite vor
intra în incapacitatea de plată a anumitor obligaţiuni care ajung la maturitate. Iar preşedintele Barack Obama a
avertizat deja că situaţia datoriilor SUA ar putea declansa o nouă criză mondiala.
UNIVERSITATEA BUCUREŞTI
FACULTATEA DE LIMBI ŞI LITERATURI STRĂINE
SECŢIA TRADUCĂTORI, INTERPREŢI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICENŢĂ LA LIMBA ENGLEZĂ – SESIUNEA IUNIE 2012

I.TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p) Chechnya is a rebellious part of Russia that was run by
gangsters and Islamic fundamentalists, closely linked to Al-Qaeda. After a bloody but necessary war, it has become
largely peaceful though occasional terrorist attacks continue. That, roughly, is what the Kremlin would like to believe.
Tony Wood’s new book takes issue with every part of that argument and puts the case, in a simplistic if passionate
manner, for the other side. The truth, he maintains, is that the outside world’s “credulousness and cowardice” has
enabled “a chilling conjuring trick”, in which the Chechens’ aspirations to self-determination have disappeared behind
“a cloud of euphemisms and falsifications”. (…) Mr. Wood, assistant editor of New Left Review, a British periodical,
concedes that the period of semi-independence that followed may have been a grisly mess, where kidnapping and slave-
trading became big business. But he blames Russia for that, for having ruined the Chechen economy and for the
Kremlin’s persistent attempts to undermine the Chechen authorities. (…) The wars in Chechnya must have been
atrocious on both sides. While condemning the “degeneration” of Chechen “resistance” tactics into terrorism, Mr.
Woods is trying hard to depict them as reactions to the systematic and continuous use of illegal detention, torture, rape
and murder by the Russian side. Far from pacifying the republic and restoring normal life, the Kremlin has installed a
“vicious client regime” that rules by “larcenous brutality”. Chechenya has always been a pawn in Russia’s internal power
struggles and related swindles, and Mr. Wood is right to highlight the Kremlin’s cynicism, incompetence, and casual
brutality. But the book is too slim, simplistic and one-sided to do full justice to the issue. Russians come across as
carboard villains, of no hint of the agonized debates and dilemmas the war has prompted. Equally, he depicts the
Chechens as carboard martyrs, not real people with spectacular virtues and failings. There’s little that the reader gets in
terms of flavour of Chechenya’s steamy clan politics, or the rebel leadership’s often bizarre and batty notions, nor of the
murky deals in which all sides are engaged.
Note: Larcenous, related to larceny= stealing things that are valuable.

IV. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)

2.1 Analyse the clauses in (the underlined strings in the fragment above (1 – 10) : type and syntactic function of the
clause) (0,40x10=4 points)
2.2. Identify the auxiliary and the copulative verbs in the following predicates; identify the modal verbs and discuss
their semantic function, where the case may be:
a. Chechnya is a rebellious part of Russia…; b. … that was run by gangsters; c….it has become largely peaceful; d. there is
little …….; e. The wars in Chechnya must have been atrocious on both sides; f. Mr. Wood is trying hard…(0.5 x6= 3 p).
2.3 .Provide synonyms to the following words/phrases in the text above: (0,20 x 10 = 2 points):
Credulousness, conjuring (trick), to concede, grisly (mess), atrocious, vicious, swindle(s), agonized,
failings, murky.

V. TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9p +1 =10)

Distanţele reprezintă esenţa Rusiei si sunt leitmotivul politicii interne a oricărui preşedinte al Rusiei în secolul al XXI-
lea. Practic, nu se poate înţelege dimensiunea politică a nici unui şef de stat rus fără să se înţeleagă că, oricât de mult şi-
ar dori să fie actor pe scena politică internaţională, el este întâi de toate conducătorul celei mai întinse ţări de pe glob.
Inventarea internetului şi a telefonului mobil au făcut ca distanţele să se micşoreze chiar şi în Rusia, iar legăturile dintre
cetăţenii Rusiei şi cei ai altor state să se întărească. Astfel, au apărut mai multe perspective pentru orice persoană care
are acces la surse de informare, ceea ce a fost cândva accesibil doar aristocraţiei. Pentru prima dată în istorie,
aristocraţia, apoi nomenklatura, nu mai este singură în marele privilegiu de a călători, vedea, compara şi acţiona. Nici
uniformizarea socială propusă de doctrina Partidului Comunist al Uniunii Sovietice nu a putut fi totala şi a menţinut
aristocraţia sub forma nomenklaturii. O mai mare omogenizare naţională s-a realizat după 1991 cu ajutorul telefonului
mobil şi a internetului, asa ca populaţia are de câţiva ani un mai mare acces la ştirile externe şi posibilitatea de a face
comparaţii în ce priveşte sistemul politico-administrativ s-a accentuat. Vladimir Putin domină scena politică din 2000 şi
o va face până în 2024, dacă nu vor fi accidente, dacă nu va exista un adversar puternic în 2018. Dar 24 de ani de
conducere, chiar acordată prin vot popular, s-ar putea să fie considerat cam mult de populaţia Rusiei. Conştient de
pericol, Vladimir Putin este forţat să propună obiective clare şi tangibile, deoarece în faţa sa este o populaţie foarte bine
informata, care acum observă ce este în străinătate şi face comparaţii, Putin nu va raspunde doar de gestionarea
situaţiei socio-economice, ci şi de „creşterea” noii elite politice a Rusiei. Si inca un aspect specific, legat de „străinătatea
apropiată”: în realitate, URSS nu s-a desfiinţat integral. Situaţia economică şi demografică impune Moscovei o atenţie
sporită, în contextul în care deficitul de mână de lucru calificată din Rusia nu se poate acoperi decât cu etnici ruşi din
fostele republici. În acelaşi timp, Rusia este prima destinaţie de migraţie pentru locuitorii din Asia Centrala şi ai Caucaz.
Iata de ce, Putin a adoptat cvasi-oficial ideea Eurasiei. Proiectul eurasiatic nu înseamnă doar o cale rusă de rezolvare a
problemelor Rusiei, ci şi crearea unei noi balanţe a puterii, a unui nou pole de putere, opus Statelor Unite. Rusia
doreşte ca împreună cu China, şi, într-o anumită măsură, cu India şi Vietnamul să edifice un bloc geopolitic puţin
favorabil SUA în zona Pacific, iar în Orientul Mijlociu prin susţinerea oferită Siriei şi Iranului complică ambiţiile
Americii, Turciei şi Israelului. Eurasia înseamnă însă şi reducerea implicării în Africa şi America Latină; Rusia va
sprijini anumite iniţiative, dar numai contra-cost.
UNIVERSITATEA BUCUREŞTI
FACULTATEA DE LIMBI ŞI LITERATURI STRĂINE
SECŢIA TRADUCĂTORI, INTERPREŢI, TERMINOLOGI

EXAMEN DE LICENŢĂ LA LIMBA ENGLEZĂ – SESIUNEA IUNIE 2014

I.TRANSLATE INTO ROMANIAN: (9p + 1= 10 p) Is France a democracy? Most people would assume that
there is a straightforward answer - "Yes". After all, France has had free and fair elections for a long while. However,
there is more to a truly democratic society than elections alone. France is a democracy, but not a full democracy,
according to the newly published sixth edition of The Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index. More accurately,
it is a "flawed democracy". The Economist Intelligence Unit gives it a score of 7.92 out of 10, below the 25
countries that scored 8.00 or above - all full democracies - and fractionally below Botswana, another flawed democracy.
But it's above the other 140 countries covered by the index, and a long way from being classified as a "hybrid regime"
or "authoritarian". So, what is it that lets France down? France is up there with the top democracies in regard to its
electoral process, civil liberties, and political participation - which refers to such things as voter turnout, the
number of women MPs and preparedness to participate in lawful demonstrations. It is let down by its relatively
poor showing in terms of functioning of government and political culture. Consider the power of the French parliament.
In a country such as Norway, ranked first, or Australia, ranked sixth, the legislature is the supreme decision-making
body. France's legislature, by contrast, is one of the weakest in Europe. Because the president wields huge power, it is
difficult for the legislature to shape legislation and hold the government to account . The president is elected too,
of course, but there is a greater risk of action being taken by a single decision-maker against citizens' wishes than a
legislature composed of hundreds of elected officials, which has its own inherent checks and balances. This is one reason
France performs badly with regard to "functioning of government". Here's another example. French citizens, by their
own admission, have very low trust in government or political parties - surveys show them to be some of the most
disaffected in Europe. The autumn 2013 Eurobarometer survey, for example, revealed that only 7% of French people
trust their political parties, while only 14% trust the national government - both well below the European average. This
may be one factor contributing to the defeat of mainstream parties in last month's European election. It is also one
reason why France is not ranked highly for "political culture". In the first version of the Democracy Index, eight years
ago, France may have been rated as a full democracy, but was downgraded in the third edition, in 2010, due to the
decline in public confidence in politicians and because of its low levels of political engagement. In the latest  World
Values Survey for France, only 37% of people were somewhat or very interested in politics, as compared to 44% in the
UK and 58% in the US. There are other European countries - including Italy (31st), Portugal (34th) and Poland (44th) -
languishing further down the ranks of flawed democracies. Romania, the lowest-ranked member of the EU, comes in
at 60th. What The Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index shows is that free and fair elections and civil
liberties are necessary conditions for democracy, but they are unlikely to be sufficient for a full and consolidated
democracy if unaccompanied by transparent and at least minimally efficient government, sufficient political
participation and a supportive democratic political culture. A sturdy democracy is not easy to build. Even in long-
established ones, democracy can corrode if not nurtured and protected
II. LANGUAGE IN USE (9 p + 1 = 10)
2.1.Analyze the clauses ( type and syntactic function of the clauses): 1)that there is a straightforward
answer; 2)from being classified as a "hybrid regime" or "authoritarian"; 3)which refers to such things as voter
turnout, the number of women MPs and preparedness to participate in lawful demonstrations ;4) for the legislature
to shape legislation and hold the government to account; 5)surveys show them to be some of the most disaffected in
Europe;6)languishing further down the ranks of flawed democracies.;7)What The Economist Intelligence Unit's
Democracy Index shows; 8)they are unlikely to be sufficient for a full and consolidated democracy; 9)A sturdy
democracy is not easy to build ;10) if not nurtured and protected (3 p)
2.2 Identify the auxiliary and specify its function, identify the type of predicates (copulative, transitive, intransitive in
terms of the number of arguments) as well as the semantic modal function of the modal verbs in the following: would
assume; has had; is a democracy; gives; refers to; is let down; wields; being taken; may be one factor;
can corrode (0,3 x 10 = 3 p).
2.3.Provide synonyms to the following words in the text above: flawed democracy; score; authoritarian
regime; voter turnout; lawful; legislature; hold somebody to account; to downgrade; fair elections;
to nurture (0,3o x 10 = 3 p)
III.TRANSLATE INTO ENGLISH (9p +1 =10): Alegerile din Partidul Miscarea Populara au scos la iveala fata urata
a unor intelectuali vazuti pana acum cativa ani mari sperante ale politicii dar pun in discutie, in general, prezenta celor
numiti reformisti in politica. Dintre toti se detaseaza Teodor Baconschi si Cristian Preda, doua figuri vazute pana mai
ieri mari sperante, din categoria reformistilor. Se visau la un moment dat viitori presedinti. Nu doar ca n-au reformat
nimic pe unde au trecut, dar s-au pretat la cele mai ridicole compromisuri pentru micul confort personal. Lui Preda i-au
iesit socotelile, lui Baconschi nu prea. Pe cat de admirabil se manifesta ca oameni de idei, pe atat de dezamagitor se
comporta ca politicieni disperati sa se aranjeze. Si nici asta n-ar fi de blamat daca la capatul sirului lung de abdicari am
fi vazut cu totii un proiect, o idee, un scop dedicate binelui public, interesului general, nu doar alti sinecuristi ceva mai
sofisticati pusi pe treaba. Preda si-a atins obiectivul de a castiga un  nou mandat de europarlamentar si nu-l mai
intereseaza, desigur, ca partidul sau a incaput pe mana unor anti-reformisti pur sange. Va fi, probabil, un
europarlamentar corect (la fel ca in primul mandat), dar s-a dovedit un politician cu mari slabiciuni si
incoerente.Baconschi, in schimb, a ratat la mustata un loc caldut in PE, iar acum, la spartul targului, tipa in gura mare
impotriva celor carora le-a ciugulit din palma noua luni fara sa mai strambe atata din nas. Asa ceva nu se face oricata
dreptate are cand crtica mariniantonii din jurul sau. Intelectualii din politica romaneasca nu sunt toti atat de fatarnici,
de mititei la caracter. Gradele lor de oportunism, egoism sau eficienta arata foarte diferit. Cativa s-au dedicat binelui
public si au ramas consecventi in ciuda compromisurilor facute pentru a ramane in politica, locul de unde, pana la
urma, pot face ceva pentru ceilalti. Pentru ca, in definitiv, ce inseamna a fi reformist? Simplu spus, a avea viziunea si
puterea de a schimba o stare de lucruri osificata, de a inota contra curentului si de a lupta impotriva conformismului,
inertiei si rezistentei sistemului. Reformistii nu cauta sa se puna bine cu toata lumea, ci isi apara ideile chiar cu riscul de
a ramane singuri, de a esua partial in lupta lor. Dar orice victorie a lor, cat de mica, lucreaza spre binele nostru.Traian
Ungureanu, de la PDL, a ramas langa Blaga tot din oportunism si calcul personal. A dovedit o disponibilitate la
compromis cel putin egala cu a lui Preda sau Baconschi. Din fericire, umorul si inteligenta il fac ceva mai simpatic. TRU
cel putin n-a visat sa ajunga presedinte, s-a multumit cu rolul de bufon al regelui in partid si de ganditor public absolut
seducator in scris si viziune. Ca politician, nu va lasa nici el mare lucru in urma lui.