Professional Documents
Culture Documents
by
ALEXANDRA MICHAELIS-VULTORIUS
DISSERTATION
Detroit, Michigan
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
2011
Approved by:
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© COPYRIGHT BY
ALEXANDRA MICHAELIS-VULTORIUS
2011
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DEDICATION
To my parents,
Lucio and Clemencia,
for your unconditional love and support,
for instilling in me the joy of learning,
and for believing in happy endings.
ii
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This journey with the Brothers Grimm was made possible through the valuable help,
expertise, and kindness of a great number of people.
First and foremost I want to thank my advisor and mentor, Professor Don Haase. You
have been a wonderful teacher and a great inspiration for me over the past years. I am
deeply grateful for your insight, guidance, dedication, and infinite patience throughout
the writing of this dissertation.
Thank you to the staff of the main libraries in Colombia. I am especially indebted to the
Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango and Biblioteca Pública Piloto, whose members went above
and beyond their call of duty to help me with this project. I also want to thank Alvaro
Gaertner for giving me access to the archives of El País, the leading newspaper in the
Pacific region of Colombia.
I would like to express my gratitude for the generous financial support I received during
the completion of this project, which permitted me to focus entirely on my scholarly
work.
Many friends and fellow students deserve special mention: Jaime Riascos Villegas for his
valuable input; Miguel Ramirez for his assistance with formatting this thesis; Paula
Oliva-Fiori, Eglee Rodriguez Bravo, María Cristina Guzman, Luisa Quintero, Pauline
Ebert for your continuous encouragement and inspiration; thanks to Luz Marina and
Walter Zuñiga, Arturo y Luz E. Fraccarolli, Liz Evers, Tatiana Carvajal, Piedad Idarraga
and Gabriel Martinez, Diana Behar, Gustavo Álvarez Gardeazábal, Nicolás Suescún, and
Pablo Vallecilla.
Finally, I cannot express how grateful I am to my husband and children, who share all my
journeys and always have faith in me. Without them, this fairy tale would never have
reached its happy ending.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Dedication ........................................................................................................................... ii
Acknowledgements............................................................................................................ iii
Religion..................................................................................................................... 21
Libraries ............................................................................................................. 49
iv
Charles Perrault (1628-1703).................................................................................... 68
Chapter 3: Translated Versions of Grimms’ Tales Published through 1955 .................. 105
v
Cuentos y leyendas de los Hermanos Grimm (Stories and Legends of the Brothers
Blancanieves y los enanitos: Adaptación del cuento de los Hermanos Grimm por
Mercedes Llimona (Snow White and the Dwarfs: Adaptation of the Brothers
Libro de cuentos ilustrados: 10 láminas en color con los más bonitos cuentos de los
Color Engravings with the Most Beautiful Stories of the Brothers Grimm by
Chapter 4: The Reception of Grimms’ Fairy Tales after 1955 ....................................... 175
Role of French Editions in the Later Inventory of Children’s Publications ............... 177
Changes in the Catholic Church / Repercussion for the Libraries’ Inventory............ 181
Cuentos de Grimm (Barcelona, Buenos Aires, Bogotá: Editorial Bruguera 1961) 198
vi
Editorial Molino.......................................................................................................... 207
Grimm tales in Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo (Bogotá: Ley?, 1970?) 211
Grimm publications in the 1980s and 1990s by Edilux Ediciones ............................. 240
Chapter 5: Other Aspects of the Colombian Reception of Grimms’ Fairy Tales........... 251
The Reception of the Grimms’ Fairy Tales in Scholarship and Fiction ..................... 257
vii
Appendix 3...................................................................................................................... 307
viii
LIST OF FIGURES
Fig. 1: Diario del Pacífico advertising the premier of Cinderella in Cali. Courtesy of
Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá.............................................................. 35
Fig. 2: Oldest copy of a classical fairy tale located in a Colombian library, by Jeanne-
Marie Leprince de Beaumont, Magasin des enfants … (Lyon, 1768). Courtesy
of Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá. ................................................... 67
Fig. 3: Oldest located Spanish translation of a classical European fairy tale located in a
Colombian library, by Jeanne-Marie Leprince de Beaumont, Almacén y
biblioteca completa de los niños … (Madrid, 1829). Courtesy of Biblioteca
Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá. ......................................................................... 67
Fig. 4: Front cover of Santafé y Bogotá 6.64 … (Bogotá, 1928). Courtesy of Biblioteca
Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá. ......................................................................... 69
Fig. 5: Title page of the Spanish translation of Amici’s Corazón: Diario de un niño
(Madrid, 1887). Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá. ......... 76
Fig. 6: Title page of the oldest edition of the Grimm’s KHM located in a Colombian
library, Kinder- und Hausmärchen (Berlin, 1858). Courtesy of Biblioteca
Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá. ......................................................................... 91
Fig. 8: Title page of Calleja’s adaptation of “Hansel and Gretel” (includes the solution to
the charade from the previous edition on the reverse of the booklet’s front
cover). .............................................................................................................. 100
Fig. 9: Title page of Contes allemands du temps passé … (Paris, 1892). Courtesy of
Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá............................................................ 113
Fig. 10: Title page of Grimm’s Fairy Tales (London, 1888?). Courtesy of Biblioteca
Universidad Javeriana, Bogotá. ....................................................................... 121
ix
Fig. 11: Front cover and title page of Cuentos y leyendas … (Barcelona, 1893). Courtesy
of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá. ...................................................... 127
Fig. 12: Illustrations from “El almendro” (47. “Von dem Machandelboom”) in Cuentos y
leyendas … (Barcelona, 1893). Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango,
Bogotá. ............................................................................................................. 128
Fig. 13: Title page of Calleja’s selection of Grimm tales, Cuentos escogidos (Madrid,
1896?). Courtesy of Biblioteca Universidad Javeriana, Bogotá. ..................... 133
Fig. 14: Title page of Cuentos ecogidos de los Hermanos Grimm (6th ed.). Courtesy of
Harvard College Widener Library, Boston...................................................... 135
Fig. 15: “How the perverse witch was punished,” Blancanieves y los enanitos …
(Barcelona, 1950). Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá. ........ 155
Fig. 16: “El gato con botas,” Libro de cuentos ilustrados … (Barcelona, 1950). Courtesy
of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá. ...................................................... 159
Fig. 17: Rackham’s illustrations of “El judío en los espinos” (“The Jew in the
Thornbush”) in Cuentos de Grimm: ilustrados por Arthur Rackham (Barcelona,
1955). Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá............................. 165
Fig. 18: Front cover of Chanchito: Revista semanal ilustrada para niños from August
1933. Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá.............................. 185
Fig. 19: Cuentos de Grimm (Barcelona, Buenos Aires, Bogotá, 1958, 1961). Courtesy of
Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá............................................................ 196
Fig. 20: “Juanito y Margarita,” Cuentos de Grimm (Barcelona, Bogotá, 1961). Courtesy
of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá. ...................................................... 199
Fig. 21: Front and back cover of Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo (1970?).
Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá........................................ 212
Fig. 22: Alexis Forero Valderrama’s visual interpretation of the modern heroine in
“Caperucita Roja.” Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá. .. 277
x
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Early Publications of French Fairy Tales Currently Available in Main Libraries
in Colombia........................................................................................................ 63
Table 3: Early Publications of Grimm Tales Currently Available in the Main Colombian
Libraries. ............................................................................................................ 92
xi
1
Chapter 1: Introduction
The Kinder- und Hausmärchen (KHM) or Children’s and Household Tales are
probably the best-known written collection of folk tales worldwide. First published in
1812 by Jacob Ludwig Karl (1785-1863) and Wilhelm Karl (1786-1859) Grimm, this
collection is often said to be, next to the Bible, one the most translated and widely read
works (available in more than 160 languages) on the planet. Nearly two centuries after
the first printed edition of the KHM appeared, selected tales continue to enjoy widespread
popularity around the globe. Yet the enduring power and continuing popularity of the
tales do not imply a homogeneous reception. The reception of a single story can differ
cultural factors influence the variations in the way a person or a group of people responds
to the tales and makes use of them. The unique combination of such factors produces, in a
Several surveys and studies have examined the reception of the Grimm tales in a
localized manner. Reception studies of the KHM are especially abundant for the
European region. For example, the 1984 article “Zur Geschichte der Rezeption und der
describes the reception of the Grimms after 1839 in Tuscany, where Italian reception
(facilitated by Herman Grimm) first centered. The reception and translation of the KHM
in Greece is examined in the study from 1981 “Die Brüder Grimm in Griechenland” by
Lampros Mygdalis. In Poland the collection’s reception began much later than in other
European countries, as demonstrated in Marek Halub’s “Die Märchen der Brüder Grimm
in Polen,” published in 1986. For Portugal two studies analyze the reception of the KHM:
2
the most recent, Os Contos de Grimm em Portugal: A Recepção dos Kinder- und
Hausmärchen entre 1837 e 1910 by Maria Teresa Cortez was published in 2001. Cortez
examines the reception of the tales’ collection in light of two key events unfolding in
Portugal during the period covered (from 1837 to 1910): the dawning in the field of
education. The second study of the reception of the KMH in Portugal and, outside of
Europe, in Brazil is documented in Dieter Woll’s piece “Das grausame Ende der bösen
violence in Portuguese and Brazilian versions (these less considered) of Grimm stories
In Japan for example two studies analyze, from different perspectives, the reception of
the KHM: the first is Yoshiko Noguchi’s doctoral dissertation (1977), Rezeption der
Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm in Japan, which devotes special attention
to the historical and social factors affecting the introduction, distribution, translation, and
reception of the KHM among Japanese children. The second, “Die Übersetzung
Kyoko Takano, examines Japanese KHM reception and the nature of Japanese
translations in the context of the development of Japanese literature for adults and for
children, especially in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. For China, Yea-
Jen Liang presents the insightful 1986 investigation of KHM reception and influence
3
against the background of the country’s cultural and political history in Kinder- und
Hausmärchen in China: Rezeption und Wirkung; and for Korea Kwon-Ha Ryu’s
dissertation Die “waltende Spur” im Lande der Morgenfrische: Eine Untersuchung zur
Rezeption und Wirkung von Grimms Märchen in Korea (1993), documents the reception
of the KHM in the peninsular Asian country against the historical, social, and cultural
background.
Broad-based studies of this kind, however, are limited for North and South
America. In the United States the article from 1963 entitled “Die Märchen der Brüder
Grimm in den Vereinigten Staaten” by Wayland D. Hand briefly examines the reception
of the KHM in schools, translations, musical adaptations, parodies, film, advertising, and
media. The 1998 publication by Simon J. Bronner, Following Tradition: Folklore in the
cultural discourse and examines both the popular perception of KHM and the scholarly
awareness of the Grimms’ national theories in the United States. For South America,
reception studies of the KHM are almost non-existent, except for the formerly mentioned
Brazil together with Portugal and therefore does not constitute a fair representation of
mainstream journals such as Fabula or Marvels & Tales, it appears that within the
context of fairy-tale studies the main focus has been placed largely on Europe. This
dissertation will help to fill a gap by examining one region of Latin America that, so far,
4
The study of reception may take diverse forms. Since the 1960’s, with the
emergence of reader-oriented theories, there has been a general shift in concern from the
author and the work to the text and the reader. But the proliferation of theoretical and
practical inquiries has not yield conceptual unanimity, and what precisely reception
studies entail is still a matter of debate (Holub xi). Robert Holub notes that one of the
Wirkung (response or effect) since both have to do with the impact of the work on
someone, and it is unclear if and how they can be separated; the most frequent suggestion
has been to view Rezeption as related to the reader and Wirkung as pertaining to textual
aspects (Holub xi). In this study I will examine different textual aspects concerning the
Grimms and their tales, starting with the actual presence of Grimm editions and other
bibliographic data will provide insight into the historical reception and will help us
understand the routes of transmission and spread of the Grimms’ tales in Colombia.
The availability of various different editions brings us to another aspect that will
be examined here: the way a publication is configured, framed, and presented. Each
edition is “prepared” differently, and both the transmitters or senders (i.e., authors,
compilers, translators, and editors) and the receivers (i.e., potential readers) play a role in
the way a book is assembled. When developing a narrative, authors have a sort of reader
in mind and certain expectations about how their readers should receive their message; in
terms of Wofgang Iser, a leading member of the so-called Constance School of German
5
reception theory, it is the “implied reader” or the reader whom the text creates for itself,
not to be confused with the “real reader” or the person who holds the book in his/her
hands. Expectations about who those readers will be not only are true for authors but also
for compilers, translators, and editors as well. When an author is not the publisher of his
own text, and/or has no authority over the printed version manufactured by the publisher,
then editors, compilers, and translators become co-creators or co-authors of that text, and
the role they play in publishing a book will affect the way we respond to it. Take the
Brothers Grimm for example; they were not merely collectors of folk and fairy tales but
active co-creators and co-authors. The Grimms not only modified many of the tales they
had collected to appeal to a growing bourgeois audience; they also tried to shape our
understanding of how fairy tales are to be told, read, and written. For instance, in the
preface to their first edition of the second volume (1815) the Grimms acknowledged one
retained old legends and stories firmly in her memory. For the brothers, Dorothea
Viehman represented the ideal storyteller. In their second edition from 1819 they
included a portrait of Viehmann, drawn by their brother Ludwig Emil Grimm, and in
doing so they helped to establish the popular image of the traditional storyteller as a
peasant woman. Stereotypical images like this one along with prefaces, introductions,
notes, titles, and tale selection and arrangement are all devices that compilers, editors,
and translators use in the construction of the texts they are transmitting; the devices used
to present and frame a publication will affect our response and understanding of a text.
Examining the textual and paratextual elements of Grimm tale editions and other written
documents that have been accessible to the Colombian public throughout the years will
6
shed light on the way Colombians have come to value the Grimms, received the tales,
and responded to them. With this study I hope to provide insight into the history,
ideology, function, and acquisition of folktales and fairy tales in this one country in Latin
America.1
publications available in Colombian libraries. The holdings of the libraries will offer
insight into the introduction, dissemination, and overall reception of the Grimm tales in
Colombia. Public libraries serve a very diverse community guaranteeing free access to
every member regardless of race, age, sex, religion, socio-economic status or level of
inform, and entertain the general public. Here it is important to clarify the process of
selection and acquisition of materials. Major public libraries throughout the country rely
on the Advisory Committee for the Development of Collections, the body in charge of
the selection of materials that enter the library via purchases, exchanges, or donations,
either per request of the general public (desiderata) or specialists, or through offers of the
publishing industry and booksellers. The members of the committee (usually conformed
by the Cultural Assistant Director, Technical Director, Head of the Section of Services to
1
Two articles deal with the reception of classical tales in Latin America, however, from a different
perspective: (1) Patricia Odber de Baubeta’s essay “The Fairy-Tale Intertext and Latin American Women’s
Writing,” examines the ways in which Iberian and Latin American women writers use fairy tales in their
prose fiction; the persistence of fairy-tale intertext found in their narratives (especially in their subversive
or inverted approach) shows how the traditional fairy-tale (mainly by Perrault, the Grimms, and Andersen)
continue to play a role in the construction of gender and woman’s identity in Spain and Latin America. (2)
The essay “Babes in the Bosque: Fairy Tales in Twentieth-Century Argentine Women’s Writing” by Fiona
Mackintosh, analyzes in detail the use of fairy-tale material in the works of several Argentine women
writers (such as Luisa Valenzuela, Liliana Heker, and Victoria and Silvina Ocampo) and shows how these
authors have thoroughly subverted fairy-tale conventions.
7
the Public, and senior librarians) evaluate the material in question and make
and neccesities of the community and conform to the library policies.2 In some cases,
specialists in particular areas (they can be members of the library itself or an external
institution) may be consulted. To offer a wide range of materials to current and potential
readers studies of the community that pinpoint its general and specific characteristics
(socio-economic status, level of instruction, occupation, etc.) are taken into account. An
important criterion for the acquisition of materials is requests from patrons. Lucía Vélez
Veléz, assistant of the Division of Information and Culture and coordinator of the
Committee for the Development of Collections at the Biblioteca Pública Piloto, asserts
that requests and demands of patrons are of extreme relevance and highly influential in
deciding a purchase; requests, she explains, play a substantial role when considering an
acquisition since they are the reason for the existence of the institution. To my question
of whether it would be accurate to assume that extant collections in libraries mirror the
literary interest of the pubic, she responds: “We consider that the collections in the
Biblioteca Pública Piloto reflect the literary interests of our users; in its long trajectory
the library has strived to develop collections that support not only the literary interests,
but also the educational, recreational, and investigational interests [of our patrons].”3
Libraries in Colombia, and elsewhere in Latin America, are still in their initial phase of
2
In general, the libraries’ internal policies aim to gear the management of their collections in such a way
that it responds to established parameters of quality, relevance, demand. Specific polices regarding the
characteristics of the collection may include: selecting the best works of an author or the most useful in a
series, offering materials recommended by the Ministry of Culture and Education to support programs of
reader-incentives, furnishing works mainly in Spanish, offering a high percentage of children’s books,
offering a limited supply of self-help books, coloring books, etc. and offering materials in various formats
(books, audio-visual, multimedia).
3
This quote was taken from an email sent to me by Ms. Vélez Veléz on May 4, 2011, with the approval of
Gloria Inés Palomino Londoño, General Director of the Biblioteca Pública Piloto in Medellín.
8
development and serve a relatively small portion of the population (compared to the USA
and certain countries in Europe);4 yet their collections, which aim to satisfy the needs and
demands of the communities in which they operate—a priority that has been repeatedly
insight into the literary preferences of their users and provide indications of
receptiveness.
To document the reception of the KHM in Colombia I will examine the textual
and paratextual aspects of the existing inventory of Grimm tales and other printed
materials related to the siblings and their work published until the year 2000; I will
consider individual editions of the tales, tales published in Colombian magazines and
publications, and local recastings and adaptations of the stories. Fully aware of the
technical difficulties and other impediments that surround the comprehensive collection
registry of Grimm publications extant in libraries. Since the Grimm tales and their
reception do no occur in isolation but in a context involving the works of other authors
and collectors such as Charles Perrault, Hans Christian Andersen, and Ludwig Bechstein,
I will conduct a parallel investigation of the so-called classical fairy tales and other
Western European works catalogued as children’s and youth literature. The collected data
that these works were circulating at the time of their publication, this classification will
4
According to the study Hábitos de lectura y consumo de libros en Colombia published by the DANE
(Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística), in 1993 public libraries in Colombia had 20
million visits/year or 0.5 visits/habitant. In contrast, USA libraries had 1,100 visits/year or 4.1
visits/habitant, and England had 360 visits/year or 6.8 visits/habitant. An electronic file of this study can be
found under <ftp://190.25.231.247/books/LD_10753_EJ_5.PDF>.
9
provide first indications of authors, genres, and styles that were favored over others
during a specific period. Drawing on the economic principles of supply and demand, I
positive reception; conversely, a limited supply suggests a lack of interest among readers.
It is, of course, difficult to determine whether these works were actually being read at the
time of their publication; therefore, in addition to the number of volumes located, other
aspects—such as the quality, scope, presentation, and contents of the editions, their
aspects will help us recognize how the tales have been transmitted and spread, and how
Colombian have come to understand individual fairy tales, fairy tales as a genre, and the
The historical scope of this study will extend until the year 2000. Given that the
chronological span covers a period of more than 100 years, the study will be divided into
two sections reflecting distinct phases in reception. The first section will focus on the
earliest publications up to 1955; ending this interval one full decade after the end of the
Second World War allows identifying any possible effects of the war on the inventory
and reception of the tales. The second period will focus on publications from 1956 to
libraries shall provide the basis for contrasts and comparisons in the phases of fairy-tale
reception in Colombia.
10
Most Colombians know the Grimm tales only secondhand, mainly through
rewritings of an original text and, as Susan Bassnett and André Lefevere noted in the
preface to Lawrence Venuti’s The Translator’s Invisibility, “all rewritings, whatever their
intention, reflect a certain ideology and a poetics and as such manipulate literature to
function in a given society in a given way” (Venuti, Translator’s Invisibility vii). The
manipulation of literature through translations acts as a shaping force: it can help in the
evolution of a literature and a society by introducing new concepts, genres, and devices
on the one hand; but on the other hand, it can inhibit innovation, distort, contain, and act
as a shaping power of one culture upon another (Venuti, Translator’s Invisibility vii-viii).
The function of translation as a shaping force will be perceived in this study. In its
positive aspect, translations have exposed the Colombian public to foreign fairy tales and
have helped to develop the genre of children’s literature in the country; locally-produced
children’s stories with elements and motifs from Grimms’ fairy tales (e.g., Los amigos de
hombre by Celso Román) are examples of such development. In its negative aspect,
translations exert a dominating power upon another culture. Take the tale translations
coming from Spain, for example, which are the most relevant because they have the
the original narratives in an attempt to make the text appear fluent and transparent. The
German tales are then “domesticated” or inscribed with values, interests, and liguistic
expressions taken from the receiving culture (Spain); the process of investing the foreign
text with domestic meaning and significance makes the translated material intelligible for
11
recipients in the target language and society. Spanish editions make up a substantial
invested with Spanish values, morals, and mores, the former colonial power continues to
The various translations of Grimm tales located in libraries are very diverse in
their nature. Not all translations will have the child-reader in mind; different perspectives
regarding the target reader, the objectives of the translator, as well as a proper
Neither will all translations use the original KHM as their source; frequently we see the
utilization of intermediate French and English texts as bases of the work. The
intermediate texts are in their inherent nature responses of translators of Grimm stories to
the original German tales; as responses, these translations present transformations in style
and content, which at times can be widely divergent from the original. These aspects will
be object of illustration and commentary more or less extensively according to the weight
and relevancy of the publications in the context of Colombian reception of the KHM.
One of the greatest challenges posed by translated works is the difficulty of obtaining
information about the translators and editors of the editions, especially about their
working methods. In light of this dilemma, assumptions about the principles, practices,
and motivations followed by the translators are based on close textual readings of the
stories they produced and on comparisons of these with the German sources. In the
presentation of versions for children, which constitute the most important nucleus, I will
try to comment especially on adaptations of content and its probable causes and analyze
12
the linguistic transaction of the translation, which will indicate a more or less adhesion to
At this point, I want to add a fundamental comment about the methodology of this
study. My analysis of the Colombian reception of Grimms’ tales will have as its
tales and other Western European works catalogued as children’s and youth literature that
circulated in the country from the nineteenth century through the year 2000. A
methodological challenge arises, however, in light of the fact that statistics about the
circulation of individual editions of KHM did not exist in Colombia prior to 2001—the
year when the Cámara colombiana del libro (Colombian Chamber of the Book) started
documenting the production and commercialization of books in the country in its annual
publication Estadísticas del libro.5 Consequently, the frequency of sales—i.e., how often
therefore allude only to the number of available publications that exist in important
classical European works will serve as a reference point in regard to reception. On the
5
There were earlier attempts to establish a national bibliography in Colombia. In 1951, the Instituto Caro y
Cuervo created a bibliographical section to compile a Colombian bibliography. The first volume titled
Anuario bibliográfico colombiano, was compiled by Rubén Pérez Ortiz and published in Cali in 1953.
This publication contained books and pamphlets written by (1) Colombian authors and printed either in
Colombia or abroad; (2) by foreign authors printed in Colombia; (3) by foreign authors (printed abroad)
dealing partially or totally with Colombian issues; and (4) Colombian works translated into other
languages, and foreign works translated by Colombians. The last publication of Anuario bibliográfico
colombiano appeared in 2001. Unfortunately, the main public libraries do not own the complete collection;
many volumes have been lost or missing and the available ones present large interruptions in the historical
sequence. I scanned the following volumes for publications related to the Grimms: 1951-56, 1957-58, 1962
(January to June), and 1973-74. None of the examined volumes, however, contained any literature
regarding the Brothers Grimm or their works.
13
basis of this comparative data, I will be able to discern at what point in time the Grimm
tales achieved a broad popularity in the country. The question of readership—who was
which the tales appear and the uses to which they have been put.
Colombia for their holdings of materials related to the Grimms and their collection of
surveying the catalogues of numerous public and university libraries across the country6
and Barranquilla), it became clear that most of the relevant material is to be found in the
main libraries of the largest cities (Bogotá, Medellín, and Cali) particularly in Bogotá, the
nation’s capital; the collection of information will therefore center on these libraries. All
research related to children’s literature especially from the nineteenth and early twentieth
century requires time, patience, and determination. Throughout this journey with the
Grimm brothers I encountered various hurdles that complicated the investigation, such as
without acknowledging the authors’ names, deteriorated old editions with torn or
unreadable pages, just to mention a few. Even in libraries with mandatory legal deposit,
6
The catalogues of the following public libraries were examined: In Bogotá: Biblioteca Nacional de
Colombia, Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bibliotecas BiblioRed (Red capital de biliotecas publicas),
Biblioteca del Congreso de la República de Colombia; in Medellín: Biblioteca Pública Piloto; in Cali
Biblioteca Departamental Jorge Garcés Borrero; in Barranquilla: Biblioteca Pública Departamental del
Atlántico, Biblioteca Infantil Piloto del Caribe.
The catalogues of the following university libraries were examined: Universidad Nacional de Colombia
(with its branches in Bogotá, Medellín, and Manizales), Universidad de Los Andes (Bogotá), Pontificia
Universidad Javeriana (Bogotá, Cali), Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga and Universidad de
Santander (Bucaramanga), Universidad del Valle (Cali), Universidad de Antioquia (Medellín), Universidad
San Buenaventura (Cali, Cartagena, Bogotá, Medellín), Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana (Bogotá,
Medellín).
14
there are numerous books and periodicals missing, either because they are not in the
catalogues or, if in the catalogues, because they are lost. Under these circumstances, my
intention is to present only an initial history of the reception of the KHM in Colombia
from the main libraries will provide insight into what is and has been available in the
country, thus permitting reasonable conclusions about the reception of the Grimm tales.
The provenance, availability, presentation, and contents of these editions can help us to
understand not only the routes of transmission and the extent of their reception, but also
the relative significance of the Grimms’ tales and the process by which they were
This dissertation consists of four chapters. The first two chapters focus on the
early reception of the Grimm tales, from the nineteenth century through the mid-
broad-based examination of what is offered in the libraries can help to determine the
position of the fairy tale within the genre of children’s literature and provide insight into
what Colombians may have favored as reading texts for their children. Based on the
number of available works located and assuming that these works were circulating at the
time of their publication, we can estimate whether certain authors and works were
favored at a given time. In this chapter I will also discuss the development of the fairy
tale as a genre for children and the incipience of the KHM. In chapter two I will analyze
the translations of the tales offered in the early-published editions; special attention will
be devoted to the Spanish versions. I will try to determine the source-text used for the
15
translations and the fidelity to the original German stories; and, in case of modifications, I
The final two chapters will tackle the reception of the Grimms in the second
phase, from 1955 to 2000. Chapter three considers socioeconomical and political changes
that affected the post-1955 reception of the tales as well as the influence of the Disney
Corporation on editions from this period. In the 1960s we start to see the emergence of
Grimm editions published in Latin America and Colombia. I will examine these texts
closely to determine whether they constitute domestic adaptations of the tales or are
Colombian scholars and authors to the Grimm tales. I will examine some of the views
and interpretations of those engaged in the study or development of literature for children
in Colombia. I will also examine the retellings of the Colombian author Triunfo
I don’t pretend to have realized a final and definite study of the Colombian
reception of the KHM between the nineteenth century and the year 2000. This is an open
study that offers only a first history of the reception of the Grimm tales in Colombia.
Ideally, this preliminary history will lay the groundwork for future studies of the
Colombian reception of the KHM and the broader issues it implies, such as the role of
European and Spanish editions of classical fairy tales, fantasy, and children’s literature in
Colombian and foreign editions can be readily found in many libraries across the country.
16
However, issues of fairy tales published prior to 1970 are relatively scarce, and even
more so are those publications older than 50 years. As will become apparent in the next
chapter, the inventory of classical tales (including the Grimms’ KHM) published prior to
1955 is composed mainly of European translations coming primarily from Spain and
France. The high number of imports was in part due to a limited national publishing
industry at the time. The predominance of imported editions suggests that, during the first
phase of this study, Colombian reception of the KHM was to a great extent determined by
inventory extant in the libraries, in the following segment I will address the historical
backdrop and the most important factors that affected the reception of the tales. In
addition to the critical role played by European publications, some of the most influential
factors affecting the early reception of the tales by the Brothers Grimm include: (1)
general level of literacy in the country, (2) the composition of the social structure, (3)
religion, (4) children’s literature in Colombia, (5) Walt Disney’s productions based on the
classical tales, and (6) locally printed information about the Grimms and their work.
During the first decades of the twentieth century literacy rates in Colombia were
very low. Several sources of literacy data confirm this, despite discrepancy in their
maintains that in the 1900s the illiteracy rate as a percentage of total adult population was
66%—one of the highest in all Latin America (Ramírez and Téllez 5). Yet in the special
17
edition Siglo XX a través de El Tiempo (Twentieth Century through The Time), issued by
the most widely read and influential daily in Colombia, El Tiempo,7 that figure is higher;
there we read that 75% of all Colombians were illiterate in 1913. Low literacy rates
continued throughout the early 1950s with an estimated 58% of the population aged
fifteen and over being uneducated (Blutstein et al. 176). Though different sources offer
divergent statistics (probably due to the use of differing variables) they all agree on the
high levels of illiteracy that existed in the country in the first fifty years of the twentieth
century.
In Colombia, there has been a strong correlation between education and social
class; if we acknowledge the 75% illiteracy rate declared by El Tiempo, we can assume
that the remaining 25% of the Colombian population were members of the educated
upper and middle classes. To better understand the link between education/culture and
social class I will briefly discuss the historical development of such connection.
The structure of the modern Colombian society is to a great extent the product of
Congress, the Colombian social structure is the offspring of a Spanish colonial society
that was highly stratified, clearly bounded, and with limited vertical mobility between the
7
The newspaper El Tiempo has the highest circulation in the country. In 2004, it had an average weekday
circulation of 314,000, rising to 453,000 for the Sunday edition. El Tiempo was founded in 1911 by
Alfonso Villegas Restrepo and is currently owned by the Spanish Grupo Planeta. Until now, El Tiempo has
enjoyed monopoly status in the Colombian media as the only daily that circulates nationally (most smaller
dailies have limited distribution outside their own regions). The single long time rival of the respected
newspaper has been El Espectador, founded by Fidel Cano Gutiérrez in Medellín in 1887; due to an
internal financial crisis in 2001 however, El Espectador was reduced to a weekly publication for almost
seven years. In May 2008 El Espectador renewed printing on a daily basis.
18
strata. The stratification system was characterized by stereotypes based on race,8 class,
and culture and was rigidly segregated into two main groups: the elite9 of educated,
cultured, rich, and politically powerful persons and the mass of proletarians and peasants.
Even after Colombia’s independence from Spain, in 1810,10 the nation’s elite
retained many of the sociopolitical values and institutions that it had inherited from
Spain. These cultural traditions were preserved in part by a limited immigration11 and
isolation,12 which restricted contact with other nations throughout the nineteenth century,
dominant upper class, the cohesive and tight elite succeeded in maintaining the power
and control over the country’s decision-making. Aside from a general lack of cohesion
among the numerically superior lower social classes, Colombia’s rugged terrain and an
keeping these classes fragmented and powerless. In the 1920s the very reduced middle
8
Race played an important part of the hierarchical society created by the Spaniards in the sixteenth century.
The Spanish occupied the top stratum in terms of prestige, wealth, and power; slaves and Indians occupied
the bottom. White skin became thus synonymous with being Spanish and having a high status.
9
The traditional Colombian elite distinguished itself by their Spanish family lineage and the possession of
large parcels of land and wealth.
10
Most Colombians will date Independence Day as July 20, 1810. However, it was only in 1819 when the
formerly Spanish colony under the Viceroyalty of New Granada became the Republic of Gran Colombia
(encompassing the territories of Colombia, Ecuador, Venezuela, and Panama).
11
During the colonial period Spain discouraged the admission of non-Spaniards into the colonies. After
independence, the economic opportunities for immigrants were few and the civil wars were clear
deterrents. The country was practically in a continuous civil war between 1839 and 1902 (Scheina).
Examples of such wars include the War of a Thousand Days (1899-1902) and “La violencia” (“The
Violence”) that took place in the late 1940s and 1950s.
12
For example, the failure to launch a regular mail service contributed to the isolation of the colony
(Hanratty et al. 69).
19
expanding economic opportunities opened some arteries for social mobility, no radical
changes took place in the structure of the society. Limited political and social power has
continued to characterize the emerging middle class, which, still today, constitutes only
about 20% of the population.13 The heterogeneous nature of the middle class, combined
with a lack of unity and a lack of collective consciousness, may explain why its members
tend to identify themselves with the traditional elite and adopt their stipulated behavioral
In Colombia education has usually correlated with upper social structures. In the
primarily by family name and inherited wealth, but middle-class status was largely
both groups considerable care was taken to ensure that children receive the best education
in the most prestigious schools. Members of the elite and middle class have remained
European cultural trends and modeled their life-styles, attitudes, and values on traditional
European norms. Children continue to be sent to Europe and the United States for their
Until after World War II, however, obtaining a higher education was a privilege
accessible only to the upper social levels (Blutstein et al. 154). In the 1960s and early
education gave way to a series of educational reforms that proved very effective. The
Colombian government allocated large amounts of its budget to the restructuring of the
13
According to Country Profile: Colombia (2007) published by the Federal Research Division of the U.S.
Library of Congress.
20
education system. By the mid-1970s more was being spent on education than on all other
social services combined, and the total enrollment of students at all levels of the public
and private school system were at least six times higher than they had been fifteen years
earlier (Blutstein et al. 149). Significant progress was attained in the area of education
compared to the first half of the twentieth century. In 1975 the literacy rate was as high as
85% in the cities, and by the late 1980s it was approximately 88%.14 According to the
2005 census most of the Colombian population attained at least a basic primary
education; the percentage of the population without any education was only 10.5 %
Both educational and attitudinal factors played a role in the early reception of the
classical European tale in Colombia. As will become apparent in the following chapter,
French tales and other classical European literary tales seemed to have enjoyed a higher
popularity in Colombia during the first half of the twentieth century than the tales of the
Grimm brothers, which present themselves as relying more heavily on oral traditions
(folk tales). At this point it is useful to clarify the distinction between folk tales
(Volksmärchen) and literary tales (Kunstmärchen) since it is an area that still causes
confusion. Defined in a very basic way, the main difference between oral folk tale and
literary fairy tale is that the latter is written by an identifiable author and thus exists in
only one version (because it has been penned and printed and cannot be altered). Some
literary fairy tales or Kunstmärchen are completely original, yet others draw elements and
motifs from oral folk tales; those based on preexisting tales constitute reworkings and
adaptations of the oral variants, and therefore are considered “synthetic, artificial, and
14
According to Country Profile: Colombia from 2007.
21
elaborate in comparison to the indigenous formation of the folk tale that emanated from
communities and tend to be simple and anonymous” (Zipes, Oxford Companion XVi).
The apparent preference for literary tales (especially French) over those by the
Grimms in first half of the twentieth century can be explained, on the one hand, by the
overall literacy levels in the country and, on the other hand, by the prevalent attitudes of
the higher social class. In Colombia low levels of education restricted the reception of the
classical tales to the educated minority. The educated minority, who modeled their
attitude and values on European tradition, looked primarily to France as the main cultural
authors like Charles Perrault and Mme. de Beaumont but also by reputable foreign
writers such as the Danish author Hans Christian Andersen constituted fine examples of
children’s literature to be read at home. The data that I will present in the subsequent
chapter shows that early publications of literary fairy tales outnumber those by the
Grimm brothers. It was only after 1955 that the Grimm tales start to gain in popularity
Religion
Catholicism has been the established religion in Colombia since the early
sixteenth century. With about 95% of the population baptized in the Catholic Church,
Colombia is an overwhelmingly Catholic country, and Colombians are among the most
devout of Latin America Catholics. Up until the late 1980s Colombia was still widely
known as one of the most conservative and traditional countries in Latin America
Throughout the history of Colombia, and well after its independence from Spain,
the Roman Catholic Church has enjoyed a privileged status and has permeated all levels
of politics and society.15 Continuing to be one of the most important institutions in the
country, the Church’s influence in the daily lives of Colombians and their organizations
is considered to be the one of the most pervasive in the Western Hemisphere (Blutstein et
al. 138).
In the sphere of education the Roman Catholic Church has played a dominant
role. The Church was the main contributor in establishing the earliest educational
institutions; it founded the first schools during the sixteenth century, and the first
seminaries (primarily to educate the sons of Spanish settlers) as well as the first
universities in the seventeenth century.16 Still today, universities with Catholic ties are
among the most prestigious in the country; the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, for
example, founded and directed by the Society of Jesus is one of the oldest and most
school was an usual path for an upwardly mobile cleric (Blutstein et al. 134). The
authority of the Church in the field of education and the Church’s traditional association
15
The special relationship between the Church and the Colombian government is apparent, for example, in
the Concordat of 1887, which stipulated the Church’s dominant role in key aspects of life: birth, education,
marriage, and death (Blutstein et al. 125-132). Two clauses of the 1887 agreement are worth citing here:
the first clause declared the Apostolic and Roman Catholic Church as the Church of the nation. The second
clause declared that education and public instruction were to be organized according to the dogma and
moral of the Catholic religion.
16
The first two universities in Colombia were: Pontificia Universidad Javeriana founded in 1623, and
Universidad del Rosario founded by Cristóbal de Torres, then Archbishop of Santa Fé (Nuevo Reino de
Granada), in 1653.
23
with the elite structures of society appear to have affected the early reception of the
Grimm tales in Colombia. As will become apparent in the following chapters, in the
main libraries early published pedagogical stories for children imbued with a Catholic
ideology outnumber other secular works. In regard to German authors, works by the
Catholic priest and writer of children’s stories Christoph von Schmid (1768-1854) appear
to have enjoyed a much wider reception in the country during the first half of the
twentieth century than other German works for children. The Church’s hegemony and its
decisive role in the area of education may provide an explanation for the copious
inventory of early works for children that promote Catholic doctrine over more secular
writings.
The development of literature for children is a fairly recent process that started
with a change in the perception of childhood at the turn of the eighteenth century. Prior to
that time children were simply viewed as adults in miniature (Ariès 19). The modern
notion of childhood assigned children their own separate and protective sphere, and
recognized their individual necessities and interests. With this recognition the need for a
“specialized” literature that will cater to this new and unique consumer group began to
arise.
In Colombia the first attempts to tend to the childhood segment started in the late
nineteenth century. The oldest Colombian publication geared specifically to children that
I was able to identify that was El Álbum de los Niños: periódico de instrucción i recreo
created and directed by Carlos M. Torres with the “decisive support” of Dr. Ricardo
Aguilera, a Roman Catholic priest and head of the parish of Moniquirá (“La Lectura”
231). It is difficult to ascertain the exact dates of publication of this magazine; based on
issues available at the libraries Luis Ángel Arango and Biblioteca Nacional, the Álbum de
los Niños appeared between August 1871 and November 1893, though with apparent
and required a pre-paid three-month subscription. The main intention of El Álbum de los
Niños was to develop in the child the habit of reading while offering instructive and
moralizing pieces based on the teachings of God, as the following quote indicates:
segment with announcements advertised a list of children’s publications that had just
17
Tunja is the capital of the Department of Boyacá, located in the central-eastern part of Colombia
bordering with Venezuela.
18
The catalogue of the Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango indicates several periods in which the publication of
El Álbum de los Niños: periódico de instrucción i recreo was suspended and later reinstated.
19
All translations are mine, unless specified otherwise.
25
arrived in Colombia and were available at the bookstore of Carlos M. Torres e hijo (a
bookstore managed by the creator/director of the magazine and his son). The new
recreational prizes for children (itemized under “Libros: premios para niños—Recreo
Infantil”). Some of the advertised items appear to be tales by Perrault and the Grimms,
although I found no evidence that any of these were actually published in the magazine
itself. The 17th edition from November 1893, for example, contained the following titles,
which could be adaptations of the Grimms’ tales: El doctor que todo lo sabe (The Doctor
Who Knows It All, a possible version of the Grimm’s “Doktor Allwissend”), Los tres
hermanos (The Three Brothers, perhaps corresponding to the “Die drei Brüder”), Pepito y
Mariquita (similar names have been used in other Spanish adaptations of “Hänsel und
Gretel”), Los cabritos y el lobo (The Little Goats and the Wolf, possibly “Der Wolf und
die sieben jungen Geißlein”), El Pulgarcito (The Little Thumb, possibly based on
oder der eiserne Heinrich”). Other titles such as Barba azul (Blue Beard) and La
difficult to ascertain whether the listed items are indeed classical fairy tales, since the
actual texts are not available and the only information at hand is a mere list of titles
without any other clarification (e.g., about the authors or bibliography). The list of “new
adding fresh titles the same list was reprinted over and over. Aside from this magazine I
found only a few other publications for children produced in Colombia during the late
20
Because the story of “Blue Beard” appeared only in the first edition of the KHM (1812/15), and since it
was Perrault, not Grimm, who used the title “Cinderella”—i.e. “Cendrillon,” it is more likely that these
titles were based on Perrault’s tales and not the Grimms’.
26
nineteenth and early twentieth century;21 most of them were petty periodicals of reduced
circulation, and none included any of the stories by the Brothers Grimm.
The decades of the 1920s and 1930s were a time when Colombian society was
sectors joined efforts to modernize the country in cultural and educational matters.
Increased monetary resources were allotted to facilitate the access to both knowledge and
recreation, through the creation of new libraries, cultural centers, radio and
cinematographic programs, reading and lecture halls, and so forth. It was during this time
that specialized written materials targeted at children saw a short comeback in Colombia,
with the publications of the popular illustrated magazine Chanchito (Piglet). Created and
directed by the engineer and poet Victor Eduardo Caro (1877-1944), the children’s
magazine Chanchito is of great historical value because it is viewed to be the best and
cultural project closely tied to the childhood spirit, Chanchito was named after a
character in one of the fables by the Colombian lyricist and children’s author Rafael
Pombo (1833-1912).23 The children’s magazine was first published on July 6, 1933, in
Bogotá and appeared weekly. Caro, its editor, had a clear idea of the creative capacities
of children and had also knowledge of classical literature of the time, which permitted
21
These were El Niño: periódico literario del Liceo de la Infancia (The Child: Literary Journal of the
Childhood Lyceum, 1868) edited by Roberto G. Sarmiento and Antonio Camacho and printed by Imprenta
de la Nación; Almacén de los niños (Magazin of the Children, 1890-91) directed by Ignacio Borda and
published bi-weekly, Niñez (Childhood, 1914-17) published at the school Colegio Restrepo Mejía; and
from the Sociedad Fraternidad, Universal Luz y Alegría: revista para niños (Light and Joy: Magazine for
Children, 1934-1936) published monthly by Tipografía Bremen. All of these magazines were published in
Bogotá.
22
The quality of this publication is praised, for example, in the article “La revista Chanchito, un homenaje
a los niños colombianos” by Beatriz-Helena Robledo (1958- ), a docent at the Universidad Javeriana in
Bogotá.
23
Pombo’s character Chanchito, the son of a well-to-do family, was finally domesticated after
“punishments, scolds, and whips” and learned to behave perfectly before society. The chosen title for this
magazine points at the socializing intent of the publication.
27
him to deliver to young readers an exclusive selection of literary works that were both
entertaining and challenging. The weekly publication included poems, fables in verse,
games, comics, informative texts (about nature and the cosmos, history, scientific
curiosities, etc.), and simple cooking recipes directed towards “diligent girls.” Stories and
popular section of the magazine. The poems, fables, and stories by Rafael Pombo are
Darío, Tomás de Iriarte, Gabriela Mistral, Rafael Obligado, Luis de Tapia, and others.
Some of the translated pieces published in the magazine include Lewis Carroll’s Alice’s
Winter amid the Ice,” and Swords and Hearts by the then widely-read Italian author
Edmondo de Amicis.
Classical fairy tales were also featured in Chanchito. Among the titles located are
“El patito feo” (Andersen’s “The Ugly Duckling”), “El gato con botas” (Perrault’s “Puss
in Boots”), and eight of the Grimms’ tales including “La Casita de Turrón” (“The Nougat
House,” an adaptation of KHM 15 “Hänsel und Gretel”), “Los seis cisnes” (“The Six
Swans,” an adaptation of KHM 49 “Die sechs Schwäne”), and “El caballo prodigioso”
contrast to the other published pieces, which clearly specified their authors (e.g., fables,
poems, children’s novels such as Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland), none of the fairy
tales, whether literary tales or tales based on oral tradition, are attributed to a specific
author. The omission of authorship suggests that the magazine’s editor considers the tales
either as common property (probably due to the connection between the fairy tale and the
28
oral folk tale) or of inferior literary value and thus deems it unnecessary to acknowledge
an author or collector.
Praised by the main national newspapers of the time (i.e., El Tiempo and El
Espectador), Chanchito was last printed on November 29, 1934 after a total of sixty-three
numbers published in three volumes. Apparently a combination of high price and bad
distribution contributed to the magazine’s short life. After Chanchito only a handful of
short-lived magazines for children have followed, including Rin rin,24 published in 1936;
Michín: Revista semanal ilustrada, published by Editorial Santafé (Bogotá) in 1938; and
Tío Pepe, edited by Gabriel E. La Rotta and published by Editorial Iris (Bucaramanga) in
1958.
In general, early publications for children edited and published in Colombia are
scarce. Besides the aforementioned magazines, I found only two anthologies for children
from this early period: Libro de lecturas escogidas en prosa y verso para niños y niñas
(Book of Selected Readings in Prose and Verse for Girls and Boys), edited by Rodolfo D.
Bernal and published in Bogotá (the earliest edition located is from 1891); and Los
and nicely presented anthology (hard cover, illustrated), compiled by Rafael Jaramillo
and Latin American authors such as Rafael Pombo, Rubén Dario, Andersen, Kipling, La
Fontaine, and Gabriela Mistral. The Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango owns two copies of
Los maestros de la literatura infantil, one published in 1946 and the other in 1958. The
24
Illustrated and directed by the Sergio Trujillo Magnenat, Rin rin had a high liberal content intended to
politize the young ones.
29
1958 edition includes the famous legend “El flaustista de Hamelin” (“The Pied Piper of
Hamelin”) in a verse adaptation. The short introduction preceding the story explains that
this retelling of the ancient legend is attributable to the English poet Robert Browning:
Hay una curiosa y popular leyenda de la Alemania del siglo III [sic], y que
en prosa y en verso se ha venido transmitiendo a todas las lenguas, sin
perder su emoción y encanto. Corresponde al poeta inglés Roberto
Browning, darnos la versión de lo que sucedió en el año 1284 a la ciudad
de Hamelin a quien un mago con su flauta encantada la libró de la plaga
de ratones, y a quien el mismo hechicero impuso terrible castigo por no
haber sido pagado en su justo precio. (Jaramillo Arango 273)
There is a curious and popular legend from the Germany of the third
century [sic] that, in prose and verse, has been transmitted in all languages
without losing its emotion and charm. The English poet Robert Browning
gives us the version of what happened in the year 1284 in the city of
Hamelin, where a magician with his enchanted flute freed it from the
plague of mice, but this same wizard also imposed a terrible punishment
for not having been paid a just price.
Although the above quote alludes to the Germanic origin of this old legend, the Grimm
brothers are nowhere mentioned in connection with this piece despite the fact that a
version of this tale appeared in the 1816/18 edition of their Deutsche Sagen (as no. 245
It was only several decades after Chanchito and Los maestros de la literatura
infantil that a literature for children actually began to emerge in Colombia. In the decade
of the 1970s an editorial boom of works for children started in the country. The boom
was mainly set in motion by the establishment of a national prize for children’s
literature—the Premio Enka de Literatura Infantil. The introduction of the Enka contest
in the mid-1970s provided the initial stimulus to professionalize the writing for children
in Colombia. National editors began to discover in the writings of new and unknown
authors valuable material to initiate a vast market, enriching the sources and popularizing
30
the reading of children’s works. Many of the authors who started publishing during this
period and were awarded the Enka prize are still committed to producing quality works
literature in Colombia, the Enka contest opened up new cultural avenues that resulted in
the creation of measures and institutions dedicated to foment and encourage reading (e.g.,
opening new reading halls and libraries, creating new contests, and offering courses of
children’s literature in the academic sectors). The literary prize was also an incentive for
the re-printing and editing of classical literature for children. One of the earliest editions
1979. Before the introduction of the Enka prize the tales by Perrault, Andersen, and the
The late dawning and slow growing industry of children’s literature in Colombia
let us conclude that the national production of literary texts for youngsters was neither a
fervid nor a strong cultural expression in the country until the last decades of the
twentieth century. Throughout its early history the production of juvenile literature and
related materials for children published in Colombia showed only few and sporadic
instances of development, but there was never an identifiable movement, school, or any
other manifestation that would allow us to speak of a “golden age” of children’s literature
in the country. The scarce and short-lived production of materials for children prior to the
late 1970s can be attributed in part to the low literacy level in Colombia during the first
half of the twentieth century; editors and publishers may have considered it economically
25
For example, Triunfo Arciniegas, Luis Darío Bernal, Jairo Anibal Niño, and Celso Román are among the
most persistent and prolific authors of children literature.
31
unfeasible to produce literature for youngsters given the reduced market segment limited
by illiteracy rates.
Long before the animated film Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs was first
released in Colombia in 1939, Disney was already a household name in the country.
Some of the first published issues of the magazine Chanchito had already featured
Disney characters. The cover page of the issue from August 31, 1933, for example, is
adorned with an oversized Mickey Mouse against a bright orange background along with
handing Mickey a copy of Chanchito (Fig. 18, page 185). A later edition from the same
year dedicates one of its first pages to the life story and customs of Mickey Mouse. The
article entitled “Historia del ratoncito Mickey: Su vida intima y costumbres” (“Story of
the Little Mouse Mickey: His Intimate Life and Customs”) praises the mouse for his good
character, diligence, and altruism; the piece also mentions his “good little” wife Minnie,
who lives happily with him and has never thought of getting a divorce (much in
Walt Disney’s iconic character Mickey Mouse made its debut in Steamboat
Willie—the first cartoon film with synchronized sound, released at the Colony Theatre in
New York on November 28, 1928. Two years later, in 1930, the Mickey Mouse comic
strip became available, and in 1932 the Mickey Mouse Sunday page drawn by the
remarkable that Chanchito, one of the few existing children’s magazines in Colombia,
featured the recently invented Mickey Mouse already in one of its first published
32
editions. The rapid response-time of the magazine’s editor attests to the successful
marketing strategies of the Disney Corporation in Latin America (we need to remember
that we are talking about Colombia in the early 1930s, where mass media was in its early
stages).26
The enormously successful animated feature Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs,
first released in the USA by RKO Radio Pictures on December 21, 1937, and released
anticipated film had its debut in Colombia in the last quarter of 1939; it was first shown
in Bogotá and Medellín on October 17 and later in Cali on November 23, 1939. The 83-
minute long film was completely dubbed in Spanish (including the songs) and became an
instant hit in the country. Several weeks before its debut numerous newspaper articles
announced fervidly the upcoming film. The paper Diario del Pacífico based in Cali, for
figures made out of ink and pen acquire life and the brilliantly crafted illusion turns
fantasy into reality.”27 Another article glorified Walt Disney as the creative genius who
took the story of the Brothers Grimm and bestowed upon it “indescribable beauty,
In most pieces published locally on Disney’s Snow White the name Grimm is
mentioned only marginally at best, and in several cases the information about the German
26
Although newspapers have been circulating in Colombia since the late nineteenth century (e.g., El
Espectador) radio broadcasting started in the late 1920s. The radio station HJN broadcasted for the first
time on September 5, 1929 (today HJN is called Radiodifusora Nacional de Colombia). Some of the current
major radio networks were founded in the late 1940s (e.g., Caracol and RCN Radio were founded in 1948),
and television was inaugurated in 1954.
27
Quote from the article "Blanca Nieves y los siete enanitos. Nítido encanto! Milagro del cine!" published
in Diario del Pacífico on November 20, 1939.
28
Quote from "Blanca Nieves y los siete enanitos: Seis palabras que cristalizan medio siglo de evolución
magnífica de la industria ... El mundo entero le ha rendido tributo de amiración y aplauso ... " that appeared
in Diario de Pacífico on November 16, 1939.
33
brothers is either confusing or inaccurate. Take the short editorial “Niña de Fábula” that
appeared in Diario del Pacífico, for instance, where it is implied that “Grimm” is a single
person: “Los dibujos de Walt Disney se animan para trasladar intensamente a la tela los
inocentes personajes del cuento de Grimm … Grimm no soñó jamás encontrar realizada
tan plena y tan limpiamente su hermosísimo cuento.”29 (“The drawings of Walt Disney
become animated to intensely transfer to the screen the innocent characters of the story of
Grimm …. Grimm never dreamed of finding his beautiful story realized so fully and
neatly”). The implied singularity of authorship is even more evident in the second part of
the quote where the Spanish verb soñar (to dream) is conjugated in third person singular
publications, the name of Snow White starts to proliferate in the titles of some of the
earliest Latin-American and Colombian publications. As will become apparent in the first
chapter, before Disney’s Snow White was released, most of the early publications with
Grimm tales had “generic” titles, such as Cuentos y leyendas de los hermanos Grimm
(1893) and Cuentos de Grimm (1935), and many editions did not even include the tale of
“Snow White.” It was only after the animated film that the name “Snow White” gained in
popularity and became central in the titles of many publications; for example, Blanca
Nieve y otros cuentos (Snow White and Other Tales, 1959), one of the earliest Latin-
American editions with Grimm tales located (published in Mexico), and the Mexican-
29
"Niña de Fábula," which appeared under the section entitled Intermedios in Diario del Pacífico on
November 27, 1939.
34
produced LP30 Blanca nieves y los siete enanitos / Caperucita Roja (Snow White and the
The tale of “Snow White” was also among the first stories published locally in
Colombia (as a single-tale book). In 1975 Editorial Norma issued the deluxe illustrated
edition Blanca nieves y los siete enanitos (Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs).32 Just a
year later, in 1976, the same publisher offered the very successful animated book El
festival de Blanca Nieves (The Festival of Snow White) as part of the series Colección
fantasía (Fantasy Collection). It is telling that the earlier 1975 publication identifies the
Brothers Grimm as authors of the tale, whereas the latter edition designates instead Walt
The name of the two German brothers seems to fade slowly into oblivion while
The press coverage of Walt Disney that started many weeks before the premier of his first
full-length animated film continued well into the 1980s. Numerous articles about Walt’s
life and work appeared repeatedly in various newspapers.33 The attention was in no small
part due to the marketing and promotional efforts of the Disney Corporation in Latin
America. The tour of South America that Walt Disney started in late summer 1941, was
carefully followed by the Colombian press despite the fact that Colombia was not among
30
Long-playing (LP) vinyl gramophone record albums (33½ rpm), some of which are in stereo recording.
31
This 27-minute stereo LP is the oldest record of a Grimm fairy tale that I could find in the libraries in
which I searched.
32
Other individually published titles include: Caperucita Roja (Little Red Riding Hood), Hansel y Gretel,
El conejo Pedrito (The Rabbit Pedrito), Cuentos de mamá gansa (Stories of Mother Goose), etc. The
history and children’s publication by Editorial Norma will be discussed in the following chapters.
33
For example, and just to name a few: "Realidad y mito de Walt Disney" (1967), "Walt Disney: Un genio
para todos" (1978), "Blancanieves cumple 50 años" (1987), or Luis Darío Bernal Pinilla’s "Blanca Nieves
vs. Pato Donald o la recuperación del sueño" (1985).
35
the countries he visited.34 The film Saludos Amigos (1942), which depicts characters like
Donald Duck and Goofy embarking on thrilling adventures in Latin America, was as
enthusiastically announced in the papers as were other Disney productions, like the
musical comedy Ritmo y Melodia (Medody Time, 1948), Fantasía (1940), and
Donald Duck, and Pluto, which debuted in Colombia in summer 1950. After a series of
the movie Cinderella (1950) as the next greatest creation of Disney after Snow White and
Fig. 1: Diario del Pacífico advertising the premier of Cinderella in Cali. Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis Ángel
Arango, Bogotá.
34
During his 3-month tour through South America Walt Disney visited Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Bolivia,
and Perú.
35
For example, in the movie-listings of Diario del Pacífico from January 3, 1951, which advertised the
premier of Cinderella in Cali. The announcement refers to the film as “the greatest production after Snow
White” and “the world’s most adorable love story … intertwined with dreams, laughter, idyll, and songs, in
a movie that only Disney can create.”
36
The animated feature Cinderella was first released in Colombia in January 1951,
less than one year after it was released in the United States (i.e., much faster than Snow
White, which took almost two years after the worldwide release to be shown in local
theaters).
Although Disney did acknowledge in its opening title (from 1937) that the movie
Snow White was based on a Grimms’ story, none of the movie listings in any the
Colombian newspapers that I examined ever mentioned the written source on which the
animated film was based. It is indeed ironic that even though the name Grimm practically
vanished from local newspapers/magazines and was replaced with that of Disney, it was
the Disney films based on the classical fairy tales that increased the popular awareness
In contrast to the numerous articles written on Walt Disney and his works, the
printed information on the Grimms in local newspapers, magazines, and other printed
sources is very limited. One of the few newspaper articles related to the Grimms that I
was able to locate was “Jacobo y Guillermo Grimm, padres adoptivos de Blanca Nieves y
Caperucita” (“Jacob and William Grimm, Adoptive Parents of Snow White and Little
Red Riding Hood”) written by Daniel Samper Pizano (1945- ). Daniel Samper Pizano is a
Colombian lawyer and writer, and one of the best-known and respected journalists in the
country. His two-page centerfold article on the Grimms, written to commemorate the
second centenary of Jacob’s birth, appeared in the Sunday supplemental edition of the
daily El Tiempo under the section of Literature on October 27, 1985. Despite the
37
ascendancy of Disney, the bicentennial of the Grimm brothers’ birth in 1985 and 1986,
Samper’s article presents the Brothers Grimm as two somber German linguists
transformed into geniuses of juvenile literature. It was never the brothers’ intention,
Samper explains, to go down in history as authors of children’s literature, for they were
earnest scholars indifferent to any type of entertainment for children (Samper notes that
Jacob never showed interest in getting married or having children). To buttress the
argument that the Grimms’ fame as authors of children’s literature was a twist of fate, the
opening paragraph points at the harshness and extreme cruelty portrayed in some tales,
noting the torture (and sometimes death) endured by their characters. Among the titles
cited are “Los tres enanitos del bosque” (“Die drei Männlein im Walde,” KHM 13), in
which an old woman and her daughter are locked up in a hammered-shut barrel that is
rolled down a hill until it fells into the river; “Blanca Nieves” (“Sneewittchen
(Schneeweißchen),” KHM 53), where the stepmother is forced to wear red-hot shoes and
dance until she falls dead; “La novia blanca y la novia negra” (“Die weiße und die
schwarze Braut,” KHM 135), in which the black bride is first stripped naked, then put
into a barrel studded with nails, and later pulled by a horse around the world; and “Los
doce hermanos” (“Die zwölf Brüder,” KHM 9), where the king keeps twelve coffins
because he intends to kill his twelve sons if his next child was born a girl.
Segments of the story “The Jew in the Thornbush” (KHM 110) are also
youngsters. Pointing to the central theme of incest as similarly unsuitable for children,
38
Samper also comments on the tale “Piel de Asno” (“Donkeyskin”), in which a widowed
king promise to remarry only if he finds a woman that surpasses in beauty his deceased
wife; since the only woman in the kingdom to meet his expectation is his own daughter,
In Colombia the few articles on the Grimms, like this one by Samper, seem to
have spread confusion rather than provide clarity about the brothers’ work and legacy.
Just as the newspaper editorial “Niña de Fábula,” which I mentioned earlier, suggests that
the tale of “Snow White” is the work of one single author, Samper’s article conveys
misinformation about the Grimms’ informants and the French origin of some of their
36
Given that Samper is using the title “Piel de Asno,” it is possible that he is thinking of Perrault’s story
“Peau d’Ane.” However, the Grimms have a version of the Peau d’Ane tale type entitled “Allerleirauh”
(tale no. 65 first published in 1812)—often translated as “All Fur” or “Thousandfurs.”
39
Although Samper makes correct allusion to the French provenance of Cinderella, Little
Red Riding Hood, and Sleeping Beauty, he indiscriminately casts into the same group the
equally popular tale of Snow White, which certainly did not come from Perrault.37 Snow
White and the French-derived Little Red Riding Hood were already “paired” in the title
of his article (“Jacob and William Grimm, Adoptive Parents of Snow White and Little
Red Riding Hood”), implying that both tales have similar origins. As I will demontrate
later, in Colombia French literary fairy tales appear to have had a prolonged exposure and
a better reception than the Grimm tales during the first fifty years of the twentieth
century; this may have contributed to the misperception that Snow White derives from
From the previous quotation we can also infer that the popular belief of the
German brothers roaming the countryside to collect tales directly from the “folk” seems
to be still engraved in the minds of some Colombians. The image of the wandering
Colombia, intended to provide teachers with a list of children’s texts that would serve as
an efficient tool in the development of their didactic programs. The first chapter deals
with the definition, historical evolution, and focus of children’s literature and includes a
37
In her article “Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs” Mary L. Ennies writes about the wide circulation that
the tale of Snow White has had in Africa, Asia Minor, Scandinavia, Ireland, Russia, Greece, Serbo-Croatia,
the Caribbean, and North, South, and Central America; France, however, is not mentioned in this list of
countries. In Europe, early written versions of Snow White appeared in collections such as Basile’s
Pentamerone (1634-6), J. K. Musäus’s Volkmärchen der Deutschen (1782), and the Grimms’ Kinder- und
Hausmärchen (1812/15) (Ennies 478).
40
brief paragraph on the Grimms and their work. In regard to the Grimms’ informants we
read:
Certainly several members of the lower social classes from Hesse contributed to the tale
collection, especially Dorothea Viehmann, who told the brothers a good number of
them.38 However, contrary to this popular idea, rather than visiting peasants in the
German countryside the Grimms’ primary collection method was to invite the storytellers
to their home, most of whom were educated young ladies from the middle class or
aristocracy in the area of Kassel. It is now well known that many of the recorded tales
were not authentically German but, in fact, derived from the French courtly tradition. A
number of families in the bourgeois circle of Kassel had Huguenot lineage and spoke
French at home; as Jack Zipes has noted, many of the Grimm informants were acquainted
with both the oral and literary traditions and combined motifs from both sources (Zipes,
In yet another publication, this time the literary and biographic encyclopedia
2.000 años de literatura universal (2.000 Years of Universal Literature) edited by Fanny
Zamora Nieto et al., we find further examples of misinformation about the German
38
Another informant from Hesse was Johann Friedrich Krause, an old retired soldier who gave the brothers
tales in exchange for some of their old clothes (Zipes, Complete Fairy Tales XXiX).
41
[sic]—contain a series of careless mistakes that already start with the first names and
birthdates. According to the provided information, Jakob and Wilheim [sic] were born in
1775 and 186339 respectively. This error can hardly be dismissed as a typographical lapse
because, in both cases the dates are not only wrong but are not even close, considering
that Jacob was born in 1785 and Wilhelm in 1786. The recklessness is carried forth to
Wilhelm’s year of death, whose date is given as 1959 instead of 1859 (this time, it was
probably a typo). Further on we read that both siblings studied law in “Steinan y
Marburgo” (576). “Marburgo” is Spanish for Marburg, where the brothers attended law
unidentifiable at first, probably refers to Steinau (near Kassel), where they lived for part
of their youth. The article continues by citing some of the works published by the
brothers such as Poesía de los naestros [sic] cantores (1811),40 Cuentos infantiles y del
(1829);43 although the claim that these works were published collaboratively is not
completely correct, the given dates are (surprisingly) accurate. The dates for other titles
listed in this encyclopedic entry are, however, incorrect. For example, the publication
date for Diccionario alemán (Deutsches Wörterbuch) appears as 1852-1858 when the
first volume was actually published in 1854. Similarly erroneous is the publication date
of Silva de romances viejos, given as 1811 instead of 1815; even though the Grimms
39
This is the year in which Jacob died.
40
Referring to Über den altdeutschen Meistergesang.
41
Referring to the Kinder- und Hausmärchen.
42
Referring to Deutsche Sagen.
43
Referring to Die deutsche Heldensage.
42
originally gave this work its Spanish title, for some inexplicable reason, in this article it
closer inspection because it is notably inaccurate. In the opening sentence we read that
the collection was published between 1812 and 1822, and that it constitutes one of the
major merits of the Grimms’ work because the brothers rescued and recorded “toda una
memoria popular, que la tradición oral mantenía viva a nivela [sic] local, para difundirla e
incorporarla a la cultura del mundo entero” (576) (“all of a popular memory, kept alive in
the oral tradition at a local level, to diffuse and incorporate it to the culture of the whole
world”). The initial sentence already provides false information in regard to the
publication dates and the driving motives of the brothers in collecting the tales. Not only
are the dates partially wrong (it was the volume of annotations for the 2nd edition of 1819
that was published in 1822) but also misleading because it fails to mention that there is
more than one edition of the KHM. The Grimms’ motivation to gather tales from the oral
tradition was never to diffuse the German folktales and incorporate them into the culture
of the entire world but rather, to use Zipes’s words, to uncover the ethymological and
linguistic truths that bound the German people together and were expressed in their laws
Further down we read that after spending many years collecting the stories the
brothers rewrote them using a style that was easily comprehensible for the children and
the entire family. The article adds that many of the stories that make up the KHM have
their origin in the traditions of countries like France, but that they were endowed with a
distinct German character thanks to the editorial license exercised by the Grimms. Let’s
43
look at the following paragraph, which I have purposedly translated as close as possible
The series of fantastic and popular stories that form this collection is
endowed with a distinctive German character conferred by the re-
elaboration work done by the Grimms, although many tales have their
origin in the tradition of countries like France, as in the case of “Stories of
past times” (Contes du times [sic] passé) by Charles Perrault (1626 [sic]-
1703), subtitled “Stories of my mother hears you” (Contes de ma mére
[sic] l’oye [sic]) among which are “Puss in Boots”; “Snow White”; “Little
Red Riding Hood”; “Cinderella”, and others.
This misleading paragraph inevitably adds to the confusion that already surrounds the
French origins of some tales and the editing role of the brothers. Like the previous article
here with other well-known tales claiming that they all come from the French tradition.
Noticeable in the above quote is yet another date mistake, this time in regard to Perrault’s
year of birth (he was born in 1628 not 1626). Furthermore, there is the very awkward way
in which Contes de ma mère l’Oye has been translated. The French word “Oye”
(“goose”) has been ignored and replaced by the present tense of the Spanish verb “oir”
(to hear), which conjugated in 3rd person singular reads “oye” (he/she hears) thus creating
A subsequent paragraph claims that from the very beginning the Grimms
defended themselves against critics, who branded as cruel the stories for children that
they had “reconstructed” using “popular accounts” (576). To buttress this statement an
alleged quotation taken from the “preface to the collection” is used (576). No indication
about which preface from which edition is given; in fact, from the information provided
in this encyclopedia it is impossible to discern that seven different (large) editions of the
KHM were published. The alleged quotation is so poorly translated that, in some
quotation, I have once again tried to keep my translation as close as possible to the
original:
“En el interior de estas obras se encuentra la misma pureza por la que los
niños nos parecen tan felices y encantadores; tienen, por así decirlo, los
mismos ojos azulados y que no pueden crecer más, mientras los restantes
miembros son todavía tiernos y débiles, incapaces para la labor de la
tierra. La mayoría de las situaciones son tan sencillas que seguramente se
dieron casi todas en la vida pero como todo lo verdadero son siempre
nuevas y conmovedoras”.Y posteriomente escriben: “Buscamos la pureza
de la verdad en una narración directa y que no esconde con recelo algo
malo. No sabemos de ningún libro sano y fuerte que haya servido para la
formación del pueblo –empezando por la biblia– donde no aparezcan tales
reservas en mayor o menor grado. Pero el buen uso no ve nada malo en
ello, sino por el contrario, como dice un bello refrán, un testimonio de
nuestro corazón. Los niños saben leer sin miedo en los astro, mientras
otros injurian a los ángeles partiendo de las creencias populares”. (Zamora
Nieto 576)
“Inside these works is the same purity that makes children appear to us so
happy and enchanting; they have, so to speak, the same bluish eyes that
cannot grow anymore, while the remaining body parts are still tender and
weak, incapable of working the earth. The majority of the situations are so
simple, that almost all of them have certainly occurred in life, but as with
everything that is true they are always new and moving.” And later they
write: “We look for the purity of truth in a direct narration that does not
hide with distrust something bad. We do not know of any wholesome and
strong book that has served to form the people –starting with the bible–
where such reservations don’t appear in a major or minor degree. But the
45
good use does not see anything bad in that, but on the contrary, as a
beautiful proverb says, it is a testimony of our heart. Children know how
to read on the stars without fear, while others insult the angels starting
from the popular beliefs.”
The above quote is actually a combination of sections stemming from two different
prefaces: the first part is taken from the preface to volume 1 published in 1812,44 while
the second part comes from the preface to volume 2 published in 1815.45 The first edition
of KHM was published in two separate volumes, each of them with their own separate
preface. As mentioned before, these are very poor translations of the original and
extremely difficult to grasp. This is especially true for the second portion of the quote,
From the names of the compilers to the publication dates of the KHM, from the
origin of the tales to the preface cited, this encyclopedic entry on the Grimms’ lives and
legacy published by Zamora Editores in Bogotá is a shame. It is very unfortunate that the
Yet the carelessness of this article may be an indicator of how the local publishing
industry values the scholarly work of the Grimms; the lack of attention seem to suggest
that the editors of this book consider the information to be too superfluous and
44
The equivalent passage from the preface to the 1812 edition reads:
Innerlich geht durch diese Dichtungen dieselbe Reinheit, um derentwillen uns Kinder so
wunderbar und seelig erscheinen; sie haben gleichsam dieselben bläulich-weißen, mackellosen,
glänzenden Augen (in die sich die kleinen Kinder selbst so gern greifen1), die nicht mehr wachsen
können, während die andern Glieder noch zart, schwach, und zum Dienst der Erde ungeschickt
sind. So einfach sind die meisten Situationen, daß viele sie wohl im Leben gefunden, aber wie alle
wahrhaftigen doch immer wieder neu und ergreifend. (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen
23656-57)
45
The equivalent passage from the preface to the second volume published in 1815 reads:
Gedeihlich aber kann alles werden, was natürlich ist, und darnach sollen wir trachten. Uebrigens
wissen wir kein gesundes und kräftiges Buch, welches das Volk erbaut hat, wenn wir die Bibel
obenan stellen, wo solche Bedenklichkeiten nicht in ungleich größerm Maaß einträten; der rechte
Gebrauch aber findet nicht Böses heraus, sondern nur wie ein schönes Wort sagt: ein Zeugniß
unseres Herzens. Kinder deuten ohne Furcht in die Sterne, während andere nach dem
Volksglauben Engel damit beleidigen. (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 24215)
46
unimportant to devote the time to verify or proofread it. Nevertheless, this article is
exceptional because it is one of the very few that I was able to find on the Brothers
Grimm. During the course of this study, the information on the Brothers Grimm and their
examined several textbooks used to teach Spanish and literature (e.g., published by
Norma, Bedout, Voluntad, and Pime), and in the majority of the cases the name Grimm is
simply non-existent. In the examined textbooks, under the section on Romanticism, for
example, a minimal reference is made to German Romantic authors and, within that
limited context, only the names of Goethe, Schiller, Schlegel, and Heine are cited.46
Even many of the reference books published by Norma, such as encyclopedias, in which
the entry on Romanticism is usually lengthier and more elaborate than in school
textbooks, fail to acknowledge the connection between the German Romantic movement
46
In most textbooks the discussion centers primarily on the influence of the Romantic Movement in
Spanish and Latin American authors. From twelve editions examined, only the following three make a very
short and casual reference about selected German Romantic authors (mostly those mentioned above); the
name Grimm is nowhere cited:
1) Conrado González Mejía, et al., Cultivemos nuestro idioma: Curso cuarto de enseñanza media
(Medellín: Editorial Bedout, 1968).
2) Victoria Cely Campos, et al., Español sin fronteras: un enfoque comunicativo (Bogotá: Voluntad
[Carvajal], 1987).
3) Lucia González de Chavez, Español y literatura (Medellín: Bedout, 1989).
47
The following publications by Norma have almost identical entries on the German Romantic Movement;
they discuss briefly the life and work of Goethe, Hölderin, Kleist, Schlegel, Tieck, Novalis, and Heine.
There are no articles on the Brothers Grimm, and their names are not mentioned in regard to folktales or
folklore.
1) Mabel V. Pachón Rojas, ed., Explorer: Enciclopedia temática ilustrada. Bogotá: Norma, 2006.
2) Mabel V. Pachón Rojas, ed., Enciclopedia temática ilustrada: Maestra Crear. Bogotá: Norma,
2006.
3) Diana M. Romero F., ed., Espiral: Enciclopedia temática ilustrada. Bogotá: Norma, 2004, 2005.
4) María Candelaria Posada, et al., eds., Enciclopedia Norma básica del conocimiento universal:
Literatura. Bogotá: Norma, 1998.
Other locally edited encyclopedias such as the 2000 edition of Enciclopedia temática del estudiante
published in Cali by Prensa Moderna Impresores, also fails to mention the Grimms within the context of
the Romanticism movement.
47
In general, it appears as though the Colombian public has been exposed to a very
limited amount of information regarding the Brothers Grimm and their work; and as the
above examples indicate, most of the printed material is confusing and inaccurate. It is
plausible that the reduced printed information on the German siblings had a negative
effect in the propagation of the tales, especially in the first half of the twentieth century.
If the local press had addressed the life and work of the German brothers in a similar
fashion as it did with Walt Disney, the Colombian public would have become aware of
their existence and possibly also been interested much earlier in their work. In that
regard, the lack of knowledge about Grimms may be perceived as an obstacle for the
dissemination of the tales and one that slowed down the earlier reception.
reception of the Grimm tales in Colombia during the first half of the twentieth century:
(1) the low rate of literacy, which limited the reach of the tales to a reduced educated
minority; (2) the attitudinal trends of the elite and the relatively small middle class, who
viewed France as the main cultural center in Europe, and tend to favor French works over
German works; (3) the dominant role of the Roman Catholic Church, especially in the
sphere of education, which promoted works imbued with Catholic teachings (e.g., by
Christoph von Schmid) rather than works with secular values; (4) the late emergence and
From all of the examined texts, only the 2006 encyclopedic dictionary Multidiccionario enciclopédico
Norma (edited by M. Pachón Rojas) casually cites the Brothers Grimm under the entry “romanticismo”
(Romanticism). The text that includes the Grimms reads: “De Alemania salieron los más brillantes teóricos
(J. G. Herder, A. W. von Schlegel), dos inclasificables figuras de transición, J. W. Goethe y J. C. F.
Schiller, los poetas J. C. F. Hölderin, Novalis, C. Brentano y A. von Armin, el dramaturgo H. von Kleist y
el cuentista E. T. A Hoffmann, sin olvidar la aportación de los hermanos Grimm” (419). [From Germany
came the most brilliant theorists (J. G. Herder, A. W. von Schlegel), two unclassifiable transitional figures
J. W. Goethe and J. C. F. von Schiller, the poets J. C. F. Hölderin, Novalis, C. Brentano and A. von Armin,
the playwright H. von Kleist and the story writer E.T.A Hoffmann, without forgetting the contribution of
the Brothers Grimm.”]
48
domestically produced reading material for children (including new and local adaptations
of classical tales such as the Grimms’); and (5) the limited availability of printed
information on the Grimm brothers, which delayed the reception of their work.
It was only in the second half of the twentieth century that the Grimm tales started
to gain popularity in Colombia. The main contributing factors of this positive trend were
1960s and 1970s; the establishment of a national prize for children’s literature (Enka) in
the late 1970s, which not only encouraged new productions by unknown national authors
but also the re-printing of classical literature for children; and the Disney films based on
stories by the Grimms and other classical fairy tales (Snow White, Cinderella, Sleeping
Beauty), which increased the popular awareness of the tales in the KHM. As of 1955 the
Libraries
The initial corpus for documenting the history of the Grimm tales in Colombia
will comprise publications from the nineteenth century and early twentieth century. In
this chapter I will examine the inventory of Grimm tales and other European classical
fairy tales, published through 1955, extant in the main libraries. Because fairy tales are
but one of many genres of children’s literature, it is important to consider the classical
fairy tale within the larger context of other publications categorized as children’s/youth
literature in the local libraries. Looking at the broader context will help to determine the
overall position of the fairy tale within this category and provide initial insight into fairy
tale reception.
The main Colombian libraries are richly supplied with early publications of both
classical European fairy tales and other works by many of the traditional European
authors who have written for children.48 Listing all the authors and their available works
manageable I have selected a representative sample of works and authors based on the
careful examination of central library catalogues and the detailed bibliographic record of
over 2000 publications. To guide this research, I used the following criteria: (1) the
number of available publications by a specific author, (2) the age of the publications, (3)
the languages (translations) in which the publications are available (particularly Spanish),
(4) whether the text has been printed in Colombia, and (5) whether the provenance of the
48
For example, and just to name a few, Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, Lewis Carroll, Rudyard Kipling,
Waldemar Bonsels, Carlo Collodi, Daniel Defoe, Arthur Conan Doyle, and J. M. Barrie.
50
publication is known (e.g., if it was donated to the library from family collections or
arrangement helped to discern specific authors, works, or languages that stand out within
a given period. Special attention was devoted to publications written in Spanish, since
they have a wider reach among the Colombian public than works in other foreign
works were indeed circulating in Colombia at the time of their publication or, if they
were, how widespread their ciculation might have been. Private donations from family
libraries increase the odds that the editions were being read when they were published.
Unfortunately, only in very few cases has it been specified how the books became part of
the libraries’ inventories and under which circumstances, so we can only make a
conjecture that the publishing dates reflect their circulation at roughly that time. The mere
fact, however, that these publications are currently available in Colombia and form part
of the public library network suggest that there has been some local demand and therefore
majority of the relevant publications in Bogotá. Colombia’s capital has a long tradition
49
Colombia is a highly centralized country, which is reflected in its population, economy, government,
educational system, and cultural setting. The capital of Bogotá has the highest concentration of urban
population (according to the 2005 national census conducted by Departamento Administrativo Nacional de
Estadística [DANE], more than 10% of Colombians—or over 4.3 million—live in the Greater Bogotá area).
In addition to being one of the four major industrial centers (along with Medellín, Cali and Barranquilla),
Bogotá houses the headquartes of the government, as well as the oldest and most prestigious universities,
museums, and libraries in Colombia, which makes this city the country’s cultural center.
51
of intellectual culture, which is captured in being called the “Athens of South America,”50
a name given to Bogotá in the late nineteenth century. The extensive collections and
and Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango del Banco de la República—reflect the prestigious
intellectual culture of Colombia. Most of the material for this study was located at these
two sites.
The Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango del Banco de la República is the largest and
most important public library in the country.51 It was inaugurated in 1958 and named
after its promoter, Luis Ángel Arango, who was the General Manager of the Banco de la
Colombia—devotes some of its resources to cultural activities; it has the Gold Museum,
some regional museums, several music halls, and a public library system. The library
network of Colombia’s Central Bank integrates eighteen libraries, ten cultural areas, and
seven regional centers of documentation in twenty-eight cities across the country; the
Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango is the main library within the system, with approximately
Whereas the Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango with approximately one million
volumes is the largest in the nation, the Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia is the oldest in
Colombia and is generally considered to be the oldest national library in the Americas. It
was founded in 1777 during the regime of Viceroy Manuel De Guirior. The original
collection of this library was the collection expropriated from the Jesuits who, per decree
of King Charles III, were expelled from all the Spanish dominions in 1767. The
50
See, for example, the article “Bogotá, Athens of South America” by Carlos Rincón.
51
All information regarding to the libraries has been directly taken from their respective websites.
52
collection expanded further after the first law of Depósito Legal (legal deposit law) was
decreed on March 25, 1834. This law required that all publishing companies in the
República de la Nueva Granada52 submit to the library a copy of every written document
leaflet, or any other printed matter.53 This congressional imposition of the early
nineteenth century turned the Biblioteca Nacional into the custodian of the national
bibliographic estate—a regulation that, with several amendments (and also glitches), has
Before starting the inventorial analysis of early European works for children, I
will first address the historical development of fairy tales as children’s literature and
discuss other European collections that existed at the time of the Kinder- und
tales.
Literary fairy tales as we know them, have been part of print culture since at least
the sixteenth-century Italy, when Giovan Francesco Straparola published his Le piacevoli
house Claude Barbin published tales by Charles Perrault, Mme d’Aulnoy, and other
52
The Republic of New Granada was a centralist republic formed primarily by Colombia and Panama with
smaller portions of today's Ecuador, Peru, Brazil, Costa Rica, Venezuela and Nicaragua. It was created
after the dissolution of the Gran Colombia in 1830. The Republic of New Granada was later abolished
when the short-lived Federal Republic Confederación Granadina (Granadine Confederation) was created in
1858.
53
It should be noted that according to information provided by high-ranking library associates as well as
local publishers (e.g., Juan David Susaeta, General Manager of the publishing house Susaeta in Medellín)
unfortunately, not every publishing house in Colombia abides by the legal deposit law.
53
conteuses of the 1690s. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, fairy tales spread in
written form throughout France, England, and also in Germany in the form of chapbooks,
which were cheap and accessible to a wider reading public than books. Today, fairy tales
are a staple of childhood, not only in print but also in television, film, and other forms, as
make evident. However, that was not always the case. Early variants of the tales were not
intended at all for youngsters, but for a mature audience; these stories included episodes
of cruelty, incest, rape, cannibalism, eroticism, and were therefore not appropriate for
children.54 It was not until the turn of the eighteenth century, in response to changes in
the perception of childhood, that fairy tales started to be perceived as reading materials
for children and ultimately became in fact stories that were written for and told to
children.55
The French author Charles Perrault was a pioneer in making the fairy tale appear
passé (Stories or Tales of Past Times, 1697), Perrault created literary versions based on
motifs from several folk tales popular in France such as “La Belle au bois dormant”
(“Sleeping Beauty”), “Le Petit Chaperon Rouge” (“Little Red Riding Hood”), “Barbe
and ominous in the popular folk tales and adapted the narratives to “address social and
political issues as well as the manners and mores of the upper classes” (Zipes, “Perrault”
54
For example, collections such as the Indian Panchatantra (“Five Books”), or Aleksandr Afanasyev’s
Russkie zaventynye skazki (Russian Forbidden Tales, 1872) are explicitly erotic.
55
For further reading see Zohar Shavit’s “The Concept of Childhood and Children’s Folktales: Test
Case—‘Little Red Riding Hood’.”
56
In his article on Charles Perrault, Zipes points out that, even though Perrault is writing as if the fairy tale
were a children’s genre, he is really writing for an adult audience, who eventually used Perrault’s works as
socializing instruments for children (Zipes, “Perrault” 379-81).
54
380), ending each story with a short moral verse that invited reflection and served as
means of socialization. In his literary tales the French writer used very elemental
language, taken to resemble unrefined folk speech, which also made it simple for children
to understand.
Perrault’s collection succeeded in establishing a link between the folk tale and the
child. That connection came about through an image printed in the frontispiece of his
Histoires ou contes du temps passé and labeled with the words “Contes de ma mère
l’Oye” (“Tales of my Mother Goose”); the image depicted an older woman spinning by
the hearth and telling stories to children. The familiar scene of the frontispiece
intertwined the tales with the female peasant teller and an audience of children, and
subtly associated the primitive, “pure” creations of the uneducated folk with the illiteracy
More than a century later the connection between the folk tale and childhood was
praised and further promoted by the Brothers Grimm. In the preface to the 1812 edition
of their Kinder- und Hausmärchen the Grimms acclaimed Perrault both for handling the
language:
Frankreich hat gewiß noch jetzt mehr, als was Charles Perrault mittheilte,
der allein sie noch als Kindermärchen behandelte (nicht seine schlechteren
Nachahmer, die Aulnoi, Murat); er giebt nur neun, freilich die
bekanntesten, die auch zu den schönsten gehören. Sein Verdienst besteht
darin, daß er nichts hinzugesetzt und die Sachen an sich, Kleinigkeiten
abgerechnet, unverändert gelassen; seine Darstellung verdient nur das
Lob, so einfach zu seyn, als es ihm möglich war. (Uther, Deutsche
Märchen 23662)
55
France must surely have more than what was published by Perrault, who
treated them as children’s tales (not so his inferior imitators, Aulnoy,
Murat); he gives us only nine, though these are the best known stories and
also among the most beautiful. The merit of this work rests on his refusal
to add things and on his decision to leave the stories unchanged, aside
from minor details. His manner of presentation deserves special praise for
being as simple as was possible for him. (Tatar, Hard Facts 209)
Maintaining the simplicity of the language implies here that Perrault—unlike other
French authors such as Aulnoy and Murat who, according to the Grimms, tampered with
the original tales—remained faithful to the authentic oral sources.57 The Romantic notion
of authenticity (which will be briefly discussed in the following section) was central to
The apparent simplicity of fairy tales paired with their didactic and instructive
potential proved very suitable for the new and unique consumer group that was emerging
(children as potential target audience). The Kinder- und Hausmärchen not only continue
to foster the prevailing parallel ideas of childhood socialization and the Romantic notion
of authenticity, but also played a crucial role in the canonization of the fairy-tale corpus
as children’s literature. The German collection became the model for the gathering and
editing of the fairy tale; the Grimms established the way to preserve, accommodate, and
present the fairy tale in a form and manner that incorporates stylistic and thematic
remaining as close as possible to the oral tradition (Zipes, Complete Fairy Tales xxx).
57
It should be noted that this is the Grimms’ view on Perrault. In France Perrault is viewed as a stylist, and
his tales often have double meaning aimed at an adult audience. Perrault’s tales are deceptively simple and
often treat social and political questions relevant to the society of his time.
56
The inception of the KHM can be traced back to the time when the brothers were
attending the University of Marburg. It was during this time, while they were both
studying law, that the Grimms developed a special interest for ancient German literature
and folklore. In order to gain broader historical understanding of the Old Germanic
language and the customs and traditions of its people, in the year 1806 the Brothers
Grimm began to systematically gather folk tales and other material related to folklore.
The ideas about the folk (das Volk) developed by Johann Gottfried Herder (1744-1803) in
the late eighteenth century58 and the momentum that the Romantic nationalistic
movement was attaining in the early nineteenth century inspired the brothers to create an
authentic and uniquely German collection of folk tales and fairy tales. Their folkloric
enterprise was further motivated by their friend and Romantic author Clemens Brentano
(1778-1842), who sought the Grimms to help him collect tales for a future volume he
songs in 1805—Des Knaben Wunderhorn (The Boy’s Magic Horn)—together with his
brother-in-law Achim von Arnim (1781-1831). While Brentano and Arnim had hoped to
rescue the German oral tradition from extinction, their main aim as poets was to recreate
the style of folk songs and folk tales in their own writing. The songs in Des Knaben
Wunderhorn were thus significantly changed and infused with the poets’ own
imagination and creativity. Unlike Arnim and Brentano, the Grimms wanted to remain as
58
In his epistolary essay “Auszug aus einem Briefwechsel über Ossian und die Lieder alter Völker”
(“Extract from a Correspondence on Ossian and the Songs of Ancient Peoples”) published in 1773, Herder
exalted the poems and songs of the unsophisticated people and fomented an interest in Germanic folk
culture. Herder believed that language and poetry are spontaneous necessities of human nature; for that
reason the people’s expressive creations—particularly their oral traditions—are to be regarded as
manifestations of the purest kind, since they bear and capture the people’s unique and distinctive
characteristics as a group (and thus constitute the basis for their national character).
57
literally faithful as possible to the oral traditions. The brothers regarded the oral folk
the folk community living in complete harmony with nature; they believed that this
authentic and natural folk poetry was culturally precious and needed no further literary
embellishment. Their views as well as their pledge to remain as faithful as possible to the
original tales60 are stated in the preface to the first edition of the KHM:
Wir haben uns bemüht, diese Märchen so rein als möglich war aufzufassen
... Kein Umstand ist hinzugedichtet oder verschönert und abgeändert
worden, denn wir hätten uns gescheut, in sich selbst so reiche Sagen mit
ihrer eigenen Analogie oder Reminiscenz zu vergrößern, sie sind
unerfindlich. (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 23664)
None of their other published works61 occupied the fraternal scholars—at least
Wilhelm, who was largely responsible for revising and expanding the collection—over so
long a period as the collecting, transcribing, editing, and annotating of the fairy tales
(Neumann 969). Spanning almost fifty years, the Kinder- und Hausmärchen were
published in seventeen different editions, both large and small. Between 1812 and 1857
59
As opposed to literary poetry (Kunstpoesie), or literary retellings, associated with Brentano’s work.
60
Despite the claim of faithfulness, the Grimms modified and rewrote many of the tales they had collected
and shaped their collection to appear as being “faithful” and “pure”. As Jack Zipes noted, the Grimms’
major accomplishment in publishing their first two volumes (1812/15) was “to create an ideal type for the
literary fairy tale, one that sought to be as close to the oral tradition as possible, while incorporating
stylistic, formal, and substantial thematic changes to appeal to a growing middle-clas audience” (Zipes, The
Complete Fairy Tales xxx).
61
The Grimms made important scholarly contributions to wide-ranging areas such as history, ethnology,
religion, jurisprudence, lexicography, and literary criticism. Their works are published both separately and
together; Jacob published by himself Deutsche Grammatik (German Grammar, 1819, vol. 1), Deutsche
Rechtsaltertümer (Ancient Law, 1828), and Deutsche Mythologie (German Mythology, 1835), among
others, while Wilhelm produced Altdänische Heldenlieder, Balladen und Märchen (Old Danish Heroic
Songs, Ballads, and Folktales, 1811), Die deutsche Heldensage (The German Heroic Legend, 1829), etc.
Among their publications together are Deutsche Sagen (German Legends, 1816/18), Deutsches Wörterbuch
(German Dictionary, 1854), and, of course, Kinder- und Hausmärchen.
58
seven major—or large—editions were published. In addition to the large editions, ten
smaller editions with 50 of the most popular tales were also available between 1825 and
1858.62 The success of the KHM was not an immediate one; the early editions from
1812/15 and 1819 were poorly received. It was not until 1837, when the third large
edition (Große Ausgabe) was published, that the Grimms started to gain popularity. From
here on, successive editions appeared approximately every three years; the publications
alternated between large and small editions. It was the smaller and more affordable
With the Kinder- und Hausmärchen the Brothers Grimm attained their fame as
collectors of folk and fairy tales, even though they were not the first to begin collecting
and publishing them. Already in the late eighteenth century several German collections
existed, such as Volksmärchen der Deutschen (Folk Tales of the Germans, 1782-6) by
Johan Karl August Musäus, and Ludwig Tieck’s Volksmärchen (Folk Tales), which
appeared in 1797 under the pseudonym Peter Leberecht. At the time of the Grimms, in
Fairy-Tale Book, 1845) and Neues Deutsches Märchenbuch (New German Fairy-Tale
62
The corresponding publication dates and total number of tales of the seven large editions are: 1st 1812
(vol. I, 86 tales) and 1815 (vol. II, 70 tales); 2nd 1819 (170 tales); 3rd 1837 (177 tales); 4th 1840 (187 tales);
5th 1843 (203 tales); 6th 1850 (203 tales); and 7th 1857 (210 tales).
Publication dates of the small editions (ten in total): 1825, 1833, 1836, 1839, 1841, 1847, 1850, 1853, and
1858.
63
In 1853 the title was changed to Ludwig Bechsteins Märchenbuch (Ludwig Bechstein’s Fairy-Tale Book).
59
Richter, this eighty folk tale collection appeared in eleven editions with more than 70,000
copies within eight years. Despite the fact that his Märchenbuch contained adaptations of
many folk tales borrowed from the fourth edition of the KHM, Bechstein’s editions
dominated the German fairy tale market and outsold the Grimm tales from their initial
publication until the 1890s (Uther, “Bechstein” 110). Curiously, in the examined
Colombian libraries not a single early edition of Bechstein’s tales was located; the
earliest publications of Bechstein tales that I was able to identify are from the 1990s.
other popular European collections of folk and fairy tales existed prior to or during the
time of the Grimms. Among them were the Italian collections from Giovan Francesco
significance of the Kinder- und Hausmärchen lies not only on its enduring popularity but
also on the crucial repercussions it had on the study of folklore. Whereas the formerly
folk tales, the Grimm’s collection relied on oral traditions far more heavily than their
predecessors. For the Grimms, their collecting efforts had the two-fold purpose of (1)
64
Italy: Giovan Francesco Straparola, Le piacevoli notti (The Pleasant Nights, 1550-3); Giambattista
Basile, Lo cunto de li cunti overo lo trattenemiento de peccerille (The Tale of Tales, or Entertainment for
Little Ones 1634-6), also known as the Pentamerone.
France: Charles Perrault, Histoires ou contes du temps passé (Stories or Tales of Past Times, 1697); Marie
Catherine D’Aulnoy (two collections), Les Contes des fées (Tales of the Fairies, 1697-98) and Contes
nouveaux ou les fées à la mode (New Tales, of Fairies in Fashion, 1698); Marie-Jeanne Lhéritier, Œuvres
meslées (Assorted Works, 1695).
Denmark: Hans Christian Andersen (four collections), Eventyr, fortalte for børn (Fairy Tales, told for
Children, 1835-42), Nye Eventyr (New Fairy Tales, 1844-8), Historier (Stories, 1852-5), and Nye Eventyr
og historier (New Fairy Tales and Stories, 1858-72).
60
safeguarding the tales from extinction while preserving their authentic ties to the oral
tradition, and (2) using the tales to document basic truths about customs, laws, and
annotations about tale sources, different variants, historical and regional references, and
corrections, not only set the standard for the procedure of collecting, preserving, and
presenting folk tales in the nineteenth century,65 but also had a profound impact on
folklore studies. For its time the KHM stood out for providing extensive material for “a
true science, which had been inconceivable as long as there had been only a few isolated
to preserve the oral folk tales from extinction and uncover in them profound truths that
bound the German people together, and despite its significant contribution to folklore
studies, in the public consciousness the KHM are mostly known as a classic work of
In the following section I will analyze the inventory of children’s works published
through 1955. The compiled lists in Appendices 1 and 2 present only a selection of
relevant authors and works that stand out in terms of relative quantity in a given decade.
The listed works include the oldest located edition by a given author, the oldest located
65
For example, the Russian folklorist Aleksandr Afanasyev (1826-71) took the Grimms’ Kinder- und
Hausmärchen as a model for his renowned eight-volume collection Russian Fairy Tales that was published
from 1855 to 1863.
61
institutions), and editions that have been published in Colombia. I will comment only on
those authors and works that are most relevant to this study. After a brief general
discussion of the pertinent authors and works I will turn my attention to the existing fairy
In light of the early available inventory of fairy tales and literature for
coming from other countries and written in other languages. Not only the relative
quantity but also the age of the French publications is notable. The oldest book located,
for example, is a late seventeenth-century edition by the famous fabulist and French poet
authors with copious early issues (especially of his fables) currently circulating in
translated into French. For example, some of the oldest located editions by the German
authors Christoph von Schmid and E. T. A. Hoffmann, and also by the English writer
Charles Dickens are French translations of their works.67 Other early works translated
66
There are numerous books of La Fontaine’s fables available in the main libraries, suggesting a very
positive reception of his works. In the nineteenth century, Carmen Bravo-Villasante tells us in her book
Historia y antología de la literatura infantil universal (1988), the fable genre was well cultivated.
Educators considered fables to be appropriate instructional instruments for both youth and adults; fables
could be epigrams that deliver beneficial lessons or warnings for children and grown-ups alike. In
Colombia the fable genre was also a prolific one with outstanding authors such as the President José
Manuel Marroquín (1827-1908), Jose Caicedo Rojas (1816-1897), and the poet Rafael Pombo (1833-1912)
(Bravo-Villasante, Historia y antología de la literatura infantil universal 183).
67
For example, Dicken’s Les contes de Noël (1847), von Schmid’s La Chartreuse (1836), and Hoffmann’s
Contes fantastiques (1891). Hoffmann was very popular in nineteenth-century France; this may explain
why one of his earliest works located in Colombia is in French.
62
Schlemihl (The Marvelous Story of Peter Schlemihl), and also some of the oldest editions
with Grimm tales found in the country, such as Contes allemands du temps passé
(German Tales of Past Times, which includes a selection by the Grimms) from 1892 and
Contes choisis des frères Grimm (Selected Tales of the Brothers Grimm) published in the
early 1910s.
Assuming that these works in French were available at the time of their
publication, their abundance in the libraries suggests a wide reception among the local
audience. The apparent positive reception of works in French, whether written by French
authors or translated into French, may be explained, in part, by the increased contact with
foreign lands that resulted from studying overseas. A trend to study abroad, mainly in
Europe,69 started among the Colombian and Latin American upper classes in the early
nineteenth century. This trend had both economic and attitudinal reasons. As mentioned
membership. Because the upper class has remained culturally tied to Europe, children
were sent abroad for schooling to learn the latest European literary, philosophical, and
artistic trends that would be then assimilated and cultivated at home (Blutstein et al. 98).
America, began to flourish towards the second half of the nineteenth century. To meet the
68
This French translation is the second oldest edition of Collodi’s Pinocchio located in the country. The
oldest publication is in the original Italian, titled Le aventure di Pinocchio: storia di un burattino (Firenze:
R. Bemporad & Figlio, 1900).
69
Especially in France (Paris, in particular) and England, but also in the United States.
63
were sent to what are now called “developed” countries to get an education. In the view
of the upper class, men who were trained abroad could catch up both culturally and
economically with the more modern powers (Safford 232). This trend exposed
Colombian students to foreign cultural productions of the time. That Paris was one of the
most favored European destinations may explain the increased supply of early French-
French, English, and Spanish through 1955 extant in the main Colombian libraries. Titles
in Spanish appear in bold letters to distinguish them from publications in other languages.
1829 Beaumont Almacén y biblioteca completa de los niños ó Madrid: Julian Viana 254 p.;
diálogos de una sabia directora con sus Razola ed., 1829 16 cm. 1
discípulas de la primera distincción.
1830? Perrault Contes des fées. Paris: Favre, n.d. 144 p.; 1
14 cm.
1874 Perrault *Barba-azul: cuento. Madrid: Imprenta de 12 p.;
la Galería Literaria, 16 cm. 1
1874
1875? Perrault Les contes de Charles Perrault: Histoires ou Paris: Ernest 82 p.;
contes du temps passé (Contes de ma mère Flammarion, n.d. 16 cm. 1
l’Oye).
1892 Perrault Cuentos de Perrault. Madrid: Dirección y 176 p.; 2
Administración, 1892 14 cm.
1896 Beaumont Almacén de los niños: o, diálogos de una sabia Paris: Garnier, 1896 528 p.; ill.; 2
directora con sus discípulas. 22 cm.
64
1900? Perrault Cuentos de viejas / prólogo de Ignacio Bauer. Madrid: Ed. Ibero- 177 p.; ill., 2,5
Africano-Americana, 19 cm.
n.d.
1910- Perrault et *Choix de contes de fées / par Perrault; Mme d' Paris: Nelson, 438 p.; ill;
1919? al. Aulnoy Mme; Leprince de Beaumont et Hégésippe Editeurs, n.d. 16 cm. 2,3
Moreau.
1918? Aulnoy Cuentos de Madame d'Aulnoy. Madrid: Ed. Calleja, 98 p.; ill. 2
n.d. col.; 16 cm.
1919 Ségur Nouveaux contes de fées: pour les petits enfants. París: Hachette, 1919 302 p.; ill.; 2
18 cm.
1920? Perrault Contes des Fées. París: Garnier Freres, 568 p. ; ill. 5
et al. n.d.
1920? Perrault Romanciers et conteurs du XVIIe siècle. Pages Paris: Nelson, 202 p.;
et al. choisies. Editeurs, n.d. 18 cm. 1
Includes Charles Perrault, Balzac, Charles Sorel,
Mme de La Fayette.
1921 Perrault Contes de ma mère l’Oie Paris: A. Lemerre, 114 p.; ill. 4
1921 11 cm.
1928 Perrault Les contes de Perrault Paris: Payot, 1928 190 pp., 2
19 cm.
1931 Perrault Contes de ma mère l'Oie. Contes en vers París: René Hilsum, 2 h., 7-173 1
histoires, ou contes du temps passé Editeur, 1931. p.; 18 cm.
1931 Perrault Histoires ou contes du temps passé, sainte-beuve Berlin: 48 p.;
causerie sur les contes de Perrault Weidmannsche 18 cm. 2,3
Buchhandlung, 1931.
1934 No author “El gato con botas” Chanchito: Revista Magazine;
(published without being attributed to Perrault) ilustrada para niños. Vol. 2.39 1
Bogotá (1934) (May):19-20
1945 Perrault *Contes Montreal: Variétes, 48 p.; 2
1945 18 cm.
1948 Perrault Little Red Riding Hood / told and illustrated by New York: Simon & 24 p.; ill. 2
Elizabeth Orton Jones Schuster, 1948. col.; 20 cm.
1952 Perrault *Cuentos de hadas y otras narraciones / Barcelona: Editorial 195 p. ;
traducción de María Teresa Vernet; prólogo de Iberia, 1952 19 cm. 2,3
Emiliano M. Aguilera
1952 Perrault Cuentos de Perrault Buenos Aires: 173 p.; ill.; 2
Hachette, 1952 19 cm.
1952 Perrault La Cenicienta / versión e ilustraciones de Emilio Barcelona: Suc. de E. 34 p.; ill. 2
Freixas Meseguer, 1952 col.; 22 cm.
1 Biblioteca
Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá; 2 Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá; 3 Biblioteca Pública
Piloto, Medellín; 4 Biblioteca Congreso de la República, Bogotá; 5 Biblioteca Universidad Javeriana, Bogotá.
65
is a curious gap in the inventory after 1952: I found no classical French tales published
between 1953 and 1955. The next oldest edition by Perrault’s is Riquete, el del copete
(Ricky with the Tuft) published in 1956 by Bruguera in Barcelona. Despite this hiatus
there are many more pre-1955 editions of French fairy tales than Grimm tales from the
same period.
In Table 1 it is apparent that all of the located copies are imported mostly from
Europe. Though more than half of the publications are in French, Spanish translations
still account for over 40% of the located editions. This constellation reflects the cultural
ties between Colombia and Europe—particularly to France and Spain. Cultural trends
and literary developments in Spain have had a direct repercussion in Colombia. And in
Spain itself, there has been a notable French influence within the scope of children’s
literature throughout the years; in the eighteenth century French fairy tales by Perrault,
Mme d’Aulnoy, and Leprince de Beaumont were translated into Spanish and attained
infantil española 53). The success that the classical French fairy tale enjoyed in Spain is
reflected many decades later in the holdings of the Colombian libraries. In the following
section I will provide brief information about the French authors and their works, which
constitute the earliest contributors to the rise of the fairy tale in Colombia.
literature. In 1757 she published Le Magasin des enfants (The Young Misses’
the period in which the fairy tale became fully institutionalized and was used for the
contains Leprince de Beaumont’s major fairy tales, including the still popular “La Belle
et la Bête” (“Beauty and the Beast”). Through framed stories, history lessons, and moral
anecdotes told by a governess, Le Magasin des enfants emphasizes the proper upbringing
for young girls. Beaumont’s collection was almost an instant bestseller not only in France
and England (where it was originally published), but also across Europe thanks to the
many translations. The first Spanish translation of Magasin des enfants was completed by
Matías Guitet in 1775,70 followed in 1787 and 1790 by another translation by D. Plácido
In Colombia, the two oldest editions of classical fairy tales located are by Mme
Leprince de Beaumont. The oldest of these titles is a 1768 French edition (5th edition) of
Magasin des enfants that belonged to the Spanish scholar José Celestino Mutis (Fig. 2).72
The next oldest, shown in Fig. 3, is a Spanish translation by Matías Guitet from 1829
titled Almacén y biblioteca completa de los niños, ó diálogos de una sabia directora con
70
Matías Guitet’s translation had the title Almacén y biblioteca completa de los niños.
71
The translation by Barco López was published in four volumes under the title Almacén y biblioteca
complete de los niños o diálogos de una sabia directora a sus nobles discípulas.
72
The Catholic priest José Celestino Mutis was born in Cádiz, Spain in 1732. He received his doctorate in
medicine from the Universidad de Sevilla and continued to study botany, astronomy, and mathematics in
Madrid. In 1761 he arrived in Bogotá where he started a comprehensive study of the flora and fauna in
South America (Mutis led the Royal Botanical Expedition, established in 1783, for 25 years). In 1808 he
died in Bogotá at the age of 76 from pneumonia. The botanical garden in Bogotá—Jardín Botánico José
Celestino Mutis—was named in his honor.
67
Fig. 2: Oldest copy of a classical fairy tale located in a Colombian library, by Jeanne-Marie Leprince de
Beaumont, Magasin des enfants … (Lyon, 1768). Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá.
Fig. 3: Oldest located Spanish translation of a classical European fairy tale located in a Colombian library,
by Jeanne-Marie Leprince de Beaumont, Almacén y biblioteca completa de los niños … (Madrid, 1829).
Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá.
68
Even though Beaumont’s tales were among the oldest editions of fairy tales located, I
found no other printed versions of her tales published between 1900 and 1955 in the local
libraries.73
Perrault, whose titles (including anthologies) account for nearly 75% of the
located records, is clearly the best represented of the classical French fairy-tale authors in
Table 1. Along with Beaumont, Perrault’s tales are also among the oldest classical
European fairy tales found in the country. A volume titled Contes des fées estimated to be
from 1830 is the earliest published version of his tales located in Colombia.74
A good number of the identified publications of Perrault’s tales are large, high-
quality editions, most of which are in the original French (ca. 60%). Spanish translations,
however, make up over one third of the inventory. The oldest title by Perrault translated
into Spanish is the single-story Barba-azul: cuento (Blue Beard: Story) published in
Almacén y biblioteca completa de los niños…. (1829) comprise the two oldest Spanish
73
I did find a videocassette recording of Jean Cocteau’s famous film of 1946, La Belle et la Bête, which is
an adaptation of Beaumont’s literary tale. While Cocteau’s film falls into the pre-1955 period under
consideration, this videocassette recording—an artifact of the home video era—must be of more recent
vintage, even though the Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango gives 1946 as the VHS release date (Beauty and the
Beast [California: Home Vision; Janus Films, 1946]).
74
The catalogue entry from the Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia does not specify a publication date. The
estimated date is based on an almost identical publication found in the database WorldCat, which gives
1830 as its publication date (OCLC: 67147873). Unless otherwise specified all other date estimates will
follow this procedure.
69
Despite the abundace of editions with Perrault’s tales, I could only find one story
in domestic publications from this early period.75 Not written by Perrault but directly
related to this French author is the children’s story Carlos Perrault—El evangelio de San
(1843-1896),76 this piece found at the Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia was translated by
Isaac Arias Argáez and appeared in the monthly magazine Santa Fé y Bogotá in 1928
(Fig. 4).77
Fig. 4: Front cover of Santafé y Bogotá 6.64 … (Bogotá, 1928). Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de
Colombia, Bogotá.
75
The tale “El gato con botas” (“Puss in Boots”), which appeared in the children’s magazine Chanchito in
1934, was published without acknowleding the author.
76
Arène’s tale was originally titled “L’évangile selon Saint Perrault” and was first published in his
Nouveaux contes de Noël in 1891.
77
Two further titles by Arène were found at the same location (Biblioteca Nacional): 1) Jean des Figues,
suivi de le tor d'entrays published by Plon-Nourrit et Cie. Imprimeurs-éditeurs in Paris in 1924, and 2) La
cabra de oro oro (The Goat of Gold) published in Buenos Aires by Espasa-Calpe in 1941.
The Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango has the same edition of La cabra de oro and an illustrated edition from
1887 entitled Contes de Paris et de Provence and published in Paris by A. Lemerre. No further registers
were found at other locations.
70
third centenary of the “immortal author of old wives’ tales” (174); it explains that, in
homage to Charles Perrault, readers of the magazine Santafé y Bogotá are being offered
this “fine and uniquely delicate” (174) Christmas story written many years ago and now
profusely reproduced throughout France. The story Carlos Perrault—El evangelio de San
Perrault is told by the four-year old girl Simoncita. It intertwines three different elements
with childlike fantasy: “grandmother’s Gospel and the old wives’ tales, the blue stories of
the wet nurse, and the teachings of the good priest” (174). The piece narrates about baby
Jesus while incorporating elements of Perrault’s fairy tales such as Bluebeard, Little
Thumbling, and others. For example, part of the story tells about the “ogre Bluebeard”
(175), who is the lord of the district, and describes how baby Jesus filled his pockets with
white pebbles (as in “Little Thumbling”) that he left along his way so that he could find
his way back to his grandmother (as in “Little Red Riding Hood”).
The inclusion of a text that alludes to Charles Perrault and his tales in a locally-
published literary magazine from the 1920s attests to the positive reception that this
French author enjoyed in Colombia during the first half of the twentieth century.
fairy tales; she had a significant influence on the development of the fairy-tale genre in
France and other countries (especially Germany) (Seifert 29). A prolific writer of novels,
short stories, devotional works, and collections of historical memoirs, she is best known
for two collections of fairy tales: Les Contes de fées (Tales of the Fairies, 1697-98), with
71
fifteen tales and two framed narratives;78 and Contes nouveaux ou les fées à la mode
(New Tales, or Fairies in Fashion, 1698), with nine more tales and a frame story entitled
published her lively travel narrative Relation du voyage d’Espagne (Travels in Spain),
In Colombia, her fairy tales are not as popular as her travel narrative. I was able to
locate only one edition of Mme d’Aulnoy’s fairy tales: Cuentos de Mme d’Aulnoy
Saturnino Calleja, estimated to be from 1918.79 In contrast to this sole edition of her fairy
tales, several early editions of her travel account through Spain, both in the original
French and in Spanish, are currently available in various libraries throughout the country.
The tales by Mme d’Aulnoy were geared more towards an aristocratic public, as
compared to Perrault’s, which suited a bourgeois public; in that sense, Perrault’s tales
may have been more appealing and relevant to the modernizing Colombian society of the
early twentieth century, thus explaining the quantitative disparity of Perrault’s editions
versus d’Aulnoy’s.
writer of children’s books in the Colombian libraries. Even though Ségur’s late literary
career began with fairy tales (she started writing at the age of 58), she is best known for
her realistic novels for children. Ségur contributed a number of stories to the Bibliothèque
Rose, a popular juvenile collection of short novels from the French publisher Hachette;
78
Titled Dom Gabriel Ponce de León and Dom Fernand de Tolède.
79
As similar edition in WorldCat gives 1918 as an estimated publishing date (OCLC: 22153624).
72
among them are Pauvre Blaise (Poor Blaise), Le Général Dourakine (The General
Dourakine), Un bon petit diable (A Good Little Devil), Les vacances (The Vacation), and
Her fairy-tale collection Nouveaux Contes de Fées (New Fairy Tales), first
published in 1857, included five tales80 and was illustrated by the French artist Gustave
Doré (1832-83). Ségur’s tales were written explicitly for children in a simple and direct
style; instead of giving much attention to social problems, she presented ethical dilemmas
and solutions intended to perpetuate solid middle-class values. The heroes in Ségur’s
tales combine a vibrant enthusiasm for the marvelous with rigorous moral intention. The
protagonists are children who must overcome great challenges and their human
Ségur has a special vivacity for dialogues, which make her moral texts both
entertaining and pleasant. Her works were very well received in Spain. Spanish girls
widely enjoyed her stories and her popularity lasted well into the twentieth century
children’s novels, are now circulating in the libraries. Far less popular than her children’s
novels, however, were her fairy tales: I found only two copies of Ségur’s fairy tales in
editions published prior to 1955.The oldest is Nouveaux contes de fées: pour les petits
enfants (New Fairy Tales: For Small Children) published in Paris in 1919; this edition
was donated to the Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango by the Colombian legal scholar Jorge
80
The five fairy tales in Nouveaux Contes de fées are: “Histoire de Blondine” (“The Story of Blondine”),
“Le bon petit Henri” (“Good Little Henry”), “Histoire de la Princesse Rosette” (“The Story of Princes
Rosette”), “La petite souris grise” (“The Little Gray Nouse”), and “Ourson.”
73
Ortega Torres.81 The second copy, a Spanish translation, is a much later edition from
Christian teachings of her works. Born in Saint Petersburg (Russia), Ségur converted to
Catholicism after relocating to France. Some of her book titles allude explicitly to
Christianity, such as Los hechos de los apóstoles (The Deeds of the Apostles). Several of
the identified texts were published by Librería Religiosa (Religious Library), based in
Barcelona; the name of the publishing house clearly suggests a preference for printing
overwhelmingly Catholic and therefore, works that promote Catholic tradition and
currently available in the country (some published as early as 1904). Most of the located
issues published prior to 1930 are French editions coming from Paris. After 1940, the
majority of Ségur’s publications are in Spanish (see bibliography for details). Although
the book-printing continues to be done in Spain, editions from the 1950s and 1960s start
to include several Latin American cities as places of publication, which suggests the
interest of Spanish publishing houses in this region. For example, editorial Bruguera’s
1963 Cuentos de hadas / por la condesa de Ségur (Fairy Tales by the Countess Ségur)
translated by Pilar Gavin, gives Barcelona, Buenos Aires, and Bogotá as places of
publication. Similar editions from Bruguera exist for the tales by Perrault and the
81
The Colombian scholar Jorge Ortega Torres has compiled several political/legal documents (e.g.,
Constitución política de Colombia [Political Constitution of Colombia]) for the collection Códigos de
bolsillo (Pocket Codes) published by Editorial Temis. Ortega’s texts gather, in a rigorous and exhaustive
way, the most frequently used norms for the exercise and study of Colombian Law.
74
Grimms (e.g., Cuentos de Perrault [Stories by Perrault, 1958] and Cuentos de Grimm
[Stories by Grimm, 1961]). The corporate presence of Bruguera in Buenos Aires and
Bogotá is indicative of the intent that this Spanish publishing house has in extending its
weekly paper named Il Giornale per i bambini between 1881 and 1883. In February 1883
Several early issues of the serial story Pinocchio both in original Italian and
translations are available in Colombian libraries. The oldest located copies are Le
aventure di Pinocchio: storia di un burattino (1900), and the already mentioned French
relatively small number of early Spanish translations of Pinocchio were found in the
libraries (compared to Ségur, for example), the story of the wooden puppet is one of the
very few fairy tales published in Colombia during the first decade of the twentieth
century.82
82
For instance, the illustrated edition Las aventuras de Pinoquio: historia de un títere (The Adventures of
Pinocchio: Story of a Puppet), edited and translated directly from the Italian by Antonio José Restrepo, was
published by Imprenta de La Tribuna in Bogotá in 1913.
75
publications, are the works of Edmondo de Amicis. Amicis is best known for his
children’s novel Cuore (Heart), which was first published in 1886, just three years after
the last chapter of Pinocchio appeared. In Colombia the oldest located Italian works for
children are those by Amicis (not Collodi). I found three copies from the late nineteenth
century: Cuentos Escolares (School Stories), estimated to be from 1898, and two editions
of his novel Coure, one in Spanish83 and one in the original Italian.84
Cuore deals with social and class issues and is designed in the form of a diary
written by the ten-year-old Enrico Bottini, a third-grade student from a bourgeois family
in Italy who attends school with classmates from the working class. The embedded
stories in the novel convey moral values such as compassion, generosity, helping the
needy, love for family and friends, and patriotism; the profoundly humane narrative is
directed toward the heart and sensibility of children. The novel Cuore was almost an
immediate success in Italy and was quickly translated into several languages. The first
Spanish translation appeared in 1887, just one year after its first publication in Italy
(Worthen 137). One of the earliest editions of Cuore in Spanish is available at the
Corazón: Diario de un niño (Heart: Diary of a Boy), this book is a direct translation from
the 44th Italian edition by H. Giner de los Rios. The edition was revised by the author and
83
Edmondo de Amicis, Corazón: Diario de un niño (Madrid: Libr. de D. Fernado Fé, 1887).
84
Edmondo de Amicis, Cuore: libro per i ragazzi (Milano: Fratelli Treves, Editori, 1896).
76
narratives such as Amicis Corazón (Cuore) or the story ¡Adiós, Cordera! (1892)86 by
Historia de la literatura infantil española 125). This trend was quickly picked-up in
Colombia.
Fig. 5: Title page of the Spanish translation of Amici’s Corazón: Diario de un niño (Madrid, 1887). Courtesy
of Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá.
Numerous issues (both European and Latin-American) of the popular novel Cuore
are available in the libraries in several languages, including one in German.87 Although I
85
Having the capacity to move the feelings causing or evoking pity; marked by sorrow or melancholy.
86
¡Adiós, Cordera! is a story of great psychological acuteness that begins “Eran tres, siempre los tres:
Rosa, Pinín y la Cordera” (“There were three, always three: Rosa, Pinín and the ewe lamb”). The reader
pities the peasant children, who wail as the lamb is taken to the slaughterhouse. The final words, the sad
farewell to the animal that leaves in a cargo train, have an extraordinary artistic and emotive effect, almost
too sad for children.
87
Edmondo de Amicis, Herz (Zürich: Artemis-Verlag, 1948). It is rather unusual to find an Italian novel
translated into German in a library in Colombia, considering the relatively small number of people who
speak German in the country.
77
found no evidence that his novel was published in Colombia, several of Amici’s short
stories appeared in local publications. For example, Cuentos escolares was published by
Editorial Nueva in Bogotá in 1909; that same year the story “Evangelina” appeared in the
1933, “La calle” (“The Street”) was published in the first volume of the children’s
His stories also appeared in the earlier mentioned Libro de lecturas escogidas en
prosa y verso para niños y niñas (Book of Selected Readings in Prose and Verse for Girls
and Boys)—one of the few and oldest anthologies for children published in Colombia.
The 1891 edition of Libro de lecturas escogidas includes ten of his stories, among which
are “La calle” (“The Street”), “La escuela” (“The School”), “Mi madre” (“My Mother”),
“Esperanza” (“Hope”), “El incendio” (“The Fire”), and “El pequeño Escribiente [sic]
The sixth edition of Libro de lecturas from 1910 contains nine other stories by
Amicis. Preceding the preface to this edition, is a three-page section titled “Advertencias”
(“Warnings”) that indicates the goals and age appropriateness of the book. It states that
the collection is meant to serve as “gradual exercises” for boys and girls (ages ten to
sixteen) in the art of reading and “warns” about some of the last pieces included, which
may be deemed as too elaborate and written in a “classical style” (3); it is explained,
however, that the book layout is based on the “pedagogical principal of youth education
consisting of moving from the easy to the difficult, from the abstract to the concrete, and
from the known to the unknown” (3). The cautionary foreword underlines that
88
This book is divided into four sections: (i) Lectura ideológica (Ideological Reading); (ii) Fábulas
(Fables); (iii) Lectura estetica (Aesthetic Readings); and Verso (Verse). All of Amicis stories appeared
under Lectura ideológica.
78
exceptional care was taken to select pieces that are most beneficial to the moral aspect of
children; at the end we read that girls were also considered when creating this book, and
therefore “special pieces” for them were added to the selection (it was not specified
which of pieces are considered specially appropriate for girls). Aside from the texts by
Amicis and by several Colombian authors, this anthology includes works by other
European writers, such as the Italian Sivio Pellico and the Spanish Fernán Caballero,
Miguel de Cevantes Saavedra, Emilia Pardo Bazán, Pedro Calderón de la Barca, Juan
Chesterfield’s letters. None of the tales by the Brothers Grimm were included in the
examined editions.
The abundance of Amicis’s works extant in the libraries and the inclusion of his
stories in domestic anthologies both literary and for children, and in the magazine
Chanchito suggest that this Italian author was very popular and widely read in Colombia
Grimms—have enjoyed a very positive reception in Colombia since the late nineteenth
century. This becomes evident in the number of Andersen’s pieces that were published in
early Colombian editions. For example, “La sirena” (“The Little Mermaid,” 1837) and
“Ib y Cristina” (“Ib and Little Christina,” 1855) appeared in the 1899 edition of the
tales continued throughout the early twentieth century. Among them are “La niña de los
79
fósforos” (“The Little Match-Seller,” 1845), which appeared in the periodical El Liberal
Ilustrado in 1914; “El Gnomo y la Hortera” (“The Goblin and the Huscktser,” 1852),
published in1935 in the magazine Revista Pan; and a selection of tales entitled “Ramo de
cuentos” (“Bouquet of Stories”) that was printed in the Revista de las Indias in 1947. All
of these were published in Bogotá. In addition, two of his tales were published in the
children’s magazine Chanchito, albeit without acknowledging the author: “El patito feo”
(“The Ugly Duckling,” 1844) was published in the November volume of 1933, and
The following table summarizes the early publications of Andersen’s tales found
1908? Andersen Recueil de contes d'Andersen / Hans Christian Paris: E. Flammarion, 63 p.; ill.
Andersen; par Kathleen Fitzgerald; illustrés par n.d. col.; 16 cm. 2
Gilbert James.
1913 Andersen Andersens Märchen, zweiter Band. Leipzig: Erschienen 549 p.; 20 2
in Insel Verlag, 1913 cm.
1914 Andersen Ein Bilderbuch ohne Bilder / Andersen: Mit 60 Weimer: Gustav 92 p.; 14 2
Silhouetten von M. Saalmachter. Kiepenheuer, 1914 cm.
1914? Andersen Historias de Hans Andersen: explicadas a los Barcelona: Ramón 6 p.; ill. col.;
niños, por Mary Macgregor; con ilustraciones de S. N. Araluce, n.d. 15 cm. 2
de Olive Allen.
80
1 Biblioteca
Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá; 2 Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá; 3 Biblioteca Pública
Piloto, Medellín.
81
Well over half of the located tales by Andersen are in Spanish, which makes them
accessible to a broader public. Some of the Spanish editions count as the oldest and most
complete volumes of classical fairy tales located in the country. Among them are the 365-
Gaspar in Madrid in 1879, and the 369-page edition Cuentos de Andersen (Stories of
anthologies and magazines, but also in popular and inexpensive prints. In the Rare Book
Section of the Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia, I located the story “La historia de una
madre” (“The Story of a Mother,” 1848) in a poorly preserved leaflet that lacked a cover.
Under the tale’s title we read that this story by Andersen was directly translated from the
German (no further information was provided). At the top of the opposite page the name
of the publication was visible: Folletines de “El Correo Nacional” (Feuilleton of “The
National Postal Service”). Only one other issue from this series was available at the
library and it carried a publication date of 1893;89 based on this sole dated issue, I am
assuming that “La historia de una madre” was circulating around that time (i.e., 1893).
The discovery of this piece allows us to speculate about the various ways in which the
tales by Andersen were disseminated in Colombia, which included, along with literary
anthologies and magazines of superior quality, popular inexpensive leaflets, which made
89
The 1893 edition contained a love story by the English novelist Charlotte Mary Brame (1836-1884) and
provided more information about the publication as follows: Charlotte Braeme, pseud. Bertha Clay,
“Redimida por el amor,” trans. Carlos Stevenson, Folletines de “El Correo Nacional”15 (Bogotá: Imp. de
la Luz, 1893). Unfortunately, I did not find any other edition of Folletines de “El Correo Nacional” at any
other library in the country; the old-age of the publication paired with its low-cost binding probably
contributed to its disappearance.
82
his tales accessible to the general public regardless of their financial ability to acquire
One of the earliest-published German works targeted to children that I was able to
diálogos para instrucción y entretenimiento de niños y jóvenes de ambos sexos (The New
Robinson: Moral story reduced to dialogues for the instruction and entertainment of
young children of both sexes)90 by the German linguist and educator Joachim Heinrich
philologist Rufino José Cuervo (1844-1911);91 its known provenance suggests that
didactic and socializing literature for children was being read by upper-class families in
This instructive work for children is not a fairy tale but rather an adaptation of
Daniel Defoe’s novel Robinson Crusoe92 along the lines of Rousseau. El nuevo Robinson
was first translated into Spanish by the neoclassical poet and writer of fables Tomás de
Iriarte y Oropesa (1750-91);93 Iriarte commended Campe for adapting Defoe’s novel to
90
This is a Spanish adaptation of Campe’s Robinson der Jüngere, zur angenehmen und nüzlichen
Unterhaltung für Kinder, which first appeared in 1779.
91
Born in Bogotá, Rufino José Cuervo dedicated great part of his work to study the dialectal variation of
Spanish spoken in Colombia; on this topic he wrote the book Apuntaciones críticas sobre lenguaje
bogotano in which he continuosly corrected the improprieties of the Spanish language used in Bogotá. His
most important work, however, was the Diccionario de construcción y régimen de la lengua castellana of
which he published the first two volumes during his lifetime (1886, Vol. I and 1893, Vol. II). In 1878 he
was admitted to the Real Academia de Española as the Colombian representative. Four years later, in 1882
Cuervo moved to Paris, where he lived until his death in 1911.
92
Robinson Crusoe by Daniel Defoe (?1659/61–1731) was first published in 1719 and is sometimes
regarded as the first English novel.
93
Tomás de Iriarte wrote Fábulas literarias.
83
the instruction of children while creating an entertaining text that inspired love and faith
in the Creator—an advantage over Defoe’s Robinson, which according to Iriarte was
“dangerous” for Catholics.94 Although Campe’s Robinson was not originally intended for
children, Bravo-Villasante tells us that Iriarte’s free translation turned this text into a
64).
shows, once again, that acclaimed works in Spain (and elsewhere in Europe) swiftly
found their way into the libraries of Colombian intellectuals. This edition is also
significant because it is the oldest Spanish translation of a German text for children found
at a public library. The next oldest Spanish translations of children’s works by a German
author found are from 1876 and came from the oeuvre of the Bavarian Roman-Catholic
Countess of Toggenbourg) and Los huevos de pascua (The Easter Eggs)—both published
by Saturnino Calleja in Madrid in 1876—are, along with El nuevo Robinson, the oldest
von Schmid is perhaps the best-represented German author in the national libraries during
the first half of the twentieth century. As Bravo-Villasante points out, his stories were
94
In the prologue to the 5th edition of El nuevo Robinson printed in Madrid in 1817 we read:
“El señor Campe se inspiró en Defoe para acomodarle a la enseñanza de los niños, que es un libro
instructivo y utilísimo, además de entretenido, que inspira amor y fe en el Creador, ventaja sobre el
Robinson, de Defoe, peligroso para los católicos …” (iv) (“Mister Campe inspired himself on Defoe to
accommodate [his text] to the education of children, in an instructive and very useful book, which in
addition to being entertaining, inspires love and faith in the Creator, an advantage over Defoe’s Robinson
that is dangerous to Catholics …”).
84
widely available and very popular in Spain during the mid-nineteenth century95 (Bravo-
reception of this German author both in Colombia and in Spain may be explained by the
Christian/Catholic teachings that his works promulgate. Because both countries are
overwhelmingly Catholic, both the general public and influential Church prelates
as popular in Colombia as the works by Amicis. However, in contrast to the Italian writer
evidence of von Schmid’s texts published in any local edition; all of the located editions
from the first half of the century were imported mainly from Spain. Aside from the
numerous copies available in libraries, the works by von Schmid are comparable to those
by Amicis in terms of the discourse. Preeminent for these two European authors is the
degree of sentiment and pain that is displayed in their works; this is evident, for example,
in Amicis’s novel Coure and in Genovefa: Eine der schönsten und rührendsten
Geschichten des Alterthums, neu erzählt für alle guten Menschen, besonders für Mütter
und ihre Kinder (Genoveva: One of the most beautiful and touching stories of antiquity,
newly retold for all good people, especially for mothers and their children, 1810), one of
von Schmid’s principal juvenile works. According to Hugo Cerda, the Chilean author of
Literatura infantil y clases sociales (Children’s Literature and Social Classes), this type
of “melodramatic” literature (as he calls it)—a category in which Cerda also includes the
tales by Andersen—first came into vogue towards the middle of the nineteenth century,
95
The index of the earliest publications by Biblioteca Moral Recreativa (founded in 1862 and based in
Barcelona), for example, already includes several stories by von Schmid beautifully illustrated (Bravo-
Villasante, Historia de la literatura infantil española 124).
85
with the onset of capitalism and the social consequences that arose from it: “Este libre
del siglo XIX, época que marca los albores del capitalismo y toda su secuela de miserias
y contradicciones sociales” (“This free exercise of cruelty and this complacency with
disgrace have their awakening in the mid twentieth century, a period that marks the dawn
of capitalism and its sequels of misery and social contradictions”) (Cerda 88). Certainly
the rise of capitalism brought along a great deal of social injustice and pain, and perhaps,
as Cerda argues, this emotionally charged literature served a cathartic purpose for the
oppressed. However, in my view, the “delight” for suffering (to use Cerda’s word), has
more to do with faith than with the prevailing socioeconomic system. The positive
reception of works like those by Amicis, von Schmid, and Andersen, which evoke deep
emotion and compassion, have their roots in the teachings of Christianity and the doctrine
of Catholicism. Pain and suffering are very much exalted in Catholicism (e.g., purgatory)
and Christianity in general (e.g., Christian martyrs); it is through pain and suffering that
souls earn salvation and purify the spirit so that they can be brought closer to God. Thus,
stories that emphasize the liberating character of pain, for instance Andersen’s “The
Little Mermaid,” tend to resonate and have a better reception among the mostly Catholic
Colombians.
fairy tales are circulating, most of which are in foreign languages. The oldest issues found
are Kinder- und Hausmärchen (small edition) from 1858 and a few titles by Ludwig
86
Tieck and Wilhelm Hauff republished in editions estimated to be from 1850.96 All of
these editions are in the original German, which restricted their audience to the
exceptionally few residents fluent in German in a land where Spanish is the official
language. Somewhat more accessible are works translated into French or English;97 I
in London in 1885, and one French and one English edition with Grimm tales (from 1892
Before turning my attention to the Grimms’ tales let me address briefly some of
the other German authors of fairy tales with early editions available in the libraries.
publications is extremely limited and the circulating editions are mostly in languages
other than Spanish. Editions in Spanish are virtually non-existent, except for the mermaid
tale Undine by Friedrich de la Motte Fouqué. This minor world classic was first
published in 1811 and incorporates a great deal of popular legend, folk superstition, and
faith in miracles (Zipes, Oxford Companion 172). The story of Undine tells about a
mermaid’s receipt of a soul through marriage to a knight, then her loss of him to an
96
The following titles by Hauff were located: (1) Märchen: Almanach auf das Jahr 1826, (Leipzig:
Bibliographisches Institut, n.d.); (2) Märchen Novellen, (Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut, n.d.); (3)
Sämtliche Werke, (Stuttgart: J. G. Cotta'sche Buchhandlung Nachfolger, n.d.); (4) W. Hauffs Werke,
Herausgegeben von Max Wendheim, Zweiter Band. (Leipzig und Wien: Bibliographisches Institut, n.d.).
The following titles by Tieck were located: (1) Märchen, (Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut, n.d.); (2)
Tiecks Werke, Herausgegeben von Gotthold Ludwig Klee, Vol. 2, (Leipzig und Wien: Bibliographisches
Institut, n.d.).
For all these editions, both the Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia and Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango have
estimated 1850 as dates of publication.
97
Among educated Colombians English and French are widely spoken languages, particularly English.
87
arrogant mortal woman and in the end, her sorrow over his death as she wins him back at
the moment he is about to join the new wife in the bridal chamber on their wedding night.
In Colombia, the number of issues of Fouqué’s Undine from the late nineteenth
and early twentieth century available in libraries is significant.98 Undine is also the only
German fairy tale that I could find published in nineteenth-century volumes edited in
Colombia.99 The abundant copies and the reprinting of Undine in several local editions
attest to the popularity of this tale in the country. The positive reception can be, in part,
attributed to the popularity that Undine attained in nineteenth-century Europe. During the
late nineteenth century and the first half of twentieth century, publishing houses in Latin
America were tilted towards Europe and the United States and sought to publish the most
important pieces that they found abroad (Donoso 62), which explains the multiple
reprintings of Undine in Colombian editions. Another factor that may have played a role
in the tale’s positive reception is the French name of his German author; Undine possibly
first came to Colombia in the form of a translation and therefore, readers/editors may
The tales by the Swabian writer Wilhlem Hauff also appear to have enjoyed a
positive early reception in Colombia. Born in Stuttgart, this short-lived but prolific writer
is best known for his literary fairy tales, which are geared towards a young audience
between the ages of twelve and fifteen years. The stories transmit moral values consistent
98
The available publications of this fairy tale are listed in the bibliography.
99
For example, in the literary anthology Colección de grandes escritores nacionales y extranjeros
published by Jorge Roa in Bogotá in 1894 and in Narraciones populares de la selva negra published by
Librería Nueva in Bogotá 1893.
88
with his conservative Protestant faith and are entertaining and full of adventure, with
Based on the number of copies located in the libraries, it seems that up until 1950
the tales by Hauff were at least as popular as those by the Grimms. When looking at the
early publications by Hauff and assuming that the number of titles with unknown
publication dates is indeed from the first half of the twentieth century (as the Colombian
libraries have estimated),100 then the tales by the Grimms and Hauff are equal in quantity.
A total of thirteen tales by the Grimms (not counting those published anonymously) and
thirteen by Hauff published before 1950 were located. This quantitative parity, however,
changes drastically in favor of the Grimms after 1950, most probably due to the
The available tales by Hauff are either in the original German or in Spanish (circa
70% are in German and 30% in Spanish). Hauff’s titles in Spanish are mostly
publications from the 1930s and include Historia de la califa cigüeña (Caliph Stork), La
E. T. A. Hoffmann (1776-1822)
The works of the influential German Romantic writer E. T. A. Hoffmann are very
works in several languages are currently circulating. In comparison to his fantastic tales,
100
See bibliography for details.
89
however, his literary fairy tales are relatively scarce. In his short but successful literary
career, Hoffmann wrote nearly four dozen stories, two novels, and seven fairy tales.
Among his best-known fairy tales are Der goldne Topf (The Golden Pot, 1814); and
Nußnacker und Mausekönig (The Nutcracker and the Mouse King, 1816), which served
available;101 however, a very small number of his literary fairy tales (in Spanish or any
other language) were located. The oldest literary fairy tales in Spanish found were El
cascanueces y el rey de los ratones (The Nutcracker and the Mouse King) published in
Madrid in 1922 followed by the 1940 Mexican edition La olla de oro (The Golden Pot).
There is also no evidence that any of Hoffmann’s literary fairy tales appeared in
Colombian editions, but several of his fantastic tales were locally published. For instance,
literary supplement of the newspaper El Tiempo in 1914, and the short story El violín de
Cremona (The Violin of Cremona), published in two different editions in Bogotá from
1898.102 The reprints of Hoffmann’s fantastic tales in local publications from this early
period suggest that the Colombian readership favored his fantastic tales over his literary
fairy tales.
101
For example, Cuentos / Hoffmann, trans. C. Gallardo de Mesa, (Madrid: Calpe, 1922) that is available in
several libraries.
102
This story appeared in the anthology Colección de grandes escritores nacionales y extranjeros, (Bogotá:
Jorge Roa, 1898) and, in the same year, it was also individually published as El violín de Cremona by
Librería Nueva in Bogotá.
90
publications from the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Aside from the
fantastic tales by Hoffmann and Fouqué’s Undine, I was able to find only one other title
by a German writer published locally: Schwab’s story Der arme Heinrich, which
appeared as “Novelas cortas: el pobre Enrique” (“Short Novels: Poor Henry”) in the
Although the Swabian Gustav Schwab was not a writer of children literature, with
his collection of myths and legends of antiquity—Sagen des klassischen Altertums, 1838-
1840—he created a German classic of children’s and juvenile literature; widely used at
German schools, his book became very influential for the reception of classical antiquity
in Germany. In Colombia, titles by Schwab from the first half of the twentieth century are
exceptionally scant and mostly in the original German, which makes an early local
publication of his story “Novelas cortas: el pobre Enrique” especially noteworthy. Except
for this short story, the only other issue in Spanish that I could locate was a 1952 copy of
his legends of antiquity entitled Las más bellas leyendas de la antigüedad clásica (The
Barcelona.
Keller stand out in number in the Colombian libraries. Keller is best known for his
literary fairy tales and novellas, most of which are autobiographical and set in his native
91
Switzerland. His stories deal with common shortcomings and virtues of human nature,
and contrast the way people are with the way they should be. Keller’s collection of short
(Vol. I, 1856; and Vol. II, 1873-74), contains many novellas and fairy tales including his
most famous “Kleider machen Leute” (“Clothes Make the Man”), “Spiegel, das
Kätzchen” (“Spiegel the Cat”), and “Romeo and Julia auf dem Dorfe” (“Romeo and
Several Spanish translations of Keller’s fairy tales and short stories are available
in libraries (see bibliography for details). Most of the Spanish issues were published by
Fig. 6: Title page of the oldest edition of the Grimm’s KHM located in a Colombian library, Kinder- und
Hausmärchen (Berlin, 1858). Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá.
92
The oldest issue of the KHM found in Colombia is the last small edition that
appeared during the Grimms’ lifetime (Fig. 6).103 Published by Franz Duncker in Berlin
in 1858, this tenth small edition of Kinder- und Hausmärchen / gesammelt durch die
1901 Grimm Kinder- und Hausmärchen / Gesammelt durch die Berlin: Wilhelm Herb, 507 p.; ill.; 2
Brüder Grimm. 1901 21 cm
1913? Grimm Contes choisis des frères Grimm / Paris: Ernest 356 p.; ill.
1
traduits de l'Allemand par Henri Mansvic. Flammarion, n.d. 19 cm.
1924? Grimm Kinder- und Hausmärchen: gesammelt durch die Leipzig: Hesse & 882 p.; ill. 2
Brüder Grimm. Becker Berlag, n.d.
103
I could not find any information about the hand-written name inscribed on the title page (R. Arboleda);
it probably belongs to one of the book’s owners at some time.
104
Also from Cuervo’s private collection are Silva de romances viejos, publicados por Jacobo Grimm
(Vienna: En Casa de Jacobo Mayer, 1815) and Lieder der alten Edda: Aus der Handschrift herausgegeben
und erklärt durch die Brüder Grimm, erster Band (Berlin: Im Verlage der Realschulbuchhandlung, 1815),
all of which constitute the oldest-published editions by the Grimms located in Colombia. Along with the
KHM from 1858, these Grimm editions from the private library of Rufino José Cuervo suggest a scholarly
interest in the works of the German siblings.
93
1925? Grimm Recueil de contes de Grimm / Jakob Ludwig Karl Paris: Flammarion, 63 p.; ill.
Grimm; par Kathleen Fitzgerald; ilustrés par Gilbert n.d. col.; 2
James. 16 cm.
1933-34 No “El caballo prodigioso.” Chanchito: Revista Magazine
author “La casita de turrón.” ilustrada para niños.
“La rana encantada.” Bogotá (1933-34)
“Los seis cisnes.”
“La nariz”
“Los seis cisnes”
“El agua de la vida”
“Las tres plumas”
(published without being attributed to the Grimms)
1935 Grimm Cuentos de Grimm: ilustrados por Arthur Rackham; Barcelona: Editorial 188 p.; ill.; 2
traducción de María Luz Morales. Juventud, 1935. 25 cm.
1936 Grimm Kinder- und Hausmärchen: gesammelt durch die Marburg: N.G. Elwert 3 vol.: ill., 1
Brüder Grimm / Zeichnungen von Otto Ubbelohde. Verlag, 1936 19 cm
1938 Grimm Märchen von einem, der auszog, das fürchten zu Barcelona: Espasa- 95 p. 3
lernen. Calpe, 1938
1943 Grimm Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm; mit 90 Leipzig: Schmidt & 855 p.; ill.; 2
Holzschnitten und 8 Tonbildern von Ludwig Richter. Günther, 1943 21 cm.
1950 Grimm Blancanieves y los enanitos / Jakob Ludwig Karl Barcelona: Ed. 46 p.; ill.;
Grimm; adapatación del cuento de los hermanos Juventud, 1950 21 cm. 2
Grimm por Mercedes Llimona.
1950? Grimm Libro de cuentos ilustrado: 10 láminas en color con Madrid: A.A.A., 37 p.; ill.; 2
los más bonitos cuentos de los hermanos Grimm. [1950?] 20 cm.
1954 Grimm The Golden Goose by the Brothers Grimm; pictures New York: Simon 28 p.; ill.; 2
by Gustaf Tenggren. and Schuster, 1954 20 cm
1955 Grimm Cuentos completos de los hermanos Grimm; Barcelona: Editorial 699 p.; ill.,
Traducción de Francisco Payarols; revisión y prólogo Labor, 1955 plates 4
de Eduardo Valentí.
1955 Grimm *Cuentos de Grimm / Jakob Ludwig Karl Grimm; Barcelona: Ed. 166 p.; ill.;
ilust. por Arthur Rackham; traducción de María Luz Juventud, 1955 25 cm. 2
Morales.
1 Biblioteca
Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá; 2 Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá; 3 Biblioteca Pública
Piloto, Medellín; 4 Biblioteca Departamental Jorge Garcés Borrero, Cali; 5 Biblioteca Universidad Javeriana,
Bogotá.
Over half of the early-published editions of Grimm tales located are not in
Spanish, which clearly restricts their readership to an elite versed in foreign languages.
An interesting item is Märchen von einem, der auszog, das Fürchten zu lernen from
1938. This individually published tale is the only bilingual edition (German and Spanish)
94
found, which explains the German title and the Spanish publisher. It was probably used
as a school text in one of the three German schools that existed in Colombia at the time
(in Bogotá, Cali, and Barranquilla). A similar bilingual edition from this early period was
The inventory of Grimm tales has only issue from the 1940s—Kinder- und
Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm (1943). In general, the inventories presented in Tables
1-3 show very few items imported from Europe published in this decade; no European
editions of French fairy tales from the 1940s were found and only one edition by
Andersen was located (Cuentos, published in Madrid in 1944). This reduction can clearly
be attributed to the Second World War (1939-1945), which adversely affected the
importation of printed materials from Europe. The allied blockade of merchant ships
(which hindered almost completely the trade between Europe and America) and the
submarines stationed near the Panama Canal and the Atlantic coast of Colombia had a
remarkably harmful effect on the country and its commerce. Trade with Germany was
particularly affected. After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, on December 7, 1941,
Colombia severed diplomatic relations with Germany and joined the Allied cause on
November 26, 1943. Private individuals, businesses, and institutions with German ties (or
ties to any of the other countries in the Axis) suffered adversities that included
confiscation of property. Among the affected institutions were the German Schools. In
the year 1942, the Minister of Education, Germán Arciniegas, ordered their closure and
confiscated their entire assets. It was only a decade later, in 1952, that German schools in
It is also during the decade of the 1940s that American publications of classical
European fairy tales start to appear in the inventories. The emergence of tales printed and
edited in the Americas during this period was related to the detrimental effects of the
World War on trade between the continents (Europe and America) and also by the
Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). Some of the earliest American productions located
include the Chilean edition of Cuentos de Hans Andersen (1940), a Canadian edition of
Perrault’s Contes (1945), and a North American edition of Perrault’s Little Red Riding
Hood (1948). The earliest American editions of Grimms tales identified are from the
1950s; the oldest is The Golden Goose, a 28-page illustrated edition published in New
York in 1954. As for Spanish translations, the oldest title located is the Mexican edition
appear shortly after the Grimms published their first edition in 1812/15. Translations of
individual stories appeared in Denmark (1816), the Netherlands (1820), and England
(1823/26), for example, and early translated editions were published in countries such as
Sweden (1824), France (1830), Hungary (1860), and Russia (1862) (Uther, “Kinder- und
Hausmärchen” 540). Spanish translations of the KHM appeared much later. The first
Spanish translation of the Grimms’ stories was done by Jose S. Viedma and published in
1879 as Cuentos escogidos de los hermanos Grimm (Selected Stories of the Brothers
Grimm) by Editorial Gaspar in Madrid (Soliño 24). In Colombia, the oldest located
Spanish translations are the popular print booklet Cuentos y Leyendas de los Hermanos
Grimm published in Barcelona by J. Roura and A. del Castillo in 1893 and Cuentos
96
Saturnino Calleja and his publishing empire was a major contributor to the rise of
operated by Fernando Calleja Santos. Three years after the establishment of the small
business, Fernando sold it to his then twenty-six-year-old son Saturnino, who founded the
we read “Casa fundada en 1876” (“House founded in 1876”), when in fact the actual
founding date of the publishing house was 1879, or the year when Saturnino bought the
Part of the success of Editorial Calleja derives from the excellent artists who
worked for the company, illustrating children’s books like it was never done before. The
graphic component of the Calleja productions was of such importance that on the front of
many of the editions the name of the illustrator is clearly stated, while that of the authors
responsible for the literary part is omitted. In fact, the majority of the Calleja stories are
The Calleja editions eventually made their way to Latin America and left their
mark in Colombia. In the 1976 article “Calleja” that appeared in the weekly periodical
Consigna, Hernando Salcedo Silva recalls the large variety of Calleja publications that
Grimms, Andersen, and so on—and the “serious” literature which was carefully adapted
for children; the Calleja stories came in several different formats (he counted
approximately fifteen of them) of various sizes and presentations, some of which were so
exquisitely edited that the readers of the stories grew up to become bibliophiles who
(Salcedo Silva).
According to María Helena Soliño, author of Women and Children First: Spanish
Women Writers and the Fairy Tale Tradition, the first Calleja version of the KHM
appeared in 1879—i.e., the same year as the first Spanish translation of Grimms’ tales by
José S. Viedma.105 Calleja’s versions of the Grimms’ tales were modified for the Spanish
market in ways that included changing the characters’ names (e.g., “Hänsel und Gretel”
was rendered as “Juanito y Margarita”), having the characters speak in the most “castizo”
style, and placing them in Spanish geographical settings (Soliño 25). Calleja’s editorial
practices can be seen as attempts to “Spanishify” the Grimms, or what Lawrence Venuti
translation method in which the foreign text is imprinted with values specific to the
target-language culture (Venuti, Translator’s Invisibility 49). Saturnino Calleja was very
much involved in the editing process and had a strong influence on the writers who
worked for him: “The elder Calleja himself supervised most of the work, often imposing
his own particular Spanish style on the tales, many of which were published without
105
I was not able to corroborate Soliño’s assertion that the first Calleja version of the KHM was published
in 1879.
98
author. Disregarding the single author or raconteur makes the tales appear to be
anonymous, thus evoking the collective voice that speaks in fairy tales. The notion of
anonymity was advanced by the Grimms themselves who were inclined to cloak the
identity of the actual storyteller. Heinz Rölleke tells us that in their published citation of
sources for the individual tales,106 the Grimms provided only very vague information
about their contributors (e.g., orally in Hessia; from the area of the Main River; from
Westphalia); in doing so, they were alluding to the anonymous spirit of the folk to which
they attribute the invention and transmission of the tales (Rölleke, “New Results of
Research” 102).
Returning now to Calleja, the oldest Calleja version of the KHM that I was able to
find in libraries is Cuentos escogidos (Selected Stories); this deluxe edition with fifty-five
tales is estimated to be from 1896. But apparently much more popular in Colombia than
the larger editions were Calleja’s inexpensive miniature booklets. These single-story
(Instructive Toys). The collection consisted of 300 titles from various authors/compilers;
the stories, however, were all published without specifying an author. The 16-page,
the reverse of the front cover; the back cover had a brief presentation of either a famous
historical event or some great personality (Figs. 7-8). There were various editions of
Juguetes Instructivos and in some the structure of the volumes and/or the illustrators were
106
For example, in the separate annotated volumes for scholars and folklorists that they published in 1822
and 1856.
99
changed; among the numerous illustrators the names of Picolo, Ángel, and Cilla stand out
in terms of frequency (Fernández de Córdoba 94). I did not find any of these booklets in
the libraries but after much searching I finally located a few issues with Grimm tales in a
Compared to the larger editions, the Grimm tales in the Calleja booklets are much
more concise in their narrative, probably due to the dimension of the publication. Both
publications (large editions and booklets) offer modified narratives in regard to the
original German versions (I will discuss the modifications in the next chapter); but the
story line in the booklets is overly simplified and exhibits many cuts in the descriptive
details. The titles may also vary among the publications. For example, KHM 15 “Hänsel
und Grethel” appears as “Anita y Pepito” in the booklet, yet in the large edition Cuentos
Fig. 8: Title page of Calleja’s adaptation of “Hansel and Gretel” (includes the solution to the charade from
the previous edition on the reverse of the booklet’s front cover).
Before getting ahold of the Calleja booklets, I had found several periodicals and
magazine articles in the libraries that made reference to these tiny publications, thus
Hernando Salcedo Silva, for example, the author remembers the Calleja stories as one of
the most important and gratifying dimensions of his childhood. His article was written at
a time when Colombia was experiencing an editorial boom in the area of children’s
literature. Salcedo Silva argues that despite the bourgeoning of well-edited and even
“kinetic” books of the current times, no modern equivalent matched the importance of
Calleja’s publications. According to Salcedo Silva, a magical trade name such as Calleja
(which immediately evokes stories for children) no longer existed, and no other single
such a distinctive character. These booklets, Salcedo Silva adds, delighted the Spanish-
speaking children from the late 1800s until the 1940s and are still nostalgically
remembered by many Colombians from his generation.107 Another article that mentions
Calleja’s booklets is “Historia sobre los cuentos” (“History of the Stories,” 1987) by the
Colombian novelist, journalist, and Professor Rocío Vélez de Piedrahita (1926- ).108 In
her article Vélez de Piedrahita corroborates some of the information provided by Salcedo
Silva, asserting that the tiny Spanish editions with selected classical European tales,
including the Grimms, were circulating in the country in the early decades of the
twentieth century.
Conclusion
Despite the uncertainty about the provenance and manner of circulation for some
of the bibliographic items identified, the materials found in the principal libraries provide
fairy tales published through 1955 and currently accesible in the country. The initial data
presented here thus enables us to draw some generalized conclusions about the
The bibliographic research suggests that up to 1955 literary works for children
that convey Catholic teachings (e.g., by Christoph von Schmid), works with a rigorous
morality (e.g., by Ségur), works that evoke compassion (e.g., those by Andersen and
Amicis), and literary tales in general (e.g., French fairy tales or tales by Fouqué) were
107
There is a discrepancy about the exact dates when the “Juguetes Instructivos” were first published.
Salcedo Silva estimates that these booklets have been circulating since the late 1800s. However, Fernández
de Córdoba estimates that they began to circulate somewhere around 1910, although he found them listed
for the first time in the Calleja catalog from 1930 (Fernández de Córdoba 94).
108
Rocío Vélez de Piedrahita has made significant contributions to the field of children’s literature in
Colombia. She has published, among other titles, Guía de la literatura infantil (Guide to Children’s
Literature).
102
better received than the tales by the Brothers Grimm, which are popularly thought to rely
more heavily on oral traditions. Several aspects gave insight into the overall reception of
Grimm tales during this early period including the number of publications located; the
age, quality, breadth, and provenance of the editions; the languages in which they are
accessible; and whether the stories were printed in Colombian editions of the time.
If we can assume that the located volumes were circulating in the country around
the time of their publication, then the classical French tales were more accessible
Colombia than any of the German tales, including the Grimms. This is due not only to the
age of the original publications, but also to the prevailing disposition of the educated
Colombian public, who regarded France as the main European cultural center. French
literary tales as old as 1768 (e.g., Beaumont’s Le Magasin des enfants) are currently
available in libraries; in contrast, the oldest publications of German fairy tales located
(from the 1850s) were published more than 80 years later. French publications also
Magasin (1768) was available at the time of its publication, then that would mean that her
work entered the country while the French writer was still alive in her late 50s. In
contrast, and except for the 1858 issue of the KHM (the last small edition that appeared
during the Grimms’ lifetime), all of the other Grimm tales located were posthumous
important role in the introduction and spread of the classical fairy tale in Colombia,
including the Grimm tales; some of the oldest editions with Grimm tales located are
103
French (e.g., Contes allemands du temps passé, 1892), suggesting that their transmission
Works translated into Spanish are, clearly, more accessible to a broader public in
Colombia than those written in a foreign language. Until 1950, the identified items in
of French tales and tales by Andersen exceed those by the Grimms in quantity, quality,
breadth, and age (suggesting a prolonged circulation time). The oldest issues located are
Beaumont’s Almacén y biblioteca completa de los niños (1829) and Andersen’s Cuentos
escogidos de Andersen (1879), both of which are much older, more comprehensive, and
finer editions than the modest popular print Cuentos y leyendas de los hermanos Grimm
from 1893 with only seven Grimm tales. Several other broad Spanish-language copies of
French tales and Andersen’s tales from the late nineteenth and early twentieth century
were located. By contrast, comparable in scope, I found only one edition of the Grimms’
tales from the nineteenth century (Calleja’s Cuentos escogidos, 1896?). The disparity in
age, quantity, and breadth of Spanish-language editions suggests that Colombians have
had access to a much wider selection of stories by Andersen and French fairy-tale authors
It is difficult to ascertain whether these texts were indeed circulating and being
read at the time of their publication, especially since most are imported editions. For that
reason, the provenance of the books and tales reprinted in Colombian editions become
important determinants of reception. Literary tales like Collodi’s Pinocchio and Fouqué’s
Undine appeared in local editions from this early period, implying that they were being
read at the time; Andersen stood out among other fairy-tale authors with many of his
104
Hoffmann, Heinrich Heine, and Adelbert von Chamisso); however, I found none of the
Grimm tales in the examined volumes. The only traces of Grimm tales in an early
Colombian edition are the stories in Chanchito (1933); these stories, though, were
listed in Tables 1-3. Nevertheless, we know that ca. 23% of the French tales and ca. 21%
probability that items donated to libraries from private collections were being read by
Colombian families at the time, or close to the time, of their publication. In the case of
the Grimms, in all but one instance it is unknown when the libraries acquired the books
and under what circumstances; here one can only speculate that the publishing dates
favor of the Grimms after 1955, it appears that in the early phase of this study literary
tales may have been favored in Colombia over the Grimm folk tales, and that the
popularity of the Kinder- und Hausmärchen would come later in the second half of the
When we speak of the reception of the KHM in Colombia, we are not really
talking about the Grimms’ collection itself, but mostly about secondhand rewritings and
adaptations of the Grimms’ own texts. As we have seen in the preceding chapter, only
about one third of the early publications located are German transcripts of the Grimms’
original tales; the majority of the available tales published through 1955 are translations.
It is not surprising that translations constitute the core of the early inventory of Grimm
tales in Colombia given the language barrier that a text in German poses in a country
Most publishers, reviewers, and readers will consider a translated text acceptable
if it reads fluently and seems transparent, giving the appearance that it reflects the foreign
writer’s personality or intention, or the essential meaning of the foreign text as if it were
the “original”; yet the illusion of fluency and transparency is an effect of the translator’s
effort to ensure easy readability by adhering to current usage, avoiding any linguistic or
stylistic peculiarities, and fixing a precise meaning (Venuti, Translator’s Invisibility 1).
translation, and it starts with the translator’s crucial intervention in the foreign text.
Translations, though, do not give us the same receptive experience as the Grimms’
original stories. The question of reception is a complex one that involves very diverse
responses and reactions to the stories based on the recipient’s unique standpoint. A
translation itself is already a reflection of how the translator has responded to the original
German text. In a translation, Lawrence Venuti tells us, the source message is always
interpreted and reinvented; “it is reconstructed according to a different set of values and
106
Studies 484). Moreover, he notes that any communication through translating will
involve the release of a domestic reminder; the foreign text is rewritten in domestic
meaning (Venuti, Translation Studies 485). In other words, a translation replaces the
liguistic and cultural differences of the foreign text with a text that will be
alterations, which range from modest changes in diction to significant departures from
the original storyline to create a particular effect on the reader. Because the initial
In this chapter I will examine the translations, which make up most of the early
inventory, to determine how the tales were transmitted in printed form to Colombia from
the nineteenth century until 1955. These editions are crucial to this study not only
because the early reception of Grimms’ tales appears to have been determined by foreign
publications, but also because the translated versions, especially those in Spanish, will
provide the comparative basis for later adaptations of the tales created in Colombia.
several aspects such as their fidelity to and variations from the original text, the way the
editions are framed (prefaces, forewords, etc.), how are they presented (scope, overall
quality, story selection), the illustrations and, if known, the source publication used for
the translation. In those cases where a translation presents marked textual changes from
the original tale, I will try to provide possible reasons for such divergence. The
107
implications and repercussions that these textual departures may have had on recent and
chapters. Because Spanish is the language with the widest reach among the local
audience, and because editions from Barcelona and Madrid make up circa 40% of the
early Grimm-tale inventory, I will devote special attention to the tale adaptations in these
volumes. French and English versions will be addressed in a more general way; Grimm
editions in French and English have a much more limited audience in Colombia, one
comprised of a reduced but highly educated elite generally familiar with these languages
Studying the translations poses many challenges. Among the most difficult one is
the lack of information regarding the translators and editors, who are acknowledged only
in very few instances. Even if biographical details can be found, we still know nothing
about the working methods or practices that a translator used in his or her work. This
problem is further accentuated in those cases where individual stories or editions are
published anonymously. Another difficulty arises when it comes to evaluating the quality
because it is difficult to obtain information about which of the various editions of the
KHM served as the source for the translation (very few translations reveal the original
source). In addition, the quality of the translation may vary considerably from one edition
to another, and also within any one edition, especially when more than one translator is
involved in the same edition. Given these inherent difficulties, the approach in this study
will be one of textual analysis, where a close reading of the translated stories allows us to
compare them with their respective German sources. Ideally, each story in each of the
108
located editions should be compared with their original source, but such an endeavor
would be impossible. Instead, selected passages where the translator has modified the
original will be included, with the possible explanations for such departures.
translations of Grimm tales published until 1955. I will not address the tales included in
the German editions because this chapter deals specifically with translated versions.
Titles in Spanish appear in bold letters to distinguish them from publications in French
and English. After each story’s title I have indicated in parenthesis the original German
title, the tale number, and the date of the tale’s first publication in the brothers’
collection—this date, however, is not to be read as the version that served as model for
the translation.
des recueils des fréres “La Princesse sur les pois” (182. “Die Erbsenprobe,” only
Grimm, et de Simrock, in the 1843 edition)
Bechstein, Franz “Les Wichtelmænner” (39. “Die Wichtelmänner,” 1812)
Hoffmann, Musaeus, “L’eau de la vie” (97. “Das Wasser des Lebens,” 1815)
Tieck, Schwab, Winter, “Le Pauvre garçon meunier et la Petite chatte” (106. “Der
etc., avec la legende de arme Müllerbursch und das Kätzchen,” 1815)
Lorely. Paris: Perrin, “Le Trois fileuses” (14. “Die drei Spinnerinnen,” 1812)
1892. “Le Roi Grive” (52. “König Drosselbart,” 1812)
“La Gardeuse d’oies à la fontaine” (179. “Die Gänsehirtin
am Brunnen,” 1843)
“La Dame Hollé” (24. “Frau Holle,” 1812)
“Le Serpent blanc” (17. “Die weiße Schlange,” 1812)
“Petit frère et Petite sœur” (11. “Brüderchen und
Schwesterchen,” 1812)
“Le Compère La Mort” (44. “Der Gevatter Tod,” 1812)
“La Lumière bleue” (116. “Das blaue Licht,” 1815)
“Cendrillon” (21. “Aschenputtel,” 1812)
“Raiponce” (12. “Rapunzel,” 1812)
“Les Six cygnes” (49. “Die sechs Schwäne,” 1812)
“Les Trois nains de la forêt” (13. “Die drei Männlein im
Walde,” 1812).
1893 Cuentos y leyendas de Contains the following 7 tales: 80 p.;
los hermanos Grimm. “Seis soldados de fortuna” (71. “Sechse kommen durch col. ill.
Barcelona: J. Roura, die ganze Welt,” 1819)
1893. “La corneja” (93. “Die Rabe,” 1815)
“Juan Fiel” (6. “Der treue Johannes,” 1819)
“Pulgarín” (37. “Daumensdick,” 1819)
“El almendro” (47. “Von dem Machandelboom,” 1812)
“El perro viejo y el gorrión” (58. “Der Hund und der
Sperling,” 1812)
“Los dos pollos” (77. “Das kluge Gretel,” 1819)
1896? Cuentos escogidos / Contains a total of 55 tales including: 365p.; ill.
Jacob Ludwig Karl “El caballo prodigioso” (“89. “Die Gänsemagd,” 1815)
Grimm, Wilhelm Grimm. “El rey cuervo” (52. “König Drosselbart,” 1812)
Madrid: Saturnino “La Cenicienta” (21. “Aschenputtel,” 1812)
Calleja, n.d. “La princesita Blanca Nieves” (53. “Sneewittchen,” 1812)
“Las dos hermanas” (24. “Frau Holle,” 1812)
“Juana la lista” (34. “Die kluge Else,” 1819)
“Lo que puede la astucia” (14. “Die drei Spinnerinnen,”
1812)
“El sastrecillo listo” (114. “Vom klugen Schneiderlein,”
1815)
“La gallinita y el pollito” (80. “Von dem Tode des
Hühnchens,” 1812)
“La Caperucita roja” (26. “Rotkäppchen,” 1812); etc.
1901 Kinder- und Hausmärchen / Gesammelt durch die Brüder Grimm. Berlin: Wilhelm 507p.; ill.
Herb, 1901.
1913? Contes choisis des frères Contains a total of 47 tales including: 356 p.; ill.
Grimm. Paris: Ernest “Jeannot et Annette” (15. “Hänsel und Gretel,” 1812)
Flammarion, n.d. “Le fidèle Jean” (6. “Der treue Johannes,” 1819)
110
1950 Blancanieves y los enanitos. Adapatación de Mercedes Llimona. Barcelona: Ed. 46 p.;
Juventud, 1950. (53. “Sneewittchen,” 1812) col. ill.
1950 Libro de cuentos Contains the following 10 tales: 37 p.; ill.
ilustrado: 10 láminas en “La Casita de Chocolate” (15. “Hänsel und Gretel,” 1812)
color con los más “Blancanieves” (53. “Sneewittchen,” 1812)
bonitos cuentos de los “Maria Pez y Maria Oro” (24. “Frau Holle,” 1812)
hermanos Grimm. “Caperucita Roja” (26. “Rotkäppchen,” 1812)
Madrid: A.A.A., 1950. “La Bella Durmiente” (50. “Dornröschen,” 1812)
“Trota-Menudo” (55. “Rumpelstilzchen,” 1812)
“La Cenicienta” (21. “Aschenputtel,” 1812)
“El Sastrecillo Valiente” (20. “Das tapfere Schneiderlein,”
1812)
“Los Hermanitos” (11. “Brüderchen und Schwesterchen,”
1812)
“El Gato con Botas” (no. 33 “Der gestiefelte Kater” in
1812; omitted in 1819).
1954 The Golden Goose by the Brothers Grimm. New York: Simon and Schuster, 1954. 28 p.: ill.
1955 Cuentos completos de Includes 213 tales including: 699 p.; ill.
los hermanos Grimm; “El Rey-Rana o el fiel Enrique” (1. “Der Froschkönig oder
Traducción de Francisco der eiserne Heinrich,” 1812)
Payarols. Barcelona: “El gato y el ratón hacen vida en común” (2. “Katz und
Editorial Labor, 1955. Maus in Gesellschaft, ” 1812)
“La hija de la Virgen María” (3. “Marienkind,“1812)
“El mozo que quería aprender lo que es el miedo” (4.
“Märchen von einem, der auszog, das fürchten zu
lernen,“ 1812)
“El lobo y las siete cabritas” (5. “Die Wolf und die sieben
jungen Geisslein,” 1812); etc.
1955 Cuentos de Grimm: Contains 28 tales including: 166 p.; ill.
ilustrados por Arthur “Blancanieves” (53. “Sneewittchen,” 1812)
Rackham; traducción de “Lindo Clavel” (76. “Die Nelke,” 1819)
María Luz Morales. “La Bella Durmiente” (50. “Dornröschen,” 1812)
Barcelona: Ed. Juventud, “La Cenicienta” (21. “Aschenputtel,” 1812)
1955. “La serpiente blanca” (17. “Die weisse Schlange,” 1812)
“Los siete cabritos y el lobo” (5. “Die Wolf und die sieben
jungen Geisslein,” 1812); etc.
Most of the translations are usually based on the final KHM edition from 1857.
different large editions between 1812 and 1857.109 The tales underwent modifications in
style and content from the earliest notations to the last large edition published during the
Grimms’ lifetime. The first two volumes of the first edition of 1812/15 contained a total
109
Ten further small editions with 50 of the most popular tales were published between 1825 and 1858.
112
of 156 tales and over the next 45 years new tales were added, omitted, or substituted in
the collection reaching a total of 200 tales and 10 Kinderlegenden by the final edition
from 1857.110 From the various published volumes, however, the 1857 edition has served
as the primary source for nearly every subsequent reprinting of the Grimms’ tales
(Bottigheimer, Bad Girls xii).111 If any of the located translations appears to be based on
a different edition of the KHM, I will try to suggest which of earlier editions may have
served as basis.
French Editions
French editions are of historical importance because they are among the earliest-
published translations of Grimms’ tales located in Colombian libraries. The oldest edition
that I found is Contes allemands du temps passé (German Tales of Past Times) published
by Libraire Académique Didier: Perrin et Cie in Paris in 1892. This is the translation’s
third edition (the first edition appeared in 1869) and contains seventeen tales by the
Grimms (see Table 4) along with stories from other German writers;112 the translation
110
Because Wilhelm Grimm considered the tale “Die zwölf faulen Knechte” (“The Twelve Lazy Servants”)
so important, it was added to the final edition of 1857; however, to keep the even number of 200 tales, he
denominated this tale as 151a. (Zipes, The Complete Fairy Tales 739).
111
This is clearly not applicable to editions and translations that include omitted tales taken from earlier
editions of the KHM and from the 1810 manuscript. For example, Jack Zipes’s The Complete Fairy Tales
of the Brothers Grimm, which includes several tales ommited in the final KHM edition and some earlier
tales included in Jacob Grimm’s 1806 letter to Friedrich Carl von Savigny (Professor of Law at the
University of Marburg); Maria Tatar’s The Hard Facts of the Grimms’ Fairy Tales and The Annotated
Brothers Grimm, which include some tales from the first edition (1812/15), fragments, etc; and Joyce
Crick’s Selected Tales, which includes some tales from the first edition and some earlier tales from 1808
and 1810.
112
Contes allemands du temps passé (1892) includes sixty stories by nine German authors. The anthology
is divided into three sections: The first part is the lengthiest and comprises thirty nine stories as follows:
Grimms (17), Karl J. Simrock (8), and Ludwig Bechtstein (14); the second part includes fifteen stories by
Franz Hoffmann (9), Charles Winter (2) and J. Schanz (4); and the third and last part includes six tales by
Johan K. A. Musäus (3), Ludwig Tieck (1), and G. Schwab (1), as well as the legend of Loreley.
113
unspecified artist; on some of the illustrations the names Marchand S.G. and G. Gostiauf
can barely be recognized. The largest image that appears opposite to the title page (Fig.
9) shows a group of old and young men and women listening to a middle-aged man
telling stories; floating over their heads, a cloud forms a path where a diverse group of
magical beings (e.g., fairies, princesses, dwarves, and wizards, etc.) are walking towards
a distant castle. Although the image implies that the tales are enjoyable for everyone
regardless of their age, the cautionary gesture of the raconteur’s hand hints at the
Fig. 9: Title page of Contes allemands du temps passé … (Paris, 1892). Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis Ángel
Arango, Bogotá.
114
preface written by M. Ed. Laboulaye, which calls for a renewed emphasis on the
imagination in a school curriculum that had become focused solely on “facts, ciphers, and
laws” (ii). Laboulaye starts with a reminiscence of the times when he was young, the
“good old times,” as he puts it, when fairy tales played an important part in the education
work that “ruled” fifty years ago (i). The author believes that current educators have
with the memory and sensitivity dominate the child; he therefore urges teachers to
reintroduce the fairy tale because he considers these stories to be not only the poetry of
A note about their respective authors or collectors precedes each group of stories.
The opening note on the Grimms praises the work carried out by the brothers as well as
their reverence for the “treasures of popular literature” (3). It also provides compact
biographical information and a brief account about the origins of the KHM, indicating
that the publication of these two “serious” academics caused, at first, quite a surprise
The astonishment in Germany and in Europe was great when one learned
that these two serious scholars were amused to collect, during their travels
and walks, from the mouth of the simple people and the peasants all sorts
of old traditions, [and publish them] under the title without pretension:
115
The introductory note adds that the Grimms did for the tales in Germany what
Théodor H. de la Villemarqué had done for the popular songs in Brittany113 and, what is
more, that they also changed the perception of these “treasures of the naïve imagination”
among the public, who initially appeared not to comprehend their value (3-6).
Unfortunately this publication does not specify which of the various editions of
the KHM served as source for the translation. Most of the Grimm tales in Contes
allemands du temps passé were first published in the 1812/15 editions;114 however, their
example, we know that this French version does not correspond to the original tale as
published in 1812 because in the translation the persecutor is the stepmother—not the
biological mother. The biological mother was replaced by the stepmother in 1819 and
this substitution was kept throughout subsequent editions of the KHM. Neither does the
translation correspond to the final edition from 1857; instead, the story of “Blanche-
Neige” seems to correspond to the 5th edition from 1843. The following excerpts serve to
illuminate this. For the purpose of comparison I have included the tale variation in the
The quotation below is taken from the scene where the dwarfs offer Snow White
the possibility to live with them, provided she agrees to carry out the domestic chores that
113
The French philologist Théodore Claude Henri, vicomte Hersart de la Villemarqué (1815-1895)
published popular Breton songs in his Barzaz Breiz (Ballads of Brittany, 1839) and Contes populaires des
anciens Bretons (Popular Tales of Old Bretons, 1842).
114
Only two stories in this volume—“La Gardeuse d’oies à la fontaine” (KHM 179) and “La Princesse sur
les pois” (KHM 182)—were first published in the fifth large edition from 1843 and not in the first edition
of 1812/15.
116
included cooking, making the beds, washing, sewing, knitting, and keeping everything
neat and tidy. These are the responses in the various editions:
Contes allemands
Blanche-Neige leur promit tout ce qu’ils désiraient et resta chez eux
(Contes allemands 11).
Snow White promised [the dwarfs] everything that they wanted and stayed
with them.
1843 edition
Das versprach Sneewittchen, und blieb bei ihnen (312).
1857 edition
“Ja,” sagte Sneewittchen, “von Herzen gern,” und blieb bei ihnen. (272)
Snow White’s response is straightforward in the 1843 edition and coincides with the
French translation. With the addition of the phrase “von Herzen gern” (first introduced in
the 6th edition from 1850), the later version of 1857 presents a Snow White increasingly
willing to assume the household tasks for the dwarfs—a change that accentuates the girl’s
diligence, keenness to please others, and docility. Modifications like this one, which
underpin specific cultural values and behavioral patterns for girls, deemed as
discussions on gender-role portrayal in the Grimms’ tales. According to Jack Zipes, for
instance, the patterns of most Grimms’ tales draw conscious attention to determined
values and behavioral models that reinforce stereotypical gender roles; these models
accentuate a passive, industrial, and self-sacrificing posture for girls while emphasizing
activity, competition, and accumulation of wealth for boys (Zipes, Fairy Tales and the
Another scene that suggests that the translation is based on the 1843 edition
concerns the accidental episode that eventually saves the girl—as the prince’s servants
were carrying the glass coffin, they stumbled over a root, and the jolt freed the piece of
Contes allemands
… mais, ayant heurté du pied une grosse racine, ils tombèrent, et par
l’effet du choc, le cœur de la pomme sortit du gosier de Blanche-Neige.
Presque aussitôt, elle rouvrit les yeux, se redressa et dit: “Mon Dieu ! où
suis-je ?” (Contes allemands 18)
… but, upon stumbling on a large root they fell down and, due to the
effect of the shock, the heart of the apple came out of Snow White’s
throat. Almost immediately she opened the eyes, lifted herself up and said:
“My God! Where am I?
1843 edition
Da geschah es, daß sie über einen Strauch stolperten, und von dem
Schüttern fuhr der giftige Apfelgrütz, den Sneewittchen abgebissen hatte,
aus dem Hals. Und nicht lange so schlug es die Augen auf, richtete sich in
die Höhe und war wieder lebendig. “Ach Gott, wo bin ich?” rief es. (318)
1857 edition
Da geschah es, daß sie über einen Strauch stolperten, und von dem
Schüttern fuhr der giftige Apfelgrütz, den Sneewittchen abgebissen hatte,
aus dem Hals. Und nicht lange, so öffnete es die Augen, hob den Deckel
vom Sarg in die Höhe, und richtete sich auf, und war wieder lebendig.
“Ach Gott, wo bin ich?” rief es. (277)
After coming back to life, the immediate reaction of Snow White varies from one KHM
edition to another. The awakening of Snow White occurs rather swiftly in the 1843
version, while in that of 1857 is more elaborate since the girl first opens the coffin top
115
The variation where Snow White first opens the coffin cover before sitting up was introduced in 1850.
118
This anthology also includes the tale “La Princesse sur les pois” (“The Princess
on the Pea”), which further suggests its reliance on the 5th edition of the KHM (1843). In
German, “Die Erbsenprobe” appeared published as tale number 182 only in the 1843
edition of the KHM. It was omitted from the subsequent edition of 1850116 because of its
clearly based on the version of the Grimm Brothers and not on Andersen’s tale. Unlike
Andersen’s, this story tells of a king who is helping his son find a real princess for a wife.
Since no potential candidates were in the vicinity, the king sent out letters to many
foreign princesses, who presented themselves at the palace but turned out not to have
royal lineage. In the much shorter tale by Andersen there is no king to help his son find a
bride; here the prince undertakes the search himself and travels around the world looking
certain tales. For example, it has been indicated that the equivalent German for the girl’s
the footnote). A note at the end of “La princesse sur les pois” clarifies that despite the
apparent naïveté initially conveyed by tale, this short account has a very original ironic
encounter in more than one of the Grimms’ stories. In the case of “La dame Hollé” it is
explained that when it snows in Hessen people say that Frau Holle is making her bed.
The footnote of “Cendrillon” alerts the reader to the fact that the German story
116
In the 1850 edition of the KHM “Die Erbsenprobe” was replaced by “Die Geschenke des kleinen
Volkes.”
119
version, and adds that it has been purposely included in this volume to show the curious
differences that a similar character presents depending on the spirit of the country from
Germany as it is in France, and that she is also found in other places such as the
Within the context of the reception of the KHM in Colombia, the significance of
Contes allemands du temps passé is a historical one. The bibliographic material presented
in chapter 1 suggests that French editions were one of the first dissemination channels of
the German tales in Colombia. The fact that this anthology appears to be based on earlier
versions of the KHM, possibly from 1843, is also significant. Assuming that this
translation was circulating at the time of its publication, this would mean that first
encounters of the Colombian public with the tales were not with the final and
authoritative version of the Grimms’ stories—i.e., the seventh edition from 1857—but
with tale-versions that were still in the process of being revised (e.g., Snow White).
Two other located French editions appear to be more recent publications from the
first quarter of the twentieth century. Contes choisis des frères Grimm, estimated to be
contains forty-seven Grimm tales translated directly from the German by Henri Mansvic
(the source was not specified). In a short introduction, Mansvic makes casual reference to
the first published editions of the KHM, citing only the first three years of publication
117
Both headings appear in the footnote.
118
I located two very similar records in WorldCat with a publishing date of 1913. They are: (1) Jacob
Grimm, Contes choisis des frères Grimm, trans. Henri Mansvic (Paris: Flammarion, 1913); this edition has
an identical physical description (356 pages and 19cm); (2) Jakob Grimm Jakob, Contes choisis, trans.
Henri Mansvic (Paris: Flammarion, 1913).
120
1812, 1815, and 1819. Regarding their method of collection he repeats the fallacious
popular belief that the brothers traversed Germany and gathered from the simple people
stories, legends, anecdotes, and other narratives that they later transcribed meticulously
word by word. The lack of illustrations suggests that this edition is meant for more
mature audiences.
Flammarion that I estimate to be from the mid 1920s.119 Very little is known about this
issue for it lacks an introduction and any other form of discursive paratext. The concise
edition includes only six Grimm tales translated by Kathleen Fitzgerald; although the
source for the translation is unknown, the stories appear to be based on the final KHM
version of 1857. At least four color illustrations per story by the artist Gilbert James are
embedded within the text. The small size of the book (16 cm.), which makes it more
manageable for small hands, along with the reduced number of tales and the significant
number of color illustrations, suggests that the edition is designed with a juvenile
readership in mind.
When looking at these early French volumes, we notice a general trend that shifts
directly at youngsters. As the century progresses, however, we will notice that French
editions of Grimm tales become less visible in the libraries’ inventories and are slowly
119
WorldCat estimates the date for this title in the 1900s. However, several other stories for children
translated by Kathleen Fitzgerald were published later by the Paris-based house Ernest Flammarion e.g.,
Gulliver a Lilliput et Gulliver a Brobdingnac (1912) and Histoire de Robinson Crusoé: Racontée pour les
enfants (1920). In 1932, Flammarion published Contes d’Andersen. Based on the translations by Fitzgerald
and the publication of Andersen’s tales I estimate the publication of Recueil de contes de Grimm to be
around 1925.
121
English.
English Editions
Only one English edition from the nineteenth century was found in the libraries:
the popular Grimm’s Fairy Tales published by Frederick Warne and Co. in London and
New York (Fig. 10). No publication date is provided for this edition, but it can be
Fig. 10: Title page of Grimm’s Fairy Tales (London, 1888?). Courtesy of Biblioteca Universidad Javeriana,
Bogotá.
This high-quality volume, beautifully illustrated with forty full-page color images
(protected with tissue paper) and numerous woodcuts inserted in the text, contains 130
120
I located a very similar edition from 1888 in WorldCat namely: H. B. Paull’s translation, Grimm's Fairy
Tales (London: F. Warne, 1888). Similar to the edition found in the library of the Universidad Javeriana in
Bogotá, this volume also includes the remark “with original coloured illustrations and numerous woodcuts”
and fits the exact physical description (522 pages, 22cm).
122
Grimm tales translated and edited by Mrs. H. B. Paull (1812-1888), a prolific British
translator and author. Paull’s works include Lucy West: or, The Orphans of Highcliff,
Pride and Principle: or the Captain of Elvedon School, Mary Elton: or Self-Control, and
the translation of Hans Andersen’s Fairy Tales, which according to the preface, was very
The short anonymous preface that preceeds the stories (presumably written by
of the volume at hand, and the source and methods used for the translation. It claims that
this edition is “a complete translation from the German of the Household stories, or Fairy
Tales collected by the Brothers Grimm,” when in fact it only contains 128 of the KHM
(not 130 as listed in the contents) if we consider that the three individual parts that make
up the story “Die Wichtelmänner” (KHM 39) appear listed separately as “The Industrious
Another vague area concerns the KHM edition from which this English
translation stems (accentuated by the lack of a publication date). The preface mentions
only the dates of the two first-published KHM editions: “The first volume of the tales
appeared in the year 1812; a second in 1814; and others at various times since then, up to
a recent period. From this later and complete edition the translation has been made” (i).
The apparent error in the date of the second publication is in fact correct; although dated
1815, the second volume of the first edition the KHM did in effect appear in late 1814
(Sutton 234). The phrasing of the second sentence provides no clarity about which of the
various “later” editions of the KHM was used here. Despite the ambiguity, the source for
this translation must have been the final edition of 1857, because this volume includes
123
several tales that did not appear in the KHM until the 1857 edition, such as “Clever
People” (KHM 104 “Die klugen Leute”) and “The Twelve Idlers” (KHM 151a “Die
Regarding to the quality of the translation, we read in the preface “the author, in
her translation, has been most careful to preserve the sense of the original text; and at the
same time to render the English phraseology simple and pure both in style and tendency”
(i). As Martin Sutton points out, although the latter part of the sentence (“English
phraseology … ”) defies precise definition, the reader is encouraged to assume that Mrs.
Paull has provided an accurate version of the original contents of the story, albeit with
stylistic alterations. This assumption has been disproved in Sutton’s thorough analysis of
“May Blossom” (KHM 50 “Dornröschen”). The chosen English titles are already an
indication of the translations liberties taken by Mrs. Paull. In addition to “May Blossom,”
other examples that bear no similarity to the German titles include “Fairy Tell True”
of the Animals” (KHM 17 “Die weiße Schlange”), “The Widow’s Two Daughters”
(KHM 24 “Frau Holle”), “The Magic Mirror” (KHM 53 “Sneewittchen”), and so on.
carelessness, for example, in the translation of “Die kluge Else” (KHM 34) as “The
Clever Elfe,” which was probably due to a misreading of the Gothic writing of the
original (Sutton 235). One further sign of excessive haste is the repetition of the title “The
Water-Sprite” in the table of contents used to denote two completely different tales:
The short preface ends with a sentence that contradicts the earlier assertion
regarding the completeness of this volume: it explains that this collection is not complete
because a small number of tales were excluded due to their content: “A very few of the
tales have been omitted, as not exactly suited to young English readers” (i). Given that
this 128-tale volume was based on the final large edition of the KHM from 1857 (with a
total 210 tales), it means that 82 tales (or 39%) were omitted, which can hardly be
regarded as “very few.” The claim of “completeness,” though misleading, could have
Despite the claim that certain stories were omitted because of inappropriate
content for young readers, the English collection contains “The Maiden without Hands”
(KHM 31 “Das Mädchen ohne Hände”), one of the Grimms’ most violent tales. Brutal
episodes of this particular account include a miller cutting off the hands of his own
daughter, and letters from the king ordering to kill his wife and son and to keep the
tongue and eyes as proof of the deed. Mrs. Paull’s adaptation of “Das Mädchen ohne
Hände” was modified not to minimize the violence, but rather to reduce some of the
religious elements that appeared in the 1857 German version.121 For example, the old
man who offers great riches to the poor miller is a wizard in the English translation
instead of the devil that appears in the German tale. Other examples include eliminating
the adjective “pious” (“fromm”) used in the German version to describe the miller’s
121
According to Martin Sutton, Mrs. Paull’s translation is following the pattern established by earlier
translators (e.g. Edgar Taylor) and in line with persistently prevailing taboos, by replacing such religious
figures as God, the Virgin Mary, and angels by “fairies,” and the devil by “wizard” or “demon” (Sutton
237).
125
daughter and her form of life,122 and replacing the girl’s helpers with fairies instead of
angels.123
Without dwelling any further on the nature of changes Mrs. Paull made to the
German original (since this English text has a limited audience in Colombia), the
presented examples indicate that Mrs. Paull had a tendency to translate the Grimms’
stories in a very free manner. Her authorial license however, was not exercised to soften
the violence of some tales; the harsh and cruel episodes in tales such as “Das Mädchen
ohne Hände,” “Cinderella,” “The Twelve Brothers,” and “The Three Little Men in the
Wood” were closely translated. If the violence was kept mostly unaltered, one wonders
what criteria was used for the omission of certain stories “as not exactly suited to young
English readers”; apparently the display of brutality is not a matter of concern and is
Although Ms. Paull’s is the oldest English translation of Grimms’ tales located in
Colombia, and therefore has a historical value, the translation by Mrs. Edgar Lucas—
Fairy Tales of the Brothers Grimm (1900)—appears to have had greater repercussions for
the Colombian reception of the tales, even though none of her editions was found at a
library. Mrs. Lucas’s edition, however, served as the basis for a subsequent Spanish
translation by María Luz Morales, the popular Cuentos de Grimm: ilustrados por Arthur
Rackham. Based on the numerous copies currently circulating, this Spanish translation
122
The text in the KHM from 1857 reads “Die Müllerstochter war ein schönes und frommes Mädchen und
lebte die drei Jahre in Gottesfurcht und ohne Sünde” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen, 24886);
whereas the English translation describes the miller’s daughter as “a modest and beautiful maiden, [who]
lived in innocence and obedience to her parents” (Grimm’s Fairy Tales 131).
123
For example, when the maimed girl, who had become a queen, leaves the castle with her child and
arrives at the small cottage, a the poor woman comes to greet them and says: “I am a good fairy sent to take
care of thee and thy child” (Grimm’s Fairy Tales 134); the German version refers to an angel sent by God
to look after them: “ich bin ein Engel, von Gott gesandt, dich und dein Kind zu verpflegen” (Uther,
Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 24891).
126
appears to have enjoyed a continuing popularity among Colombians since the mid 1930s.
Spanish Editions
Up until the mid 1930s Spain had complete dominion over the Latin American
market of books. It was only after 1936 that mostly Mexican and Argentinean publishing
houses start to take control over the publications in Ibero-America (Rodriguez Monegal
22). With the breaking of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), the publishing industry in
Latin America was propelled by the migration of Spanish writers and publishers.
Publishing houses such as Emecé and Losada were established in Argentina along with
Aires, Mexico D.F., and Santiago de Chile as early as 1939 start to emerge as part of the
Andersen, Ségur, La Fontaine, Chamisso, Hoffmann, Keller, and Oscar Wilde.124 I did
not find any Latin American editions of Grimms’ tales from the late 1930s or early 1940.
Grimms’ tales came from Spain. Spanish editions are essential for this study for several
reasons: 1) they are among the earliest transmitters of the tales in the country; 2) they
have the widest reach among Colombians in terms of language; 3) the tales’ reception in
124
For example: Edmondo de Amicis, Corazón: diario de un niño (Santiago de Chile: Ed. Nascimento,
1939); H. C. Andersen, Cuentos de Hans Andersen (Santiago de Chile: Ed. Zig-Zag, 1940); Sophie
(Rostopchine) Ségur, Un buen diablillo (Buenos Aires: Editorial Difusión, 1944); Jean de La Fontaine,
Fábulas de La Fontaine, Illus. Gustavo Doré (México: Ed. Gustavo L. López, 1944); Adalbert von
Chamisso, El hombre que perdió su sombra (Buenos Aires: Espasa-Calpe Argentina, 1948); E. T. A.
Hoffmann, Cuentos (Buenos Aires: Espasa-Calpe, 1948); Gottfried Keller, Los de Seldwyla, ed. Pedro von
Haselberg (Buenos Aires: Ocesa, 1947); and Oscar Wilde, Cuentos y narraciones: el príncipe feliz y otros
cuentos (Buenos Aires: Emecé, 1945).
127
Spain has a direct impact on the reception in Colombia (we have seen that popular works
in Spain, for example by Amicis and Ségur, are also very well received in Colombia);
and 4) they will provide the comparative basis for later adaptations of the tales created
locally. A closer examination of the Spanish translations extant in the libraries is,
Cuentos y leyendas de los Hermanos Grimm (Stories and Legends of the Brothers
Grimm, 1893)
Fig. 11: Front cover and title page of Cuentos y leyendas … (Barcelona, 1893). Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis
Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
The oldest located Spanish translation with Grimm tales is Cuentos y Leyendas de
los Hermanos Grimm published by J. Roura and A. del Castillo in Barcelona in 1893.
This edition for popular consumption is part of the illustrated collection Biblioteca
128
stories from various countries and authors that appeared bi-weekly in two separate
volumes.125 The Cuentos y Leyendas de los Hermanos Grimm constitutes the 11th and last
chapter of the less expensive Volume I.126 The 80-page chapter includes only seven
Grimm stories (see Table 4 for details). This edition does not have a preface or
introduction, and the only information about the translator are his/her initials, which
appear on the cover page under the title (in parenthesis) and reads “traducción de L. M.”
(Fig. 11).
Fig. 12: Illustrations from “El almendro” (47. “Von dem Machandelboom”) in Cuentos y leyendas …
(Barcelona, 1893). Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
125
Volume I included 4 color prints and engravings in black/white inserted in the text; the cost of this
presentation was 50¢ (Peseta). Volume II also had 4 color prints and the engravings between texts were
also in color; this presentation was more expensive (1 Peseta).
126
The Table of Contents of Volume I includes: (i) “Cuentos árabes” (“Arab Stories”) by Mary Edgeworth
and Soave (no first name), (ii) “Cuentos populares” (“Popular Stories”) by unspecified authors, (iii)
Washington Irwing (sic), (iv) Longfellow, (v) “Retratos de españoles ilustres” (“Portraits of Illustrious
Spaniards”)—Tomo I, (vi) J. Grant, (vii) F.G. Ducray-Duminil, (viii) Sir Walter Scott, (ix) Antonia Díaz de
Lamarque, (x) Retratos de españoles ilustres—Tomo II, (xi) Cuentos y leyendas de los hermanos Grimm.
129
The stories are illustrated with black engravings inserted in the text and four full-
page color prints (Fig. 12). The name of the artist is not specified; in most pictures,
however, there is a signature that reads something like “Eriña” (I found no information
The Grimm tales in Cuentos y Leyendas de los Hermanos Grimm have been
loosely translated and, in some cases, heavily altered. Already the tales’ titles in this
edition suggest the liberties taken in the translation process; many of which bear no
resemblance to the German titles, such as the translation of “Das kluge Gretel” (KHM
77), that becomes “Los dos pollos” (“The Two Chickens”). Appendix 4 presents a list of
the corresponding Spanish titles in this and other editions discussed in this study. The
purpose of this table is to identify variations in the titles and to establish a textual basis
Some of the narrative modifications are clearly intended to cater to the Spanish
ganze Welt” (KHM 71), for example, the coin used to pay the courageous man who
fought in the war was an “ochavo.”128 The “ochavo” was a Spanish copper coin weighing
one eighth of an ounce established during the reign of Felipe III (1598-1621) and used
until the mid-nineteenth century. Another interesting variation in this tale concerns the
wording of the question posed by the protagonist to a man he sees in the forest tearing up
six trees with his bare hands. In the original German the question reads, “willst du mein
127
A more literal translation of this title would be “Six Soldiers of Fortune.”
128
In the 1857 version, the man was paid with a “Heller,” an earlier German copper coin valued at half a
Pfennig: “Es war einmal ein Mann, der verstand allerlei Künste: er diente im Krieg, und hielt sich brav und
tapfer, aber als der Krieg zu Ende war, bekam er den Abschied und drei Heller Zehrgeld auf den Weg”
(Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 25175).
Unless otherwise specified, the German texts will be taken from the final KHM edition from 1857.
130
Diener sein und mit mir ziehen?”; yet in Spanish it has been translated as “¿Quieres tú ser
hombre y venirte conmigo?” (Do you want to be a man and come with me?”) (6). The
translation fully omits the part involving servitude, which is changed to emphasize
masculinity; the protagonist implicitly asks the strong man if, besides the demonstrated
strength, he also possesses the courage to face the challenges that they may encounter on
their way together. The display of manliness plays an important role in Spanish and
Latin American cultures, as it does in many other cultures; because this situation deals
with two men, the translation has been modified to emphasize masculity rather than
servility; one wonders, though, where the emphasis would have fallen had a woman been
involved.
editorial liberties in their translations, such as the earlier mentioned “Los dos pollos”
(KHM 77). In this title, which bears no resemblance to the original German, two fowls
have replaced the main female character Gretel. The translation departs widely from the
Grimms’ text altering and distorting the form and substance of the original. The Spanish
version adds and/or eliminates images, themes, and characters and elaborates on the
dialogue to accentuate the drama. Let’s look at some of the modifications undertaken in
this translation.
attempt to better reach the Spanish market by domesticating the text. Margaritona though,
is the augmentative form of the common female name Margarita, and this variation
conveys certain contempt. The apparent dislike towards the protagonist is further
emphasized in the introductory paragraph, which sets a different tone than the original
131
Grimm tale. The German version presents Gretel as a rather playful and naïve character,
whereas the Spanish adaptation redirects the focus toward her defects. The changes in
the translated text versus the original can be judged in the following quotations.
Grimm 1857:
Es war eine Köchin, die hieß Gretel, die trug Schuhe mit roten Absätzen,
und wenn sie damit ausging, so drehte sie sich hin und her, war ganz
fröhlich und dachte “du bist doch ein schönes Mädel.” Und wenn sie nach
Hause kam, so trank sie aus Fröhlichkeit einen Schluck Wein, und weil
der Wein auch Lust zum Essen macht, so versuchte sie das Beste, was sie
kochte, so lang, bis sie satt war, und sprach “die Köchin muß wissen, wies
Essen schmeckt. ” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 25199)
Cuentos y leyendas:
Margaritona no era una mala muchacha, séguramente que no, y su amo, el
notario de Partrisey, aséguraba con justicia que no había, en veinte leguas
á la redonda, mejor cocinera que ella; pero, conocíansele cuando menos
dos defectos, ambos graves, que amo y criada no podían ocultar; era
embustera y glotona. (Cuentos y leyendas 85)
Margaritona was not a bad maiden, surely not, and her master the notary
of Patrisey rightly assured that in twenty miles around there was not a
better cook than her. However, she had at least two defects, both of them
serious, that master and maid could not hide: she was deceitful and
gluttonous.
Although the translation characterizes the cook with the cardinal sin of gluttony, she does
not eat both chickens by herself (as she does in the original Grimm tale), but instead she
offers the second chicken to the coachman Antonio who arrives before her boss, the
notary of Partrisey (the Grimms’ tale does not specify an occupation). The Spanish
adaptation tells us that Antonio hopes to marry Margaritona one day, which would make
him very happy. With Antonio the translation introduces a new character and adds a
romantic element that was not present in the German tale. The continuous emphasis
new scenes were added; one of them explains that since the attraction between
132
Margaritona and Antonio is mutual, every now and then the cook will offer the coachman
a succulent dish at the expense of the notary. Here it has been made clear that the cook
not only cheats her boss but also the public body for which he works. In a further
disappearance of the food and decides that the best alternative is to blame the dog of
eating the chicken. By accentuating the negative traits of the protagonist the translation
polarizes good and bad behavior for the purpose of moralizing (showing that both deceit
Very different in the German original tale and the Spanish translation is the
overall consumption of wine. Whereas in the German version the protagonist imbibes
wine on repeated occasions, in the Spanish adaptation the wine drinking is significantly
reduced. This modification appears to be culturally based, since drinking too much
alcohol is not considered “lady-like” (at least in Latin America, where customs were
contributed significantly to the rise of children’s literature in Spain and was also greatly
influential in Colombia. Cuentos escogidos (Fig. 13), the earliest of Calleja’s editions
found in Colombia, has no year of publication but is estimated to be from 1896.129 The
366-page book of superior quality was part of the deluxe collection Biblioteca Perla
129
WorldCat has two entries for this title with a publication date of 1896. The located records are: (1)
Jacob Grimm, Cuentos escogidos de los hermanos Grimm, trans. José Muñoz Escamez, Biblioteca Perla 4
(Madrid: Saturnino Calleja, 1896). This is an illustrated edition with 235 engravings by Elias Pozona. (2)
Jakob Grimm, Cuentos escogidos de los hermanos Grimm: Edición ilustrada con 214 grabados, trans. José
Muñoz Escamez, Biblioteca Perla (Madrid: Saturnino Calleja, 1896).
133
(Pearl Library). The Biblioteca Perla was one of the oldest and long-lived collections of
the Editorial Calleja (Fernández de Córdoba 100). It came in two presentations, one with
a board binding and another with a more expensive cloth binding, and was divided into
two series: “primera serie” (series one) for children and “segunda serie” (series two) for
adults. The children’s series offered numerous titles such as: Cuentos de Andersen
(Stories by Andersen), Robinson Crusoe, Las mil y una noches (One Thousand and One
several anthologies from various authors (e.g., Cuentos mágicos [Magical Stories] and
Fig. 13: Title page of Calleja’s selection of Grimm tales, Cuentos escogidos (Madrid, 1896?). Courtesy of
Biblioteca Universidad Javeriana, Bogotá.
134
legend “Die drei grünen Zweige” translated as “Las tres ramas verdes”) and is illustrated
with 304 engravings in black-and-white. This volume provides no information about the
artist, the translator, or the source used for this translation. It is also unknown whether
this is the first printed edition; the only provided information on the front page is
“Biblioteca Perla: Primera serie VI.” On the left-hand side of the title page is an
engraving of a young girl with a doleful look on her face, sitting on the floor leaning
against a column (probably Cinderella). She has a plate and a kitchen cloth on her lap;
laying next to her is a basket of dishes suggesting that she has been cleaning the
tableware. The phrase under the engraving reads “Allí tenía que trabajar desde por la
mañana hasta por la noche …” (“There she had to work from the morning until the
evening …”). At the top of the opposite page (title page) we read the names Luis y
Guillermo Grimm (Spanish for Ludwig and Wilhelm)—the name Jacob, as one of the
1863), one of the four younger siblings of Jacob and Wilhelm, became an accomplished
painter and illustrated the fairy tales, but he certainly had no editorial authority over the
KHM. This mistake was, however, corrected in subsequent editions. For example, in the
supposedly newer 6th edition of Cuentos escogidos (Fig. 14), the individual names were
omitted and replaced by “Hermanos Grimm” (“Brothers Grimm”). The 6th edition, found
at Harvard’s Widener Library, contains the exact same prologue and table of contents as
the one located in Bogotá, but they differ in the number of pages, illustrations, and
information about the translator. The Harvard edition has fewer pages (345 vs. 366) and
fewer illustrations (254 vs. 304), and cites José Muñoz Escámez as the translator.
135
The texts in both editions, however, correspond exactly to one another, suggesting
that Muñoz Escámez must have also translated the (supposedly) earlier edition found in
Bogotá.
Fig. 14: Title page of Cuentos ecogidos de los Hermanos Grimm (6th ed.). Courtesy of Harvard College
Widener Library, Boston.
from an unspecified author. The prologue narrates, in a fairy-tale manner, about the
Brothers Grimm, their informants, and the edition at hand. The Grimms are presented as
professors (“catedráticos”) from the University of Göttingen who, for political reasons,
had to abandon their chairs and later dedicated themselves to traverse Germany listening
to stories told by the people. The following is an excerpt of the prologue, with its
methods of collecting:
136
La política hizo a los Grimm abandonar sus cátedras y recorrer a pie toda
Alemania, costumbre allí tan corriente como aquí la de viajar en
ferrocarril. Deteniéndose en cada caserío y haciendo estación en cada
posada durante las heladas noches del inverno, allí al amor de la lumbre
oían referir cuentos impregnados de esa sencillez inimitable de que la
musa popular reviste sus obras.
Cuanto más vulgar era la persona que hacía el relato, tanto mayor atención
prestaban nuestros cuentistas soprendiendo aquella espontaneidad que
domina en la gente poco ilustrada.
Una pobre mujer del pueblo de Niederwehrn [sic] fué la que mayor
contingente de cuentos les suminstró: así lo hicieron ellos constar, y como
prueba de agradecimiento publicaron el relato de la buena vieja. (Grimm,
Cuentos Escogidos 7-8)
Politics made the Grimms abandon their chairs and travel Germany on
foot, a practice that is so common there as here it is travelling by train.
Stopping at each hamlet and staying at each inn during the frosty winter
nights, by the warmth of the burning coals they listened to stories being
told permeated by that inimitable simplicity with which the popular muse
invests her works.
The more vulgar the person giving the account was, the more attention our
story writers paid, surprising that spontaneity that governs in the less
illustrious people.
A poor woman from the town of Niederwehrn [sic] was the one who
supplied the largest contingent of stories: so did they make it known, and
as proof of gratitude they published the story of the good old lady.
However embellished and inaccurate the claim about the Grimms’ fieldwork and
Dorothea Viehmann) as the major contributor to the collection of tales—it has resonated
loudly in articles and editions published in Colombia. Such is the case, for example, of
the formerly mentioned press article by Samper Pizano, “Jacobo y Guillermo Grimm,
contributor to the Grimms’ collection, which is why the Grimms foregrounded her in
137
their own preface. 130 Although Viehmann told the brothers a good many significant tales
she was not the major supplier of stories, as stated in the above preface. Numerous tales
came from members of the bourgeois Hassenpflug and Wild families from Hessia and the
aristocratic von Haxthausen families from Westphalia, who had heard tales from their
nursemaids, governesses, and servants (Zipes, Complete Fairy Tales XXiX) and who
“mutilated” editions of the KHM that have been printed up to date and stresses that this
new edition will offer its readers the possibility of enjoying the complete collection of the
Brothers Grimm:
De estos cuentos se han hecho cientos de ediciones en todas las partes del
mundo; pero como no se ha solido publicarlos íntegros, sino mutilados,
hacemos esta nueva edición para que nuestros lectores puedan saborear
completas las hermosas producciones de los hermanos Grimm. (Grimm,
Cuentos Escogidos 8)
Hundreds of editions have been made of these stories in all parts of the
world; however, since it has not been usual to publish them whole, but
instead mutilated, we make this new edition so that our readers can taste
the complete beautiful productions of the Brothers Grimm.
Although the reader might be encouraged to believe that Calleja has issued a complete
and accurate version of the contents of all of the original KHM, the claim of authenticity
is quickly disproved not only by the number of tales included in this edition (only fifty
130
It should be noted that in the preface to their first edition of the second volume (1815), the Grimms
clearly transformed Dorothea Viehmann into the ideal type of teller of tales by characterizing her as an
older peasant woman from the village of Zwehrn who communicated old tales and legends that she retained
in her memory. But the facts about Frau Viehmann are quite different. Dorothea Viehmann was the wife of
a tailor who came to Kassel twice a week to sell fruits to her customers, including the Grimms. Born
Dorothea Pierson (1775-1815) she was of Huguenot ancestry and from childhood on had spoken French as
well as German; the family of the French priester Ramus in Kassel, with whom the Grimms were most
closely acquainted, sent her to the brothers (Rölleke, “New Results of Research on Grimms’ Fairy Tales”
102-104).
138
perceptible. The translation of the titles already provides the initial evidence. Examples of
freely translated titles include “El caballo prodigioso,” which translates literally as “The
Prodigious Horse” and is a rendition of “Die Gänsemagd” (KHM 89); “Frau Holle”
(KHM 22) has been translated as “Las dos hermanas” meaning “The Two Sisters”; “La
casita de turrón,” translates literary as “The Nougat House” and is a rendition of “Hänsel
und Gretel” (KHM 15); “Die drei Spinnerinnen” (KHM 14) has been translated as “Lo
que puede la astucia” (“What Cleverness Can”); “La rana encantada” translates as “The
Enchanted Frog” and is a rendition of “Der Froschkönig oder der eiserne Heinrich”
(KHM 1), (see Appendix 4 for a complete list of the translated titles).
The source used as basis for translating the stories is unknown and, in some cases,
is not easily predicted as in the case of “La Caperucita Roja” (“Rotkäppchen,” KHM 26).
Although the Spanish translation seems to correspond to the 1857 German version,
several deviations suggest that the 1819 version might have played a role. The
instructions that the mother gives the child before she departs to the grandmother’s house,
for instance, appear in some respects closer to the KHM from 1819.131 I have included
the tale variation in both the 1819 and the 1857 version for the purpose of comparison:
Ven, Caperucita: toma este bollo y una botella de vino y llévalo a casa de
la abuela, porque está enferma y débil. Sé buena, no le revuelvas nada de
su cuarto y no olvides de darle los buenos días. Anda con cuidado y no te
distraigas en el camino porque puedes caerte y romper la botella, y
131
Although the mother’s instructions are similar in both the 1812 and 1819 editions of the KHM, I am
referring the 1819 version because the tale’s ending in this edition coincides with the Spanish translation. In
1812 the tale ends simply with “Rothkäppchen aber ging fröhlich und sicher nach Haus”, whereas in 1819
the ending is more elaborate and reads: “Rotkäppchen aber ging fröhlich nach Haus und that ihm niemand
etwas zu Leid” (Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmärchen 1984, 102). This modification was kept mostly
unchanged in subsequent editions of the KHM.Similar to the German in the Grimms’ edition of 1819, the
Spanish translation ends with: “Caperucita se fué contenta a casa y nadie se metió con ella” (“Little Red
Riding Hood went cheerfully home and nobody picked on her”) (Cuentos escogidos 252).
139
Come, Little Red Cap: take this bun and a bottle of wine and bring them to
grandmother’s house because she is sick and weak. Be good, don’t mess
anything in her room and don’t forget to say good morning. Be careful and
don’t get distracted on the way because you can fall and break the bottle,
and then nothing will be left for the poor grandmother.
1819 edition:
Komm, Rothkäppchen, da hast du ein Stück Kuchen und eine Flasche
Wein, die bring der Großmutter hinaus; weil sie ist krank und schwach ist,
wird sie sich daran laben; sey aber hübsch artig und grüß sie von mir, geh
auch ordentlich und lauf nicht vom Weg ab, sonst fällst du, und zerbrichst
das Glas, dann hat die kranke Großmutter nichts. (Grimm, Kinder- und
Hausmärchen 1982, 100)
1857 edition:
Komm, Rotkäppchen, da hast du ein Stück Kuchen und eine Flasche
Wein, bring das der Großmutter hinaus; sie ist krank und schwach und
wird sich daran laben. Mach dich auf, bevor es heiß wird, und wenn du
hinauskommst, so geh hübsch sittsam und lauf nicht vom Weg ab, sonst
fällst du und zerbrichst das Glas, und die Großmutter hat nichts. Und wenn
du in ihre Stube kommst, so vergiß nicht, guten Morgen zu sagen, und
guck nicht erst in alle Ecken herum. (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und
Sagen 24855).
It is difficult to determine with certainty which edition of the KHM was actually used as
source for Calleja’s translation. On the one hand, the translated quote omits the mother’s
remark that the gifts will strengthen the weak grandmother (“wird sie sich daran laben”),
which is present in both German versions (1819 and 1857). On the other hand, the
translation is closer to the 1819 edition in that it omits the time of the day mentioned in
the 1857 version, i.e., “Mach dich auf, bevor es heiß wird” (“Get an early start, before it
becomes hot,” implying that the girl is approaching her sexual maturation).132 Yet it
approximates again the final 1857 edition in that it explicitly states not to forget to say
“good morning.”
132
This variation was first introduced in the 6th edition of the KHM from 1850.
140
behavior of the girl at the grandmother’s house. While in the German of the 1857 edition
the mother warns not to peep in every corner (“…und guck nicht erst in alle Ecken
herum”), in Spanish the warning is about not messing up anything in grandma’s room.
The translation refocuses the warning from curiosity to preserving the order, placing
more emphasis on keeping things neat and tidy than on being inquisitive—a deviation
that may be culturally based. Despite the variations, this translation appears to coincide
mostly with the 1857 German version and therefore seems to be based on it; however, the
several anomalies (added/omitted elements) do suggest that the 1819 edition might also
There are many stories with modified narrative details in Calleja’s Cuentos
52) whose Spanish title, “El rey cuervo,” translates literally as “King Raven.” In the
translation the minstrel (King Thrushbeard in disguise) uses a similar disdainful tone with
his wife (the princess) throughout the story, which is consistent with the German tale;
however, unlike the original German, the minstrel in the Spanish version had threatened
his wife with corporal punishment should she not obey him. After their provisions ran out
the minstrel began to look for ways to earn some money. He soon realized the
incapability of his wife to weave baskets and spin, and therefore decides to send her to
the marketplace to sell pots and pottery. Though the princess is at first reluctant to
comply with her husband’s orders because she thinks someone might recognize her and
mock her, she dares not contradict him out of sheer fear: “Pero no se atrevió a oponerse,
porque su marido le advirtió de una vez para siempre que, como no le obedeciera sin
141
murmurar, la apalearía hasta que hiciera lo que mandase” (“But she did not dare to
contravene, because her husband warned her once and for all, that if she would not obey
him without even murmuring, he will beat her until she did as she was ordered”) (45).
This threat of corporal punishment is not present in any of the versions of “König
Drosselbart” that appear in the various editions of KHM (which, in any case, vary only
slightly from one edition to the next). In the German editions the princess understands
that she will starve if she does not comply with the minstrel’s orders given their dire
situation, and we read “Aber es half nichts, sie mußte sich fügen, wenn sie nicht Hungers
mentioned. The inclusion of this form of domestic violence reflects a practice that was
tolerated in Spain, and in many other countries during the nineteenth century. Javier
throughout the history of Spain women and children have occupied an inferior position in
relation to the husband and father, and family violence was not considerd a crime until
1989. The lack of legal protection for family members against the head of the household
has promoted abusive behavior in Spanish families for centuries.134 Violence towards
women, however, is not just a Spanish phenomenon; in many European countries abusive
behavior has been tolerated without repercussions until the recent past. It is then difficult
133
This remark has remained unchanged since the 3rd edition of 1837. It was first added in the 2nd edition
from 1819 and there it reads “Aber es half nichts, sie mußte hin, wenn sie nicht Hungers sterben wollten.”
(<http://de.wikisource.org/wiki/König_Droßelbart_(1819)#Seite_257>)
134
García-Perales asserts that according to the civil codes of the nineteenth century, a woman in Spain was
obligated to obey her husband and to follow him wherever he established residence. She could not own
property or engage in any activities without her husband’s permission. The same applied to the children
within the marriage. This inferiority of women and children with respect to the husband and father existed
in the civil code until as late as 1981. The lack of legal potection for family members against the head of
the household promoted physical and psychological abuse toward children, elders, and women in these
families for centuries. He also noted that it was not until the reform of the Penal Code in 1989 that family
violence was considered a crime in Spain (García-Perales 144-145).
142
to discern whether the reference to domestic violence added in the translation represents a
cultural practice that was different in Spain than in Germany at that time, or if other
factors played a role, for example, if it could have been Calleja’s own take on the family.
The Calleja collection makes no noticeable effort to tone down the violence of
some of the best-known tales. None of the harsher elements in “La Cenicienta”
were eliminated. The translation of “Snow White” presents only minor changes in regard
to the final version of 1857 that include the stepmother wanting Snow White’s heart (not
her lungs and liver) as proof of the deed and the huntsman bringing the heart of a deer
The importance of the Calleja’s Cuentos escogidos for the reception of the Grimm
tales in Colombia goes beyond the historical. This edition has resonated loudly in the
country, from the information about the Brothers Grimm and their work provided in the
prologue, which was partially reproduced in a local newspaper article almost a decade
later,135 to individual stories that were re-printed in one of the few early publications for
Colombian publication from the first half of the twentieth century was found in
Chanchito, perhaps the most important early magazine for children edited in the country.
135
Namely, the article by Daniel Samper Pizano “Jacobo y Guillermo Grimm, padres adoptivos de Blanca
Nieves y Caperucita,” which appeared in the daily El Tiempo on October 1985.
143
This weekly periodical was a real cultural vehicle for Colombian children. Each number
maintained a relatively uniform format with light variations. One of the most popular
sections was devoted to serialized novels and stories and included titles such as “Sinbad
the Sailor” from One Thousand and One Nights. There was also a section of games with
tabletop games (board, cards, and paper-cutting games), role-playing games, and so on. A
segment dedicated to poetry offered children the opportunity to read not only poems by
Colombian authors like Rafael Pombo and José Asunción Silva, but also translations of
poetry by foreign writers such as the American Henry Wadsworth Longfellow (1807-
1882). An informative segment delivered articles on diverse themes that awaken the
Amazon and Grey Parrot”) and “El olfato y el oído de los murciélagos” (“The Sense of
Smell and Hearing of Bats”). The innovative literary magazine Chanchito was a
publication without antecedent in Colombia both for the quality of the selected materials
as well as for its structure. The high quality of Chanchito denotes a respectful valuation
of the child as a reader, while its uniform structure reveals the formative and educational
without acknowledging their authors. Some of the longer stories were published in parts.
For example “El caballo prodigioso” (“The Prodigious Horse,” an adaptation of KHM 89
“Die Gänsemagd”) and “La casita de turrón” (“The Nougat House,” an adaptation KHM
15 “Hänsel und Grethel”) were printed in two parts that appeared in separate issues;
whereas “La rana encantada” (“The Enchanted Frog,” an adaptation of KHM 1 “Der
144
Froschkönig oder der eiserne Heinrich”), “Los seis cisnes” (“The Six Swans,” KHM 49
“Die sechs Schwäne”), “El agua de la vida” (“The Water of Life,” KHM 97 “Das Wasser
des Lebens”), “Las tres plumas” (“The Three Feathers,” KHM 63 “Die drei Federn”), and
“La Nariz” (“The Nose,” KHM 36 [1815] “Die lange Nase”)136 were all published in one
part.
turrón,” “La rana encantada,” and “El agua de la vida”—are also found in Calleja’s
Cuentos escogidos (1896?). The tales in Chanchito are clearly based on the Calleja
versions and therefore, not surprisingly, the Spanish titles coincide exactly in both
publications even though some bear no resemblance to the German original titles. The
remaining three tales (“Los seis cisnes,” “Las tres plumas,” and “La Nariz”) are not
included in this particular Calleja edition, but they appear nonetheless to be transcripts of
adaptations from Spain rather than local productions. This becomes evident in the
dialogue, which uses of the second person plural, a form of speech that is common in
Spain but far less usual in Latin America. The witch in “Los seis cisnes,” for example,
addresses the king as follows: “Tengo una hija, y tan bella que no hallaréis otra igual en
salida del bosque (Chanchito 1.16: 10) (“I have a daughter so beautiful that you will not
find another like her in all your dominions. If you agree to make her your wife and queen
I will show you the way out of the forest”). Here most of the verbs (e.g., “hallaréis” is
the present tense of “hallar” [to find]) as well as the possessive (e.g., vuestros, vuestra)
136
The tale “Die lange Nase” appeared as tale number 36 in the second volume of KHM published in 1815;
it was replaced by “Tischchen deck dich, Goldesel und Knüppel aus dem Sack” in the following edition
from 1819.
145
are in the second person plural. The use of second person plural—uncommon in
Colombia and elsewhere in Latin America—suggests that this story is not a local
The Grimm tales in Chanchito based on Calleja’s edition are mostly literal
regard to already freely translated versions of Calleja. In the following section I will take
a closer a look at the tales published in Chanchito; I will point out the major differences
The most significant change concerns the children’s names, which in Chanchito appear
as Hansel and Grethel instead of Juan and Anita (in Calleja). Save for this evident
adjustment, the rest of the story is almost identical to Calleja’s. Calleja’s version,
however, differs considerably from the German original and the variations are noticeable
already from the start. For instance, Calleja’s translation clearly defines the woodcutter’s
as the stepmother already in the second line of the story, whereas in the German the
stepmother is referred to only as the woodcutter’s wife (Frau) for the first full paragraph,
which would seem to suggest she is also the children’s biological mother. By identifying
this authoritative and antagonistic figure from the beginning as the woodcutter’s second
wife—that is, as the stepmother—Calleja creates a distance that diminishes the anxiety of
maternal rejection and abandonment that this tale may produce in a young reader. The
following quote taken from Chanchito is identical to Calleja’s opening statement, except
Había una vez un pobre leñador que vivía en una cabaña cerca de un
bosque. De su primera mujer, que había muerto, le habían quedado dos
hermosísimos niños: Hansel y Grethel [sic]: la segunda mujer no tuvo
hijos. (Chanchito 1.12: 10)
There was once a poor woodcutter who lived in a cabin near a forest.
From his first wife, who had died, he had two very beautiful kids: Hansel
and Grethel: his second wife did not have children.
The version of “Hänsel und Grethel” published in 1857, specifies much later that the wife
is actually the stepmother. Specifically, the word “Stiefmutter” appears after the children
overheard their parent’s discussion, which ends with the father agreeing to follow his
wife’s suggestion to abandon the kids in the forest.137 It should be noted that in the first
three large editions of the KHM from 1812, 1819, and 1837 the wife was the biological
mother of the children; the substitution of “wife” into “stepmother” was introduced
The Spanish translation also offers a less hostile portrayal of the stepmother. A
noticeable adjustment concerns the argument to abandon the children in the forest
brought forth by the stepmother. Before giving in to his wife’s suggestion, the father
protests by saying that he does not have the heart to abandon them and leave them at the
Pues bien, entonces, manda a que hagan cuatro ataúdes, porque nos
moriremos todos de hambre. Además, quién sabe si en lugar de ser
comidos por los lobos serán recogidos por personas caritativas!
(Chanchito 1.12: 10)
Very well, then, order to build four coffins because we will all die of
hunger. Besides, who knows if instead of being eaten by wolves they will
be picked up by charitable people!
137
In the final edition of KHM the word “Stiefmutter” first appears in the second paragraph, which starts as
follows: “Die zwei Kinder hatten vor Hunger auch nicht einschlafen können und hatten gehört, was die
Stiefmutter zum Vater gesagt hatte” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 24772).
147
Two things are noteworthy in the above quote, which is identical in both publications
(Chanchito and Calleja). First, it is strange that a poor family like this one could “order”
the coffins instead of making them themselves. Second, an element of hope is introduced
in the response of the stepmother, who suggests that the children may be rescued instead
of devoured by wild animals. Although the intention of the stepmother is clearly egoistic
and her goal is to convince the father to do as she has planned, the mere thought that the
children may be rescued by someone presents her as less cold-hearted than the wife in the
Grimm tale. Other instances that portray her in a somewhat kinder light involve the way
in which the stepmother treats the kids. For example, she wakes them up with an
energetic “¡Vamos, arriba, que iremos al bosque!” (10) (“Let’s go, get up; we are going
to the forest!”) without branding them “lazy” as in the German tale, which reads “steht
auf, ihr Faulenzer, wir wollen in den Wald gehen und Holz holen” (Uther, Deutsche
Märchen und Sagen 24772). In another scene Hänsel is looking at what he says is his
white kitten sitting on the roof to which the stepmother replies: Tontín,138 lo que tomas
por el gato es la chimenea” (10) (“Silly, what you think is the cat is really the chimney!”).
Addressing the boy with the diminutive “tontín” conveys certain tenderness on the part of
the stepmother, whereas in German, the wife’s response sounds much harsher because of
and Spanish versions. In the German version, the wife turns the situation around by
shifting the blame onto the children. When the kids show up at the house, the wife
reprimands them by saying: “ihr bösen Kinder, was habt ihr so lange im Walde
138
“Tontín” is the diminutive of the adjective “tonto,” which means silly.
139
In the final edition, the stepmother addresses the boy as: “Narr, das ist dein Kätzchen nicht, das ist die
Morgensonne, die auf den Schornstein scheint” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 247723).
148
geschlafen, wir haben geglaubt, ihr wolltet gar nicht wiederkommen” (Uther, Deutsche
Märchen und Sagen 24774). In Spanish, the reaction of the stepmother is hypocritical:
“La madrastra aparentó regocijarse mucho porque hubieran encontrado el camino, pero
because they had found the way, but deep inside she was very irritated”). Although the
stance in the German version makes her appear even more malicious and evil.
As I have shown, this translation of “Hänsel und Grethel” tones down the
character of the stepmother (by defining the parent as stepmother from the beginning and
so creating emotional distance; introducing and element of hope and compassion; treating
the children in a kinder manner), probably in an effort to diminish the fear of maternal
rejection and abandonment that this tale may produce in a young reader.
Also virtually identical to the version in Calleja’s edition is the story “La rana
and again this translation differs widely from the German original. For instance, the tale’s
narrative has been altered to eliminate any implied sexual content. The following excerpt
from the scene with the newly-transformed prince and the young princess, illustrates this:
… y [el príncipe] le contó que había sido encantado por una mala
hechicera, que nadie podía sacarle del pozo sino ella, y que al día siguiente
se marcharían a su país juntos. Muy de mañana los esperaba una
magnífica carroza tirada por ocho caballos blancos …(Chanchito 1.13: 15)
… and [the prince] told her that he had been enchanted by a bad sorceress,
that no one could take him out of the well except her, and that the next
they would set out together to his country. Very early in the morning a
magnificent coach drawn by eight white horses waited for them ….
149
Compared to the original,140 the translation (identical in Chanchito and Calleja) avoids
mentioning the couple’s falling asleep together. The intimate scene of a princess and a
prince sleeping together, with its implied sexual character, is completely omitted, in both
Not all the tales taken from Calleja’s Cuentos escogidos and published in
Chanchito, however, correspond one-to-one. In the case of “El caballo prodigioso,”141 the
bowdlerization in the Colombian version goes one step beyond its Spanish counterpart to
avoid not only sexual overtones but also any allusions to nudity and certain parts of the
human body. Unlike the Calleja version, the parting daughter in Chanchito places the
white handkerchief stained with her mother’s blood-drops in her pocket, not her bosom;
Chanchito:
Llenas de tristeza se despidieron. El lienzo se lo guardó la princesa en un
bolsillo, subió al caballo y partió. (Chanchito 1.9: 15)
Full of sadness they said good-bye. The princess saved the handkerchief in
her pocket, mounted the horse and left.
Full of sadness they said good-bye. The princess inserted the handkerchief
into her bosom, mounted the horse and left.
140
The equivalent German text from 1857 reads: “Da erzählte er ihr, er wäre von einer bösen Hexe
verwünscht worden, und niemand hätte ihn aus dem Brunnen erlösen können als sie allein, und morgen
wollten sie zusammen in sein Reich gehen. Dann schliefen sie ein, und am andern Morgen, als die Sonne
sie aufweckte, kam ein Wagen herangefahren mit acht weißen Pferden bespannt, die hatten weiße
Straußfedern auf dem Kopf und gingen in goldenen Ketten, und hinten stand der Diener des jungen Königs,
das war der treue Heinrich” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 24671-72).
141
“El caballo prodigioso,” which translates as “The Prodigious Horse” is an adaptation of KHM 89 “Die
Gänsemagd.” Although the title bears little resemblance to the original, compared to other stories in
Calleja’s Cuentos escogidos, the translation of this tale provides a more accurate version of the content of
the original KHM.
150
The translation in Calleja’s volume, which deviates only slightly from the Grimms’
original tale, does not avoid the reference to the bosom (with its sexual implication).142
Toward the end of this tale we notice another discrepancy between the text in
Chanchito and Calleja. Let’s compare the answers given by the false bride (the
chambermaid) when she is asked how she would sentence a woman who deceives her
lord:
Chanchito:
Merece que la echen en un cubo lleno de clavos, y que dos caballos la
arrastren por todas las calles hasta que muera” (Chanchito 1.10: 15)
She deserves to be thrown inside a barrel full of nails, and have two horses
drag her through every street until she dies.
The response in Chanchito has been modified avoid a reference to nudity; it clearly omits
the suggestion that she should first be “stripped completely naked” and then put inside
the barrel—a suggestion that is acknowledged in the Calleja version albeit with some
142
The original German text from 1857 reads: “Also nahmen beide voneinander betrübten Abschied: das
Läppchen steckte die Königstochter in ihren Busen vor sich, setzte sich aufs Pferd und zog nun fort zu
ihrem Bräutigam” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 25270).
143
The reply in the 1857 KHM edition reads: “Die ist nichts Besseres wert, als daß sie splitternackt
ausgezogen und in ein Faß gesteckt wird, das inwendig mit spitzen Nägeln beschlagen ist: und zwei weiße
Pferde müssen vorgespannt werden, die sie Gasse auf, Gasse ab zu Tode schleifen” (Uther, Deutsche
Märchen und Sagen 25278).
151
In addition to avoiding nudity and other sexual connotations, the Grimms’ tales
published in Chanchito show an effort to attenuate the violence. This becomes evident in
“Los seis cisnes” (“The Six Swans,” KHM 49), a tale that is not included in Calleja’s
adaptation. The translation replaces the king’s evil mother with a stepmother thus
creating an emotional distance to mitigate the fear of filicide that this tale may produce in
a youngster. The gruesome details of the German tale (where the mother-in-law steals
and kills the queen’s newborn and tries to implicate the queen in his murder by smearing
blood on her mouth while she was asleep and accusing her of cannibalism) were omitted.
The version in Chanchito simply states that when the first child was born, the evil
stepmother stole him and accused the queen of having killed him.144 Both the exclusion
of the gory scene and the introduction of a king’s stepmother (instead of the biological
mother) are intended to lessen cruelty of the tale. However, since the source for this
the editor of Chanchito, who made these changes or if they were already present in the
Spanish adaptation.
The seven stories in the children’s magazine Chanchito are the only evidence of
Grimm tales appearing in a Colombian publication from the first half of the twentieth
century. The translations present modifications in the narrative details of the original
German tales to avoid sexual connotation, attenuate the hostility of some characters, and
144
The text reads: “Un año despues, cuando nació el primer hijo, la perversa madrastra se lo robó y acusó a
la reina de haberlo matado” (Chanchito 1:16: 16) (“A year later, when the first child was born, the evil
stepmother stole him and accused the queen of having killed him”). To compare, the German version of
1857 reads: “Über ein Jahr, als die Königin das erste Kind zur Welt brachte, nahm es ihr die Alte weg und
bestrich ihr im Schlafe den Mund mit Blut. Da ging sie zum König und klagte sie an, sie wäre eine
Menschenfresserin” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 25006-07).
152
reduce the violence. That more than half of the located tales come from Calleja’s
Cuentos escogidos attests to the importance of the Calleja editions in the dissemination
Blancanieves y los enanitos: Adaptación del cuento de los Hermanos Grimm por
Mercedes Llimona (Snow White and the Dwarfs: Adaptation of the Brothers Grimm’s
Disney’s enormously popular feature animation Snow White and the Seven
Dwarfs (1937) gave way to a number of adaptations of this one Grimm tale, for instance,
Barcelona. The first edition of this single-tale book appeared in December 1941, shortly
after Disney’s animated film was first released in Spain on October 6, 1941. The
Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango has a copy of the second edition published in 1950 (and
Geared towards a juvenile audience this 47-page book has numerous black-and-
white and color illustrations drawn by Llimona herself. In her adaptation, Llimona took
many liberties with the Grimms’ versions of “Snow White.” Some of the changes
include: specifying Snow White’s age (she had just turned fifteen when the mirror chose
her as the most beautiful); killing one of the castle dogs (one that followed Snow White
into the forest and ended up having its heart and entrails removed as proof of the deed);
changing disguises in the murder attempt (the stepmother appears as an old sales woman,
an old peasant woman, and a young woman of fresh complexion); expressing doubt about
Snow White’s death (the prince and the dwarfs question the fact that she had remained
intact after a week of allegedly being dead); offering medical assistance (the prince offers
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to take her to the castle where famous doctors may be able to cure her of the strange
ailment); and breaking the glass coffin (upon hitting the ground the glass casket breaks
The most significant change, however, comes after the conclusion of the story, as
most of us know it, that is, after Snow White enters the castle with the prince to live
happily ever after. Llimona’s version adds an epilogue that describes in detail the
preparation of the wedding, the splendor of the ceremony, and the harsh punishment of
the stepmother/queen. The epilogue starts by giving us a Snow White overcome with joy
and very forgiving, who has invited both her father and stepmother to the wedding
ceremony:
In the wedding ceremony, to which hundreds of guests have been invited, Snow
White’s father and stepmother are sitting in the front bench of the chapel. The
stepmother—described earlier as having the face of an angel but the soul of the devil—
recognizes Snow White as she ascends the steps of the altar. Full of rage and spite, the
“perverse witch” (44) plots in her head how to ruin all that joy, unknowing that the
dwarfs are watching over their beloved Snow White. When the couple leaves the altar as
man and wife and the Church begins to empty, the seven dwarfs surround the queen and
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take her to a solitary cellar; there they heat up iron shoes over fire coals and force her to
wear them. The king, who starts to miss his wife after a while, goes looking for her
around the castle and suddenly hears “inhuman screams” (46) coming from the basement;
he runs in that direction. The king is horrified to see his wife writhing and screaming in
agony; but he is even more shocked by the unparalleled spectacle that his eyes are
Her magnificent dress starts to turn into a pile of rags, her pearls turn into “black and
hairy beetles” (46) as they fell to the ground, and her “angel face” (9), which minutes
before was amongst the most beautiful at the wedding party, becomes disfigured. Her
visage turns wrinkly, her nose elongates and becomes deformed, and her teeth fall out
one by one; and when she becomes tired from suffering, her body drops to the ground
dead right in front of the king. Suddenly the newly married couple appears, and Snow
White tells her father/king her sad story. The dismayed father acknowledges his “sins and
egoism” (47) and begs his daughter for forgiveness; he then gives up his crown and castle
and retires to live in a monastery, where he awaits for “the happiest day of his life” (47)
when he can sound the bells to announce the birth of the son of Snow White and the
prince.
In this adaptation, the circumstances of the stepmother’s death differ greatly from
both the Grimms’ and Disney’s version. Unlike Disney’s film, in which the queen is
pursued to the edge of a cliff and falls, or the Grimms’ tale, in which the queen is
publicly subjected to a painful and humiliating death, this Spanish version casts the
dwarfs in the role of tormentors who privately carry out the punishment of the queen. The
155
dwarfs corner the lady and taking her to a desolated cellar they proceed with the atrocious
punishment:
Then [the dwarfs] surround her tightly and, although she tries to defend
herself, they are seven against one. With her long nails she tries to hurt
and scare them away, and she screams and shakes, but no one hears her …
The small men take her and hide her in a dark and humid cellar.
Fig. 15: “How the perverse witch was punished,” Blancanieves y los enanitos … (Barcelona, 1950).
Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
156
The illustration by Mercedes Llimona (Fig. 15) portrays an old woman in ragged
clothes struggling against several dwarfs who are forcing her into red-hot shoes. While
the witch’s face displays agony, the dwarfs seem gleeful to be executing the cruel
punishment. On the right, a surprised yet apathetic king is watching the spectacle. The
newlyweds, immersed in their love and apparently oblivious to the circumstances, are
seen on the left. The queen eventually falls dead and her completely disfigured face and
body, we are told, reveal the effects that each of her sinful acts have had upon her soul:
“The corpse lying at the king’s feet is that of an infamous witch, whose contracted
features reflect all the wickedness that a human being is capable of” (46).
This adaptation also introduces a religious element that was not present in the
Grimms’ tale. The character of the father/king, who reappears at the end of the tale,
renounces the earthly affairs (his sovereignty and castle) to become an ascetic monk in a
monastery. In this place of spiritual renewal, the father apparently wants to return to God
austere way of life, he also wears a cilice: “He wears a friar’s habit with wide sleeves
and cilices on his skin...” (47). In Llimona’s version we notice that both parents of Snow
White, not only the stepmother, pay for their transgressions. The penalties, however,
differ in nature, for one is imposed while the other is self-inflicted. In the case of the
father, he himself chooses to castigate his body with a cilice and practice severe
asceticism—an antithetical way of life to that of power and opulence led by a king. In
contrast, the punishment of the stepmother is imposed upon her; she is also penalized
twice: once by the “law of men” (i.e., the dwarfs who force her to dance in burning iron
shoes) and the second time by what may be seen as the manifestation of divine law, since
157
the sudden disfiguration of her beautiful visage happened in an inexplicable manner and
As we will see, the dwarfs as tormentors and punishers are also present in other
Spanish editions and post-1955 adaptations of “Snow White” published in Colombia and
elsewhere in Latin America. I will discuss these editions in the next chapter.
Libro de cuentos ilustrados: 10 láminas en color con los más bonitos cuentos de los
Engravings with the Most Beautiful Stories of the Brothers Grimm by Gertraude Hecht-
Appelmann, 1950?)
page) prologue states that despite the many collections of children’s books edited in the
brief and succinct manner. Thus, the intended goal of this edition is to provide the stories
of the Brothers Grimm in the most concise and simple form possible.
The selection of stories has also been kept brief—this volume contains only ten
(see Table 4). The second title146 in the collection is “Blancanieves” (“Snow White”); this
and the other tales have been rewritten in a way that abridges the narrative details and
abbreviation concerns the queen’s reaction after the mirror reveals for the first time that
145
No year of publication is provided in this edition, but the catalogue of the Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango
as well as WordCat give 1950.
146
This collection is headed by “La Casita de Chocolate” (“The Litle Chocolate House”), an adaptation of
KHM 15 “Hänsel und Gretel.”
158
Snow White is more beautiful. Compared to the 1857 German version, in which the
queen turns yellow and green with an envy that grew in her heart like a weed,147 the
straightforward Spanish translation reads: “Tan rudo fué el golpe, que su corazón estalló
de odio y envidia hacia la pobre niña. Ansiosa de terminar aquella intolerable situación,
llamó a uno de sus cazadores y le dijo: …” (7) (The blow was so hard that her heart
exploded with hate and envy of the poor girl. Anxious to terminate such intolerable
In addition to simplifying the narrative, the translation purged the violent scenes
of this tale, probably influenced by Disney’s filmic adaptation. For example, the
cannibalistic episode in which the queen eats the boiled lungs and liver presumed to be
from Snow White has been omitted. The harsh punishments of the queen, who was forced
to dance in red-hot iron shoes, has been replaced by a rather dull conclusion: “Cuando
entró a la sala y reconoció a Blancanieves quedó inmovilizada del susto, pero luego, para
disimular, bailó durante tanto tiempo que acabó por caer al suelo muerta de cansancio,
terminando así definitivamente sus maldades” (10) (When [the queen] entered the room
and recognized Snow White she was immobilized from fear, but then, to save face, she
danced for such a long time that she ended up falling on the ground dead of fatigue, thus
ending definitively her evilness). The punitive aspect of the story is practically bypassed
in this version.
147
The scene in the 1857 version reads:
Da erschrak die Königin und ward gelb und grün vor Neid. Von Stund an, wenn sie Sneewittchen
erblickte, kehrte sich ihr das Herz im Leibe herum, so haßte sie das Mädchen. Und der Neid und
Hochmut wuchsen wie ein Unkraut in ihrem Herzen immer höher, daß sie Tag und Nacht keine
Ruhe mehr hatte. Da rief sie einen Jäger und sprach: ... (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen
25028).
159
Fig. 16: “El gato con botas,” Libro de cuentos ilustrados … (Barcelona, 1950). Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis
Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
One of the ten tales included in this edition is “El gato con botas” (“Puss in
Boots”) (Fig. 16). “Der gestiefelte Kater” was first published as tale no. 33 in the KHM
edition of 1812, but was omitted in the 1819 edition due to its French origins, in
particular Charles Perrault’s “Le chat botté,” which appeared in his renowned Contes du
Temps passé (1697). Even though Perrault’s French version was more widely available,
this translation is clearly based on the Grimms’ version from 1812 and not on Perrault’s.
The introduction, which depicts the daily chores of the each member in the mill confirms
this and reads: “Un molinero tenía tres hijos, su molino, un asno y un gato; los tres hijos
tenían que trabajar en el molino, el burro buscaba el trigo y el gato cazaba ratones” (34)
(“a miller had three sons, his mill, a donkey, and a cat; the sons had to work in the mill,
160
the donkey hauled the wheat, and the cat hunted mice”).148 The translation also lacks
Perrault’s two morals at the end of the story, which further validates the Grimms’ as the
source. Because the original German tale already is much shorter tale than other of the
Grimm tales included in this edition, it has been more accurately translated in this
gestiefelte Kater” even though this tale only appeared in the first edition of the KHM
from 1812. Libro de cuentos ilustrados (1950?) is the oldest located edition that includes
reappear in editions published in Latin America during the second half of the twentieth
Arthur Rackham first appeared on April 1935. Twenty years later, in 1955, a second
edition followed and thereafter numerous others have been published until recently—the
latest being the 12th edition from 2004. Based on the numerous copies available in the
main libraries, this publication appears to have been well received in Colombia. Several
copies of the various published editions are currently circulating; the Biblioteca Luis
Ángel Arango, for example, owns copies of the 1st edition from 1935, the 2nd from 1955,
148
Compare to the Grimms’ version of 1812, which starts: “Ein Müller hatte drei Söhne, seine Mühle,
einen Esel und einen Kater; die Söhne mußten mahlen, der Esel Getreide holen und Mehl forttragen und die
Katz die Mäuse wegfangen” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 23829).
161
and the 4th from 1971, when it became part of the Colección Cuentos Universales.149
Eight issues of the 5th edition from 1985 and several other copies of the editions from
1990 (6th ed.), 1997 (7th ed.), and 2001 (10th ed.) are currently circulating in various other
Design for young readers, this compact publication was translated by the Spanish
writer and journalist María Luz Morales (1889-1980) who, besides her journalistic
Homer, Dante, Shakespeare, Goethe Cervantes, and others in Obras maestras al alcance
de los niños (Master Works at the Reach of Children), all published for the Barcelona
publishing house Araluce, which she directed. Her adaptations of literary masterpieces
for children became instrumental in the Spanish public educational sector, and some of
The source used for the Spanish translation is not specified; however, this edition
illustrations, in the Fairy Tales of the Brothers Grimm (1900), attained immediate
Arthur” 413). The 1900 edition included sixty-three stories and ninety-five drawings of
fairy world inhabitants with familiar settings, which, in the frontispieces, are acclaimed
149
The series Colección Cuentos Universales include children’s tales and stories by authors such as Lewis
Carroll, Hans Christian Andersen, Charles Perrault, Carlo Collodi, as well as several compilations by
various other writers.
150
The edition I used for the purpose of comparison is: Jacob Grimm, Wilhelm Grimm, Edgar Lucas, and
Arthur Rackham, Fairy Tales of the Brothers Grimm: A New Translation by Mrs. Edgar Lucas, with
illustrations by Arthur Rackham (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott Co, 1900).
162
as expressing “perfectly the humor, the grotesqueness, the weirdness, the quaintness of
the stories.”
Lucas translation and illustrated by Rackham have appeared after the successful first
edition from 1900. Compact editions with a smaller selection of tales (usually 20) seem
published since the 1970s, I could not find an exact match for the Spanish Cuentos de
Grimm: ilustrados por Arthur Rackham. The Spanish and English editions did not
coincide in the number of stories that they included (e.g., Cuentos de Grimm has twenty-
eight stories vs. twenty for most of the English editions151), the selection of stories, and
brief note on the Brothers Grimm and their work that is printed either on the frontispieces
or on the back cover.152 The note on the 1985 publication, for example, describes the
brothers as “great wise philologists,” who wrote very important books such as the
German Grammar (after the word “philologists” comes a parenthetical note explaining to
children that this means they were dedicated to study of the language). Their
extraordinary works will fill up an entire library, the note says; however, outside
Germany, no one would have remembered them had they not embarked on the task of
collecting the tales that peasants told their children. In regard to their collection methods,
151
For example, Grimm’s Fairy Tales: Twenty Stories illustrated by Arthur Rackham, (New York: The
Viking Press, 1973); or Grimm’s Fairy Tales, illus. Arthur Rackahm (New York: Seastar Books, 2001,
1925).
152
The content of this note does not appear to be based on earlier English or English-language editions. The
paratext in the 1900 edition—Fairy Tales of the Brothers Grimm: A New Translation by Mrs. Edgar Lucas,
with illustrations by Arthur Rackham—focuses mainly on the work of Rackham. The compact English-
language editions that I examined, trying to find a matching issue for Cuentos de Grimm: ilustrados por
Arthur Rackham, do not include any discursive paratexts.
163
the note states that the brothers travelled throughout Germany asking the people to
narrate the tales (for their study of the folk’s language), which they transcribed word by
word to form a book (the title of the “book” is not mentioned); their publication was very
successful and was translated into all languages. Further down we read that even if this
work was done more than a century ago, children across the world still read and enjoy the
tales today; it ends with: “Aquí los tenéis tal como los escribieron ellos entonces” (“Here
you have them, just as they wrote them then”). In this short paragraph we notice a
repetition of the same vague and imprecise information on the brothers and their work
that has been published elsewhere (e.g., in Calleja’s edition). The collection’s claim of
Mrs. Edgar Lucas, which already presents modifications in regard to the Grimms’ KHM
(e.g., altering the order of the original list of contents, providing titles that bear no
Partlet” for “Das Lumpengesindel” or “The Pink” for “Die Nelke,” and offering only a
already perceptible in the order in which the tales appear in the table of contents. Among
the first five titles we find “Snow White,” “Sleeping Beauty,” and “Cinderella”—all tales
with animated adaptations by Disney. The tale of “Snow White” always heads the table
153
In contrast, in the early English-language edition from 1900 “Briar Rose” was the 7th title, “Snowdrop”
the 32nd, and “Ashenputtel” [sic] the 36th title in the table of contents.
164
por Arthur Rackham, we notice that the story selection, the chosen tale titles, and
sometimes even the narratives have been modified from one publication year to the next.
The difference among editions is particularly noticeable between the earlier issues from
1950/55 and later publications. The second edition from 1955, for example, still includes
“El judío en los espinos” (“Der Jude im Dorn,” KHM 110). This tale features anti-
Semitism in its most vicious form. Even though the “rich” master denies his “loyal and
jolly” servant fair gratification for three-years of work, it is a Jew that the servant meets
by chance (after leaving his master) who becomes the scapegoat and is unjustly punished.
Although this book was originally intended for children, Rackham’s illustrations of the
tale focus on the scene of punishment and present the Jew in a grotesque and ridiculing
form that provokes laughter rather than compassion (Fig 17).154 This tale was eliminated
editions concerns the titling of the stories. In 1955, the tale of “Dornröschen” appears
translated as “Rosa Silvestre” (“Wild Rose”); however, in the fourth edition from 1971 it
appears changed as “La bella durmiente” (“Sleeping Beauty”). This adjustment in the
title is most likely due to the influence of Disney’s animated feature Sleeping Beauty
154
The legend on the left hand side of figure 20 reads: “The Jew saw himself forced to stand up, and started
to dance …”; the legend on the right says: “…they started to dance as fast as they could…”.
The illustration on the left was also included in the 1900 edition of Fairy Tales of the Brothers Grimm with
an even more gruesome legend: “The Jew was forced to dance faster and faster till the thorn tore his shabby
coat, combed his goat beard, and scratched him all over” (265).
165
Fig. 17: Rackham’s illustrations of “El judío en los espinos” (“The Jew in the Thornbush”) in Cuentos de
Grimm: ilustrados por Arthur Rackham (Barcelona, 1955). Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango,
Bogotá.
The influence of Disney may also explain why parts of certain tale narratives
show modifications from one edition to the other. For instance, the version of “Snow
White” published in 1955 (2nd edition) still includes the cruel sentence of the stepmother,
while later versions change the the ending to attenuate violence. Let’s compare texts in
And when [the stepmother] arrived at the palace and recognized the little
queen as being Snow White, she became dumb with terror. In the
meantime, the dwarfs had been warming slippers in the fire and now they
were red-hot and sending out vivid flames. They took them with pliers and
forced the stepmother to dance with them on until she fell dead of pain and
rage.
166
And when [the stepmother] arrived at the palace and recognized the little
queen as being Snow White, she became dumb with terror, escaped, and
no one ever heard from her again.
In the 1955 version (as in Llimona’s adaptation, 1950) the punishment is carried out by
the dwarfs. The variation of the dwarfs as tormentors, however, is not present in any of
“censored” conclusion from 1971 was kept unchanged throughout the later-published
editions. Interestingly, not all of the harsh episodes in “Snow White” were removed from
later editions. The cannibalistic act where the stepmother eats the organs (here the liver
and heart of a new-born fawn), thinking she had consumed Snow White’s, has remained
Cuentos completos de los hermanos Grimm (Complete Stories of the Brothers Grimm,
1955, 1961)
publication in Spanish located that contains all 200 tales and 10 children’s legends found
in the final edition of the KHM. The stories were translated directly from the German by
Francisco Payarols,156 using as source text the popular edition Kinder- und Hausmärchen
155
For example, the 1973 English-language edition ends: “And when [the stepmother] came in she
recognised [sic] Snowdrop, and stood stock still with fear and terror. But iron slippers were heated over the
fire, and were soon brought in with tongs and put before her. And she had to step into the red-hot shoes and
dance till she fell down dead” (Grimm’s Fairy Tales 16). This conclusion corresponds to the original
version published in Fairy Tales of the Brothers in 1900.
156
Payarols has also translated into Spanish the complete fairy-tales by Hans Christian Andersen published
under the title Cuentos completos de Hans Christian Andersen by the Barcelona-based Editorial Labor in
1959.
167
der Brüder Grimm illustrated by Ludwig Richter and published by Schmidt & Günther in
Leipzig (the publication date of the edition on which the translation is based was not
specified). This volume forms part of the Colección de Obras Eternas (Collection of
Eternal Works) and is illustrated with 96 drawings (inserted within the text) and 8 full-
Grimm are currently circulating in the Colombian libraries, including a first edition from
1955 (owned by Biblioteca Departamental Jorge Garcés Borrero in Cali). The first
edition of Cuentos completos de los hermanos Grimm was reprinted in 1957 and 1961,
teacher of secondary education. The prologue traces the genesis of the Grimms’
collection to the intellectual currents in Germany from the early nineteenth century (the
author refers to two particular outcomes of the Romantic era: the movement of writers
known as the Heidelberg group and the formation of the German Historical School of
Law). Valentí addresses the strictly scientific purpose of conceiving the KHM collection,
indicating that the brothers’ original intention was to gather materials from the remote
past of the Germanic folk—materials that would provide insight into the origins of their
mythology and their institutions—and recover some of the forms of what would have
been their primitive poetry. Also mentioned in the prologue are the ties of the Grimms’
collection to the ideas of Herder and to Arnim and Brentano’s work, as well as the
brothers’ rejection of any embellishment of the original material. Hessen and Kassel are
given as the areas from which most of the tales stem and the main informants are
identified as members of the Werner von Haxthausen family and a peasant woman of
168
the eagerness of the Grimms to remain as faithful as possible to the “originality and
beauty of the popular language;” however, he points out that minor changes were
Once more, we encounter the assertion that this volume is unique: Valentí asserts that
this issue offers numerous advantages to both scholars and amateurs of folklore or
ethnology for it brings to light the double character (scientific and artistic) of the work of
the Brothers Grimm. In regard to the accuracy of this translation, the author clarifies that
most of the stories were translated just as their authors published them. Only in a few
cases, where the tales present “thorny” (xi) difficulties for a literal translation, were they
adapted in order to make them legible in Spanish. However, the adaptations were limited
merely to details in the form, and special care was taken to respect their essential content
as much as possible.
169
corresponds to the Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm published by Schmidt
& Günther in Leipzig (I used an edition from 1937 for comparative purposes). The table
of contents coincides one-to-one in both the German157 and Spanish editions except for
one modification: in the Spanish edition, individual parts of multiple-part tales (e.g., “Die
Wichtelmänner” and “Die Hochzeit der Frau Füchsin”) were listed separately. For
example, KHM 39 appears in the index as “Los Duendecillos. Cuento primero,” “Los
Duendecillos. Cuento segundo,” etc. (“The Elves. First Tale,” “The Elves. Second Tale,”
etc.).
Noteworthy in both the Spanish and German editions is the fact that, in spite of
the apparent completeness of these volumes, the tale “Der alte Hildebrand”158 (KHM 95)
is missing from both editions. These volumes reach a total count of 200 tales by
incorporating the story “Die zwölf faulen Knechte” (translated into Spanish as “Los doce
haraganes”). This tale was added to the last large edition from 1857; however, to
maintain the even number of 200 tales that was reached since the 6th edition (1850),
Wilhelm Grimm designated this tale as number 151a (which constitutes the sole double-
A noticeable fault in this otherwise carefully edited Spanish volume concerns the
title “Juan el listo” (“Clever Hans”), which appears two times in the index. Although at
first this seems to be a printing error, the reading of the stories confirms that the same
157
The tale order in Kinder- und Hausmärchen der Brüder Grimm (Leipzig: Schmidt & Günther in
Leipzig, 1937) has been altered in comparison to the final KHM edition. Changing the tale order seems
curious considering that the 1857 edition has served as source for nearly every subsequent reprinting of the
Grimms’ tales. Given that Cuentos completos de los hermanos Grimm is based on the German edition
illustratd by Richter, the tale sequence also appears correspondingly changed.
158
Since the second edition of 1819, “Der alte Hildebrand” appears as tale number 95, replacing “Der Geist
im Glass,” which was moved down to number 99 (Rölleke, Kinder- und Hausmärchen:Ausgabe letzter
Hand 3: 483).
170
title was used twice to head two different tales: “Der gescheite Hans” (KHM 32) and
“Der kluge Knecht” (KHM 162). Both of these tales present a character with the common
first name Hans (Juan in Spanish); however, the use of an identical title for two separate
In accordance with what is stated in the prologue, this Spanish translation of the
Grimm tales adheres faithfully to the original German texts. The only notable change
deals with the tale “Der Gevatter Tod” (KHM 44), which was translated as “La muerte
madrina” (“Godmother Death”). I believe that, in this case, the gender-based alteration
has probably a grammatical reason, since “death” in Spanish is a feminine noun (la
muerte) while in German it is masculine (der Tod); thus, in Spanish it makes more sense
to couple the female noun “death” with a female “godmother.” In other Spanish
translations, the tale “Der Gevatter Tod” appears as “El ahijado de la muerte” (“The
Godson of Death”), thus bypassing the personification of death and the gender-based
prevails the figure of death as a man (as well as in the Anglo-Saxon, Dutch, and Nordic
traditions) while in Romanic and Slavic countries the personification of death in the form
of a woman is commonly found (Bendix 151). Yet in other folktales from the Spanish
tradition “death” appears used along with the coordinate conjunction “y” (“and”); for
example, tale no. 20 “El médico y la muerte” (“The Doctor and the Death”) in Cuentos
159
The title “El ahijado de la muerte” has been used, for example, in Calleja’s Cuentos escogidos from
1896 and in Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo published by LEY in 1970.
160
The tale is classified under the system of Antti Aarne and Stith Thopmson as Type 332.
171
and comprehensive editions like this one towards publications that are more compact and
heavily illustrated. This trend, which will become more evident in publications from the
second half of the twentieth century, suggests that the publishing industry redirected its
focus to place greater emphasizes on a juvenile audience. Some of the causes that gave
way to new trends in the segment of children’s literature will be considered in the next
chapter.
Conclusion
It took three and a half decades after the publication of the final large edition of
the Kinder- und Hausmärchen (1857) before translations of the Grimms’ tales start to
show in the inventory of the main Colombian libraries. The initial diffusion of the tales in
The oldest translation of Grimms’ tale found, with a known date of publication, is
Contes allemands du temps passé (1892) rendered by Félix Frank and E. Alsleben. The
importance of this annotated volume goes beyond the historical; this French translation
appears to have been based on earlier versions of the KHM (i.e., from 1843), and, if it
was circulating at the time of its publication, it would have furnished Colombians with
tales still in the process of being revised. Although this volume contains only seventeen
Grimm tales, it constitutes one of the most faithful and reliable translations of the tales
yet located. In addition, this is one of the few publications that supplies relatively
accurate information about the Brothers Grimm, their work, and their legacy. The
audience for this book may have been limited to an educated elite versed in foreign
172
languages but this edition provided the Colombian public with an accurate first encounter
Also from the last decades of the nineteenth century is the English Grimm’s Fairy
Tales edited by Mrs. Paull (late 1880s?). With a much larger selection of stories than
Contes allemands du temps passé, this edition is far from being an accurate English
translation of the German tales. Mrs. Paull’s renderings distort blatantly the Grimms’
own narrative in order to supply a familiar and domestic context that would meet the
expectation of the English readers in the Victorian era. Nonetheless, the value of
Grimm’s Fairy Tales lies in its historical contribution to the introduction and diffusion of
the Grimm tales in the Colombia. Other early English versions of the KHH have played
an important role as channels for the transmission and dissemination of the Grimms’ tales
in Colombia. The anthology Fairy Tales of the Brothers Grimm: A New Translation by
Mrs. Edgar Lucas, with illustrations by Arthur Rackham (1900), for example, served as
basis for the widely popular Cuentos de Grimm: ilustrados por Arthur Rackham (1935)
translated from the English by María Luz Morales and widely available in libraries today.
Because Spanish is the official language in Colombia and given the dominion of
Spain over the Latin American market of books until the mid 1930s, it is not surprising
that the majority of early publications with Grimms’ tales located in the libraries came
from Madrid and Barcelona. In the translation process, though, respect for the Grimms’
original narratives seems to have been less of a consideration. Except for Cuentos
completos de los hermanos Grimm (1955) translated by Francisco Payarols, most of the
Spanish editions present editorial liberties in their rendering of the tales; in some
instances, the stories can be considered products of authorial rather than just editorial
173
intentions (e.g., “Los dos pollos” [1893], or Llimona’s adaptation of Snow White
[1950]).
Among the most influential Spanish publications of Grimms’ tales are those from
the house Saturnino Calleja. Calleja’s miniature booklets have been acclaimed and fondly
remembered in local newspaper articles and scholarly publications. Several stories from
Calleja’s Cuentos escogidos (1896?) are the only evidence of the tales appearing in a
Colombian publication from the first half of the twentieth century (reprinted in the
for children often imposed Calleja’s own particular Spanish style on the tales (e.g.,
assigning Spanish names to the characters) and censored what was considered
effort to reduce the overall violence of some tales, we found instances where the
wickedness of the characters had been tapered (e.g., the stepmother in “La casita de
behaviors, others deliberately inserted references to aggressive practices that were not
present in the Grimms’ originals (e.g., threat of corporal punishment in “El rey
In most cases, Calleja’s adaptations of the Grimms’ tales appear reprinted almost
additional bowdlerization: the Calleja versions were further censored to omit references
to nudity or body parts associated with sexuality (e.g., “El caballo prodigioso”). Other
Grimm tales published in the children’s magazine demonstrate attempts to cater to the
174
young Colombian audience by minimizing the violence (e.g., omitting the gory scene in
The textual analysis and comparisons undertaken in this chapter indicate that
faithfulness to the German originals took a second place to considerations of morality and
cultural expectations of the reading public. Many of the alterations made were done in
order to protect the readers from what translators perceived as unacceptable elements in
the original text. On numerous occasions the translators felt compelled to depart from the
predominant cultural and moral codes of their respective countries (e.g., English
translations avoid issues associated with religious beliefs and superstition; Spanish
versions censor features associated with sexuality, much in accordance with the Catholic
faith; etc.). The editorial interventions altered and distorted, in differing degrees, both the
form and essence of the Grimms’ stories. Yet these imported editions constitute the first
versions of the KHM available in Colombia; of all the imported editions (many of which
pose a language barrier) those translations coming from Spain could be regarded as the
main channels for the transmission and dissemination of the Grimms’ tales. This
to exercise its dominating force through printed materials that promote Spanish values,
morals, and mores in Colombia and Latin America. In the next chapter I will explore the
The second phase of this study concentrates on the later reception of Grimms’
tales, after 1955. Following the same approach used in the previous chapters, I will first
Questions that guide this chapter include: How does the inventory of children’s books
compare to the former period? What factors contributed to changes in the composition of
the inventory? What is the position of the fairy-tale genre? What fairy-tale authors are
best represented? How do editions with Grimm stories published in Latin America and
In the second half of the twentieth century the composition of the inventory
changes in comparison to the previous period. The first distinct change is a strengthened
position of the fairy-tale genre within the context of children’s literature. Appendix 3
reveals a considerable increase in the number of classical fairy tales printed after 1950.
Populating the inventory are fairy tales of European authors such as Giambattista Basile,
previous period. Especially evident is the increase in publications in which the Grimms’
161
In contrast to other fairy tale authors, Bechstein’s tales start to show in the inventory only in the 1990s.
Some of the publications currently available in the main libraries are: El cisne blanco de Juanito, illus.
Barilli et al. (Bogotá: Educar Cultural Recreativa, 1994); El tesoro de los tres hermanos, illus. Barilli et al.
(Bogotá: Educar Cultural Recreativa, 1996); El libro mágico, illus. Barilli et al. (Bogotá: Educar Cultural
Recreativa, 1999).
176
The age of these editions is certainly a contributing factor for the enhanced
inventory, since newly-published volumes are better preserved and thus more likely to be
accessible than older ones. Yet the outpour of productions within the fairy-tale genre
manifests in other forms: we start to find tales in media other than print, for instance, in
The oldest audio recordings of fairy tales located are LPs in English from the late
1950s. Among them are Lewis Carroll’s The Pied Piper & the Hunting of the Snark
(1957) and Alice in Wonderland (1957); H.C. Andersen’s Tales of Hans Christian
Andersen (1958) and Ugly Duckling and Other Tales (1959); Grimm Fairy Tales (1958);
and Mother Goose (1958).162 Audio versions in Spanish start to appear in the early 1960s;
for example, Blanca Nieves y los siete enanitos / Caperucita Roja (Snow White and the
Seven Dwarfs / Little Red Riding Hood, 1960?)163 and Andersen’s Los vestidos del
emperador (The Emperor’s Clothes, 1960?). Later in the decade Disney productions of
audible tales start to emerge, albeit in English, (e.g., Little Red Riding Hood and Other
Best Loved Fairy Tales, 1969?). In Colombia, where the illiteracy rate was still high in
the 1960s recorded tales, particularly those in Spanish, are important avenues of
overall infrastructure of the country (e.g., creation of new libraries, reading and cultural
centers, etc.), audio versions make the fairy tales available to almost every segment of the
population, including the poorest and less educated, who can access them free of charge
162
All these titles are part of the Caedmon Literary Series of New York.
163
This is a Mexican adaptation of the Grimms’ tales by Aníbal de Mar and Maria Antonieta de las Nieves.
164
No statistics about the usage of recorded materials is available. I can only speculate that this is a viable
channel of dissemination for the fairy tale in Colombia.
177
The emergence of fairy tales in audio form is but one of the most noticeable
significant changes include (1) a general increase of fairy-tale reprints by other European
authors (e.g., Mme d’Aulnoy, Basile, and Chamisso); (2) an exponential increase of
editions with Grimm tales; (3) an increase in anthologies that combine tales from various
authors and compilers; (4) a reduction of works for children that promote religious
(6) and a significant reduction of French editions. In the following section I will address
some of the major factors that affected the later reception of Grimms’ tales in the country.
As we have seen in the previous chapters, prior to 1950 French editions played a
crucial part in the composition of the inventory of children’s literature in Colombia. The
number of French editions was noticeably large in relation to works from other countries
and in other languages, with issues by both French authors as well as non-French authors
translated into French available in libraries. Some of the oldest works located were in fact
French translations of writers such as the Italian Carlo Collodi, the English author
Charles Dickens, and the German authors Christoph von Schmid, E. T. A. Hoffmann, and
Joachim Heinrich Campe. The tales of the Brothers Grimm were no exception; one of the
earliest copies located was also a French translation (i.e., Contes allemands du temps
passé, 1892).
Within the fairy-tale genre, issues of French fairy tales were among the oldest and
most abundant in libraries. The antiquity and profusion of French and other classical tales
translated into French suggests that the initial dissemination of fairy tales to Colombia
178
occurred primarily through French editions. Translations of French fairy tales into
Spanish also exceeded other classical tales (e.g., by the Grimms) both in quantity and
quality. Compared to the Grimms, for example, French fairy tales in Spanish were not
only copious but stood out for their superior quality and comprehensive content. Early
Spanish translations of Perrault’s tales, for example, were available in deluxe editions
that contained a substantial number of stories, whereas Spanish versions of Grimms’ tale
The inclination towards French editions evident in the composition of the pre-
Colombia and elsewhere in Latin America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries. For many Colombian and Latin American authors and intellectuals, Paris
became an almost obligatory station; often writers needed a Parisian publication in order
to have success in their own countries (Lange 545). However, as the century progressed,
the notion of Paris as the axis of European culture slowly started to lose its attractive
force and function, causing a shift in the general perception of the Colombian public.
Whereas the supply of French editions of youth works becomes less significant
after 1950, publications coming from Spain continue to abound well into the twenty-first
century. As mentioned in the previous chapter, Spain dominated the Latin American book
market until the mid 1930s; thereafter, mostly Mexican and Argentinean publishing
In the 1950s, with massive support of the Franco regime, Spain tried to re-conquer the
179
Latin American publishing market through a series of measures that included centralizing
the export of published materials, translating as many texts as to attract every kind of
reader, and introducing literary competitions and prizes (Rodriguez Monegal 22). The
efforts of publishing companies to gain market share in Latin America shows in the post-
1950 bibliographic materials for children found in Colombian libraries. Yet, in addition
to issues coming from Spain, in this period we also notice the appearance of Latin
American publications of fairy tales, which start to emerge in the inventory as early as
1940.165
The general increase in the supply of literature for children and youth after 1950
two leading areas in the economy have been agriculture and manufacturing.166 The
agricultural sector has been characterized by an array of commodities (e.g., coffee, sugar,
rice, corn, potatoes, milk) that can be raised because of the diversity of soils and climatic
production of consumer goods and the manufacturing centers have been in Bogotá,
Medellín, and Cali. Although agriculture and manufacturing have been the two primary
components of Colombia’s economy, the share of the gross domestic product generated
by agriculture has been declining while that of manufacturing has been gradually
increasing since the 1950s (Blutstein et al. 347). The growth disparity in the main
economic areas brought about significant socioeconomic changes in country. The steady
165
For example, Hans Christian Andersen, Cuentos de Hans Andersen (Santiago de Chile: Ed. Zig-Zag,
1940); E.T.A. Hoffmannn, La olla de oro, trans. María Teresa Pujol y L. Ferran de Pol (México: Compañía
General Editora, 1940); Paul Arène, La cabra de oro (Buenos Aires: Espasa-Calpe, 1941).
166
Commerce, which centers mainly on the retail of imported goods, has also played an important role in
the Colombian economy.
180
rural violence known as “la violencia” (“The Violence”) that started in the late 1940s,167
resulted in an increased migration towards the major urban areas. More and more people
were drawn into the cities either looking for jobs or attempting to escape the violence in
the increased violence in the provincial areas, gave way to new developments in the
infrastructure of Colombia’s major cities especially in the cultural setting; these new
developments coincided with governmental efforts to raise the overall literacy levels in
the country. Along with a series of educational reforms that started in the early 1960s,
new libraries, reading centers, and bookstores were created. The successful government
measures to promote education as well as the increased accessibility of the general public
to published materials were favorable factors for the reception of the Grimm tales in
Colombia. Before 1950, predominately costly imported editions in foreign languages had
restricted the accessibility of the tales to an educated elite—an elite tilted mainly towards
French works. The apparent preference of literary tales (especially French tales) that
existed in Colombia during the first half of the twentieth century came from the
perception of French works as models and necessary points of reference. The change in
the general perception that occurred as the century progressed opened new venues for the
reception of tales relying more heavily on oral traditions such as those collected by the
167
“La violencia” claimed 100,000 to 300,000 lives between 1946 and 1958. It was the product of many
unresolved problems including rivalry between the Conservative and Liberal political parties for control of
local political offices; the violent conflict also reflected the frustration of much of the nation’s population,
whose demands for socioeconomic reforms were suppressed by a political elite determined to preserve
traditional values and institutions that were incongruous with the twentieth-century realities of rapid
industrialization and urbanization (Blutstein et al. 397). Although “la violencia” officially ended in 1958,
there has been continuous guerilla warfare against the government, which still rages in almost half of the
Colombian territory.
181
literary rates, expansion of cultural and reading centers, and the surge of inexpensive
century, in particular those by the Brothers Grimm, seems to have a direct connection
with the presence, promotion, and reception of Disney’s films based on classical fairy
tales, which I will discuss later on. In contrast to the fairy tale, publication of other genres
of children’s literature showed a marked decline after 1950. Among the receding
publications are stories and novellas that promote religious dogma and strict moral codes.
In the following section I will analyze some of the possible reasons that led to this
reduction.
As indicated earlier, works for children that conveyed Catholic teachings and
rigorous morality, such as the stories by Christoph von Schmid and the juvenile novels by
popular at the turn of the twentieth century. However, these types of works show a
marked decline in number after 1950. The decline is explained in part by a gradual
change in the traditional sphere of activities of the Church in Colombia that started in the
urban areas, industrialization, organized labor, etc.), political turmoil, and basic
ideological reforms within the Catholic Church (made by popes John XXIII and Paul VI).
I will briefly point out the most important historical events that lead to changes in the
Until the 1940s the clergy in Colombia, which came predominately from the
upper or middle-classes, felt no need for either religious or socioeconomic reform; they
impact of modernization and political turmoil caused Church leaders to reconsider their
deteriorating influence in these areas (Blutstein et al. 142). Towards the mid-1950s, the
traditional role of the Church in Colombia became the target of increased criticism. A
series of events impacted the Church unfavorably: First, the Church lost prestige because
of its inability to prevent or retard “la violencia.” This period of (undeclared) civil war
that began in the mid 1940s and lasted eighteen years was triggered by tensions within
the leading political parties—Liberals and Conservatives; the conflict was perpetuated by
an elite, who in the wake of Colombia as a modern nation, refused to assent to demands
for socioeconomic change and to reform traditional partisan institutions. Second, the
important position of the Colombian prelates, both as leaders in the Church and as
potential agents on the political scene, was curtailed because of what critics saw as the
disagreements about change and reform gave way to three factions, each with a different
noninvolvement in reform movements and wanted to maintain the status quo; the
progressives, mostly younger priests identified with the socialist encyclicals of Pope John
XXIII and Pope Paul VI,168 promoted Church participation and leadership in programs of
168
In an effort to modernize the Catholic Church as an institution and modify its role in society a series of
encyclicals were issued throughout the late 1950s and 1960s. They stressed the government’s obligation to
183
moderate social change; and finally the radicals, a small militant group, who advocated
drastic broad social reforms involving violence if necessary.169 The conflicting voices
within the Church created internal disarray that weakened the overall position of the
Although there has been a gradual change in the Colombian Church since the
1940s, it has generally occurred with greater reluctance and at a slower pace than
elsewhere in the Western Hemisphere (Blutstein et al. 142). The diminished authority of
the Church after 1950, especially in the field of education, was a plausible factor that
contribute to the significant reduction in the inventory of children’s works imbued with
Catholic dogma and rigorous morality; and by the same token, the relaxed standards may
have also encouraged the reading of more secular writings and other materials for
The supply of classical fairy tales in libraries increases after 1950, yet the
surprise given the enormous success that Disney’s film based on a Grimms’ tale—Snow
White and the Seven Dwarfs (1937)—attained in Colombia. The much anticipated
feature premiered in Bogotá and Medellín in late 1939 and was an instant hit that
reduce socioeconomic inequalities and the Church’s obligation to take a leading role in reform; they
condemned the “imperialism” of international monopolies and even suggested that violence was a
legitimate tool for correcting social inequalities (Blutstein et al. 143).
169
Numerous Colombian priests, frustrated over the lack of dynamic leadership within the Church, went
out on their own to strike. The first to do so was Camilo Torres (1929-1966), an upper class member who
left the priesthood to become a guerilla member. Torres joined the National Liberation Army (Ejército de
Liberación Nacional or ELN) and was killed less than six months after joining this Marxist insurgent
organization.
184
continued to play in theatres throughout the country for many months after its debut, as
The presence and promotion of Disney Corporation was felt in Colombia long
before the national release of the film Snow White in 1939. Disney’s productions and
cartoon characters were well known in the country from very early on. The locally
published magazine Revista Credencial Historia, for example, was already announcing
the premier of the animated film Steamboat Willie (once month in advance!) even before
it was released in USA. Steamboat Willie, starring Mickey Mouse, premiered in New
York on November 18, 1928, yet it made the title story of the segment “Colombia y el
Mundo en 1928” (“Colombia and the World in 1928”) in the issue of Revista Credencial
Historia from September 19, 1928. Considering that this magazine is a publication from
the early twentieth century, it is quite remarkable how fast it incorporated news from
Disney productions were widely endorsed by the print culture in Colombia (from
earlier, the popular Mickey Mouse (as well as Minnie Mouse) appeared on the front-
cover of the children’s magazine Chanchito for the first time on August 31, 1933 (Fig.
18); thereafter, the Disney characters were featured repeatedly, for example, in the issues
from February 8, February 15, and June 21, 1934. Games and puzzles involving the
Disney characters became standard in Chanchito. From May 17, 1934 onwards, a cartoon
section with the adventures of Mickey and Minnie mouse was included in every issue.
170
The daily El Tiempo, for example, announced show times for Disney’s Snow White playing in various
local theatres from October through December 1939.
185
Fig. 18: Front cover of Chanchito: Revista semanal ilustrada para niños from August 1933. Courtesy of
Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
1933 offered a full-page article on the life and customs of Mickey Mouse (“Historia del
ratoncito Mickey: Su vida íntima y costumbres”) that I want to address in more detail
here. The author of this article was not specified, but it probably comes from the
magazine’s director Victor Eduardo Caro. An interesting aspect of this piece is the way in
Pérez”), the equivalent of the Tooth Fairy—has been appropriated and “disneyfied.” The
article suggests that the traditional and still celebrated Ratón Pérez, well known in
countries like Argentina, Venezuela, and Colombia for generations, is a Disney creation.
Here we have the admirable creation of Walter Disney when he gave form
to the small mouse Mickey, the mouse PEREZ in some of our countries, a
star of Indian ink who has reached popularity throughout the entire world.
Contrary to what is here suggested, the story of Ratón Pérez has Spanish origins. It was
written by the priest Luis de Coloma (1851-1915) for Alfonso XIII when he was eight
years old, per request of his mother Queen Maria Cristina of Austria; the story recounts
the custom of Spanish children to save the fallen milk tooth under the pillow so that the
“Ratón Pérez” can take it and, in return, leave a coin (Bravo Villasante, Historia de la
literatura infantil española 117). The stories by Luis de Coloma were not unknown to
Victor Eduardo Caro, editor and director of Chanchito; the first part of Coloma’s story
“Pelusa,” for example, appeared in the edition of March 22, 1934 (Vol.II.33). To imply
that the origin of the “Ratón Pérez” is attributable to Walt Disney is preposterous, yet it is
a further indication of the sweeping influence that the Disney Corporation has had in
Latin America.
More than the printed media, Disney’s cartoons and films have the capacity to
reach out to a massive audience. And so did the company’s successful marketing
strategies in Colombia, which were, in part, reflected in the extended press coverage of
films like Snow White and subsequent Disney productions. The premier of Snow White
was repeatedly announced in national and regional newspapers many weeks before its
public.171 The local press devoted similar attention to Walt Disney’s tour of South
America (in the late summer of 1941) even though Colombia was not among the visited
countries. The Latin American tour had both financial and political foundations. When
the Second World War cut off the extremely lucrative European market, which
contributed to about 50% of Disney’s corporate income, the U.S. government helped
Walt Disney turn to Latin America (Dorfman and Mattelart 18). In 1941, before the U.S.
entered into WWII, the newly established Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American
Affairs, directed by Nelson Rockefeller, asked Walt to make a goodwill tour of the South
American region (as part of the U.S. government “Good Neighbor” program); the aim
was to take advantage of the notable popularity that Mickey Mouse,172 Donald Duck, and
other Disney characters had achieved there in order to improve ties between the United
States and South America because of fears of spreading Nazi influence in that region
(Watts 244). In mid-August Walt Disney and a group of fifteen artists, story men, and
musicians, known as “El Grupo” (“The Group”), arrived in Rio de Janeiro, where a
crowd gave them a hero’s welcome; soon thereafter they moved to Buenos Aires for a
more extended stay, since it was in Argentina that South American Nazi propaganda was
Nazi newspaper in Buenos Aires—while the Disney entourage was still in Brazil, his
arrival in Buenos Aires offset all opposition and his Argentine fans, which included high-
ranking members of government and society, could not get enough of Disney (Kaufman).
171
The Cali daily Diario del Pacífico, for example, announced at least three weeks in advance the
premiering of Snow White in its movie-listing. In addition, several articles on the animated feature appeared
before (and after) the film premiered in Cali on November 23, 1939 (these articles have been previously
cited on pages 32-33).
172
In 1935 the League of Nations recognized Mickey Mouse as an “International Symbol of Good Will”
(Dorfman and Mattelart 18).
188
After visiting rural Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile the Disney group boarded a liner in
Valparaiso to begin the voyage home that arrived in California in late in October.
The materials, impressions, and ideas gathered from this trip provided the basis
for two films set in Latin America: Saludos Amigos and The Three Caballeros. The 43-
minute long Saludos Amigos premiered in Rio de Janeiro on August 1942 (before
opening in the U.S. in early 1943). Saludos Amigos presents a package structure made up
of four individual segments: (i) “Lake Titicaca” (Donald’s exploration of the Andes); (ii)
“Pedro” (a baby plane named Little Pedro that overtakes his father’s job of flying the
mail over the imposing mountains of Chile; (iii) “El Gaucho Goofy” (set in the pampas
region where Goofy struggles to acquire the skills of an Argentine cowboy); and (iv)
“Aquarela do Brasil” (set at the Carnival in Rio where a Brazilian parrot, José Carioca,
teaches Donald Duck about local music and how to dance samba). As part of the Good
efforts against fascism, but the film also allowed Disney to expand its commercial
interests while subtly remodeling the South American world in the image of the United
States: The Argentine gaucho looks similar to Goofy the Texan cowboy, José Carioca is a
close cousin of Donald, and Little Pedro is not very different from the familiar “little
With a similar package format of short discrete films, the second film set in Latin
America—The Three Caballeros—tells the story of Donald Duck who receives birthday
presents from his two Latin American friends, the Brazilian parrot José Carioca and the
Mexican rooster Panchito. Donald unwraps a 16mm projector and a reel with four home
movies: (i) “The Cold-Blooded Penguin” (with Pablo the penguin, who sails for the warm
189
South America from his icy Antarctic home); (ii) “The Flying Gauchito” (who wins a
race on a magical racing donkey with wings); (iii) “Baia” (in which José Carioca and
Donald go to Baia, where the duck meets a Brazilian the actress/singer and falls in love);
and (iv) “La Piñata” (where Panchito the rooster joins José Carioca and Donald for a tour
of Veracruz, Acapulco, and Mexico City). The experimental film The Three Caballeros,
which combines animation and live actors in the same feature, premiered in Mexico City
In Colombia, the two films set in Latin America, Saludos Amigos and The Three
Melodia (Melody Time, 1948), and Dumbo (1941; released in Colombia in September
1948), were all actively promoted in the local press. Thereafter, the fairy-tale movie
Cinderella (1950), which premiered in Colombia in January 1951, was acclaimed as the
fairy tales and the rising popularity of the Grimm tales in printed form. After 1950, the
flow of Grimm publications coming from Spain and the main publishing centers in Latin
America (Mexico and Buenos Aires) is astounding. Although the increase in printed
materials occurs about a decade after the premier of Disney’s Snow White and the Seven
Dwarfs in Colombia (in late 1939) and Spain (in late 1941), it points at the enduring
popularity (and influence) of the animated feature.173 During the 1950s, along with re-
releases of Snow White, other Disney films based on classical fairy tales were being
173
The enduring popularity of Snow White is, in part, due to marketing efforts of the Disney Corporation,
which includes re-releases of its animated features. According to the Disney Archives, the film Snow White
and the Seven Dwarfs has been re-released eight times between 1944 and 1993 (and was made available in
video in 1994). In 1944 the film was re-released to raise revenue for the Disney studio during the Second
World War.
190
shown in Colombia such as Cinderella (1950) and Sleeping Beauty (1959). Snow White,
however, was the only animated feature based on the Grimms; both Cinderella and
Sleeping Beauty were, according to the Disney Archives, adaptations from tales by
Charles Perrault. It seems rather curious that although the printed supply of classical
European fairy tales in Colombia showed a general increase in number after 1950, only
the Grimms’ tales experienced a major surge of publications. Tales by Andersen and
Perrault continue to be popular throughout the second half of the century, but their
growth in terms of post-1950 publications is significantly slower than the Grimms’ and,
The exponential rise of Grimms’ stories may have to do with innovation and the
perception thereof: Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs was not only Disney’s first full-
length animated feature but also the first American animated feature film in movie
history,174 which made it an extraordinary innovation. The film was based on a tale by the
Brothers Grimm, whose works were less known in Colombia during the first half of the
twentieth century than those of other European counterparts (e.g., Perrault and
Andersen). In that sense the tale of the Grimms was an innovation for the Colombian
public—an innovation that was “revealed” by the Disney film. Even though the original
story line was greatly modified, the ground-breaking film Snow White reached a broader
group of Colombians and raised awareness of the Grimms’ collection. Disney brought a
marvelous world of illusion and wealth (kings/queens, beauty, endless richness, romantic
love, good triumphing over evil) that constrasted sharply with that of the final consumers.
174
Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs is the first American full-length animated feature film, but according
to the Deutsches Filminstitut DIF, the 1926 silhouette film Die Abenteuer des Prinzen Achmed by the
German animator Lotte Reiniger (1899-1981) is considered to be the oldest surviving animated feature-
length film in movie history.
191
In a country where the average living conditions have been below commonly accepted
subsitence levels,175 this fairy-tale adaptation was a source of dreams and hopes—one
that invited to forget the confinements of reality and look upon the outcome of things as
friendly. This world of wonders enchanted the Colombian public and left viewers
wanting more stories of this type, wanting more of the Grimms’ stories.
attributed to the pertinence of their messages in today’s societies. The German tale
collection emerged from a modern bourgeois society and the embedded cultural and
societies of the twentieth century, including Colombia. Through their editing the Grimms
significantly changed and rewrote many of the tales they had collected to promote social
and cultural values that were appealing to a growing bourgeois audience. While they tried
to retain what they consider the “essential” message of the tales, the brothers also strived
to make the narratives more appropriate and prudent for a virtuous middle-class; for
instance, they eliminated erotic and sexual elements that might be offensive to middle-
class morality, added many Christian expressions and references, emphasized specific
role models for male and female protagonists according to the dominant patriarchal code
of the time, and endowed many of the tales with a “homey” touch by using diminutives,
quaint expressions, and cute descriptions (Zipes, The Brothers Grimm 12-15). Tales like
“Snow White,” “Cinderella,” and “Sleeping Beauty,” which stress morals in line with the
Protestant ethics as well as a patriarchal notion of sex roles, were appealing to bourgeois
175
According to “Colombia: Poverty Assessment Report” issued by the World Bank in 1994, the poverty
rate was estimated at 50% in the 1960s. The report adds that despite steady improvements, in 1992 still
almost 20% of Colombians had incomes below the subsistence level—70% of those individuals were living
in rural areas.
192
audience of the time and eventually the collection became a great success (especially
through the Small Editions or Kleine Ausgabe of fifty tales, published between 1825 and
1858, which helped to popularize the KHM). The values and types of role models that
suited the growing bourgeoisie of the nineteenth century still to speak to the needs,
wishes, and hopes of our present society. Corporations like Disney have recognized the
relevance of the embedded cultural and ideological messages in the tales and capitalized
From the mid 1950s on, Grimm-tale editions produced in the Americas start to
become more visible in the inventories of Colombian libraries. The oldest North
American productions located are the single-tale The Golden Goose by the Brothers
Grimm (1954), the sound recording Grimm Fairy Tales [1958?], and the Grimm-
Andersen anthology Rumpelstilsltskin / The Princess and the Pea (1958)—all of which
were published New York. These three productions already signal a trend that will
Adaptations of Grimms’ tales in English may have been the earliest American
productions located, but editions in Spanish clearly dominate the post-1950 inventory.
One of the most noticeable changes is the emergence of Latin American editions, which
becomes more apparent towards the end of the 1950s. Although editions coming from
Spain continue to play an important role in the composition of the later inventory, in this
determine whether they actually constitute “local” productions that have been translated
directly from the German originals or are based on “second-hand” adaptations. If these
translations are indeed based on German sources, a comparative analysis will reveal
cultural and textual differences in regard to the KHM; it will also provide the basis for
chronological order, in the following section I will take a closer look at the Latin
The oldest identified Latin American edition of Grimms’ tales is Blanca Nieve y
otros cuentos (Snow White and Other Tales), a Mexican deluxe volume (hard-cover, 35
with both black-and-white and color drawings by Davanazo, contains a total of sixteen
tales.176
Despite being printed in Mexico City, Blanca Nieve y otros cuentos cannot be
considered a “local” adaptation because it presents close ties to Europe. Its publisher,
Editorial Renacimiento S.A., is a Spanish house with branches in Madrid, Barcelona, and
several other cities in Latin America including Buenos Aires and Mexico. The tales were
176
The included stories are: “Blanca Nieve” (KHM 53 “Sneewittchen”); “La reina de las abejas” (KHM 62
“Die Bienenkönigin”); “Juanito y Anita” (KHM 15 “Hänsel und Gretel”); “Huso, lanzadera y aguja” (KHM
188 “Spindel, Weberschiffchen und Nadel”); “La ondina del estanque” (KHM 181 “Die Nixe im Teich”);
“Historia de aquel que se fué por el mundo para aprender a temblar” (KHM 4 “Märchen von einem, der
auszog, das fürchten zu lernen”); “Los cuatro hermanos hábiles” (KHM 129 “Die vier kunstreichen
Brüder”); “Blanca Nieve y Rosa Flor” (KHM 161 “Sneeweisschen und Rosenrot”); “El fiel Juan” (KHM 6
“Der treue Johannes”); “El hijo de María” (KHM 2 “Marienkind”); “El pescador y su mujer” (KHM 19
“Von dem Fischer un syner Fru”); “Hermanito y hermanita” (KHM 11 “Brüderchen und Schwesterchen”);
“Los dos compañeros” (KHM 107 “Die beiden Wanderer”); “El agua de la vida” (KHM 97 “Das Wasser
des Lebens”); “El rey cuervo” (KHM 52 “König Drosselbart”); and “Juan el fuerte” (KHM 166 “Der starke
Hans”).
194
Flammarion; the exact source used for the translation was not provided, but from the tale
Born in Madrid in 1910, the translator Ceferino Palencia was the son of the Spanish
playwright bearing the same name, Ceferino Palencia (1859-1928). In 1927 Palencia Jr.
started to study medicine and at the age of eighteen became a member of the Socialist
Party. When the Spanish Civil War broke out, he left the country and after several
stations (Baltic States, Stockholm, France, and Sweden) he finally settled in Mexico in
June 1939. Palencia has written several books published in Spain, including El médico,
There is a peculiarity about this title that differs from the others, which are typically
translated with the single name “Blancanieves” (using the plural form of snow or
“nieves”). Here we notice that not only is this a compound name but that “nieve” (snow)
is in the singular form. The title selection “Blanca Nieve” can be attributed to the fact that
“Blanca” (Spanish for “white”) is a common first name in Latin America and Spain,
the sigular form of “nieve”. This name choice, an example of domestication, immediately
gives the title an aura of familiarity that resonates with targetlanguage readers. Both the
title of the book and the fact that the list of contents is headed by the tale of “Snow
White,” point at the leverage of Disney in the layout of this edition. Unlike Disney,
however, the translation of “Blanca Nieve” does not expurgate scenes that display
violence; here the scenes of the stepmother eating what she believes are the cooked
177
Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, Contes de Grimm, by Marguerite Reynier, illus. Pierre Noury (Paris: Ernest
Flammarion, 1947).
195
organs of Snow White and her dancing to death in red-hot slippers are retained. Other
tales in this edition show even a tendency to emphasize aggressive behavior rather than
mitigate it. In “Blanca Nieve y Roja Rosa” (KHM 161), for example, the grouchy dwarf
wishes that the girls suffer physical harm for what he perceived as a transgression:178
“Ojalá tengáis que andar sin zapatos hasta que se os deshagan los pies” (“hopefully you
would have to walk barefooted until your feet disintegrate”) (71). In contrast, the original
German version from 1857 restricts the desire for damage only to the soles of his
shoes.179
In general the stories in this Mexican edition are fairly close to the original
German tales. Only few instances present some noticeable changes, which appear to be
culturally/religiously driven to better tend to the local market. For example, in “Blanca
Nieve” the cook is female (in the original German tale the cook is a male); in affluent
A second edition of Blanca Nieve y otros cuentos appeared four years later, in
1963. The table of contents remained unchanged in both the first and second editions.
Despite the international success of the Disney films based on classical fairy tales, only
the story of “Snow White” is included in this collection; the celebrated tales of
178
The dwarf was trapped because his beard was caught in a crack of a tree; in an effort to set him free the
girls cut off the tip of his beard.
179
The dwarf’s response in the 1857 version of the KHM reads: “Daß ihr laufen müßtet und die
Schuhsohlen verloren hättet!” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 25658).
196
were disregarded in these both editions (probably because they were not included in the
Fig. 19: Cuentos de Grimm (Barcelona, Buenos Aires, Bogotá, 1958, 1961). Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis
Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
appear much later, in the 1970s. The earliest Colombian publication of significant scope
that I was able to locate is the 306-page Cuentos infantiles (Children’s Stories) published
by Editorial Bedout in Bogotá in 1979, which I will discuss later on. Aside from this
1979 edition by Bedout, there is only one other edition—Cuentos de Grimm published by
Editorial Bruguera in 1961—in which the city of Bogotá appears as one of the places of
publication along with Barcelona and Buenos Aires (Fig. 19). Before taking a closer look
197
at the tales in this edition I will briefly discuss the history of this Spanish publishing
house.
Based in Barcelona, the publishing house Editorial Bruguera was first established
by Juan Bruguera Textidor in 1910 under the name El Gato Negro (The Black Cat). The
One of the company’s successes was the weekly children’s magazine Pulgarcito:
Youth Newspaper of Stories, Comics, Adventures, and Entertainments) that was launched
in June 1921 and circulated in Spain until the mid 1980s. Editorial Bruguera was the
largest publisher of comics in Spain during the 1960s and 1970s.180 This family enterprise
American countries. By the early 1980s, however, the Editorial Bruguera entered into a
crisis and ultimately disappeared in 1986 after being acquired by the Spanish Grupo
Zeta.181 Notwithstanding its dissolution in 1986, the only subsidiary that remained and
titles that are commercialized in Mexico, the United States, and nearly all countries in
Latin America. One of Bruguera’s early titles located in Colombia is Cuentos de Grimm,
180
In an effort to adapt to changing market demands and maintain market share, Editorial Bruguera
upgraded the quality of its publications (by using better paper, introducing color prints, and increasing
number of pages). The low-cost materials produced during the 1940s and 1950s, however, allowed
Bruguera to spread the popular literature and comics among the less-privileged sectors of the Spanish
society.
181
After acquiring Editorial Bruguera in 1986, the Grupo Zeta renamed it Ediciones B. In 2006 the Grupo
Zeta decided to reintroduce the editorial seal Bruguera; under the direction of Anna Maria Moix it currently
publishes two books per month and, as an incentive for new literary talents, offers the prize “Premio
Editorial Bruguera” endowed with 12,000 Euros.
198
The copy of Cuentos de Grimm that I found in the Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango
is the second edition from June 1961; the first edition appeared in December 1958. The
two editions are almost identical except for a few details. The 1961 paperback publication
lacks both a table of contents and an introduction, and offers very little information about
the publication itself. On the first edition of 1958 we find the remark “Grimm’s [sic]
Märchen,” which is given as the original title; this information was omitted in the
subsequent edition from 1961. The names Montserrat Canal Rifa and Luis Casamitjana
Colominas are mentioned in both editions; the former is responsible for the translation
and the latter for the graphics. In the second edition from 1961 the phrase “con licencia
eclesiástica” (“with ecclesiastical license”) has been added. This addition is indicative of
the influence that the Catholic Church had over the material that was being published in
unchanged in both editions from 1958 and 1961. Those tales with longer narratives such
have been divided into parts. The partition of tale narratives suggests that the stories may
182
The stories are: “Los seis cisnes”(KHM 49 “Die sechs Schwäne”); “El rey rana” (KHM 1 “Der
Froschkönig oder der eiserne Heinrich”); “Juanito y Margarita” (KHM 15 “Hänsel und Gretel”); “El doctor
sabelotodo” (KHM 98 “Doktor Allwissend”); “Blancanieves” (KHM 53 “Sneewittchen”); “Los ducados
caídos del cielo” (KHM 153 “Die Sterntaler”); “El judío en espinos” (KHM 110 “Der Jude im Dorn”);
“Los tres pelos de oro del duendecillo” (KHM 29 “Der Teufel mit den drei goldenen Haaren”);
“Blancanieve y Rojaflor” (KHM 161 “Sneeweisschen und Rosenrot”); “La casa del bosque” (KHM 169
“Das Waldhaus”); “El agua de la vida” (KHM 97 “Das Wasser des Lebens”); “La lámpara azul” (KHM
166 “Das blaue Licht”); “La mesa, el asno y el bastón maravilloso” (KHM 36 “Tischchen deck dich,
Goldesel und Knüppel aus dem Sack”); “El rey ‘Pico de tordo’” (KHM 52 “König Drosselbart”); “La
ondina del estanque” (KHM 181 “Die Nixe im Teich”);; “‘Bestia peluda’” (KHM 65 “Allerleirauh”); “Elsa,
la lista” (KHM 34 “Die kluge Else”); “La pastora de ocas en la fuente” (KHM 179 “Die Gänsehirtin am
Brunnen”); “Monte Semsi” (KHM 142 “Simeliberg”); “La gallinita y el pollito” (KHM 80 “Von dem Tode
des Hühnchens” ); and “‘Piel de oso’” (KHM 101 “Der Bärenhäuter”).
199
have been printed in “installments” in other publications. Tales with shorter narratives
appear undivided.
Catalonian artist Casamitjana Colominas. Most of the stories are illustrated with a full-
page of comics presented alongside the printed text (Fig. 20). The sequential art
combines depictions of selected scenes from the tale with concise narrative accounts and
dialogues. The choice to illustrate the tales with comics conforms to Bruguera’s
trademark and reputation as the largest publisher of comics in Spain during the 1960s and
1970s.
Fig. 20: “Juanito y Margarita,” Cuentos de Grimm (Barcelona, Bogotá, 1961). Courtesy of Biblioteca Luis
Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
200
Figure 20 illustrates the fourth and last part of “Juanito y Margarita” (“Hänsel und
Gretel”) with three sequential frames depicting different scenes. Let’s take a closer look
at the situation and dialogue portrayed in the comic strip on page 35 of this edition: On
the upper left hand side, a text box explains that time had passed and the children had not
gain any weight. We see the witch feeding Juanito and exclaiming, “It doesn’t matter! I’ll
eat Juanito either fat or thin! You, Margarita, see how the oven is doing!” Margarita
answers, “I don’t know how to do it. Come yourself and take a look at it”. The following
frame clarifies that the witch fell down as she went to see the oven, and Margarita, taking
advantage of the situation, closes the oven door and exclaims, “Thanks to God!” while
the witch cries “Oh! I’m falling!”. The text box on the upper left corner of the lower
frame explains that the children searched the witch’s house, found gold and jewels that
they took to their father and, aided by a duck, reached home safely. Upon arriving home
Juanito exclaims, “Look father. We’re now rich”, to which the father responds, “the
greatest richness is that you have returned, for your stepmother has died”. The final text
box with the concluding note reads: “And so, the sorrows ended for the three of them,
The ambiguity of the father’s response in the last speech bubble (especially in the
second part of the sentence “for your stepmother has died”) is better clarified on the page
opposite the illustrations. There we read that the father received the children with tearing
eyes; that after abandoning them in the forest, “by imposition of his wife,” he lived
constantly thinking about his poor kids, who he thought had been eaten by wild animals
(34). This translation by Montserrat Canal Rifa bears little resemblance to the original
201
closing sentence in German;183 the Spanish version greatly underscores the culpability of
the stepmother, blaming her entirely for the decision to abandon the children while
exonerating the father from all responsibility. This change polarizes the traits of the
characters to emphasize good and evil, with the ultimate intention of moralizing.
In general, Montserrat Canal Rifa has modified heavily the original tale narratives
in Cuentos de Grimm; we notice a tendency to polarize good and evil, avoid certain
themes (especially those associated with sexuality), and promote religious values and
“El judío en espinos” (KHM 110 “Der Jude im Dorn”) is yet another story that
polarizes the characters’ traits. The Spanish version elaborates on the description of the
Jew to make him appear greedier, while presenting the servant in a very innocent light.
The Jew is described as a moneylender of questionable ethics, who offers loans to the
poor under unfair conditions: “Pero les pedía unos intereses tan desorbitados, tanto que a
menudo no podían pagarle y tenían que entregarle toda su hacienda como compensación”
(“But he asked for such outrageous interests that often they could not pay and had to give
him all their estate as compensation”) (62). In contrast to this depiction, the original
183
The conclusion of “Hänsel und Gretel” was significantly altered in the 4th version of 1840, and this
ending was kept unchanged until the last edition from 1857. Compare the endings of the 1st and 7th editions:
1st edition of the KHM from 1812/15:
Und Gretel lief zum Hänsel, machte ihm sein Thürchen auf und Hänsel sprang heraus, und sie
küßten sich einander und waren froh. Das ganze Häuschen war voll von Edelgesteinen und Perlen,
davon füllten sie ihre Taschen, gingen fort und fanden den Weg nach Haus. Der Vater freute sich
als er sie wieder sah, er hatte keinen vergnügten Tag gehabt, seit seine Kinder fort waren, und
ward nun ein reicher Mann. Die Mutter aber war gestorben. (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen
23733)
7th edition of the KHM from 1857:
Der Mann hatte keine frohe Stunde gehabt, seitdem er die Kinder im Walde gelassen hatte, die
Frau aber war gestorben. Gretel schüttete sein Schürzchen aus, daß die Perlen und Edelsteine in
der Stube herumsprangen, und Hänsel warf eine Handvoll nach der anderen aus seiner Tasche
dazu. Da hatten alle Sorgen ein Ende, und sie lebten in lauter Freude zusammen. Mein Märchen ist
aus, dort läuft eine Maus, wer sie fängt, darf sich eine große große Pelzkappe daraus machen.
(Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 24782)
202
story merely describes this character as having a long goatee.184 To emphasize the
disparity, the translation presents the servant as rather ingenuous; this becomes apparent
after the servant shoots the bird and the Jew goes into the bush to get it. When he finds
himself in the midst of the thorny bush, “it occurs” to the servant to try out the fiddle:
“De pronto, y cuando [el judío] estaba ya rodeado de espinos, se le ocurrió al mozo
probar el segundo de sus intrumentos y empezó a tocar el violín” (“Suddenly, and when
[the Jew] was already surrounded by thorns, it occurred to the young man to try out the
second of his instruments and started to play the violin”) (62). This phrasing suggests
that the servant’s occurrence was unintentional. Earlier Spanish versions (e.g., Cuentos
escogidos, 1896? and Cuentos de Grimm: ilustrados por Arthur Rackham, 1955) are
more faithful to the German;185 in those editions the malice of the servant is evident for it
has been clarified that the servant started to play the instrument in order to amuse himself
watching the Jew dancing among the thorns. The adaptation in Cuentos de Grimm
presents the servant’s actions as naïve, and the implied absence of any malicious intent
the incestuous aspect of the original tale by significantly altering the introduction. In
contrast to the German version, the translation’s condensed opening not only omits the
scene of the queen’s death but also dispels the family ties so that none of the characters in
this adaptation are related. The recast story tells of a king who falls in love with beautiful
184
The original text reads: “Bald darauf begegnete er einem Juden mit einem langen Ziegenbart, der stand
und horchte auf den Gesang eines Vogels, der hoch oben in der Spitze eines Baumes saß” (Uther, Deutsche
Märchen und Sagen 25417).
185
The original text reads: “Wie er nun mitten in dem Dorn steckte, plagte der Mutwille den guten Knecht,
daß er seine Fiedel abnahm und anfing zu geigen” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 25418).
203
gold-haired girl of the court. Even though her parents accepted the king’s marriage
proposal and were delighted to have such a rich and powerful son-in-law, the girl refused
to marry a man twice her age. Knowing, however, that her parents will force her into
marriage, she tried to dissuade the king from his plans by asking him for three dresses
and a cloak, all of which seem impossible to obtain (a dress as golden as the sun, one as
silvery as the moon, and another as bright as the stars, and a cloak made up of all kinds
the furs). The remainder of the story follows the Grimms’ original more closely.
Suppressing the family ties in the introduction bypasses the taboo theme of incest, thus
making the tale acceptable to societies with a strong Catholic influence such as the
Cuentos escogidos, 1896?) Montserrat Canal Rifa also censors sexual elements of the
original tales. In the story “Los seis cisnes” (“The Six Swans,” KHM 49), the translator
omits the part where the girl starts to throws pieces of her clothing to the inquiring
huntsmen (her girdle and garters) until she is left with nothing on but her slip. The
disposal of her clothing, with its implied sexual connotation, has been avoided and
replaced with the girl throwing only her gold necklace. Different is also the manner in
which the girl gets to meet the king, which appears rather forceful in this Spanish version:
after seeing the gold necklace, one of the huntsmen becomes even more curious about the
beautiful mute girl hiding in the forest, and coming closer he grabs her by the arm and
forces her to go before the king: “acercándose a ella, la cogió por un brazo y la obligó a ir
hasta la presencia del rey” (8). In contrast to the forcible act presented here, in the
German version the huntsman climbed the tree where the girl was perched, carried her
204
down, and led her to the king. The abuse towards women resurfaces here once again
(corporal punishment was previously alluded to in Calleja’s “El rey cuervo,” Cuentos
escogidos, 1896?); yet it is difficult to say whether the motivation to alter the original is
culturally based. The relation between culture and text is a very complex one involving
many factors. The specific author, the audience, the editor, and the immediate
circumstances of the publication are all factors mediating the relation between text and
culture.
Another deviation found in “Los seis cisnes” (“The Six Swans,” KHM 49)
concerns rules of etiquette and social status. Special emphasis was placed on the
importance of having polite manners, so much so that the king’s decision to marry the
beautiful mute girl appears to be partially based on her etiquette at the dinner table.
Then the King, seeing her so beautiful, ordered that she sat next to him at
the table because he wanted to observe how her manners were. It was done
as ordered, and soon he realized that the maiden was, without a doubt, of
noble lineage since her table manners stood out even above of those of the
many ladies that were there.
The king then decided that he would marry the beautiful stranger …
In the German version the king also had the girl sit next to him at the table, but not for the
explicit purpose of observing her manners (in the original he had fallen in love with the
beautiful girl before they had dinner together). In Canal Rifa’s adaptation, the girl’s
205
impeccable manners at the table gave the king reason to believe that she must have noble
lineage and was therefore, a suitable candidate to marry a king. From this, we gather that
the king’s decision to marry the girl is based on attributes that he considered important
such as manners, beauty, and an equal social rank—attributes with which a Spanish
While Canal Rifa omits specific details to avoid controversial themes she
considers inappropriate, she expands on the narrative of other tales to promote specific
values. Such is the case of “Los ducados caidos del cielo” (KHM 153 “Die Sterntaler”),
whose translated adaptation is significantly lengthier than the German version. This is the
story of an extremely poor orphan girl, who, abandoned by everyone puts her faith in
God and heads out to the countryside. On her way she meets a hungry man begging for
food, and the “good and devout” girl (56) hands him the entire crust of bread she is
carrying, which is the only thing she has to eat. In the original German (1857) this
Da begegnete ihm ein armer Mann, der sprach “ach, gib mir etwas zu
essen, ich bin so hungerig.” Es reichte ihm das ganze Stückchen Brot und
sagte “Gott segne dirs,” und ging weiter (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und
Sagen 25636).
After walking for a good while, [the poor girl] met a pauper who, sitting at
the edge of the road, begged with a trembling voice:
206
The much more elaborate Spanish narrative is clearly intended to stress compassion and
piety—values strongly promoted by the Catholic faith. By handing the hungry man the
entire crust of bread, thus giving up all she has left to eat, the girl passes an important
character test, a test of compassion and self-abnegation. This is not to say, however, that
the more concise German original text does not convey compassion; it does so but in a
much shorter and direct way. As has been mentioned before, the Grimms altered the tales
to appeal to a growing bourgeois audience; some of the changes were made to underline
morals and values in accordance with the Protestant ethic, which, within Christianity,
shares similar values as Catholicism. When comparing the elaborate translation to the
concise original text, it is important to consider the stylistic distinction between tales
from the oral tradition versus those from the literary tradition: usually oral tales tend to be
shorter and less refined in form and style than their written counterparts. Although the
Grimms refined the style and made the contents of the tales more proper for a young
audience—or rather, for adults who wanted the tales censored for children—they sought
to remain as close as possible to their ideal of oral tradition; their effort to respect the oral
tradition (at least in appearance) manifested stylistically in their revised versions of the
The highly modified tales in Bruguera’s Cuentos de Grimm were illustrated with
numerous comic strips depicting main scenes of each tale. In most cases the dialogue in
the speech bubbles does not correspond to that in the text; it has been shortened in accord
207
with the reduced space of the drawings. The concise language of the comics, however,
makes the assimilation of a story easier (and faster than the formal textual structure)
because the reader responds both visually and cognitively to a group of sequential images
that project a given scheme. For a Spanish publisher like Bruguera with a corporate
presence in Colombia, a country with low literacy rates still in the 1960s, a layout that
combines text and comic may have been an effective way not only to reach a broader
consumer group but also to secure its market share in the country.
Editorial Molino
during the 1960s is Editorial Molino. Based in Barcelona, Editorial Molino was founded
in 1933 by Pablo del Molino Mateus (1900-1968). The main goal of Molino Mateus was
focused on the publication of novels (adventure novels, police novels, Western novels,
swashbuckler literature, etc.). Among its great successes of the pre-war era (Spanish Civil
War) was the collection Biblioteca Oro (Gold Library),186 which offered a host of novels
by different authors including Arthur Conan Doyle and Agatha Christie (Molino Mateus
successful pre-war publication. The first edition appeared in March of 1935. Directed by
the journalist José Mariá Huertas Ventosa, the magazine included some of the best comic
strips of the time (e.g., Jungle Jim by Alex Raymond and Terry and the Pirates by Milton
186
A total of 670 titles were published in the collection Biblioteca Oro until 1970, when the publication
ceased.
208
Caniff) as well as serialized versions of novels by Jules Verne and Emilio Salgari
illustrated by Emilio Freixas.187 Huertas Ventosa was the founder of the first “club of
readers,” which attained over 55,000 members by 1936. The Revista Mickey published a
The breaking of the Civil War paralyzed the magazine and all the new projects of
Editorial Molino. In 1938 the Molino family relocated to Buenos Aires. After the death of
the founding father, the company was taken over by his son, Pablo del Molino Sterna
(1937-2000), who grew up in Argentina but returned with his family back to Spain in
1952. Well aware of the difficulties of the publishing business under Franco’s
literature and eventually turned it into one of the best-known publishers of this genre.
Fairy tales played an important role in the catalogue of Editorial Molino. The
publisher offered several different printed formats ranging from single-story books to
more comprehensive editions with a large selection of tales.188 In Colombia, the single-
187
Emilio Freixas (1899-1976) is considered one of the best Spanish cartoonists of the twentieth century.
He received numerous awards including Best Illustrator from the National Cartoonist Society in New York
(1947); Best Illustrator International from the Congress of Comics in New York (1952); Award from the
National Cartoonist Society in Lucca, Italy (1972).
188
In the category of comprehensive editions, the Colección cuentos de hadas (Collection Fairy Tales)
offered an ample selection of fairy tales from all over the world including Japanese, English, Chinese,
Indian, Italian, Scandinavian, African, North and South American fairy tales, to mention just a few. Most of
the volumes published up until the late 1960s were classified by countries or regions, e.g., Cuentos de
hadas rusos (Russian Fairy Tales, 1958), Cuentos de hadas escandinavos (Scandinavian Fairy Tales,
1959). Only a small number of the available volumes in the collection were classified by authors and not by
countries among which are the fairy tales by Andersen, Grimms, and Ségur. This exceptional classification
that grants these authors a separate published volume, hints at the positive reception that these particular
tales may have enjoyed in Spain and possibly also in Argentina (considering that the CEO of the company
grew up in Buenos Aires). It is worth noting, that with the exception of Ségur, other French classical tales
were published collectively under Cuentos de hadas franceses (French Fairy Tales, 1959). No separate
volumes for the tales of Perrault, Beaumont, or Aulnoy existed in the collection.
209
story editions targeted at smaller children (heavily illustrated with simplified narratives of
Editorial Molino published the tales of the Brothers Grimm in two separate
volumes: the first edition, Cuentos de hadas de Grimm appeared in 1954; two years later
a second edition titled Cuentos de hadas de Grimm: segunda serie appeared. A copy of
Cuentos de hadas de Grimm from 1960 (2nd edition) is available at the Biblioteca Luis
Ángel Arango.
Grimm tales. However, because the Grimm publications from Editorial Molino have a
and illustrated (in black and white) by J. P. Bocquet. An interesting fact about this
volume is that it contains two tales that were not included in the final edition of the
KHM, which suggests that earlier editions of the KHM must have played a role in the
translating and editing of Cuentos de hadas de Grimm. The first of these two tales is
Tiere”); this story first appeared as number 18 in the second volume (1815) of the first
189
The located editions, mainly from the 1960s, form part of one of two collections: either Colección
illusión infantil or Colección alfombra mágica (Collection Infant Illusion or Collection Magical Carpet);
numerous stories by Andersen, Ségur, Perrault, and the Grimms (which outnumber the other fairy-tale
authors) are currently circulating (see Appendix 3 for details).
210
edition of the KHM190 but was replaced in 1857 because it came from Siddhi-Kür, a
collection of Mongolian tales (Rölleke, Kinder- und Hausmärchen: Ausgabe letzter Hand
3: 454). The second tale, “La nariz” (“The Nose,” an adaptation of “Die lange Nase”),
was first published as number 36 in 1815 but omitted in favor of “Der Krautesel” (KHM
of such leverage is, for instance, the title “Tribilitín” chosen for “Rumpelstilzchen”
(KHM 55); Tribilitín sounds very much like the diminutive of “Tribilín,” which is the
Spanish name of the Disney character Goofy. Another indication is the foreground
placement of the story “La bella durmiente” (“Dornröschen”) among the first three titles
in the table of contents. Disney’s animated film Sleeping Beauty (1959) was first released
in Spain in 1960, i.e., the same year as this edition was published. Other tales adapted by
included in this collection. The narrative of these stories was altered especially in regard
to scenes involving violence. Although the harsh episodes were not completely
eliminated in the Spanish translation certain scenes were omitted such as the cannibalistic
episode in “Snow White” and the blinding by pigeons in “Cinderella.” The efforts to
attenuate some of the violence of the original German tales hint at the influence of the
190
In the subsequent five editions published between 1819 until 1850, this tale appeared as tale number 104
(not 18); in the final edition of 1857, tale number 104 was replaced by “Die klugen Leute.”
191
“Der Krautesel” (KHM 122) is a variant on the motif of transformation. According to Jack Zipes the
Grimms probably preferred the latter story, and since 1822 they included “The Long Nose” as variant to
number 122 in the Anmerkungen (Zipes, The Complete Fairy Tales 745).
192
Earlier publications from Editorial Molino already show evidence of Disney’s influence, for example, in
the name Revista Mickey given to the children’s magazine published in the mid 1930s.
211
Anthologies
One of the most noticeable changes in the constellation of the post-1950 inventory
is the proliferation of anthologies. Throughout the decade of 1960 and beyond the
heightened reception of the fairy-tale genre in Colombia was being met by an increased
Spanish imports continue to play an important part. Among the most comprehensive
publications from the early 1960s are two Spanish collections from Editorial Vasco
volumes. The editions include stories by several authors, such as the Grimms, Andersen,
Carroll, and Perrault, as well as tales from One Thousand and One Nights.
A few anthologies for children published Colombia have been available since the
late nineteenth century (e.g., Rodolfo Bernal’s Libros de lecturas escogidas en prosa y
verso para niños y niñas), however, none of the earlier editions had offered a selection of
only fairy tales. The earliest volume identified that includes exclusively fairy tales is Los
mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo (The Best Youth Stories of the World). This issue,
which I will discuss next, was published in Bogotá and is estimated to be from 1970.
Grimm tales in Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo (Bogotá: Ley?, 1970?)
With 183 pages and 18 cm in size Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo
the edition itself is very limited, and I had difficulty obtaining further details about this
issue. The name of the publisher and the publication date are not given. The catalogue of
the Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango estimates the year of publication to be 1970. The only
212
information available is what appears on the front and back covers of this paperback book
(Fig. 21): at the bottom of the front cover we read “Primer festival del libro infantil”
(“First Festival of the Youth Book”), which suggests that this issue was published for a
book festival (I could not find any information about this festival). On the lower back
Almacenes ‘LEY’”) gives us a hint about the way this product was made available to
consumers; and in so doing it also illuminates the link between the reception of fairy tales
Fig. 21: Front and back cover of Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo (1970?). Courtesy of Biblioteca
Luis Ángel Arango, Bogotá.
Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo was sold only in Almacenes LEY, an
affordable supermarket chain of produce and household articles founded in 1922 by Luis
213
Eduardo Yepes (1894-1936). The first self-service store in Colombia, it became one of
the most emblematic chain stores in the country. Branded with Yepes’s initials (LEY),
Almacenes LEY started as a small stand that sold assorted merchandise during the
Eduardo Yepes developed strategies in both marketing and customer service that soon
catapulted his small business into a national enterprise. Among his successful innovative
ideas were the display of merchandise in glass cabinets and the active promotion of a
store image with catch phrases such as “Almacén LEY, de 5 centavos a 1 peso” (Store
LEY, from 5 cents to 1 peso), which emphasized the then pioneering policy of fixed
prices.
the Grimms, which appear to have been organized according to their popularity: heading
the list of contents is “Blanca Nieves” (“Snow White”), followed by “Caperucita Roja”
(“Little Red Riding Hood”), and “La Cenicienta” (“Cinderella”).194 The tales are sparsely
regarding the source-text used, the translator, or editor has been provided on this edition.
193
Held in Barranquilla, the capital of the Departamento del Atlántico in northern Colombia, the Carnaval
de Barranquilla is a traditional celebration that dates back to the nineteenth century. This diverse
multicultural event that features street dances, music, and masquerade parades takes place four days before
Lent (Ash Wednesday). In November 2003 the UNESCO added the Carnaval de Barranquilla to the list of
Masterpieces of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity.
194
The complete list of content is as follows (note that in only certain cases the author has been specified):
1. “Blanca Nieves” (“Snow White,” KHM 53) by the Grimms; 2. Caperucita Roja” (“Little Red Riding
Hood”) by Perrault; 3. “La Cenicienta” (“Cinderella”); 4. “Pulgarcito” (“Little Thumb”); 5. El gato con
botas” (“Puss in Boots”) by Perrault; 6. “La bella durmiente” (“Sleeping Beuty”) by Perrault; 7. “Hansel y
Gretel” (“Hansel y Grethel,” KHM 15) by Grimms; 8. “El patito feo” (“Ugly Duckling”); 9. “El lobo y lo
siete cabritos” (“The Wolf and the Seven Little Goats,” KHM 5) by Grimms; 10. “Los músicos de Brema”
(“The Bremen Town Musicians,” KHM 27); 11. “El ahijado de la muerte” (“The Godson of Death,” KHM
44); 12. “El pájaro Grifo” (“The Bird Griffin,” KHM165); 13. “El sastrecillo listo” (“The Clever Little
Tailor,” KHM 114); and 14. “El agua de la vida” (“The Water of Life,” KHM 97).
214
The tales by the Brothers Grimm account for more than half of the selection of
stories in Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo, with a total of eight stories out of
fourteen. However, only three of the eight Grimms’ stories in this anthology have been
attributed to the brothers by means of a parenthetical note added beneath the tale title that
reads “Cuento de los hermanos Grimm” (Story by the Brothers Grimm). Those stories are
“Blanca Nieves” (KHM 53), “Hansel y Gretel” (KHM 15), and “El lobo y lo siete
cabritos” (KHM 5); for the remaining five stories an author was not specified. The fact
that fewer than half of the stories (three out of eight) were identified with the Brothers
Grimm is yet another indication of the general unawareness with the work of the German
Compared to the original German most of the Grimms’ tales in Los mejores
cuentos infantiles del mundo present alterations, some of which can be traced back to
Spanish editions published during the first half of the twentieth century. To exemplify, I
will take a closer look at “Blancanieves,”195 the adaptation of “Snow White.” Some of the
tale variations that were introduced in earlier versions, for example, by Mercedes
this aparently domestic adaptation. One example is the motif of visiting one another
introduced by Llimona, which does not exist in the original tale. In Llimona’s version,
before Snow White leaves with the prince she promises to visit the dwarfs often; in the
195
In this edition of Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo there is a discrepancy in the spelling of the
tale title. The title heading the story is spelled in one word as “Blancanieves,” while in the table of contents
it appears in two words as “Blanca Nieves.”
196
Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, Blancanieves y los enanitos. Adaptación del cuento de los hermanos Grimm
por Mercedes Llimona, ed. Mercedes Llimona (Barcelona: Editorial Juventud, 1950).
197
Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, Cuentos de Grimm: illustrados por Arthur Rackham, trans. Maria Luz
Morales (Barcelona: Editorial Juventud, 1955).
198
Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, Libro de cuentos ilustrados, trans. Brigitte de Stöter (Madrid: A.A.A. 1950).
215
LEY edition, the dwarfs agree to hand over the glass coffin to the prince only on the
condition that they can visit the girl anytime they wish.
Another variation of the original concerns the increased agency of the dwarfs.199
Here the dwarfs show heightened involvement when they carry the “glass box” with the
“precious cargo” through the landscape that leads to the castle (in the German tale this
Between the seven [dwarfs], they lifted the box and started the way
through the mountains and the jungle. They were crossing the forest and
suddenly one of them stumbled over a root and, upon falling to the
ground, released its precious cargo. The box fell to the ground with a
clatter and broke into a thousand pieces. And with the impact, before the
astonishment and joy of all, the young princess expelled from the mouth
the poisoned apple piece and returned to life.
The dwarfs also carry the coffin in Llimona’s adaptation, although there it is merely
hinted at and not explicitly described as it is in the above quote. Llimona is also one of
the few authors to mention the breaking of the glass coffin—a detail that has been
of breaking after the glass coffin falls and hits the ground is left out in the German
199
We may recall that the dwarfs become the executioners who perform the final harsh punishment of the
queen in both Llimona’s and Morales’s versions.
216
which the harsh sentence of dancing in red-hot slippers has been replaced through a weak
Y se cuenta que al ver a la joven novia [la madrastra] sufrió tal acceso de
furor, que se puso a bailar locamente hasta que cayó muerta de cansancio.
(“Blancanieves,” Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo 18)
And it is said that when [the stepmother] saw the bride she suffered such a
rage outburst that she danced crazily until she fell dead of exhaustion.
The modified ending, which bypasses the punitive aspect of the story, is an evident
attempt to reduce the violence. Although quite different from Disney’s animated feature,
the subtle story endings in both the LEY and Spanish versions (by Hecht-Appelmann)
Just like the Disney film, this adaptation introduces a kiss (not present in the
original): after Snow White revives the prince approaches her, kisses her hand and asks
her to marry him. Unlike the film, however, the prince kisses the girl on the hand not the
lips, thus reducing the intimacy of the scene.201 The practice of avoiding intimate scenes
Grimm tales. If this anthology is indeed a locally-edited production, which we can only
assume it is, then the presented examples clearly show the repercussion of both Disney
and earlier Spanish translations in adaptations of the Grimms’ tales made in Latin
America.
200
Hecht-Appelman’s version ends with: “When [the stepmother] entered the room and recognized Snow
White she was immobilized from fear, but then, to cover up, she danced for such a long time that she ended
up falling on the ground dead of fatigue, thus ending definitively her evilness” (10).
201
To compare, the intimacy of the scene is even further avoided in Llimona’s adaptation. Here the prince
does not touch the skin but instead kisses only the girl’s garment: upon arriving at the castle the prince asks
Snow White to marry him and “kisses respectfully the edging of her dress” (“y besó respetuosamente la
orla de su vestido”) (Blancanieves y los enanitos: Adaptación del cuento de los hermanos Grimm por
Mercedes Llimona, 40)
217
circumstances under which the girl stays at the dwarfs’ house. In contrast to the original
German tale, here there is no previous verbal contract between the dwarfs and Snow
White, i.e., the long list of domestic chores to be fulfilled by the girl in exchange for
nurture and protection. Instead, the dwarfs “beg” her to stay without imposing a trade off:
After learning her story, the owners of the small house begged her to stay
and live with them, and it is not difficult to imagine that Snow White
accepted with delight. To her, it seemed delicious to act as a little mother
and take care of the house for those kind dwarfs.
Snow White’s willingness to “mother” the dwarfs and take care of the household duties is
reminiscent of the film, when upon entering into the cottage the girl notices the mess
(untidy dining table, dust-covered fireplace, and cobwebs everywhere) and presumes that
seven orphans must live there; she exclaims: “You’d think their mother would … Hmm,
maybe they have no mother; then they are orphans” (Walt Disney’s Snow White and the
Seven Dwarfs). The interruption in the sentence suggests that if the dwarfs had a mother
she would have kept things tidy and, Snow White, adopting the role of the missing
mother, starts to clean up the house. In both cases the decision to act as a mother and
carry out the domestic chores came from Snow White’s own initiative. This shows that
the girl had internalized gender-based roles—roles that are being perpetuated both by the
Noticeable in the stories of Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo is the direct
dialogue between the narrator and the reader, which is also used in other tales from this
edition. In “Blancanieves” we find several instances when the narrator addresses the
reader directly, for example, when he explains who inhabits the little house in the forest:
Y ahora es necesario que sepan ustedes que aquella casita, con su pequeño
moblaje y su pequeña vajilla, pertenecía a siete enanitos que en aquellos
momentos trabajaban en el interior de una mina, más allá del bosque.
(“Blancanieves,” Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo 11)
And now it is necessary that you know that the little house, with its small
furniture and its small tableware, belonged to seven dwarfs who at that
moment were working in the interior of a mine beyond the forest.
Note that the narrator uses the personal pronoun “ustedes” (you) to address the reader (“Y
ahora es necesario que sepan ustedes …”). Up until now, the Grimm tales published in
Colombian editions (e.g., in Chanchito) have used the second person plural “vosotros”
common in Spain but rarely utilized in Latin America. From the use of “ustedes” we
gather that this version must have been edited in Latin America, which further suggests
the likelihood that Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo is a Colombian production.
The significance of Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo lies not only on its
historical value as one the first (presumably) local anthologies of classical fairy tales, but
also on its unique channel of distribution. Yepes’s initiative to sell the classical tales as
commodities in his supermarkets, rather than as culturally valuable literature pieces, may
have been drawn from the marketing practices of the Disney Corporation. Disney has
been a promoter of rampant consumerism with product tie-ins to its bestselling films
based on fairy tales, which have proved extremely lucrative. Perhaps Yepes saw an
opportunity to partake in the big business and decided to tap into the then unexploited
219
strategy in Colombia of “commodifying” the classical fairy tales and offer them for
purchase in commercial venues other than the usual bookstores. The fact that this edition
was sold only in Almacenes LEY, a nationwide discount store, made it accessible to a
wide public all around the country, thus contributing significantly to the dissemination of
the tales.
One of the most complete collections of classical literatures for children ever
printed in Colombia is Biblioteca Fantástica. Even though this fairly recent production
does not fall into the chronological order of this chapter, it is important to mention it here
because of its remarkable success. Published by Educar Cultural Recreativa and printed
by Carvajal S.A. in Bogotá, Biblioteca Fantástica first appeared in 1986. This vast
stories from authors around the world. The stories are heavily illustrated with color
dramatized audio versions of the tales complement the printed texts. The Grimm stories
that appear in some of the volumes, were faithfully translated from the Italian by Jesús
A short anonymous introduction, uniform for all volumes, explains that the best
stories and legends of children’s literature from all over the world were selected to create
202
These two names appear in several other publications for children from Educar Cultural Recreativa, but
I did not find any biographical information about them. Among the titles that mention the names of
Villamizar and Gaitán are: Charles Perrault, Barbazul (Bogotá: Educar Recreativa, 1980); Literatura
clásica infantil (Bogotá: Educar Recreativa, 1994), which includes tales by the Grimms, Andersen,
Perrault, La Fontaine, and Bechstein; Ludwig Bechstein, El tesoro de los tres hermanos (Bogotá: Educar
Recreativa, 1996); Hans Christian Andersen, El nuevo traje del emperador (Bogotá: Educar Recreativa,
1996); etc.
220
the Biblioteca Fantástica. The illustrated stories, we read, have been redacted in a clear
and precise language that allows a young reader to comprehend the situations of each
narrative while exercising and improving their Spanish vocabulary as well as their
capacity to express themselves, both orally and in writing. The introduction also points
out the importance of reading for the emotional development of a child, adding that the
stories will allow them to feel emotions both pleasant and unpleasant, thus developing a
capacity to adapt, integrate into groups, and deal with future conflicts and fears.203
authors. Each volume has, in addition to the general introduction, a separate preface with
information about the corresponding authors of the stories presented in that particular
issue. Volume 18, for example, which includes stories by Andersen, the Grimms, and
Basile among others, offers a concise paragraph with biographical details about each of
the authors. The biography of the Brothers Grimm enumerates some of their life events:
Jacob is credited as the founder of German philology; also mentioned is the brothers’
association with the “Grupo de los Siete” (literally “Group of the Seven,” which probably
refers to “The Göttingen Seven”), their membership in the Frankfurt Parliament and in
the Academy of Science in Berlin, and so on. The brief paragraph ends with a superficial
203
Here we notice some influence of Bruno Bettelheim (1903-1990) and his work The Uses of
Enchantment: The Meaning and Importance of Fairy Tales (1976). The Austrian-born psychoanalyst
addressed the importance of fairy tales as a medium to inform and emotionally prepare children for life’s
struggles, hardship, and the reality of death. Bettelheim suggested that children need guides (such as fairy
tales) to explain the core life concepts and intrinsic human flaws; the engagement with traditional fairy
tales, with the the gloom of abandonment, witches, harm, and death would allow children to battle their
fears in remote, symbolic terms and would promote their emotional growth.
221
1970s that bears the same title—Biblioteca fantastica—and was issued by Gruppo
Edittoriale Fabbri in Milan.204 The Grimms’ tales in this Italian publication are, in turn,
taken from a previous series by Fabbri called Fiabe Sonore (Sonant Fables) that was first
published in 1966.205 The popular Fiabe Sonore, which has been repeatedly republished,
musical disk (45 rpm) that was tucked inside the back cover.206 No information about the
translators or the source-edition used for the series Fiabe Sonore is available.
First, the breadth of the 24-volume production is indicative of the firm roots that the
fairy-tale genre had already attained in Colombia by the mid 1980s. Second, the
an ample array of classical fairy tales from various authors and countries. Third, the
presentation—a combination of audio and text—is a viable option for Colombia that
widens the accessibility of the tales to every kind of public, including the less educated,
204
The Biblioteca fantastica was first published in 1979 by Fabbri. The collection consists of 12 volumes
(ranging from 224-288 pages each) with tales from different authors. The first volume is entirely dedicated
to the Grimms’ tales, however, additional Grimm tales are also found in other volumes.
205
This information provided by Paola Parazzoli, the Chief Editor’s Assistant of RCS Libri (the parent
company of Fabbri Editori), was forwarded to me by Dr. Giorgia Grilli from the Università de Bologna.
206
The dramatized versions were adapted by Silverio Pisu.
222
issued a small and less expensive edition with fairy tales entitled Las hadas y otros
cuentos (The Fairies and Other Stories) in 1999. This special edition was offered free of
charge by the Alcaldía Mayor de Bogotá (Office of the Mayor in Bogotá) as well as by
the district’s Institute for Culture and Tourism, thus making it available to everyone in
the country. Las hadas y otros cuentos is a 34-page booklet targeted to children ages 0-7.
It contains only three tales taken directly from the collection Biblioteca Fantástica: “Las
hadas” (“The Fairies”) by Perrault, “Los músicos de Bremen” (“The Musicians from
Bremen,” KHM 27) by the Grimms, and Andersen’s “Historia de plumas” (literally
from 1852); the stories are followed by a short biographical section (a condensed version
the originals; one of the most noticeable changes is the enhancement of the narratives to
create a more dramatic effect. The following quote from “Los músicos de Bremen,”
published in Las hadas y otros cuentos (a verbatim reprint from Biblioteca Fantástica),
exemplifies how the tale’s narrative details have been expanded in the translation process
to create a stronger identification of the reader with the weaker character (here a donkey):
Había una vez un campesino que tenía un asno viejo. El animal había
trabajado para él toda la vida. Siempre dócil y paciente, sin rebelarse
nunca, aunque la carga le hiciera doblar las rodillas. Ahora que ya estaba
viejo, solo tenía una esperanza que su amo lo dejara descansar. Pero su
amo, no pensaba de la misma manera […]
En su juventud este asno había alimentado otras ilusiones. Había pensado
en formar parte de la banda de Bremen, célebre en todo el país. Pero ahora
era viejo, más no tonto. Así que aquel día que vio a su patrón llevando un
enorme garrote en la mano y mirándolo de forma amenazante, comprendió
el plan que había en el corazón de su amo. Si quería salvar su pellejo
223
tendría que huir lo más lejos que pudiera. Esa misma noche, con una
violenta patada abrió la puerta de la cuadra y huyó en dirección a Bremen.
(“Los músicos de Bremen,” Las hadas y otros cuentos 7)
Once there was a peasant who had an old donkey. The animal had worked
for him all his life. Always docile and patient, never rebelling, even if the
load would make his knees bend. Now that he was old, he had only one
hope: that his master would let him rest. But his master did not think the
same way […]
In his youth this donkey had fed other illusions. He had thought of
forming part of the band of Bremen, famous in all the country. But now he
was old, yet not stupid. So, on that day when he saw his boss carrying an
enormous cudgel on his hand and staring menacingly at him, the donkey
comprehended the plan that his master had in his heart. If he were to save
his skin he would have to run away as far as he could. That same night, he
opened the door of the stable with a violent kick and fled in the direction
of Bremen.
Unlike the much more concise German text,207 the translation gives a detailed description
of the donkey’s hard working life, his hopes, and youth illusions. The modified text
encourages the identification of the reader with the weaker character by evoking feelings
of empathy and compassion for the now aging yet unfailingly loyal animal. Compassion,
within the Christian tradition, is considered one of the greatest virtues. Variations like
this one could well be the result of the influential Catholic Church—a powerful
institution also in Italy. Part of the success of Biblioteca Fantástica and Las hadas y otros
of variations, which enhance details to elicit pity and compassion (similar to the stories
207
The original text from the 1857 version reads: “Es hatte ein Mann einen Esel, der schon lange Jahre die
Säcke unverdrossen zur Mühle getragen hatte, dessen Kräfte aber nun zu Ende gingen, so daß er zur Arbeit
immer untauglicher ward. Da dachte der Herr daran, ihn aus dem Futter zu schaffen, aber der Esel merkte,
daß kein guter Wind wehte, lief fort und machte sich auf den Weg nach Bremen: dort, meinte er, könnte er
ja Stadtmusikant werden” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 24861).
224
Although Biblioteca Fantástica and Las hadas y otros cuentos are editions
published by Educar Cultural Recreativa and printed in Bogotá by Carvajal S.A. these
titles, like many of the other located editions of classical fairy tales published in
Colombia and other countries in Latin America, are essentially European productions.
The Colombian multinational Carvajal S.A, with its publishing unit Editorial
Norma, was a pioneer in the publication of classical fairy tales in the country. The earliest
fairy-tale editions from Norma are single-story books issued in the mid-1970s (Appendix
3 provides more details about these titles). Editorial Norma is one of the most important
publishers in Colombia and a worldwide market leader in the field of children’s books. In
the following section I will briefly discuss the history of the company and some of its
Editorial Norma was founded in Cali in 1960 as part of the business conglomerate
textbooks from foreign publishers in Colombia. From its distribution activities the
company learnt about the needs and demands of the domestic market and soon
recognized the potential of the publishing business. Shortly after its establishment,
Editorial Norma started its own production of textbooks for primary and secondary
education.
country, Editorial Norma began to expand its product line. In 1967 the parent company
such as Random House, Hallmark, and Intervisual Communication to produce and co-
225
edit animated books known as pop-up books. In addition to the innovative pop-up books,
and books of general interest were added to the product line of Editorial Norma.
By the mid 1980s Editorial Norma had expanded the line of youth and children’s
books even further and the new goal was to export its products to all of the Spanish-
subsidiaries in various countries and also acquired already established and prestigious
publishers (e.g., Keplusz Editora in Argentina and Editorial Farben in Costa Rica),
thereby extending its operation to fourteen countries in Latin America. In the United
States the Spanish-language market was also tackled and is currently managed through its
In addition to the Americas, the Grupo Editorial Norma operates in Spain with its
subsidiary Parramón Ediciones S.A. Parramón Ediciones was established by the artist and
professor of fine arts José María Parramón in 1959. At first it was a study center that
offered correspondence courses, among which the drawing and painting course created
by Parramón himself was one of the most successful. In 1968, using its pedagogical
materials as platform, the company started editing and publishing the first books. The
product line for youth and children is one of great trajectory and importance at Parramón;
it currently offers more than 30 collections and 200 titles (for children from the age of
parents and educators. The Spanish publisher Parramón Ediciones became part of Grupo
It was also in 1990 that more comprehensive editions of classical fairy tales
published by Norma start to show in the inventories of the main libraries. Among them is
collection was adapted by Eduard José and illustrated by Francesc Rovira, Augustí
Asensio, and José M. Lavarello. It includes tales by the Grimms (in 2 volumes), by
Andersen (in 3 volumes), and by Perrault (in 1 volume). For the Spanish-speaking
markets in North and Latin America Norma offered a same-name edition, Cuentos
clásicos,208 albeit in a different format. The edition of Cuentos clásicos that I found in the
Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia is a deluxe assembly that includes two CDs and two
volumes with classical tales by the Grimms and Andersen. The hardcover, color-
illustrated books with their corresponding CD come in a fine carrying case. Each volume
of Cuentos clásicos contains five stories by these two authors; among the Grimm tales are
“El sastrecillo valiente” (KHM 20 “Das tapfere Schneiderlein”), “Blancanieves y los siete
“Hansel y Gretel” (KHM 15). It is interesting to note that the located edition of Cuentos
contains tales by the Grimms and Andersen. The tales by Perrault do not form part of the
collection (even though they are included in the presentation for the Spanish market).
This exclusion suggests once again a general decline in popularity of French tales—a
decline that also coincides with the holdings of post-1950 fairy-tale editions in the
Colombian libraries, which show a decline of French fairy tales that contrasts with the
208
This edition of Cuentos clásicos was printed in Colombia in 1990 and Editorial Norma holds the
publications rights for the Spanish-speaking markets in North and Latin America. However, based on the
information that appears on the book, this collection was edited by Multilibro S.A. in Barcelona.
227
As previously indicated, the earliest fairy tale editions by Norma are from the
mid-1970s. In 1975 Norma made available a series of very fine collections consisting of
single-tale titles from various authors. The series Libros mágicos, for example, offered a
variety of titles ranging from classical tales to Bible stories;209 other series such as Mis
cuentos favoritos and Panorama offered mostly fairy tales.210 The stories in these
collections were all published without specifying an author; no information was provided
regarding the translators or source-texts used for the editions. Although Norma’s
publications constitute the earliest Colombian productions of fairy tales located, these
Geared towards a younger audience the individually published stories (with 8-12
pages) present simplified narratives that avoid the violent scenes of some of the original
tales. The stories are colorfully illustrated with interactive artwork that either unfolds to
create a three-dimensional effect or allows the reader to activate certain picture elements
mágicos, Panorama, etc.) with well-known titles like Pinocho and Blanca Nieves y los
Siete Enanitos, Norma came out with another animated book called El festival de Blanca
Nieves (The Festival of Snow White, 1976). However, in contrast to the previous titles
issued without acknowledging their authors, this time the publisher specified Walt Disney
as a corporate author. Throughout the 1980s and the 1990s Editorial Norma continued to
produce books of varied quality involving Walt Disney. In the category of deluxe
209
Some of the titles that formed part of the series Libros mágicos include Pinocho (Pinocchio), Blanca
Nieves y los siete enanitos (Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs), Los tres cerditos (The Three Little Pigs), El
arca de Noé (Noah’s Ark), El nacimiento de Jesús (The Birth of Jesus).
210
Such as La bella durmiente (Sleeping Beauty), Caperucita Roja (Little Red Riding Hood), Blanca Nieves
(Snow White), La Cenicienta (Cinderella) , Juanito y las habas (Juanito and the Beans), among others.
228
editions, the series Colección Teatro Giratorio (Collection Revolving Theatre) that
animated adaptations (i.e., Pinocho, Blanca Nieves y los 7 enanitos, Cenicienta, and La
noche de las narices frias [literally The Night of the Cold Noses, an adaptation of
Disney’s 101 Dalmatians]). When the book is opened, scenes from the films “come
alive” because the figures and scenes unfold into a vivid three-dimensional setting.
The pricey pop-up books were offered alongside more affordable editions. In the
early 1990s, Norma developed a collection of inexpensive stories that included Disney
titles like Snow White, Peter Pan, Alice in Wonderland, and Sleeping Beauty. Norma had
exclusive distribution rights for these editions in Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, Colombia,
Dismissing the name Grimm in Norma’s edition of Blanca Nieves y los Siete
Enanitos Blanca Nieves from 1975 while designating Disney as corporate author in an
edition of the tale that appeared just a year later (El festival de Blanca Nieves, 1976) not
only is telling of the colossal influence of the Disney Corporation, but also undermines
the work of the German brothers and ultimately contributes to the entanglement regarding
The confusion regarding authorship extends beyond the general public to the
national libraries; this becomes evident in the way some of the publications have been
catalogued. Even though Editorial Norma did not specify an author for its earliest fairy-
tale productions, the Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia did assign an author in their
catalogue entries. Two titles from the series Libros mágicos—Blanca Nieves y los siete
enanitos and Los tres cerditos (The Three Little Pigs)—appear in the library’s catalogue
229
as being from the Brothers Grimm. In the case of Blanca Nieves this is correct; however,
ascribing the The Three Little Pigs—best known in the version published by the English
folklorist Joseph Jacobs—to the Brothers Grimm is yet another indication of the general
The national literature for children and youth was greatly stimulated by the Enka
writing contest introduced in the mid 1970s. Enka de Colombia S.A., an important
producer of synthetic fibers used mainly in the textile industry, decided to invest part of
its profits to promote writers of children and youth literature with the Enka prize, initially
only in Colombia. After some years the contest went beyond the national boundaries
extending its call to neighboring countries of the Andean area. Eligible participants from
(minimum 50 pages long) addressed to a youth audience; the winner received a prize
consisting of $3,000 and the publication of the first edition. The awarded titles were
distributed among a select list of recipients that included many public libraries and
In 1979 the winner of the Enka prize was the novella Los amigos del hombre (The
Friends of Man) by Celso Román. Reminiscent of the Grimms’ tale “Die Bremer
Stadtmusikanten,” the protagonists in Los amigos del hombre are also a horse, dog, cat,
and a rooster. The story tells about a weak old horse and a limping dog that set out to find
help for their destitute dying master, who lives in a self-made shanty of tin plates next to
the train tracks. On their way, the animals encounter a magical star that reunites them
with their long-lost friends, the cat and the rooster. The star heals the four mistreated and
230
abused animals and reveals that the cure for the ailing old man is found in the heart of the
humans. With their regained health and strength the animals continue their way together
in search of the human heart. Unlike the Grimms’ tale, the animals in Román’s story are
neither fugitives that escaped for fear of being slaughtered nor transgressors that enter
into a property that is not theirs. Nor are they violent in any way (they never attacked a
human); instead, these animals show an unconditional loyalty to a human being in dire
hardship.
The Enka contest disappeared in the year 2000. But the introduction of this
unparalleled stimulus; a stimulus, not only to grow but also to help new authors
that extended beyond new literary creations to reprints of classical literary works for
With over fifty stories Cuentos Infantiles from Editorial Bedout211 constitutes the
largest located edition of Grimms’ tales published in Colombia in the 1970s. This non-
illustrated, 306-page paperback forms part of the series Bolsilibros Bedout. With
publications that date back to 1900, the collection Bolsilibros Bedout offered a broad
211
Based in Medellín, Editorial Bedout was founded by Felix de Bedout Moreno (1868-1948). The
company started in the vestibule of his home as a stationary shop manufacturing cards. After the death of
its founder his son, Jorge León Luis de Bedout del Valle, expanded the family company and turned it into a
national emporium that included bookstores, drug stores, and one of the most important and renown
publishing houses in Colombia. The parent company went into bankruptcy in the 1960s.
231
range of pocket books in several areas (historical, philosophical, political, etc.), including
stories and novels mainly by Colombian authors. The Brothers Grimm were among the
few foreign authors in the category of children/youth literature published in the series
during the 1970s.212 Numerous copies of Cuentos Infantiles are currently circulating in
and their work. Because it is difficult to find locally-printed materials about the Grimms,
and given the widespread availability of this volume, I will discuss in some detail the
Most of the biographical and professional information focuses on Jacob, the older
of the two brothers. His relatively lengthy biography, not all of which is entirely accurate,
is mostly characterized by the mere enumeration of a series of events including dates and
places of birth and death, his studies (no subject specified) in Marburg and Paris,213 the
various “administrative jobs” that he carried out in his homeland, his two trips to Paris in
1814 and 1815 to recover volumes and manuscripts (no details provided) taken by the
Napoleonic troops, and his participation in the Congress of Vienna. The biography also
mentions Jacob’s post as a librarian in Kassel from 1816-29 and then in Göttingen,
“where he was requested as both professor and librarian” (15). This assertion is not
accurate; the reason why Jacob relocated was because he was denied a promotion to first
librarian in Kassel (this position had become vacated after the existing first librarian died
212
Juvenile works by Mark Twain, Juan Ramón Jiménez, Charles Dickens, and Jean de La Fontaine were
also published in the series Bolsilibros Bedout during the 1970s and 1980s.
213
Jacob studied law at the University of Marburg but he never studied in Paris. He went to Paris in
conjunction with his work; in 1813 Jacob was appointed a member of the Hessian Peace Delegation and did
diplomatic work both in Paris and Vienna.
232
in 1829). In response to this, he and Wilhelm resigned their respective posts in Kassel
and moved to Göttingen, where Jacob became professor of Old German literature and
head librarian, and his brother Wilhelm librarian and, in 1835, professor. Because the
brothers were inseparable and fully devoted to each other, they shared many of their life
experiences; in the forward, however, Wilhelm’s part in these experiences has generally
remained unacknowledged. For example, the text mentions that in 1837 Jacob was
“noisily” dismissed from his position in Göttingen because of “the protest that he and six
other of his colleagues formulated against the coup d’état by the King of Hannover”
(15)—without noting that one of Jacob’s “colleagues” was indeed his brother Wilhelm.
researcher who, while in Kassel, started a scientific study of the mythology based on
ancient materials. From the confusing wording of the following quote (which I have tried
Immediately afterwards the text continues to makes reference to “a great grammar of the
233
German language, published with the help of Wilhelm,214 which together with Cuentos
Wilhelm who, according to the text, was “less known” than his elder brother (16). The
short paragraph on “Guillermo” (Spanish for Wilhelm) explains that he led a secluded
life devoted entirely to his studies, but always assisted and collaborated with Jacob. Only
a few other details about Wilhelm’s life are mentioned, for instance, that he was assistant
librarian in Kassel, professor in Göttingen, and member of the “Academy of Berlin” (in
Jacob’s case it was specified that he formed part of the Academy of Science of Berlin).
Germany and special studies on Germanic philology” (16), without citing any specific
titles. But in regard to the Cuentos infantiles y del hogar, Wilhelm was credited with
Rather vague and partially incorrect is also the information about the KHM that
appears in the foreword; the tale collection is only addressed in the closing paragraph that
starts by implying that the KHM lack a scientific basis. As in the previous citation, the
general diction (with extremely long sentences and numerous subordinate clauses)
compounds the overall vagueness of the information. Consider the following quote,
214
It should be noted that Jacob Grimm wrote the Deutsche Grammatik (1819-37) by himself.
Other cited publications by Jacob include Vocabulario alemán, which literary translates as German
Vocabulary but probably refers to the German Dictionary; Pensamiento sobre el mito, la poesía y la
historia (literary translated as Thought about the Myth, Poetry, and History; I could not find an equivalent
title by Jacob that approximates this translation); Sagas alemanas (German Legends)—published together
with Wilhelm yet here only Jacob receives credit for this work; Mitología alemana (German Mythology);
and Discurso sobre la vejez (literary translated as Speech on Old Age, but probably refers to Rede auf
Wilhelm Grimm und Rede über das Alter, 1863).
234
In the first sentence, the use of the word “ninguna” (“none”), which denotes exclusion,
implies that the KHM do not have a scientific basis (i.e., “A los hermanos Grimm
ninguna de la obras…”). If the “Cuentos” (referring to the KHM) were deemed to have
had “scientific character,” meaning a scholarly nature, the phrase would read “ninguna de
las otras obras de carácter científico …” (“none of the other works with scientific
character …”). Actually throughout the entire foreword, there is no clear indication of
the fact that it was the desire to gain greater historical understanding of the German
language and customs that led the Brothers Grimm to systematically gather folk tales and
other material related to folklore and to create an authentic and uniquely German
The closing paragraph also fails to provide clarity, this time in regard to the
editing of the tales. From the phrase “the Brothers Grimm dressed in noble words and
significant thoughts these typical ‘old wives’ tales’” it is impossible to discern the
specific role that the Grimm brothers played in editing the collection. This becomes
especially murky given that, earlier in the foreword, Wilhelm was credited with editing
and also gathering the majority of the stories—an assertion that is not entirely true. As it
has been noted before, the Brothers Grimm began to devote themselves intensively to
German folk literature back in 1805 while studying law in Marburg. Their teacher and
legal historian Friedrich Karl von Savigny awakened the brothers’ fondness for historical
studies and steered their interest towards Old Germanic literature.215 A further motivation
came from their friend and Romantic author Clemens Brentano, who sought the Grimms
to help him search for surviving forms of traditional folk poetry, which he planned to
publish in a folk tale collection that was supposed to follow Des Knaben Wunderhorn
(1806-08). Initially the collected fairy-tale narratives that the Grimms extracted from old
books or transcribed from friends in families like the Wilds and Hassenpflugs in Kassel
were intended solely for Brentano’s project. In 1810, upon his request, the brothers sent
Brentano copies of their fairy tale notes; however, since no arrangements for the
projected book were made by 1811 the brothers decided to publish the tales themselves.
For their publication the Grimms began to change and prepare the tales; they also kept
adding new tales to their collection. According to Jack Zipes, Jacob set the tone while
215
It was Savigny’s emphasis on the philological aspect of law that incentivized the brothers to focus on the
study of ancient German literature and folklore. Professor Savigny argued that the spirit of law can be
comprehended only by tracing its origins to the development of the customs and language of the people and
by examining the changing historical context in which laws developed (Zipes, Complete Fairy Tales
XXIV).
236
Wilhelm became the primary editor after 1815,216 but both brothers agreed on how they
wanted to alter and stylize the tales. Their goal was to make the tales smoother in style
Bedout’s Cuentos Infantiles stands out for being one of the earliest editions of
Grimm tales published in Colombia with a foreword about the Brothers’ lives and their
work. Although the foreword is certainly more thorough than some texts on the Grimms
found in other Colombian publications,217 the information is still vague and confusing.
Not only are some of the facts either incomplete or incorrect, but also the style in which
I will turn now to the tales in Cuentos Infantiles. This edition, which lacks a table
of contents, contains sixty of the Grimms’ stories. The tales appear in random order.
Among the first ten titles are the popular stories of “Blancanieves” (“Snow White”), “La
Cenicienta” (“Cinderella”), and “La bella durmiente del bosque” (“Sleeping Beauty”), all
of which have been adapted by Disney. (These printed versions, which I will discuss
include some tales that are seldom found in any of the earlier Spanish editions such as:
“Los doce hermanos” (“The Twelve Brothers,” KHM 9), “Pichoncito” (“Little Young
Pigeon,” KHM 51), “El ataúd de cristal” (The Glass Coffin,” KHM 163) and “El labrador
y el diablo” (“The Farmer and the Devil,” KHM 189).218 The tale “El gato con botas”
216
Jacob established the framework for their editing practice between 1807 and 1812, and was the primary
editor of the tales in the first volume (Zipes, Complete Fairy Tales XXX).
217
For example in the literary and biographic encyclopedia 2.000 años de literatura universal (Bogotá:
Zamora Editores, 1994).
218
So far, from the previously examined editions, only the complete translation of the Grimm tales by
Francisco Payarols Cuentos completes de los hermanos Grimm (1955) contain these stories.
237
(“Puss in Boots,” KHM 33 in 1812), already omitted in the second KHM from 1819
German and are reminiscent of the most “creative” titles found in earlier Spanish
editions. For example, “Der Hase und der Igel” (KHM 187) becomes “¿Cuál de los dos
corre más?” (“Which of the Two Runs More?”); this is a close variation of “Quién de los
dos corre más?” (“Who of the Two Runs More?”), a title found in Calleja’s Cuentos
Rattle”), the translation for “Bruder Lustig” (KHM 81). The gender-altering title “La
muerte madrina” (“Godmother Death”), the given title for “Der Gevatter Tod” (KHM
44), was previously seen in Payarol’s Cuentos completes de los hermanos Grimm from
1955. Apparently adopted from the 1960 Cuentos de hadas de Grimm published by
Editorial Molino are the titles “Alicia, la mujer del pescador” (“Alice, the Wife of the
Fisherman”) for “Von dem Fischer un syner Fru” (KHM 19), which adds the personal
name Alice to the tale-title; and “Tribilitín” (diminutive of Disney’s Goofy) for
“Rumpelstilzchen” (KHM 55). For a list of the corresponding Spanish titles in this
Even though some of the titles in Cuentos Infantiles seem to have been adopted
from previous Spanish editions, the narratives of the stories apparently were not (the texts
do no coincide with any of the older editions). This edition is actually based on a
Mexican issue by Editorial Porrúa called Cuentos de Grimm, which was first published in
219
The Spanish translation in this edition corresponds to the Grimms’ version, and not to Perrault’s “Le
chat botté.”
238
1969.220 Cuentos de Grimm contains seventy-two tales selected and introduced by the
Mexican author and educator María Edmée Alvarez (1896-1992). This Mexican edition
offers no information about the translator but the title Kinder- und Hausmärchen—
dialogue (which uses “vosotros”), the tales appear to be transcripts of a previous Spanish
Unlike many of the earlier Spanish translations, the tale versions in Cuentos
Infantiles (reprinted from Cuentos de Grimm), with few exceptions, keep rather close to
the German original. No attempt was made to soften the violence. The tale
“Blancanieves” (“Snow White”), for example, includes the cooking and eating of the
girl’s lungs and liver, all of the three murder attempts, and the dancing to death in red-hot
slippers. Only slight variations in regard to the German version from 1857 are
noticeable.221 The tale “Little Red Riding Hood” deviates from the original only in the
conclusion that omits the final part, which tells about the girl returning to her
grandmother (this time not straying from the path) and tricking the wolf until it drowns in
a big trough filled with water. In “La Cenicienta” (“Cinderella”) the most noticeable
change also occurs at the end of the tale after the pigeons have blinded the stepsisters.
¡Caramba con las palomitas! Pero es que tenían que castigar a las
hermanastras por haber sido tan malas y por haber tenido tan mal corazón.
(“Cenicienta,” Cuentos infantiles 69)
220
Cuentos de Grimm was published as part of Colección Sepan Cuentos; this popular book from Editorial
Porrúa has been republished numerous times since its first edition in 1969. The last published edition (18th
ed.) appeared in 2006.
221
For example, omitting the comparison of the snowflakes falling like feathers at the beginning of the tale;
the stepmother rushing to the wedding instead of first hesitating; or the king’s servants being the ones to
prepare the hot slippers for the stepmother (in the original it is not specified who prepared the slippers).
239
Confound it! Those little pigeons! But they had to punish the stepsisters
for having been so bad and having had such a bad heart.
Unlike the German original, which closes with a moralizing sentence that depicts the fate
awaiting those who act wickedly and maliciously,222 this version introduces a justification
for the apparently odd behavior of the pigeons. The phrase “¡Caramba con las
palomitas!” in exclamation marks, suggests that the birds’ action was quite unexpected,
and the use of the diminutive (“palomitas”) emphasizes the surprising outcome even
further. Minimizing the pigeons gives them an unthreatening quality. However, despite
their smallness and non-aggressive nature, the pigeons had to punish the vile conduct and
whose dialogues suggest that this may be a reprint of a translation from Spain); this
edition is nevertheless significant for several reasons: (1) because of the place and timing
of its publication: issued in Medellín in 1979, this is the oldest locally-published Grimm-
tale collection that I could locate; (2) because of its considerable breadth: up to now
locally-published editions found in libraries have been either single-tale books (e.g., by
Editorial Norma) or anthologies that combine several fairy-tale authors (e.g., Los mejores
cuentos infantiles del mundo, 1970?); (3) because it offers information about the Brothers
Grimm and their work: even if some of the facts are vague and partially incorrect, the
biographical and professional information presented here is far more accurate and
thorough than some of the printed material found published in other Colombian editions;
222
The closing sentence in the version of 1857 reads: “Und waren sie also für ihre Bosheit und Falschheit
mit Blindheit auf ihr Lebtag bestraft” (Uther, Deutsche Märchen und Sagen 24836)
240
(4) because of the relative faithfulness of the translation that provides Colombian readers
with a more accurate version of the original tales; and (5) because of its positive
reception: abundant issues are currently circulating in the libraries and stories from this
edition have been reprinted in later publications (e.g., Hermanos Grimm: Cuentos
and 1990s. One of the most visible publishers during this period is the house Edilux
Ediciones based in Medellín. Edilux came out with a number of story collections from
these collections offered mostly single-tale editions of a few pages, with large fonts,
In 1988 Edilux published the series Colección Delfín with assorted tales in
Among the titles in Colección Delfín are El sastrecillo valiente (Brave Little Tailor), La
bella durmiente (Sleeping Beauty), Blanca Nieves y los siete enanitos (Snow White and
the Seven Dwarfs), Pinocho, and others. The authors of the tales were not acknowledged.
A year later, in 1989, Edilux came with Cuentos maravillosos, a better-quality collection
(hard-cover books) that offered a small selection of fairy tales by the Grimms, Andersen,
Collodi, and Perrault. The narratives in this collection were also shortened and simplified
for very young readers. In the early 1990s Edilux issued yet another collection, the series
find the corresponding faces or items that were missing in the color illustrations. Some of
Blancanieves. In contrast to the earlier Colección Delfín, the authors in the series
In addition to these single-tale publications mostly for the very young, in 1990
Edilux also issued a number of anthologies that were advertised as containing stories
selected by teachers. Among them is Cuentos infantiles del mundo, a sparsely illustrated
anthology of 172 pages, with nineteen stories from authors around the world, who, as
stated in a short introduction, are considered to be “the most read, the most translated,
and the best known” (ii). This edition includes stories by Oscar Wilde, Rudyard Kipling,
Mark Twain, Leo Tolstoy, Charles Perrault, H. C. Andersen, and one story by the
Also from 1990 is Hermanos Grimm: Cuentos published by Edilux as part of the
series Clásicos Universales (Universal Classics). This paperback edition contains fifteen
tales, whose narratives are exactly the same as those found in the previously mentioned
Cuentos infantiles by Editorial Bedout (1979). The Grimm anthology was issued by
Edilux but printed by Susaeta Ediciones in Medellín. Although the General Manager of
Susaeta in Medellín, Juan David Susaeta, tells me that his division operates
independently from the headquarters of Susaeta Ediciones S.A. in Madrid, the connection
223
The stories included in Cuentos infantiles del mundo are: Anónimo: “Aladino y la lámpara maravillosa”;
Cuentos populares chinos: “El emperador Sapo”, “El paisaje bordado de Danbu”, El pincel mágico”;
Cuentos infantiles de la Unión Soviética: Pavel Bazhov: “Pezuñita de plata”; Evgueni Schvarz [sic]: “El
mago distraído”; Vsevolod Garshin: “La reina viajera”; Charles Perrault: “Piel de asno; Hermanos Grimm:
“Blancanieves”; Robert Browning: “El flautista de Hamelin; León Tolstoi: “El juez hábil”, “Los tres
amigos”, “El ladrón de pepinos”, “Mil monedas de oro”; Mark Twain: “Tom, el pequeño pintor”; Oscar
Wilde: El gigante egoísta”; and Rudyard Kipling: “El gato que va solo a todas partes”.
242
with Spain is quite clear.224 This explains why the Grimm tales in the Mexican edition
Cuentos, (1990) and Bedout’s Cuentos Infantiles (1979)—appear to have been transcripts
(Unfortunately I did not find an edition from the Spanish house Susaeta that would match
The anthology Hermanos Grimm: Cuentos is yet another edition that, despite
being published and printed in Colombia, has traceable Spanish roots. Nevertheless, this
appears advertised on the book’s front cover, teachers selected the stories for this edition,
which suggests that the Grimm tales have entered the educational institutions in
Colombia, where, one hopes, they will be further studied and appreciated as valuable
cultural texts.
The rising demand for Grimm tales was also being met by editions from smaller
in the early 1980s (this date is an estimate from the Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia,
the “selection of the best stories for a Colombian child”—consisted of twelve titles225
224
The Spanish publishing house was founded in 1963 by D. Raimundo Susaeta (1920-1984) and is
currently a leader in the market of books for children and youth for the Spanish-speaking public.
225
The Colección Cascabelito offered the following titles: Caperucita Roja (Little Red Riding Hood); El
gato con botas (Puss in Boots); La fiesta de don Pato (The Party of Mr. Duck); Aladino y la lámpara
maravillosa (Aladdin and the Marvelous Lamp); Blanca-Nieves y los siete enanitos (Snow White and the
243
published in modest editions with few pages (soft-cover, paper quality resembling
newsprint, color illustrations). None of the booklets cited an author. Nine of the twelve
titles could be from the Grimms; but since the library did not have all the books available,
I could not determine, based on the texts, if they were indeed from the Grimms or
Perrault.
the story appears to be one of the few local adaptations of a Grimm tale found during the
course of this study. Up to now most of the adaptations of Snow White and other
classical fairy tales located have, in one way or another, ties to European editions.
been modified in several ways, and these changes merit further attention. The story tells
about a beautiful and vain queen named Luzmela, whose stepdaughter eventually
surpasses her in beauty. Noticeable here is that the villain is given a proper name and,
that the king/father is nowhere mentioned. When the magic mirror reveals that Snow
White is more beautiful, the queen Luzmela orders a servant to kill her and bring the
girl’s heart as proof of the deed: “Como señal de haber cumplido mis órdenes me traerás
su corazón, o me cobraré sacándote el tuyo” (2) (“As proof that you have fulfilled my
orders you will bring me her heart, otherwise I shall requite myself by removing your
heart”). The queen threatens the servant with a deadly punishment should he fail to
accomplish her command; a comparable retribution for an incomplete job is not present
in the Grimms’ versions. The servant takes instead the heart of a deer and leaves the girl
Seven Dwarfs); Pulgarcito (Thumbling); La Cenicienta (Cinderella); El ratoncito glotón (The Gluttonous
Little Mouse); La bella durmiente (Sleeping Beauty); El príncipe encantado (The Enchanted Prince,
possibly an adaptation of KHM 1 “Der Froschkönig oder der eiserne Heinrich”); La casa de chocolate (The
Chocolate House, possibly an adaptation of KHM 15 “Hänsel und Gretel”); and Las princesas bailarinas
(The Dancing Princesses, possibly an adaptation of KHM 133 “Die zertanzten Schuhe”).
244
alone and scared in the forest, “flooded in weeping and pondering upon her sad fate” (2).
Feeling cold and hungry Snow White sets out to look for shelter and, accompanied by a
hopping rabbit, she soon arrives at the dwarf’s house. She knocks on the door “with
much prudence, then she was a very well-mannered girl,” and after waiting without
response she decides to “softly open the door” (3). Upon entering the house the girl
notices that everything is small but messy and so she starts to clean:
Todo allí era diminuto […] y más aun, todo estaba muy sucio y
desordenado; había también siete camitas y la Princesa [sic] que era muy
juiciosa, lo primero que hizo fue asear la habitación. Cogió una escoba y
dale que dale se pasó más de una hora barriendo y poniendo las cosas en
orden. (Blanca-Nieves y los siete enanitos 3)
Everything there was tiny […] and still more, everything was dirty and
disorderly; there were also seven little beds and the first thing that the very
diligent226 princess did, was to clean up the room. She took a broom and
on and on she went for more than one hour sweeping and putting the
things in order.
The influence of Disney is evident both in the company of Snow White’s new little
friend, the rabbit (the film introduced forest animals as the girl’s friends and helpers), and
in the portrayal of an industrious girl who voluntarily decides to clean up after someone
else (unlike the German tale, here there is no verbal agreement to exchange
protection/housing for good housekeeping). When Snow White awakens, she tells her
story to the dwarfs; they fully sympathize with her and pledge her “eternal friendship”
(4). The magic mirror continues to reaffirm that Snow White is more beautiful, and the
enraged stepmother violently throws the mirror to the floor; but instead of silencing the
hermosa que tú” (“Snow White is more beautiful than you”) (6). The simultaneous
226
The literary translation for “juiciosa” is judicious, sensible, or wise. In colloquial speech in Colombia,
however, when someone refers to a girl as “juiciosa,” it means that she is virtuous, diligent, and good.
245
shouting of the broken pieces of glass causes the queen such distress that she faints.
Luzmela then turns to her friend, an old, ugly witch named Patecabra for advice on how
to get rid of Snow White (Patecabra is common term found in the Colombian popular
tradition).227 The witch consults her book and finds a potent poison; she dips an apple in
the poison and gives it to the queen saying, “La persona que la coma ya se puede dar por
bién muerta. ¡Tómala y cumple tu venganza!” (“The person who eats it can be deemed as
very dead. Take it and fulfill your vengeance!”) (7). Notice that it is the witch (a separate
character in the story), not the stepmother, who plots the murder scheme and entices the
queen to seek revenge. As in Disney, this adaptation also contains just only one of the
three murder attempts. A prince, who had heard of Snow White’s virtues and beauty,
finally finds her lying in the glass coffin after searching for her for a long time.
Hesitating, he approaches her “trembling” (9) and kisses her on the lips; miraculously
“the spell [is] broken” (9) and Snow White wakes up from her long sleep. The grateful
and joyous dwarfs, who work in a diamond mine, give the prince thousands of diamonds
and prepare a banquet to say farewell to the girl because, in spite of their sadness, they
“were not selfish and, since they loved Snow White, they wished her happiness” (10).
The punishment of the queen is completely omitted; instead the story ends with the
Así termina esta historia, que nos enseña como triunfó la virtud, por
encima de todo y como Dios premia la gratitud y el amor, pues
Blancanieves y su esposo vivieron muy felices, tuvieron muchos hijos,
cuyos padrinos fueron los enanitos. Reinaron por largos años, muy
227
The term Patecabra, in colloquial language, refers to the hoof (pata) of a goat (cabra). According to
Jaime Riascos, editor of Puro Cuento: Memorias II Festival Nacional de Cuenteros de Colombia, 1991
(N.p.: Ediciones Palabrarte, 2000), in the Colombian popular tradition the Patecabra is associated with
witchcraft. The goat’s hoof is one of the ingredients to produce concoctions used for spells; other common
ingredients added to the mixture are bats’ wings and spider webs.
246
And so ends this story, which teaches us that virtue prevails over
everything, and that God rewards gratitude and love; for Snow White and
her husband lived very happy, and had many children, whose godparents
were the dwarfs. They reigned for long years, very content, for the
blessing and fortune of the subjects of their state.
The addition of this final paragraph (as well as some of the other passages that I have
cited) clearly points at the moralizing intent of this version. Because the final punishment
has been bypassed here, the polarity of good vs. evil (e.g., in Dinsey) has faded. The focal
point of this adaptation is shifted entirely to the girl’s consistent good behavior—virtues
that will be rewarded not only by society but also by God, who is added in the conclusion
Colombia. Even though the publication itself offers no information about a translator,
editor, or source, certain details and subtleties in the language used suggest that this may
be a local revision of the famous Grimm tale. The chosen name for the witch—
Patecabra—and the wording of the dialogue, which does not employ the second person
plural (commonly used in Spain and found in other translations), are especially
suggestive of a Colombian adaptation. The variations made to the story line reflect trends
that have been observed throughout this study, i.e., the influence of Disney and the
Catholic religion. Disney’s influence is evident in the avoidance of violent scenes as well
as in the behavioral expectations of a “good” girl like Snow White, who has internalized
the gender roles. The fact that God was added as the paramount authority in the last
247
paragraph of the story demonstrates the powerful role of that religion still has in
Colombia.
house like Latinopal issues a collection of twelve booklets with classical tales marketed
as the best stories for the Colombian child. If nine of the twelve stories in Colección
Cascabelito are indeed based on Grimms’ tales,228 then this would mean that the German
stories have conquered the Colombian market of fairy tales in the last decades of the
twentieth century. The apparently local revision of the famous “Snow White,” a version
that merges into its narrative traditional elements of Colombian culture and language, are
company based in Bogotá called Arisma. Established in 1977, Arisma Ltda. specializes in
their General Catalogue from 1994-95, under the section called “Videos educativos y
videos in different areas and categories (science, language, art, sports, etc.) suitable for
instructional purposes.
short stories in video form, eight of which were productions from Disney. This list also
includes four of the so-called classical fairy tales: two by the Grimms (“Rumpelstilskin”
228
This may well be the case given the surge of Grimm-tale publications after 1950. However, because the
libraries did not have the complete collection published by Latinopal, I could not verify if stories like
Caperucita Roja, El gato con botas, Pulgarcito, La Cenicienta, La bella durmiente, El príncipe encantado,
La casa de chocolate, Las princesas bailarinas, are indeed adaptations of specifically Grimms’ tales.
248
[KHM 55] and “El zapatero y los duendes” [“The Elves” KHM 39] and two by Andersen
(“La sirenita” [“The Little Mermaid”] and “El patito feo” [“The Ugly Duckling”]); the
catalogue does not specify the authors of these stories. Even though the Disney
productions make up over 30% of the videos offered and are given a special section
(clearly marked with their own separate titles: “Cuentos de Disney” and “Especiales de
Walt Disney”), the inclusion of two of the Grimms’ tales is yet another indication of their
Conclusion
literature differs significantly from the previous period. Especially noticeable is the
decline in the number of French editions and works for children that promote
productions. Several factors contributed to these changes including a slow change in the
public’s perception of Paris as the main center of European culture; reforms and internal
disarray within the Colombian Catholic Church; the presence and promotion of Walt
“renaissance” of the fairy-tale genre in Colombia. Classical fairy tales in various forms,
European authors who, in part, were only marginally represented in the previous period
(e.g., Basile, Chamisso, Mme d’Aulnoy, Schwab, etc.) are more visible in the inventory.
Well-represented fairy-tale authors such as Andersen and Perrault also show a general
249
imported from Spain. Although Spanish editions continue to play an important role in the
composition of the inventory one of the most noticeable changes in this period is the
emergence of Grimm editions published in Latin America. The oldest Latin American
title located is the Mexican Blanca Nieve y otros cuentos from 1959. Colombian editions
start to appear later, in the mid 1970s, and several, especially the anthologies, offer a
most cases the information is either unclear or inaccurate and does not help to clarify the
general misunderstanding that prevails in the country about the Grimms’ work and their
legacy.
editions reveals that the stories are not local productions but rather adaptations closely
linked to Europe, particularly to Spain. The strong Spanish influence on these editions is,
in part, due to the migration to Latin America that occurred during the Spanish Civil War
(1936-39); Spanish translators, editors, and families in the publishing business continued
to exercise their profession after relocating and carried over familiar story modifications
and revisions onto Latin American publications of the Grimm tales—these modifications
and revisions to the original narrative that persistently promote Spanish values, morals,
and mores in Colombia and elsewhere in Latin America, perpetuate the dominating
influence of colonialism.
250
1980?) and Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo (Bogotá: LEY?, 1970?)—seem to
be truly local adaptations. Although few in number, these presumably local adaptations
are first indications of the incorporation of the Grimms’ stories into Colombian society;
publications from the 1990s, such as the teacher-selected collection Hermanos Grimm:
Cuentos and the catalogue of didactic materials (Arisma Ltda.), which suggests that the
tales have entered the Colombian educational institutions and, in that sense, have
achieved, to a certain degree, canonical status in Colombian culture. The degree to which
the KHM have been assimilated is a question, as we will see, that is answered differently
As we have seen in the preceding chapters, several factors have affected the
socioeconomic changes, and the influence of the Catholic Church. There are yet other
the overall development of the market of children’s books in the country and the
In general, the supply of locally authored quality storybooks for children has been
scarce in Colombia. This holds true not only for new creations but also for adaptations of
traditional children’s literature, such as fairy tales, which still rely heavily on foreign
explained by an existing prejudice in the country that writing for children is a “minor
genre” unworthy of great pens (Vélez de Piedrahita, Guía de la literatura 45). The
introduction of the prestigious Enka contest in the mid 1970s helped to disband this
prejudice by encouraging both new and established authors to venture into a genre that
perhaps they would have never considered without this incentive. Although the writing
competition has already contributed dozens of quality works, Colombia faces the problem
of low reading indices. Reading in Colombia is not a common practice,229 and the
229
In the year 2000 the Departamento Administrativo Nacional de Estadística—DANE, the national
statistics bureau, conducted a survey about the reading habits of Colombians in cities and metropolitan
areas. Titled Hábitos de lectura y consumo de libros en Colombia, this study was the first of its kind in the
country; it accounted for 78% (over 13 million) of the (defined) total population in Colombia—the target
population was defined as being at least 12 years old and capable of working. The study concluded that on
average, Colombians read 2 books per year and spend 1.5 hours per week reading. Those with a secondary
education or higher read the most, and did so for learning purposes. 68% of the participants who read said
that they acquire their reading habits through school and teachers: 40% of the non-reading population said
252
reading materials creates a vicious cycle that has an adverse effect on the reception of the
Grimms’ tales.
The Colombian market for children’s and juvenile books has been slow growing
and complex. Its uncertain and problematic nature has been under scrutiny since the early
1950s; for example, when it was the subject of discussion in the “Primer Foro del Libro
en Colombia” (“First Forum of the Book in Colombia”) in 1953 (Cubells). The first timid
approaches towards a literature for children had begun to manifest themselves in the
1930s (e.g., with magazines such as Chanchito), but the market for children’s literature
has been hampered by low reading indices and an insufficient supply. In the mid 1980s,
en America Latina y el Caribe (Regional Center for the Promotion of the Book in Latin
continued to be scant in Colombia. Ricardo Daza, director of the investigation, noted that
aside from the comic book, which, in his view, leads to a type of sub-literature with very
mediocre substance, there is no extant specialized written matter for children: children’s
magazines are non-existent and the available books are few in number and usually too
expensive; furthermore, he added that Colombia does not have an indigenous literature
for children that could fill the void and offer kids an attractive alternative to comics
(Monack).
they do not read because they lack reading habits, 22% because they lack the time, and 16% because they
lack the money to buy books.
253
A further challenge for the children’s book market arises from the reading
practices in the country. Despite the significant progress attained in the area of
education, which raised the overall literacy levels in the country to nearly 90% by the
early twenty-first century,230 reading remains a challenging subject. Actual reading rates
in Colombia have been relatively low compared to Europe and North America. In the
article “El falso ‘boom’ editorial” that appeared in 1991, the Colombian columnist and
Professor of the Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Jorge Child (1924-1996) noted that,
on average, Colombians read no more than one book per year while in Europe that
number is ten-fold:
The causes for the apparent absence of a “reading culture” in Colombia are manifold and
beyond this study; however, the most prevalent reasons cited for this deficit are an
educational system based on learning by memorization (i.e., one that does not demand
230
According to the 2005 census, 88.3 percent of the total population five years of age or older could read
and write (Library of Congress, Federal Research Division, Country Studies Series: Colombia [Washington
D.C.: Library of Congress, 2007]).
254
research or investigation) and the lack of contact with books prior to a child’s
Despite the long-lasting challenges that the market for children’s books has faced
in Colombia, the 1970s marked a crucial decade for children’s literature in general and
the Grimm tales in particular. The notable increase in the supply of children’s
publications from this period found in the libraries attests to this turning point. In addition
advances in birth control played an important role. With the growing participation of
women in higher education and in the workforce, the socialization process of young
children changed; children began to leave their homes at an earlier age and were sent to
nurseries and day-care centers staffed with qualified personnel in preschool education
and recreation. The growing participation of children in those centers attracted the
attention of publishing houses that saw in the child an emerging market segment.
Published materials targeted at children started to multiply and gradually claim their
space in libraries and bookstores throughout the country, filling out rooms and entire
sections.
The increased circulation of literature for children and youth during the 1970s was
also the result of a series of measures, strategies, and resources implemented at a national
231
In the essay “Porqué en Colombia los niños no leen” (“Why Children Don’t Read in Colombia”) Silvia
Castrillón explains that the reading problematic starts at a very early age. The majority of Colombian
children have no prior contact with books before they reach their school age. In their daily lives, she notes,
many children have never seen their parents reading and thus, do not understand the value of this practice.
This poses a challenge for teachers at an elementary level: when the children start school, educators are
confronted with a student body unmotivated to learn how to read. Adding to this hurdle, Castrillón
indicates that there is a lack of didactical and methodological resources to incentivize the learning process
of reading. The main materials still used to teach reading in schools are based on the pedagogical tradition
of memorization—a monotonous method that does not incite students to learn.
Silvia Castrillón is a researcher for CERLALC, librarian at the Universidad de Antioquia, and director of
Asolectura (a national entity to foment reading).
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level to encourage both reading and writing in this genre. To promote reading, new
institutions such Fundalectura and Asolectura were created. Public libraries across the
nation offered programs for children such as pre-school story times, meetings with
authors, games, and other activities. These programs were extended to educators as well,
who were given the opportunity to attend workshops and seminars on how to design more
New programs were created to promote writing as well, especially in the form of
contests. Aside from the Enka prize, other writing contests offering attractive prizes
came into being, sponsored by companies and organizations such as Seguros Médicos
Voluntarios, Colcultura, Voluntad Editores, and Círculo de lectores. These contests not
only advanced the creation of new literary works but also the reprinting of classical
literature for children (e.g., the Grimm tales published by Editorial Norma and Bedout in
the mid 1970s). In the category of “new” texts, the names Jairo Aníbal Niño (Zorro,
1977), Carmenza Llano de Bernhardt (Compañero Pez, 1978), Rubén Darío Vélez (Hip,
Aníbal Eduardo León Zamora (Sueño Aymara, 1995), and the previously mentioned
Celso Román (Los amigos del hombre, 1979) stand out, among many others, as creators
of an authentic literature for children that incorporates the natural and social wealth of
Colombian culture. Several of these works have also been successful at an international
level, with translations in various languages and repeated editions (e.g., Zorro and Hip,
achievements have encouraged others to venture into this genre and helped to create
The popularity and resonance of the writing contests captured the attention of
institutions and publishing houses interested in disseminating these new works. Among
the institutions, the Asociación colombiana para el libro infantil y juvenil (A.C.L.I.J.,
Colombian Association for the Children- and Youth Book) has played an outstanding role
in the promotion of national literature for children. As for domestic publishing houses,
Carlos Valencia Editores, for example, offered the winning stories of the Enka prize in
appealing and carefully crafted editions, which includes Las batallas de Rosalino by
Triunfo Arciniegas, winner of the Enka prize in 1989. Triunfo Arciniegas is one of the
most prolific Colombian writers of children’s books and holder of several prizes; in 1996
he was awarded the Premio Comfamiliar del Atlántico for Caperucita Roja y otras
historias perversas (Little Red Riding Hood and Other Perverse Stories). This storybook
renders ten contemporary retellings of well-known fairy tales by Perrault, Andersen, and
the Grimms. I will discuss the unique re-writing of some of these classics later on in this
chapter.
The interest in children’s literature that peaked in Colombia during the 1970s
gave way to courses, conferences, essays, and also debates about this theme. Because
most of the available books for children at that time were still imported, the polemic
positions and viewpoints pivoted mainly around the so-called classical works. Many of
the discussions centered on the possible interpretations of the stories and the intrinsic
dangers that these narratives may pose for children (Londoño and Fajardo). The critique
Some maintained that the classical stories—stories that have been transplanted from their
environments—are not “one’s own” and therefore are culturally alienating; others
257
defended the classical tales as valuable literary pieces that transcend territorial boundaries
New Reading) published in 1986, Díaz Borbón defends the classical tales of authors such
as Andersen, Perrault, and the Grimms as works that have become firmly rooted in the
asserts, have entered “our education, our family, our learning, and our forms of
representation and reference in our lives” (10) with such ease that they have become
integral elements of the Latin American culture and thus, it would be “foolish to impugn
their foreign origins” (13). He continues his argument in favor of the classical tales
emphasizing the “solidity and validity of their literary quality” and stressing their
endurance as pillar of children’s literature in Latin America (11). These texts, he adds,
have been used by parents and educators not only to “trace the way into the world”, but to
induce the “awakening of the imagination and the boiling of feelings of countless
232
The poet, essay writer, literary critic, and university Professor Rafael Díaz Borbón was born in Venecia,
(Cundinamarca) Colombia in 1945. He graduated in Philosophy and Letters from the Universidad La Gran
Colombia and obtained his Master’s degree in Education from the Universidad Pedagógica Nacional de
Bogotá. After years of university teaching, he traveled to England, where he continued his studies in
several institutions such as Westminster College, The Polytechnic of Central London, and The City
Literature Centre in London. Among his published works are La universidad colombiana, una crisis
institucional (1972); Tensionario, convocatoria a la nueva poesía colombiana (1972); and Asuntos
cotidianos (1977).
258
Díaz Borbón adamantly disapproves of the adulteration of the stories. In his view,
the manipulation of the original texts not only destroys their literary quality, but
invalidates their “authentic criteria of an esthetic and spiritual formation” (84). And the
results of such manipulations are a “set of horrors of miserable taste” (84). Even though
the name Disney is nowhere explicitly stated, it is clearly implied; this is especially
evident when the author refers to the efforts of multinational corporations that act on
the mass market. In his view, these companies distort the form and content of classical
pieces, consecrate them to the category of ideal values, and impose them forcefully upon
After sharply criticizing the manipulation of the original texts and justifying the
assimilation of the European classical tales in Latin America, Díaz Borbón moves on to
analyze the underlying contents of some of the best-known stories in Colombia such as
“The Ugly Duckling” by Andersen, “Cinderella” by the Grimms, and “Puss in Boots” by
fundamental text because of its capacity of synthesis within the aesthetic requirements of
the economy of language: for Díaz Borbón, this particular story is in and of itself a
philosophical treatise, a moral system, and a compendium of culture (112). His take on
approach that is not surprising given the role that religion plays in Colombia, and one that
allows him to make a tight connection between a foreign tale and Colombian tradition
and culture.
259
the life and work of the Brothers Grimm. The German siblings are described as
philologists, whose interest in mythology and folklore led to their famous compilation of
children’s stories even though they never intended to write for children. Their excellence
as editors is underlined, noting that, while the age-old stories were kept alive in the oral
tradition for many years, they would not have achieved the literary quality with which
they have been popularized, had they not gone through the “skillful hands” of the
events and elements with Christian doctrine and symbolism. For example, he couples the
advice of Cinderella’s dying mother at the beginning of the tale with the reception of the
divine mandate; he also pairs the painful tribulations that the girl endures (usurpation of
familial/social status, imposition of exile, abuse, humiliation) and her cries for help with
Christ’s pilgrimage on a path of suffering (Via Crucis) and the Stations of the Cross to
The spatial aspect of the tale is read as moving on a vertical axis, up towards
heaven and down towards hell. The villains descend to hell while the heroine rises to
heaven. To elucidate this vertical movement, Díaz Borbón refers to the concluding
episode where the stepsisters are punished by descending to the darkness of hell (blinding
by pigeons). In contrast, the pious heroine is rewarded with heaven, represented through
her union with the prince—a monarch/member of the highest nobility, a supreme being
on earth that compares to God in heaven. The implied endless happiness after the
260
wedding and the life in the palace are also viewed as moving upwardly in the direction of
abode).
In his analysis, Díaz Borbón points out the specific religious symbols that are
present throughout the tale. For example, the birds that Cinderella summons to help her
with the lentils and the white bird that sat on the mother’s tree while she prayed are, in
his opinion, visible correspondences to God’s messengers and the Holy Spirit. Another
symbolic reference concerns the gold-slippers that the protagonist receives on the third
day. This “providential gift” eventually rescues Cinderella from the kitchen-tomb (the
kitchen, or lowest part of the home where the servants are, was previously compared to a
tomb) and catapults her into palace-heaven. The slipper episode is linked to Christ’s
resurrection on the third day, his escape from the tomb where his enemies had sent him,
One of the fundamental theses in Díaz Borbón’s book is that an original text—one
without modifications—varies in meaning depending on the reader and the times when it
is read. The comprehension of a text, asserts Díaz Borbón, will be affected by cultural
religious (scholastic) perspective has allowed him to make a close connection between a
Colombian culture is imbued with the religious foundations of the Catholic faith, the
story of “Cinderella,” seen from this angle, becomes meaningful to a local reader. Díaz
Borbón’s reading of the story demonstrates, on the one hand, that a foreign and age-old
text can still be significant in contemporary times. On the other hand, the newly acquired
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meaning—meaning being a key element for the assimilation of the text within a given
culture—has helped him to buttress his argument that the classical European stories have
presented in a number of the Grimms’ tales. Based on the portrayal of female characters
and the way in which conflict is resvolved, Díaz Borbón believes that the Brothers
Grimm were faithful followers and promoters of the functionalist conception of women
proposed by Aristotle (women as imperfect, passive beings naturally destined for the
reproduction of the species)—a concept that was later adopted and maintained in its
fundamental aspects by the Christian religion. He argues that most tales portray women
from a male perspective; one that seeks the constant benefit and approval of men. To
elucidate this he points at the polarization between protagonists (young and beautiful,
fragile and half-witted) and antagonists (bad and older, but clever and resourceful); the
protagonist is always “good,” yet her imperfection lies in her passivity and inability to
lead the best possible life without external assistance. Only with the help of a
“other” part necessary to make her completely human: love, riches, happiness, security,
protection, social status, and so on. Sure enough, a typical conclusion to the Grimms’
stories involves the heroine’s marriage to a prince. The resolution of conflict, Díaz
Borbón observes, usually follows the same redeeming formula: the saving presence of a
high-ranking man, who tenders his hand to a helpless woman and incorporates her into
royal society through the contract of marriage; this contract implies that she will accept
the moral, social, cultural, and sexual codes of his milieu. From the final story
262
developments and the general characterization of females Díaz Borbón concludes that the
Grimms’ stories perpetuate an Aristotelian notion of women, which was later adapted
Within this context, Díaz Borbón discusses the moral dualities of the Grimms’
tales that result from assigning different roles and moral codes for women and men. He
notes that men can “roam about” (e.g., hunting, accumulating riches and honors) and
enjoy their freedom (an implicit hedonism), while women are to abide by the traditional
moral concepts (being “good,” innocent, and pure) and prepare themselves to become the
unconditional property of their husbands. In contrast to the open world of men, the realm
of women is their closed “natural” habitat of home and family. The author alludes to the
conception of women indicating that any sexual desire on the part of women that does not
fit the purpose of procreation or conjugal fidelity (an exclusive acquisition of men) is
strictly prohibited.
The author may disagree with some of the messages sent by some of the Grimms’
tales, yet he considers them valuable and relevant for today’s Colombia. By harping on
the religious-philosophical aspects of the stories, Díaz Borbón not only bridges the time-
space gap but connects the German stories with Colombian culture and tradition. For the
modern Colombian reader, he says, these tales may be considered beautiful yet sad love
stories; stories that invite the reader to ponder the current crisis of the contemporary
family; the real nature, function, destiny, concept, and forms of matrimony; the
coexistence of a couple; and the still influential traditional values assigned to both
literature for children agrees with Rafael Díaz Borbón and his views on the European
classical tales as culturally integrated texts. Some, such as the author and docent Rocío
Vélez de Piedrahita,233 are critical of the tales, which are considered to be alienating
because of their foreign origins.234 Instead, these critics propose to rescue works of
Colombian authors such as Tomás Carrasquilla,235 who draw their inspiration from the
everyday life of the people and their intrinsic national customs, and whose works not
only have a high literary value but are also apt for children and youth. Moreover, they
call for the use of the rich and unexploited raw materials contained in legends, folklore,
beliefs, and stories from the indigenous oral tradition of the region (Londoño and
Fajardo).
233
Rocío Vélez de Piedrahita was born in Medellín in 1926. With her novel Terrateniente (1978) she
became the first Latin American writer to be among the finalists for the “Premio Nadal,” a Spanish literary
prize awarded annually since 1944 by the publishing house Ediciones Destino. She wrote for the Literary
Magazine El Espectador for almost twenty years and was a contributing columnist for El Mundo and El
Colombiano, both newspapers based in Medellín. In 1976 Vélez de Piedrahita represented Colombia in the
Seminary UNESCO-CERLALC on the publication of books for children and youth. Currently she is a
member of the Academia Colombiana de la Lengua (Colombian Academy of Language). As mentioned in
previous chapters, Vélez de Piedrahita has made significant contributions to the field of children’s literature
in Colombia, especially with the publication of Guía de la literatura infantil (Guide to Children’s
Literature).
234
Other critics include Patricia Londoño and Alicia Fajardo, who are regular contributors to the cultural
magazine Boletín Cultural y Bibliográfico. In their essay “El libro infantil en Colombia” (1988) they
advocate a production of children’s works that is totally (or at least partially) Colombian, while criticizing
the mainly imported (foreign) assortment of children’s books offered in libraries and bookstores. Although
not explicitly stated, they clearly share the view that stories coming from foreign cultures are alienating.
235
The Colombian novelist and short-story writer Tomás Carrasquilla (1858-1940) is best remembered for
his realistic depictions of his native Antioquia. His portrayal of different aspects of the history, culture, and
idiosyncrasy of the Antioqueños, in a simple and direct style, reflects his love for his native land and its
people and a deep understanding of their problems and the social factors that caused them. His long literary
career began with the publication of his first novel, Frutos de mi tierra (Fruits of my Native Land, 1896), a
realistic account dealing with the adventures of young Agustín and the Alzate family; the novel exposes the
hypocrisy of small-town. Among his best-known stories are En la diestra de Dios Padre (In the Right Hand
of God Father, 1897) and La Marquesa de Yolombó (The Marchioness of Yolombó, 1927).
264
reading materials that are “one’s own.” She understands that in contrast to the
authentically local, foreign literatures for children may be not simply alienating but more
precisely dominating forces of colonization that virtually separate children from their
social and cultural environment. However, despite her cautious view of the foreign, Vélez
de Piedrahita does not share the widely held idea of giving children only that which is
“one’s own” regardless of quality. In her insightful book of 1983, Guia de la literatura
support her argument: (1) she denounces the existence of poor and useless national
creations (this began to change after the establishment of the Enka prize, for which she
has served as a judge); (2) she underlines the current shortage of works for children and
youth, adding that up until the time her Guia appeared (1983) not a single book in the
detective genre, for instance, had been published in Colombia; and (3) she exposes the
fact that Colombians are simply not familiar with their own high-quality literary
lack of and unfamiliarity with national creations and rejection of foreign works—Vélez
de Piedrahita adds that Colombian children reach for what is readily accessible (and
inexpensive), namely comic books. In her view, however, comics do not demand from
their consumers any type of intellectual effort, knowledge of the language, or dexterity in
reading and therefore constitute the great enemy of better-quality storybooks. She
rightfully adds that a child who learns to enjoy reading stories will more likely develop
into an adult that likes to read—a crucial step in breaking the vicious cycle mentioned at
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the beginning of this chapter, where pre-school children have no relation to books
Vélez de Piedrahita recognized the absence of a domestic guide on this subject. The
insistent demand of Colombian educators asking for guidance on reading material for
children—works that are both artistic and recreational—prompted her to fill this void and
write her Guia de la literatura infantil in collaboration with the Secretary for Education
and Culture of Antioquia. Her book presents a catalogue of quality works (both national
and foreign) arranged by age groups (early, middle, and late childhood); in addition, it
characteristics of the various genres, information about outstanding authors,236 and the
not even know the whole story but merely superficial generalities of the narrative (e.g.,
that Pinocchio is a wooden puppet or that Thumbling is small); they also confuse tales
(whether oral folk tale or literary tale) with legends and/or myths, and group together the
works of authors such as Perrault, Andersen, and the Grimms (7). She attributes this lack
of knowledge to the fact that only very a few of the numerous tales that have circulated in
Europe in the last centuries are actually known in Colombia; and the few recognized
stories are primarily known from the adaptations by Walt Disney (77). According to the
domestic productions that will popularize what is truly worthy to Colombians including
236
She provides practically no information about the Brothers Grimm, except for the tales that I will
mention later on. In contrast, she devotes an entire section of Chapter VI (El cuento literario [The Literary
Tale]) to the life and works of Hans Christian Andersen.
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the folkloric repository and indigenous legends and myths—the classical works, well
translated and unchanged, constitute the best possible readings for children/youth (41).
For children who are just learning to read or mastering the skill, where language
is no longer an obstacle, Vélez de Piedrahita recommends the classical tales and stories.
Before offering a selection of appropriate readings for this age group, she divides the
stories into two categories: “Cuento Popular Tradicional” (“Traditional Popular Tale”)
and “Cuento Literario” (“Literary Tale”). Although she introduces a distinction among
the story-types in her chapter (Chapter IV), she only supplies a definition for the
“Traditional Popular Tale” perhaps because this chapter focuses mainly on this particular
transmitted orally with alterations depending on the values and culture of each society.
She also gives some information about the historical development of the popular tale into
a genre for children and about its goals (mainly to entertain), and provides examples of
works that fall into this category, such as the anonymous One Thousand and One Nights
and the tales of writers like Perrault or collectors like the Grimms. In regard to the
“Literary Tale” she merely states, in this chapter, that it offers a great variety of themes
and indicates that the uses/objectives of the literary tale have changed over time: in the
eighteenth century they were meant to educate and contribute to the formation of the
individual, in the nineteenth century to entertain, and in the twentieth century to instruct;
and “lately” there is a modality that intends to indoctrinate (no examples are given) (81).
A more thorough definition appears only much later in her book, in chapter VI, where she
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defines the “Literary Tale” as the creation of an author whose name is known, adding that
some scholars argue, used several popular oral folk tales as basis for the stories that he
later transformed into refined moralist tales. And so did Andersen, the sources of whose
stories, Maria Nikolajeva tells us, were mostly Danish folk tales, collected and retold by
(Zipes, Oxford Companion 14). Therefore, to place Perrault’s works in the category
“Traditional Popular Tale” and Andersen’s in “Literary Tale” is not entirely accurate.
Earlier in her book Vélez de Piedrahita had disapproved how Colombians tend to group
together the works of authors such as Perrault, Andersen, and the Grimms; yet, with her
own definitions of these story categories (“Cuento Popular Tradicional” vs. “Cuento
Literario”) she continues to do so instead of clarifying the confusion that already exists.
Most of chapter IV deals with stories that fall into the category “Traditional
Popular Tale,” which places great emphasis on the Grimms’ tales. Before discussing the
tales she starts with a brief explanation of the types of stories that fall within this category
adding that, although many different classifications exist (e.g., by theme, chronological,
237
In Chapter VI Vélez de Piedrahita also explains that compared to the “Cuento Popular Tradicional”,
which follows certain universal constants, the “Cuento Literario” is a much freer creation with no fixed
ideas or themes, no stereotyped plots, is usually well located in time and space, and has psychologically
well-defined characters. The value of the “Cuento Literario,” she asserts, does not depend on content and
plot only (like in the traditional popular stories) but on the technical resources and capacities of its author.
The names of H. C. Andersen, C. Collodi, E. T. A. Hoffmann, Waldemar Bonsels, Jean de Brunhoff, J. M.
Barrie, and others are mentioned as representatives of this genre. She devotes special attention to the works
of Andersen, whom she considers the “Shakespeare of children’s literature” (117). The psychological
complexity of Andersen’s works and his style (displaying not only constant “overflowing” of imagination,
a poetic halo, and melancholy but also irony and satire [119]) are, in her view, suitable for children in their
late childhood and adolescence.
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by origin or influence, etc.), she favors the tale classification that appears in The
Complete Grimm’s [sic] Fairy Tales, which she considers simple yet instructive.238
Several Grimm titles are alluded to in order to elucidate the different origins, themes, and
influences of a story. For example, a tale based on primitive beliefs is “Los Elfos” (“Die
Wichtelmänner,” KHM 39); a story based on heroes and sagas of the Great Migrations is
“El rey Cuervo” (“König Drosselbart,”KHM 52); a tale with evident oriental influence is
“El fiel Juan” (“Der treue Johannes,” KHM 6); and tales with animals are “Los músicos
de Bremen” (“Die Bremer Stadtmusikanten,” KHM 27) and “Sociedad del gato y el
The Grimm stories are considered particularly apt for elementary school age
children (middle childhood) for several reasons: they are concise and clear; have a single
plot without deviations; have undefined time (e.g., once upon a time), space (e.g., in a
land far away), individualities (e.g., there was a miller, a poor woman), race, creed,
homeland, and so on; virtues and vices tend to appear exaggerated for more clarity; the
hero is typically a “normal” human being. In addition, the tales pose problems that the
child may be facing, thus sparking his interest. To mention just a few examples, the
author refers to the fear of abandonment and difficulty to control oneself (e.g., eating)
treated in “Hansel y Gretel” (“Hänsel und Gretel,” KHM 15); the sensation of weakness
parents in “Los tres idiomas” (“Die drei Sprachen,” KHM 33); confrontation with love in
“El rey sapo” (“Der Froschkönig oder der eiserne Heinrich,” KHM 1) or “La bella
238
In regard to this publication, she only mentions that it was issued by Pantheon Books in New York but
gives no date of publication. The Pantheon edition goes back to 1947 and has been frequently reprinted. It
is based on Margaret Hunt’s translation (the first complete English translation of the Grimms’ tale
collection, done in 1884), and updated by James Stern. This very well-known translation has several
reprintings currently circulating in the public libraries in Colombia (all of which were published in 1972).
269
For this age group of prepubescent children Vélez de Piedrahita stresses the
importance of presenting stories that are entertaining; in her view, this is the only way
that children will develop a joy for reading instead of regarding it as a tedious activity. In
contrast to the literary tale, which she previously characterized as having instructive or
moralizing purposes, the primary goal of the traditional popular tale is to entertain. As an
example of an excellent tale for this age group Vélez de Piedrahita mentions the story
“La paja, el carbón y el fríjol” (“Strohhalm, Kohle und Bohne,” KHM 18). This tale, she
explains, dates back to the minstrels of the tenth century; it is short, easy, humorous, and
entertaining without any didactic or moralistic agenda and can be read either individually
or aloud.
Throughout her book the author puts special emphasis on the importance of
remaining faithful to the original text, i.e., selecting an accurate translation. Furthermore,
she points out that if an educator chooses to read a story aloud s/he should avoid cutting
or “smoothing” the crudeness of the tale. Certain stories are cruel indeed, she says, but
that should not be a reason to discard the totality of the beautiful tales in the collection;
the tales, the author adds, are childhood “classics” and their endurance and longevity
deserve our respect. Her advice to educators is to choose a story that fits their own
personal mindset and taste, and stick to the storyline. Vélez de Piedrahita believes that a
child who reads or hears a variety of stories will learn to enter into that fantasy world and
239
The examples cited by Vélez de Piedrahita suggest that the author may have been influenced by Bruno
Bettelheim’s book The Uses of Enchantment: The Meaning and Importance of Fairy Tales published in
1976. In Colombia, several Spanish translations of Bettelheim’s book are currently in circulation; the
earliest edition that I was able to locate was the 1980 Psicoanálisis de los cuentos de hadas translated by
Silvia Furió.
270
navigate through it; s/he will learn that death is not definitive, that the perils are
transitory, that every situation, regardless of how grave it may seem, has a solution.
Despite her repeated underscoring of selecting a good translation, she does not
recommend any particular edition of Grimm tales that she considers reliable; this is
unfortunate given the variety of editions circulating in Colombia, some of which are of
Among the most common objections that Vélez de Piedrahita has encountered
with respect to the tales are that they are cruel, that evil prevails, that they promise the
impossible, and that they take the child out of reality. She disagrees with these objections
and provides solid arguments against them. In regard to cruelty she notes that very few of
the stories contain episodes of unjustified cruelty.241 In most cases the cruel punishments
are imposed upon the villains—villains from another time, another place, and who lived
among beings that do not exist. Because these endings are fantastic and so far-fetched,
the author asserts that they convey to the child that justice has been served. Furthermore,
she adds, that Colombian children live today in a much crueler world, without the
possibility of doubting the shocking facts that surround them. Other stories such as “Der
gestiefelte Kater” or “Vom klugen Schneiderlein” have been criticized because the
240
Only three editions with Grimm tales are cited in the bibliography of Guia de la literatura infantil. Two
of them are in English and therefore, unavailable to a vast public in Colombia. They are Fairy Tales, trans.
Lucy Crane et al. (Cleveland: The World Publishing Company, 1946); and The Juniper Tree, and Other
Tales from the Grimm, illus. Maurice Sendak (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 1973).
The only edition in Spanish that appears in the bibliography—Cuentos de Grimm published in Mexico by
Editorial Porrúa in 1976—contains seventy-two tales selected and introduced by María Edmée Alvarez. As
noted in the previous chapter, the tales in this Mexican edition appear to be reprints from an unknown
Spanish publication (evident in the dialogue wording); unfortunately there is no information about the
source-text or the translator. Several tales from the Mexican Cuentos de Grimm were later reprinted
verbatim in the Colombia, for example, in the issue Hermanos Grimm: Cuentos (Medellín: Edilux, 1990)—
promoted as contining tales selected by teachers (this edition was discussed in the previous chapter).
241
As an example of unjustified cruelty she cites “El enebro” (“The Juniper” an adaptation of KHM 47
“Von dem Machandelboom”), in which the father eats his minced son in a pie. The “pie” however, is a
variation introduced in the translation process; in the KHM from 1857 the father eats his son in a stew.
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knavery is apparently rewarded. These tales, Vélez de Piedrahita argues, have been
misinterpreted and can be easily explained: in her view the central message is not the
triumph of trickery or the evil but rather that intelligence and cleverness can overcome
force. In regard to the objection that fantasy takes children out of reality, she maintains,
and rightfully so, that contemporary reality is already hard enough and inevitable
(poverty, unemployment, divorces, abuses, death, etc.) and the tales offer children an
escape, a rest, a relaxing stop that allows them to “bear the burdens of reality by means of
In general, critical pieces and scholarly articles related to the Grimms or their
tales and published before 2000 are not readily found in the Colombian libraries. The
views of Rocío Vélez de Piedrahita and Rafael Díaz Borbón, two Colombian scholars of
children’s literature, are therefore all the more significant. Both authors agree on the
literary value of the classical tales and the importance of keeping the original texts intact;
their main area of divergence lies in how they view the tales’ assimilation into the
Colombian culture. Díaz Borbón contends that the classical European tales have been
fully integrated into the cultures of Latin America; he asserts that the foreign tales have
easily entered the educational and familial systems of Colombian society and turned into
“forms of representation and reference” in the lives of the people, thus attesting to their
incorporation. In contrast, Vélez de Piedrahita asserts that, even if a few tales were
circulating in the first decades of the twentieth century, they were accessible only to an
elite and, therefore, had no real influential power on the domestic culture; moreover, she
argues that the tales, in their original form, have yet to be discovered in Colombia
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because the public is only aware of the few adaptations done by Disney—adaptations that
The reduced number of Grimm tales published before 1950 found in Colombian
libraries corroborates Vélez de Piedrahita’s assessment that the stories were accessible to
a limited public; many of these editions were not only costly but also written in a foreign
language, which restricted their reach to the wealthy and educated. Despite the flood of
Grimm publications that started to permeate the inventory of classical fairy tales in
Colombia after 1950, Vélez de Piedrahita asserts that, in general, Colombian children
(and adults as well) are barely familiar with any type of story, whether that be a classical
fairy tale, an adventure story (e.g., Pinocchio, Peter Pan), a didactic story (e.g., Bonsel’s
Die Biene Maya), science fiction (e.g., novels by Jules Verne), a detective story (e.g.,
Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes), or any other kind of story. She attributes this to a combination
of factors that include the absorbing attraction to television, the popularity of the comic
book (because it is affordable and easy to read), and long hours of school, which, along
child’s daily schedule and often leave him/her fatigued and unwilling to read.
The observations that Rocío Vélez de Piedrahita made in her Guía de la literatura
infantil are legitimate indeed, yet the increased supply of Grimm tales published after
1950 that are currently available in Colombian libraries lends validity to some of the
arguments brought up by Rafael Díaz Borbón in La literatura infantil. Both the number
of post-1950 Grimm editions and the emergence of domestic publications and adaptations
suggest a growing interest for the Grimm tales in the country—an interest that, in turn,
points to a certain level of assimilation. The depth of that assimilation becomes, however,
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an intricate question. The arguments put forward by Díaz Borbón to buttress his thesis of
the tales’ assimilation into the local culture, which include his interpretation of
his book is therefore intended for an academic audience trained to consider the various
that a classroom teacher at some public rural school, let alone the average Colombian,
could draw similar connections and invest the tales with such meaning to demonstrate
Colombia and the effect they may have exerted on the culture is, without a doubt, a
complex, if not impossible, undertaking. Nevertheless, the tales by the Brothers Grimm—
their mark in the country. A few domestic editions that appeared in the 1970s and 1980s,
which show some evidence that the tales could be local adaptations (e.g., LEY’s Los
mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo and Latinopal’s Blanca-Nieves y los siete enanitos),
are indications of such resonance. Other examples are Colombian authors who have
adapted and rewritten the Grimm tales such as Celso Román with the aforementioned Los
amigos del hombre (1979) and Triunfo Arciniegas with the 1996 award-winning
publication Caperucita Roja y otras historias perversas, which I will discuss next.
many of which are re-writes of classical fairy tales by Andersen, the Grimms, and
Perrault. For his stories Arciniegas has chosen titles that are either identical or quite close
274
to the well-known fairy tales, for example “Caperucita Roja” (“Little Red Riding Hood”),
“Fábula de la pequeña bella durmiente” (“The Fable of Sleeping Beauty”), and “El señor
de la barba azul” (“The Lord of the Blue Beard”). In other instances the titles have been
either subverted, as in “El sapito que comía princesas” (“The Little Frog that Ate
modified, as in “La princesa y las pulgas” (“The Princess and the Fleas,” a re-write of
On the back cover of this edition we find a note stating that Triunfo Arciniegas
has “rescued and brought to light the true stories that others have tried to conceal with
happy endings” and that this book has “the bitter taste of one who recognizes that daily
life is neither a fairy tale, nor a dirty and humid labyrinth without exits, second
classical stories such as “Sleeping Beauty” with a protagonist who, rather than being the
personification of beauty is a moth-eaten mummy full of mold; or the tale of “Little Red
Riding Hood” seen from the perspective of the wolf, a misunderstood creature who,
acting in the name of love, was judged and condemned by the world without a fair trial.
To convey how this Colombian author has recast classical fairy tales, I will
discuss his adaptation of “Little Red Riding Hood,” “Caperucita Roja.” In Arciniega’s
tale it is not the innocent girl with a little hood of red velvet who picks the flowers but the
wolf; he finds the loveliest flower of his life and mounts his dilapidated bike in search of
a girl to give it to. He stumbles upon Little Red Riding Hood (Caperucita), characterized
as an evil teenager, always chewing gum, who stones bats and pulls dogs’ tails. But being
a great admirer of beauty, the wolf falls madly in love with her. The girl however, mocks
275
him, refuses the flower, and remains indifferent and blind, arrogant and proud. One day,
while in the forest, the wolf meets her anew; Caperucita is on her way to her
grandmother’s house and offers him a piece of cake from the basket she is carrying. The
wolf, overpowered with emotion, accepts the treat and soon enough begins to feel sick to
his stomach: “It’s an experiment” Caperucita says, “I was going to try it on my grandma
but you showed up first. Tell me if you die” (9). She then disappears, leaving him sick
and moaning on the floor. It takes the wolf three days to pardon her “prank,” but he is
happy to see her again in the forest. This time they walk the pathway together through the
woods to grandma’s house and, on their way, the girl reveals in detail the ingredients of
her poisonous potion, which she intends to eventually sell. Upon arriving at the house,
Caperucita asks the wolf to gobble up her grandmother: “she is a rich grandma,” the girl
explains, “and I am eager to inherit” (11). The wolf, unwilling to disappoint her, sees no
escape and swallows the old lady as told, but clarifies that he did it all for love. She then
asks him to put on grandma’s clothes on and takes him by the hand into the forest; once
there the girl starts screaming for help. Caperucita claimed that the beast ate her
grandmother because he was starving, and now the police are looking for the animal to
cut open his belly, fill it with stones, and throw him into a river. The wolf tells the readers
that there is nothing he could do: “it is her word against mine. And who does not believe
Caperucita?” (11). No one, not even Caperucita, wants to know anything about the wolf,
who now lives lonely and lost in the woods, “poisoned by the flower of scorn” (12).
Caperucita is now a rich girl always riding a motorcycle or a car, thus making it
impossible for the wolf to reach her with his old bicycle. She has threatened him—with
the flash of her shiny knife—to make a wolf fur coat out of him if he continues to bother
276
her. The tale ends with a disheartened and fearful wolf convinced that Caperucita is
from the classic tale. The first obvious change is the attribution of the narrative voice to
the wolf, which allows exposing his thoughts, feelings, and aspirations. From this
innocent victim. Arciniegas shifts the spotlight from the young girl to the beast and
reverses the formulaic roles of the victimizer and victim. This piece by the Colombian
author is part of a global trend since the 1970s to rewrite classic tales from the
perspective of different characters. Works focalized through the wolf often tend to
“correct” the classic tale by portraying the narrator in a positive light; the wolf casts
himself in the role of Little Red Riding Hood’s admirer, a well-meaning suitor, and the
victim of slander and may explore emotions such as sorrow, remorse, and guilt (Beckett
99-102). Renewing the story from the wolf’s perspective is not a new phenomenon; as
early as the nineteenth century, the poem “What the Wolf Really Said to Little Red
Riding-Hood” by the American Bret Harte told the story from the point of view of wolf.
The topic of the wolf in love has also inspired other Latin American writers in the past.
The Peruvian poet José Santos Chocano, for instance, addressed this theme in “El lobo
enamorado” (“The Wolf in Love,” 1937), whose title immediately establishes the
Fig. 22: Alexis Forero Valderrama’s visual interpretation of the modern heroine in “Caperucita Roja.”
Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia, Bogotá.
immediately qualifies the traditional villain as a “good wolf” even though a young reader
may not guess at first that he is stalking the girl. Unlike conventional imagery, the wolf’s
depiction (Fig. 22) reinforces the positive character traits of the animal by portraying him
as unthreatening, playful, and rather pleasant with a smiling face. In stark contrast to the
wolf is the antagonist: a modern-day teenager, confident and independent, who is out in
the world on her own without a mother to caution her or set limits. In figure 22 the artist
has blended familiar motifs (red outfit) with modern elements and accessories (short
tank-top and skirt, CD player, gum) to create a contemporary figure that is appealing to
girls in this age group. In his attempt to present a modern, emancipated, and proactive
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girl,242 the author has turned the original protagonist into the villain of the story by giving
young woman. This girl is not afraid of strangers: in her first encounter with the wolf,
after screening him from head to toes, she takes the initiative to talk and asks: “What do
you want? Are you the ferocious wolf?” (5). After the unexpected greeting that almost
leaves the wolf speechless, he responds stuttering that he wants to give her a flower full
of beauty. She reacts with indifference, cuts short the conversation, rejects the blossom,
and adds that she does not see the beauty in it, for it is a flower just like any other. Then
she leaves without saying good-bye. Hurt by her scorn, a tearful wolf follows the girls on
his bike. When Caperucita sees him weeping, she asks whether he had fallen because she
notices no obvious injuries; “the wounds are in my heart” (6) the wolf answers, to which
the girl responds, “you’re an imbecile!” (6) Then, spitting out her chewing gum with “the
violence of a bullet,” she leaves (6). No one expects the girl to have empathy for a
stranger who is stalking her, but her lack of courtesy borders on insolence. Her
murder her grandmother with a poisoned cake. The motivation is money. Because her
first “experiment” fails, and knowing she could take advantage of the wolf’s feelings and
weakness for her, she orders the beast to gobble the old lady up and then sets him up with
the police. The girl cashes in the inheritance, forgets about the wolf that served her as
instrument for her purpose, and threatens him with a knife when he reappears. With this
242
Although Arciniegas portrays an independent young woman, she is not admirable for her behavior. In
light of gender politics, his treatment of the girl appears to be more a reaction to feminism and an
indictment to women’s emancipation, placing even more emphasis on the male perspective than was in the
original story. The traditional Colombian society of the first half of the twentieth century experienced
significant changes when increasing numbers of women enrolled in higher education and joined the
workforce. This was especially evident in the last decades of the century. Perhaps Arciniega’s portrayal of
Little Red Riding Hood is his way to criticize the emancipation of women in the country, which becomes
ever more real as the twenty-first century progresses.
279
twist in the narrative the author capsizes the fairy tale world. He turns the traditional
victimizer into the victim and eliminates the behavioral norms encoded in the Grimms’
version and the sexual innuendoes in Perrault’s version. The fear and violence are still
present, albeit in a different form, such as in the efforts to kill and the intimidation with a
weapon.
Arciniegas uses a similar reversal technique in “El sapito que comía princesas,” a
retelling of KHM 1 “The Frog King, or Iron Heinrich.” This story shifts the focus from
the princess to the frog and tells of a handsome prince who was turned into a frog by the
unexpected kiss of an unknown woman. The frog waits patiently for a princess to lose her
golden ball and relieve him from his spell with a magical kiss. After waiting a long time
in vain, eating butterflies and writing poems in the forest, the frog decides to go in search
of a princess. One day he sees one walking in the forest and, determined to approach her,
the frog jumps with such drive that he accidently eats her. He soon realizes that
princesses taste much better than butterflies and becomes a dangerous princess-eater.
Although he turns fat and clumsy from all the princess-consumption, no one is able to
capture him. A king sees no other alternative than to offer his beautiful fifteen-year-old
daughter as reward for turning him in, dead or alive. When the frog sees a reward poster
with his picture next to the princess’s, he falls madly in love with her. He finds her living
in the highest tower of the castle surrounded by two hundred guards. On a Saturday
morning, when the men are asleep and under the hangover spell from the previous night’s
party, the frog enters the princess’s chamber through a window. The princess is not
surprised to see him and even appears to have been waiting for him. He recites a poem in
French and they start a friendly conversation. To protect him from the guards, the
280
princess gives him a kiss that renders him invisible, and she adds that he can drop in for
kisses whenever he wants. In time, the reward-posters fade and there is no more talk
about the dangerous frog. Feeling safe, the princess leaves the tower and the region and
settles in an enchanted castle somewhere in the south. The princess is seen again smiling
This modern retelling also deviates sharply from the Grimms’ version and its
behavioral lesson. Aside from shifting the focus from the princess to the frog, some of the
most obvious changes include omitting the moral backbone of the original tale
(importance of honoring promises); turning the former hero, a “disgusting” and unwanted
amphibian that longs for love and company, into the villain; and transforming the
treacherous princess of the Grimms into a caring helper, who is apparently happy to share
the company and affection of the (invisible) frog. What at first seems like a happy
conclusion is qualified by a final caustic note. The closing sentence refers to the smiling,
air-kissing princess as a “happy demented,” one whom the king certainly does not want
near, and yet another one of “those who have no use in this world” (59). A conclusion
that depicts a crazed heroine who is shunned by her own father and has no social role or
redemption is, clearly, not a typical fairy-tale happy ending; the author has reversed the
ending that usually affirms the social and familial integration of the central characters. As
stated in the note on the back cover of this edition, Arciniegas wanted to “rescue” the
world from fairy tales that have taken advantage of the readers’ naïvety and concealed
with happy ending the injustice and deceit that exist in the world. The finale of “El sapito
que comía princesas” certainly has the bitter taste of one who recognizes that life is not a
fairy tale.
281
Although Arciniegas tends to reject the classical fairy tale for its foolish portrayal
of a utopian world, his own use of the genre attests to its strong appeal. The appropriation
of the Grimms’ stories in particular is telling of their resonance among the Colombian
public; it is because Arciniegas can assume that his readers are familiar with these stories
that he is able to play with the tales’ narratives. Besides Triunfo Arciniegas and Celso
Román, I did not find further examples of Colombian authors who have adapted the
Grimm tales. Nevertheless, in the context of Colombian literature these adaptations show
the country’s growing literary engagement with Grimms’ tales, thus demonstrating their
positive reception.
Conclusion
The tales of the Brothers Grimm have faced many hurdles in Colombia including
the persistent and widespread low reading rates and the slow-growing and problematic
market for children’s books. The scarcity of truly local adaptations of Grimm tales and
other literary creations inspired by the classical German stories may be blamed on the
prejudice towards writing for children that existed in the country until the late 1970s.
Only after the Enka writing contest started to bear its first fruits, some of which were
acclaimed internationally, did this prejudice begin to slowly fade away in Colombia.
In the national academic circles, the German tales have encountered both positive
and negative criticism. Some critics, such as Rafael Díaz Borbón, praise the classical
tales as valuable gems, as pillars of children literature that have entered the familial,
educational, and social systems so effortlessly as to become firmly rooted into Colombian
culture. Others, such as Rocío Vélez de Piedrahita, claim that the foreign stories are
culturally alienating and dominating forces of colonization; however, given the lack of
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“home-grown” quality literature, she accepts the tales as a viable alternative to presenting
exceptional quality has been steadily growing since the 1980s. The initial stimulus
provided by Enka de Colombia S.A. to professionalize the writing for children has been
organizations. These contests have already contributed numerous quality works, a few of
which echo the Grimms, for example, Celso Román’s Los amigos del hombre (1979), a
novel that evokes “Die Bremer Stadtmusikanten” in its cast of characters, and Triunfo
of Grimm tales is a tangible indication of positive reception, and one that assumes that
the stories have become part of the culture and consciousness of his readers.
works by academics such as Rafael Díaz Borbón and Rocío Vélez de Piedrahita, and
least for the period covered in this study, which extends until the year 2000. But however
limited the selection may be, the retellings, revisions, interpretations, and reactions that
the Grimms’ tales have elicited, and that have been documented here, attest nonetheless
Chapter 6: Epilogue
I have conducted this reception study of the Grimms’ tales in Colombia based on
the holdings of the main libraries in the country. The examination of textual and
paratextual elements of Grimm tale editions and other written documents that have been
accessible to the Colombian public throughout the year 2000 has shed light on the way
Colombians have come to value the Grimms, received the tales, and responded to them.
If we can assume that the located editions were circulating roughly at the time of
their publication, then the tales of the Brothers Grimm have been available in Colombia
since the late nineteenth century. Up until the mid twentieth century, however, the
German collection appear to have been less popular than other Western European fairy
tales (e.g., French fairy tales or tales by H. C. Andersen) and other genres of children’s
literature (e.g., stories by Christoph von Schmidt, and novels by Sophie Rastophchine de
Ségur and Edmondo de Amicis). This was due to several factors that included low
literacy rates during the first half of the twentieth century; dominant role of the Roman
Catholic Church, which promoted works imbued with religious teachings rather than
secular texts; the perception of the educated class, who regarded Paris as the main
cultural center in Europe; and the overall reception of children’s works in Spain, which
had a direct impact on the reception in Colombia (i.e., well-liked works in Spain often
The popularity of the Kinder- und Hausmärchen in Colombia would come later in
the second half of the twentieth century in the wake of Disney’s animated fairy-tale
Grimms’ tales, suggests not only a “renaissance” of the fairy-tale genre in Colombia, but
a marked preference for the German stories over other Western European classical fairy
measures that raised literacy levels; overall improvements in the infrastructure of the
major cities; the weakened influence of the Catholic Church in the sphere of education;
Another contributor to the positive reception of the Grimms’ tales after 1950 was
continued to play an essential role in the composition of the inventory, yet one of the
most noticeable changes of this period is the emergence of editions published in Latin
America, including Colombia. The analysis of the narratives in these editions, however,
has exposed their close links to Europe, in particular to Spain; the textual modifications
evident in the majority of the stories perpetuate the dominating influence of colonialism
through the persistent promotion of Spanish values, morals, and mores in Colombia.
Compared to the imported supply of books with Grimms’ tales as well as tale
translations, fittings, and rewrites of the Grimm stories are scarce in the libraries. Equally
scarce are scholarly and non-scholarly reviews and interpretations of the KHM. Although
the selection of retellings, revisions, and reactions may be limited, it has clearly risen
since the first half of the twentieth century, thus attesting to the increasingly positive
The resonance of the Grimms’ tales continues to be perceptible well into the
twenty-first century. The enduring appeal of the tales can be attributed in part to their
remarkable capacity to adapt to virtually any form or medium, ranging from literature,
picture books, and comics to theatrical adaptations, movies, and cartoons, from CD
recordings and video games to advertisements. Not to mention the big business of spin-
off products from the bestselling stories. Stage arrangements that combine oral narration,
theater, live music, masks, and other effects, such as “Los Tres Pelos del Diablo” (“The
Three Hairs of the Devil,” an adaptation of KHM 29 “Der Teufel mit den drei goldenen
Haaren”) by the Colombian storyteller and writer Jaime Riascos Villegas, continue to
carry on the legacy of the German brothers in the country. Riascos’s adaptation weaves
Colombian region with the most “castizo” style (the “purest” form of Spanish found, for
example, in the tales’ adaptations published by Calleja) to give a “global” sense of the
when they reached the mass media in Colombia. Since 2009 the national television
channel Caracol Television has been offering the series Los Cuentos de los Hermanos
Grimm (The Stories of the Brothers Grimm)243 as part of the morning programming for
children. Aired every Saturday and Sunday the thirty to forty-five-minute show presents a
different Grimm story in cartoon version. The animated series produced by the Japanese
Company Nippon Animation Co. Ltd. in 1987-89, consists of 47 episodes ranging from
the best-known to the less-known tales of the Brothers Grimm. The dubbed versions in
243
This is the literal translation of the Spanish title. In English the title is different; the English title for the
same series is Grimm’s [sic] Fairy Tale Classics; the animated series was aired in the United States by
Nickelodeon’s Nick Jr. in 1988 and 1989.
286
Spanish that air in Colombia were translated in Mexico.244 The fact that the animated
series shown in Colombia was produced in Japan and translated in Mexico is telling of
the impact of the new media and the global reception of the Grimms’ tales—a reception
that transcends national boundaries. Broadcasting the German tales on national television
is surely quite different to the way the Grimms’ reception in Colombia started off; this
the dissemination of the tales in versions that are not necessarily transmitted directly from
the German originals, but ones that have a truly international or transnational dimension.
Most Colombians have come to know the Grimm tales only secondhand, in
translations, adaptations, movies, and cartoons that can be widely divergent from the
Grimms’ original. However, it is precisely the tales’ malleability that accounts for their
longevity and enduring popularity. The flexibility of the tales to adapt to whatever
medium, to any land, language and culture, and to assume new meanings and identities
has conferred on the stories the ability to bridge generations. The tales, collected in
Germany almost two centuries ago by the Brothers Grimm, continue to enchant and
entrance us; the stories invite us to engage with characters, events, and conflicts that still
matter to us today while eliciting the most diverse responses, reactions, and revisions.
244
A clip of the story “Blue Beard” presented by Caracol Television can be found under:
http://www.caracoltv.com/marzo-13/articulo127067-cual-la-clave-del-exito-de-los-cuentos-de-los-
hermanos-grimm. The translation of this particular tale used in Spain has the corresponding jargon of that
country; to compare, this particular version can be found under: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gCAc
CshehPY&feature=related.
287
Appendix 1
17th C FRENCH
La Fontaine, Jean de. Contes et
nouvelles en vers. Amsterdam: Chez
Pierre Brunel, 1699.
18th C FRENCH
Fénelon, François de Salignac de la
Mothe. Aventuras de Telemaco, hijo
de Ulisses: continuación del libro 4
de la Odissea de Homero. Tomo
Segundo. En amberes: A costa de
los Hermano de tournes, 1743.
---. *Les aventuras de Télémaque,
fils d'Ulysse. A Bruxelles = Brussels:
B. Le Francq, 1798.
GERMAN
Campe, Joachim Heinrich. *El
nuevo Robinson: historia moral,
reducida á diálogos para
instrucción y entretenimiento de
niños y jóvenes de ambos sexos.
Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1804.
1810 Silva de romances Campe, Joachim Heinrich.
viejos, publicados por Découverte de l'Amérique: ouvrage
Jacobo Grimm. Viena: propre á l'instruction et á
En Casa de Jacobo l'amusement de la jeunesse, faisant
Mayer, 1815. suite au nouveau Robinson. Paris:
Le Prieur, 1812.
288
1820 FRENCH
Leprince de Beaumont, Jeanne
Marie. Almacén y biblioteca
completa de los niños ó diálogos
de una sabia directora con sus
discípulas de la primera
distinción. Madrid: Julian Viana
Razola ed., 1829.
GERMAN
Campe, Joachim Heinrich. Eufemia,
ó, la mujer verdaderamente
instruida. Bogotá: Reimpresa por J.
A. Cualla, 1829.
1830 Perrault, Charles. Contes GERMAN
des fées. Paris: Favre, Schmid, Christoph von. La
n.d. [1830? = WC] Chartreuse / Christoph von Schmid
traduit de l'allemand par L. Friedel.
Tours: A. D. Mame, 1836.
1840 ENGLISH
Dickens, Charles. Les contes de
Noël. Paris: Jules Renouard, 1847.
---. *The old curiosity shop. London:
Collins Clear-Type, 1840?
1850 Grimm, Brüder. *Kinder GERMAN
und Hausmärchen. Hauff, Wilhelm. Märchen: Almanach
Berlin: Franz Duncker, auf das Jahr 1826. Leipzig:
1858. Bibliographisches Institut, n.d.
[1850? = BNC].
---. Märchen Novellen. Leipzig:
Bibliographisches Institut, n.d.
[1850? = BNC].
---. Sämtliche Werke. Stuttgart : J. G.
Cotta'sche Buchhandlung
Nachfolger, 1850?
OTHER
Fernán Caballero. Más largo es el
tiempo que la fortuna. Bogotá: N.
Pontón, 1863.
---. La mitología contada a los
niños: historia de los grandes
hombres de la Grecia. Barcelona:
Librería de Juan Bastino Hijo, 1867.
---. No transije la conciencia.
Bogotá: N. Pontón, 1863.
289
GERMAN
Arnim, Achim von and Clemens
Brentano. Des Knaben Wunderhorn.
Leipzig: Deutsches Verlagshaus
Bong, n.d. [1879? = WC]
Hoffmann, E.T.A. Cuentos
fantásticos. Barcelona: Imp. de la
Renaxensa, n.d.
[1870s = WC]
ENGLISH
Dickens, Charles. *Christmas Books.
London: Collins Clear-Type Press,
1870.
---. *The Pickwick papers. London:
Collins, 1870?
OTHER
Fernán Caballero. Cuentos y
poesías populares andaluces /
coleccionados por Fernán
Caballero. Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus,
1874.
ENGLISH
Kingsley, Charles. Hypatia or new
foes with an old face. New York: S.
W. Green's Son, 1883.
ITALIAN
Amicis, Edmondo de. Corazón:
Diario de un niño. Madrid: Libr. de
D. Fernando Fe, 1887.
1890 Grimm, Jacob Ludwig Andersen, Hans Perrault, Charles. FRENCH
Karl. Cuentos Christian. Cuentos de Perrault. Aulnoy, Mme. Relación que hizo de
escogidos / Jacob Historia de una Madrid: Dirección y su viaje por España la señora
Ludwig Karl Grimm, madre: Cuento de administración, 1892. condesa d' Aulnoy en 1679.
Wilhelm Grimm. Andersen. Folletines Madrid: Tip Franco-Española, 1892.
Madrid: Saturnino de “El Correo
Calleja, n.d. [1896? = Nacional”. Bogotá (n.d.) Leprince de Beaumont, Jeanne
WC] [1893?] Marie. Almacén de los niños: o,
Diálogos de una sabia directora
---. Cuentos y ---. “Ib y Cristina.” con sus discípulas. 7th ed. Paris:
leyendas de los Colección de grandes Garnier, 1896.
hermanos Grimm. escritores nacionales y
Barcelona: J. Roura, extranjeros. Tomo XIX. GERMAN
1893 Bogotá: Jorge Roa Auerbach, Berthold. Narraciones
editor, 1899. populares de la selva negra.
COMPILATIONS Bogotá: Librería Nueva; Jorge Roa,
Contes allemands du ---. “La sirena.” editor, 1893. incl. “Ondina” by
temps passé: extraits Colección de grandes Motte Fouqué
des recueils des fréres escritores nacionales y
Grimm, et de Simrock, extranjeros. Tomo XIX. Fouqué, Friedrich de la Motte.
Bechstein, Franz Bogotá: Jorge Roa Ondina. Bogotá: Ed. J. Roa, 1893.
Hoffmann, Musaeus, editor, 1899. ---. “Ondina.” Colección de
Tieck, Schwab, Winter, grandes escritores nacionales y
etc., avec la legende de extranjeros. Tomo V. Bogotá: Jorge
Lorely. Paris: Perrin, Roa editor, 1894.
1892. ---. Ondina: precedida de una
noticia biográfica y literaria.
Bogotá: Librería Nueva Ed. Jorge
Roa, 1893.
---. Ondine. París: Henri Gautier,
1890.
Hoffmann, E. T. A. Contes
fantastiques / traduits par X.
Marmier; précédés d'une notice par
le traducteur. París: Charpentier,
1891.
---.*Hoffmanns Werke /
Herausgegeben von Viktor
Schweizer and Paul Zaunert.
Leipzig: Leipzig and Wien, n.d.
[1896?].
291
ENGLISH
Barrie, James Matthew. The Little
Minister. New York: The Americans
News Co., 1891.
ITALIAN
Amicis, Edmondo de. Cuentos
escolares. N.p., n.e., [1898?]
---. Cuore: libro per i ragazzi. Milano:
Fratelli Treves, Editori, 1896.
---. “La calle.” Libro de lecturas
escogidas en prosa y verso, para
niños y niñas. Bogotá: Tip. de
Lleras y Compañía, 1891.
---. “La escuela.” Libro de lecturas
escogidas en prosa y verso, para
niños y niñas. Bogotá: Tip. de
Lleras y Compañía, 1891.
---. “Esperanza.” Libro de lecturas
escogidas en prosa y verso, para
niños y niñas. Bogotá: Tip. de
Lleras y Compañía, 1891.
---. “El incendio.” Libro de lecturas
escogidas en prosa y verso, para
niños y niñas. Bogotá: Tip. de
Lleras y Compañía, 1891.
---. “Mi madre.” Libro de lecturas
escogidas en prosa y verso, para
niños y niñas. Bogotá: Tip. de
Lleras y Compañía, 1891.
---. “El pequeño escribiente
florentino.” Libro de lecturas
escogidas en prosa y verso, para
niños y niñas. Bogotá: Tip. de
Lleras y Compañía, 1891.
OTHER / COMPILATIONS
Apuleyo, Lucio. La metamorfosis:
ó, El asno de oro; versión
castellana hecha a fines del siglo
XV, por Diego López de
Cortegana. Madrid: Vda. de
292
Hernando, 1890.
*) Library remark to indicate that the book was donated from a private collection.
Appendix 2
GERMAN
Arnim, Achim von and Clemens
Brentano. Des Knaben Wunderhorn.
Berlin: Deutsches Verlagshaus Bong ,
n.d. (1900? =y BppM)
ENGLISH
Barrie, James Matthew. Peter Pan in
Kensington Gardens. New York: Charles
294
ITALIAN
Amicis, Edmondo de. Cuentos
escolares. Bogotá: Ed. Nueva, 1909.
---. “Evangelina.” Colección de grandes
escritores nacionales y extranjeros.
Bogotá: Jorge Roa, 1909.
OTHER / COMPILATIONS
Colección de grandes escritores
nacionales y extranjeros. Bogotá: Jorge
Roa, 1909.
ENGLISH
Dickens, Charles. “El vendedor
ambulante.” Lecturas Populares:
Suplemento Literario de El Tiempo
(Bogotá). Vol. 1, No.10-843 (1914): 293-
322.
OTHER
Bernal. Rodolfo D., ed. Libro de lecturas
escogidas en prosa y verso para niños y
niñas. 6th ed. Bogotá: Librería
Colombiana Camacho Roldán & Tamayo,
1910.
GERMAN
Bonsels, Waldemar. Die Biene Maya und
1920 ihre Abenteuer. Berlin und Leipzig:
cont. Schuster & Löffler, 1920.
Hoffmann, E. T. A. El cascanueces y el
rey de los ratones. Madrid: Ed. Calpe,
1922.
---. *Les contes d'Hoffmann: opéra en
quatre actes / paroles de J. Barbier;
musique de J. Offenbach. Paris:
Calmann-Lévy Editeurs, 1927.
---. Cuentos. Madrid: Calpe, 1923.
---. Cuentos / Hoffmann. Trans. C.
Gallardo de Mesa. Madrid: Calpe, 1922.
---. Cuentos fantásticos. Barcelona:
Imp. de la Renaxensa, n.d.
---. Don Juán. Madrid: Calpe, 1922.
---. Martín el tonelero y sus oficiales.
Madrid: Calpe, 1923.
ENGLISH
Barrie, James Matthew. Peter Pan y
Wendy: la historia del niño que no
quiso crecer. Barcelona: Ed. Juventud,
1925.
ITALIAN
Basile, Giovanni. *Il pentamerone: or the
Tale of Tales. New York: Liveright
Publishing Corporation, 1927.
OTHER
Apuleyo, Lucio. *La metamorfosis: o, el
asno de oro: novela. Madrid: Calpe,
1920.
---.* La metamorfosis: o, el asno de
oro, novela. Madrid: Tipográfica
Renovación, 1920.
ENGLISH
Browning, Robert. The Pied Piper of
Hamelin. Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott
Co., 1934?
ITALIAN
Amicis, Edmondo de. Corazón: diario de
un niño. Santiago de Chile: Ed.
Nascimento, 1939.
---. “La calle.” Chanchito
OTHER
Faucett, L. W. *Robin Hood and other
stories. Illust. Grace Lodge. London:
Oxford University Press, 1933.
Religiosa, 1943.
---. El banquete de Justina. Barcelona:
1940 Ed. Religiosa, 1948.
cont. --. Un bon petit diable. Paris: Editions GP,
1945.
---. *Un buen diablillo. Buenos Aires:
Editorial Difusión, 1944.
---. Después de la lluvia, el buen
tiempo. Buenos Aires: Ed. Molino, 1947.
---. El diablillo. Buenos Aires: Molino ,
1945
---. Diloy le chemineau. Montréal: Eds.
Variétés, 1942.
---. Los dos ilusos. Barcelona: Ed.
Religiosa, 1946.
---. Eloy el vagabundo. Barcelona: Ed.
Religiosa, 1946.
---. Francisco el jorobado. Barcelona:
Ed.
Religiosa, 1946.
---. El General Dourakine. Buenos Aires:
Ed. Difusión, S.A., 1945.
---. El General Dourakine. Trans. Isolina
Torres Cabrera de Dato Montero. Illust.
Carolina Bernal. Buenos Aires: Molina,
1945.
---. Juan el risueño y Juan el gruñón.
Buenos Aires: Ed. Difusión, S.A., 1946.
---. El mal consejero. Barcelona: Ed.
Religiosa, 1947.
---. Más vale maña que fuerza.
Barcelona: Ed. Religiosa, 1947.
---. La posada del ángel de la guarda.
Buenos Aires: Difusión, 1944.
---. Las travesuras de Sofía. Buenos
Aires: Difusión, 1944.
---. Las travesuras de Sofía. Barcelona:
Ed. Religiosa, 1946.
---. Valentín o a todo pecado:
misericordia. Barcelona: Ed. Religiosa,
1947.
ENGLISH
Barrie, James Matthew. *El admirable
Crichton y El bosque encantado.
Trans. Pedro Lecuona. Buenos Aires:
Editorial Sudamericana, 1948.
14.
---. Canción de navidad. Santiago de
1940 Chile: Zig-Zag, 1944.
cont. *Henty, G. A. The Cat of Bubastes.
London: Longmans, Green, 1941.
ITALIAN
Amicis, Edmondo de. Corazón. Buenos
Aires: José Ballesta, 1943.
OTHER / COMPILATIONS
*Fables and fairy-tales / simplified by
Michael West. London: Longmans Green,
1946.
otros cuentos. México: ---. Cuentos. Barcelona: otras narraciones. Trans. Teodoro Llorente. Illust. Andre Pec.
Ed. Renacimiento, 1959. Editorial Juventud, 1957. Maria Teresa Vernet. Prol. México: Renacimiento, 1959.
1950 Emiliano M Aguilera. ---. Fables / Jean de, La Fontaine. Illust.
cont. ---. Buntes spiel / Brüder
Grimm. Wiesbaden: Insel-
---. Cuentos completos.
Trans. Salvador Brody
Barcelona: Editorial Iberia,
1952. (2x)
Gaston Barret. Paris: Arc-En Ciel, 1950-
51.
Verlag, 1958. Luque, Jose A. Fernandez ---. Cuentos de Perrault. ---. Fables, contes et nouvelles / La
Romero. Madrid: Aguilar, Buenos Aires: Hachette, Fontaine; texte établi et annoté para
---. Cuentos completos 1957. 1952. René Groos (fables) et par Jacques
de los hermanos Schiffrin (contes); préface D'Edmond
Grimm. Barcelona: ----. Cuentos completos. ---. Cuentos de Perrault. Pilon et René Groos. Paris: Librairie
Editorial Labor, 1955. Trans. Francisco Payarols. Adapt. J. Alcantara Tarifa. Gallimard, 1954.
Barcelona: Editorial Labor, Illust. Jaime Juez. ---. La Fontaine's Fables. Trans. into
---. Cuentos de Grimm. 1959. Barcelona; Bogotá: Ed. English verse by Sir Edward Marsh.
Trans. Maria Luz Morales. Bruguera, 1958. London: E. P. Dutton, 1952.
Barcelona: Ed. Juventud, ---. Cuentos de Andersen.
1955. Illust. Osvaldo A. Camblor. ---. Cuentos de Perrault. Saint- Exupéry, Antoine de. Der kleine
2nd ed. Buenos Aires: Ed. Barcelona: Bruguera, 1959. Prinz : mit Zeichnungen des Verfassers.
---. La flauta mágica y Sigmar, 1958. Düsseldorf: Karl Rauch Verlag, 1958.
otras fábulas. Zalla: Eds. ---. The Fairy Tales. Trans. ---. El principito. Trans. Bonifacio del
Paulinas, 1956. ---. Cuentos de Andersen. Geoffrey Brereton. Carril. Buenos Aires: Emecé, 1951.
Barcelona: Editorial Middlesex: Penguin books,
---. The Golden Goose by Bruguera, 1959. 1957. Ségur, Sophie (Rostopchine). La biblia
the Brothers Grimm. New de la abuelita. Barcelona: Ed. Lib.
York: Simon and ---. Cuentos de hadas de ---. Pulgarcito. Bilbao: Ed. Religiosa, 1956.
Schuster, 1954. Andersen. Trans. Alfonso Fher, 1957. ---. Después de la lluvia, el sol: (novela
Nadal. Illust. Feixas. 3ª. para niñas). Madrid: Aguilar, 1950.
---. Grimm Fairy Tales Serie. Barcelona: Ed. ---. Pulgarcito y otros ---. La fortuna de Gaspar. Barcelona:
[sound recording]. New Molino, 1958. cuentos. México: Editorial Ed. Religiosa, 1959.
York: Caedmon, [1958?]. Renacimiento, 1959. ---. Los hechos de los apóstoles.
---. Cuentos de hadas de Barcelona: Ed. Lib. Religiosa, 1955.
---. Die Hausmärchen der Andersen. Trans. H.C. ---. Riquete, el del copete. ---. Juan que llora y Juan que ríe.
grimmschen, Märchen, Granch. Illust. Alejandro Barcelona: Ed. Bruguera, Madrid: Aguilar, 1950.
erster, Teil [sic]. Leipzig: Coll. 2ª serie. Barcelona: 1956. ---. Memorias de un burro (novela para
Im Insel-Verlag, 1958. Ed. Molino, 1959. niños). Madrid: Aguilar, 1950.
---. Las niñas modelo. Madrid: Aguilar,
---. Libro de cuentos ---. Cuentos de Hans COMPILATIONS 1958.
ilustrado: 10 láminas en Andersen. Barcelona: Perrault et al. Pulgarcito y ---. Los niños buenos. Madrid: Aguilar,
color con los más Editorial Juventud, 1957. otros cuentos / de Carlos 1950.
bonitos cuentos de los (2x) Perrault, Madame ---. Nuevos cuentos de hadas. Trans.
hermanos Grimm. D'Aulnoy y Madame Matilde Ras. Madrid: Aguilar, 1955.
Madrid: A. A. A., n.d. ---. Cuentos infantiles. Leprincipe de Beaumont. ---. Qué encanto de chiquilla. Madrid:
[1950?] Adapt. Federico Torres. México: Editorial Aguilar, 1950.
Illust. M.S. Laffitte. Madrid: Renacimiento, 1959. ---. En vacaciones (novela para niñas).
---. Más cuentos de Ed. Hernando, 1957. Madrid: Aguilar, 1956.
Grimm / Jacob Ludwig, Perrault et al. La bella
Karl Grimm. Adapt. ---. Die kleine Meerjungfrau durmiente del bosque y
Manuel Vallvé. Illust. und die wilden Schwäne: otros cuentos. México: Ed. GERMAN
Homs. 4th ed. Las obras zwei Märchen. Bern: Alfred Renacimiento, 1959. Bonsels, Waldemar. Maya la abeja y sus
maestras al alcance de Scherz Verlag, [1959?] [ incl. Aulnoy, Perrault, aventuras. Barcelona: Ed. Juventud,
los niños. Barcelona: Ségur, etc.;] 1953.
Editorial Araluce, 1956. ---. Más historias de Hans
Andersen. Barcelona: Ed. Brentano, Clemens. Baron Hupsenstich:
---. La mujer del Araluce, n.d. [1952?] ein Märchen. Erschienen (sic): Insel-
pescador. Barcelona: Ed. Verlag, 1951.
Bruguera, 1956. ---. Der Reisekamerad und ---. Gedichte, Erzählungen, Märchen.
andere Märchennovellen. Zürich: Manesse Verlag, 1958.
---. Mutiges Herz und Stuttgart: Reclam-Verlag, ---. Geschichte vom braven Kasperl und
starke Hand. Stuttgart: Im 1950. dem schönen Annerl / Clemens Brentano.
Insel-Verlag, 1958. Illust. Hans Meid. Wiesbaden: Im Insel-
---. Seis cuentos del Verlag, 1956.
---. Los seis que todo lo escritor danés Hans
pueden. Barcelona: Ed. Christian Andersen Busch, Wilhelm. Hans Huckebein: der
Bruguera, 1956. editados en ocasión del Unglucksrabe / Wilhelm Busch. Hamburg:
150 aniversario de su Rowohlt, 1956.
nacimiento. Illust. Vilehlm ---. Max y Moritz: eine Bildergeschichte in
COMPILATIONS Pedersen. Copenhague: sieben streichen. Hamburg: Rowohlt
Rumpelstilsltskin / by the Det Berlingske Bogtrykkeri, Taschenbuch Ausgabe, 1959.
brother Grimm and The 1955. ---. Roque y Juan: una historieta para
Princess and the Pea / by niños en siete aventuras. Trans.
Hans Christian ---. Tales of Hans Christian Enrique Pérez Arbeláez. Bogotá:
304
Hoffmann. E. T. A. El Cascanueces de
Nuremberg: novela para niñas de 8 a
16 años / Ernst Theodor Amadeus
Hoffmann. Trans. Luis de F. Rubio. Illust.
Carlos Freixas. 2a. ed. Barcelona: Eds.
Hymsa, 1957.
ITALIAN
Amicis, Edmondo de. Corazón.
Barcelona: Editorial Molino, 1956.
---. Corazón. Trans. José Aurelio
Montaner. Illust. Pablo Ramírez.
Barcelona: Editorial Molino, 1958.
OTHER/COMPILATIONS
Lobato Monteiro, José. Peter Pan: el
1950 niño que no quiso crecer. Buenos
cont. Aires: Editorial Americalee, 1951.
*) Library remark to indicate that the book was donated from a private collection.
Abbreviations:
BNC=Biblioteca Nacional de Colombia;
Blaa=Biblioteca Luis Ángel Arango;
BppM=Biblioteca Pública Piloto Medellín;
IG=Instituto Goethe;
WC=WorldCat Database.
307
Appendix 3
Panamá, 1967.
---. El país de la Hoffmann, E. T. A. Contes fantastiques:
1960 fantasía. Illus. M. ---. Cuentos de Andersen. complets. París: Flammarion, 1964.
cont. Martínez Parma. Buenos
Aires: Ed. Sigmar, 1961.
Clásicos Juveniles. México:
C.I. John W. Clute, 1967.
---. Cuentos fantásticos. Trans.
Francisco Payarols. Prol. Eduardo
[incl. “Los cinco Valentí. Barcelona: Editorial Labor, 1962.
servidores,” “El agua de ---. Cuentos de Andersen. ---. Historia de una cascanueces / E. T.
la vida,” “El rey Cuervo.”] Trans. Francisco Payarols. A. Hoffmann. 2 ed. México:
Rev. Eduardo Valenti. Renacimiento, 1963.
---. El sastrecillo listo. Selección de cuentos y
---. The Tales of Hoffmann / Jacques
Illus. Constanza A. Text leyendas. Barcelona:
Offenbach. New York: Angel, [1960?].
Silvia J. Latorre. Labor, 1969.
[sound recording]
Barcelona: Ed. Mateu,
n.d. [1960s? = WC] ---. Cuentos de hadas de
Keller, Gottfried. Kleider machen Leute /
Andersen: versión
Gottfried Keller. Stuttgart: Verlag
---. El sastrecillo española de Alfonso Nadal.
Deutsche Volksbucher, 1950.
valiente. Barcelona: Ed. Illus. Emilio Freixas.
---. Die leute von Seldwyla: Erzählungen /
Molino, 1960. Barcelona: Ed. Molino,
Gottfried Keller. Leipzig: Insel-Verlag,
1960.
[1950?].
---. Die leute von Seldwyla: erster Teil /
---. Cuentos humorísticos
Gottfried Keller. Munchen: Wilhelm
y sentimentales.
Goldmann Verlag, 1957.
Barcelona: Ramón Sopena,
---. Sämtliche Werke in zwei Bänden,
1962.
Band 1 / Gottfried Keller. München:
Droemersche Verlagsanstalt, 1954.
---. La doncella del mar.
---. Siete leyendas. Trans. Alfred Cahn.
Barcelona: Molino, 1963.
Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1966.
---. Fairy Tales / by Hans
Motte-Fouquè, Friedrich de la. Ondina y
Christian Andersen. Trans.
el lago encantado. Barcelona: Labor,
E. V. Lucas, H. B. Paull.
1969.
Illus. Arthur Szyk. New
---. Ondina y el lago encantado / por La
York: Grosset Dunlap,
Motte Fouque. Trans. Irene Pérez-Dolz.
1965.
Barcelona: Labor, 1964.
---. Narraciones de
Romane und Erzählungen / Clemens
Andersen. Trans. Mariano
Brentano, Wilhelm Hauff, Adelbert von
Orta Manzano. Illus. Jaime
Chamisso et al.; mit einem Nachwort von
Azpelicueta. Barcelona:
Fritz Martini. Freiburg: Herder, 1963.
Editorial Juventud, 1967.
Siebe, Josephine. Funciones y juegos
---. El patito feo / por Hans
de Kásperle. Trans. María Campuzano.
Christian Andersen.
Barcelona: Ed. Noguer, 1961.
Buenos Aires: Coronet,
1960. [sound recording]
Schmid, Christoph von. Genoveva de
Brabante. Trans. M. Martí. 5 ed.
---. Los vestidos del
Barcelona; Buenos Aires; Bogotá: Ed.
emperador. Music by Luis
Bruguera, 1962.
Antonio Escobar. N.p.: n.e.,
---. Genoveva de Brabante: novela.
[1960?] [sound recording]
Bilbao: Ed. Vasco Americana, 1962.
---. Cuentos infantiles. Apdat. Darío
Mistral. Illust. Nadal. 3rd ed. Madrid: Ed.
Hernando, 1960.
---. El pequeño Robinson / Juan
Cristobal Schmid. Trans.María Luisa
Bayés. Barcelona: Labor, 1969.
ITALIAN
Amicis, Edmondo de. Cuore / Edmondo
de Amicis. Milano: Garzanti, 1969.
---. Corazón / Edmondo de Amicis. Adapt.
Pilar Gavin. Illust. Alfredo Ibarra. 4th ed.
Barcelona, Bogotá: Editorial Bruguera,
1963.
309
ENGLISH
Carroll, Lewis. Alice's adventures in
Wonderland; Through the Looking Glass.
Illust. John Tenniel. New York: Airmont
publishing company, 1965.
---. Alicia en el pais de las maravillas.
Adapt. María Martí. Illust. María Barrera.
3rd ed. Barcelona: Ed. Bruguera, 1963.
---. Alicia tras el espejo. Trans. Cora
Bosch. Illust. Alfredo Castagna. Buenos
Aires: Atlantida, 1968.
---. En el mundo del espejo:
continuación de Alicia en el país de las
maravillas. Trans. M. Manent. Illust. J.
Tenniel. 2nd ed. Barcelona: Editorial
Juventud, 1969.
OTHERS/COMPILATIONS
Cuentos y leyendas. Bilbao: Ed. Vasco
Americana, 1962.
[incl. Grimm, Andersen, Carroll, etc.]
Caperucita Roja. Mis ---. Cuentos infantiles de ---. Cuentos / Charles Kastner, Erich. Emil un die detektive: ein
cuentos favoritos. Andersen. Illus. Paul Perrault. Illus. Pere Torné Roman für Kinder. Illus. Walter Trier.
Bogotá: Norma, 1975. Durand. Madrid: Susaeta, Esquinas. Trans. Lorenzo Hamburg: Cecelie Dressler Verlag; Zürich:
1974. Pacheco et al. Madrid: Atrium Verlag, 1979.
Caperucita Roja. Ediciones Alfaguara, 1979. ---. Die Schildburger / Nacherzählt von
Panorama. Bogotá: ---. Diez cuentos famosos Erich Kastner mit vielen Bildern von
Norma, 1975. / Hans Christian ---. Cuentos / Charles Eberhard Binder-Stassfurt. Zurich: Otto
Andersen. Biblioteca Perrault. Illust. Staal y Maier Verlag Ravensburg, 1971.
---. Caperucita roja / colombiana de cultura: Rackham. 3rd ed. México: ---. Till Eulenspiegel: (el espejo y búo).
Wilhelm Grimm y Colección popular 70. Porrúa, 1979. Trans. , Illust. Felipe de Romana Gelada.
Jacobo Grimm. Bogotá: Instituto Ed. José María Carandell. 2nd ed.
Barcelona: Lumen, 1975. Colombiano de Cultura, ---. Cuentos / Charles Barcelona: Editorial La Gaya Ciencia,
1973. Perrault. Illus. Staal y 1979.
---. The Complete Rackham. Prologue María ---. Till Eulenspiegel el payaso. Trans.
Grimm's FairyTales / ---. Historias de Hans Admée Alvarez. México: Ana Weyland ; ilustrado por Walter Trier.
Jacob y Wilhelm Grimm. Andersen. Santiago de Editorial Porrúa, 1979. Buenos Aires: Eds. Orión, 1974.
Intro. Padriac Colum; Chile: Zig-Zag, n.d. (1940-
folkloristic commentary by 1985?) ---. Cuentos de antaño / Kühn, Dieter. Der Herr der fliegenden
Joseph Campbell. Illus. Charles Perrault. Trans. Fische: ein Märchen. Illus. Wilhelm
Josef Scharl. New York: ---. El jabalí de bronce / H. Cecilio Navarro. Illus. Bieber. Frankfurt am Main: Insel Verlag,
Pantheon books, 1972. C. Andersen. Madrid: Gustavo Doré. Barcelona: 1979.
Susaeta, 1970. Editorial La Gaya Ciencia,
---. El conejo Pedrito / 1979. ITALIAN
Jacob Ludwig Karl ---. The Little Mermaid: a Collodi, Carlo. Las aventuras de
Grimm, Wilhelm Karl Fairy Tale. Intro. Erik Dal. ---. Cuentos de Perrault. Pinocho. Madrid: Vulcano, 1972.
Grimm. Mis cuentos Trans. David Hohnen. Illus. Paul Durand. Madrid: ---. Las aventuras de Pinocho. Trans.
favoritos. Bogotá: Norma, Copenhagen: Host & Son, Susaeta Ediciones, 1975. Ma. Esther Benítez Eiroa. Illus. Attilio
1975? 1977. Mussino. Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1972.
---. Cuentos de Perrault / ---. Pinocchio / Carlo Collodi. Illus. Gioia
---. Cuentos / Jacob ---. The magic world of Charles Perrault. Madrid: Fiammenghi. Trans. E. Harden.
Ludwig y Wilhelm Karl Hans Christian Andersen / Susaeta, 1975. Middlesex: Puffin Books, 1974.
Grimm. Ed. and Trans. by Harvey Arden; ---. Pinocho. México: Diana, 1978.
Pedro Gálvez. Madrid: photographs by Sisse ---. Cuentos: Griselda, piel ---. Pinocho / Carlo Lorenzini. Illus.
Alianza Editorial, 1976. Brimberg. National de asno, los deseos Monserrat Torres. Ed. Armonía
311
---. Rapunzel /
hermanos Grimm. Illus.
Bernadette. Trans.
Esther Tusquets.
Barcelona: Editorial
Lumen, 1974.
---. El sastrecillo
valiente / Jakob Ludwig
Karl Grimm. Barcelona:
Artes Gráf. Cobas, 1977.
---. El sastrecillo
valiente / por Jacobo
Grimm. Ed. Carlos A.
Cornejo. Illus. Chíqui de
la Fuente. Barcelona:
Editorial Planeta, 1978.
Editorial Bedout, 1983. Felipe Garrido. Madrid: Perrault. Illus. Roberto Maria Carandell. 2a. ed. Barcelona:
Alianza editorial, 1985. Innocenti. Trans. Joëlle Gaya Ciencia, 1980.
---. Caperucita roja / Eyheramonno. Madrid: ---. La maravillosa historia de Peter
1980 Wilhelm y Jacobo
Grimm. Infantil Bedout.
---. El patito feo / Hans
Christian Andersen.
Ediciones Generales Anaya,
1984.
Schlemihl. Illust. George Cruikshank,
Emil Pretorius. España: Anaya, ENE
cont. Medellín: Bedout, 1983. Alegría. Medellín: Edilux, 1982.
1989. ---. La cenicienta / de ---. La maravillosa historia de Peter
---. La casita del bosque Perrault. Adapt. Julia Schlemihl / Adelbert von Chamisso.
/ Jakob Ludwig Karl ---. El patito feo / Hans Tornero, Juan Bautista Madrid: Anaya , 1985
Grimm. Illust. Roser Christian Andersen. Fernández. Illust. José ---. La maravillosa historia de Peter
Puig. Adapt. Araceli de Trans Jesús Villamizar. Ramón Sánchez. Madrid: Schlemihl: o el hombre que perdió su
Gracia. Barcelona: Plaza Illus. Barilli et al. Cuentos Algaida, 1988. sombra / Adelbert de Chamisso von.
& Janés, 1981. para soñar. Bogotá: Educar Trans. J. Prat. Ed. José Ma. Carandell.
Cultural y Recreativa, Cenicienta: un libro Barcelona: Editorial Pomaire, 1980.
La casita de chocolate. 1989. mágico. Diseño de Jhon
Illlus. Teresa y M. Strejan. Illus. Linda Griffith, Hauff, Wilhelm. El califa cigüeña /
Angeles. Madrid: ---. El patito feo; El Tor Lokvig. Bogotá: Norma, Guillermo Hauff. Illust. Enrique J.
Grafalco, 1986. soldadito de plomo / 1986. Vieytes. Buenos Aires: Sigmar, 1986.
Hans Christian Andersen. ---. Historia del Califa cigüeña / Wilhem
La cenicienta / M. C. Illust. Susana Santamaria. ---. La cenicienta y el Hauff. Trans. Enrique Sánchez Pascual.
Bernal, et al. Illlus. Octavi Colección infantil Bedout 7. enanito saltarín / Charles Illust. Philippe Dumas. Barcelona:
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316
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John Musker, Ron [1969]. Carroll, Lewis. Alicia en el país de las
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del hogar / Jacob Disney Pictures; Bogotá: ---. El gato con botas / Jaime de Ojeda. 12th ed. Libro de bolsillo:
Ludwig Karl Grimm. Magnavista [distributor], Charles Perrault. Illust. J. Sección Literatura 276. Madrid: Alianza,
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J. S. Grau. Bogotá: Adapt. Carlo Frabetti. Illust. ---. Cuentos escogidos / Oscar Wilde.
---. El enano saltarín / Intermedio Editores, 1986. Horacio Elena. Mi primera Versión Inés Luque M. y Camilo
J.W. Grimm. Illus. Agustí biblioteca 36. Bogotá: Oveja Moncada. Textos fundamentales. Santafé
Asensio. Barcelona: ---. La sombra y otros Negra, 1983. de Bogotá: Servicio Colombiano de
Multilibro, 1988. cuentos / Hans Christian Comunicación Social, 1983.
Andersen. Prol. Ana María ---. Juan sin miedo / Ch. ---. El ruiseñor y la rosa: y otros
---. El enano tremontino Matute. Trad. Alberto Perrault. Illust. Jose M. cuentos / Oscar Wilde. Medellín:
/ Jacob y Whilhem Adell. 3rd ed. Madrid: Lavarello. Adapt. Eduard Bedout, 1986.
Grimm. Trans. Jesús Alianza Editorial, 1973. José. Barcelona: Multilibro, ---.El ruiseñor y la rosa: y otros
Villamizar. Cuentos para 1988. cuentos / Oscar Wilde. Clásicos
soñar. Bogotá: Educar ---. La sombra y otros universales Edilux. Medellín: Edilux
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cuentos de Grimm. Ed. Adell. Madrid: Alianza Carvajal: Caracol Televisión, 1984.
Lore Segal y Maurice Editorial, 1984. ---. Piel de asno / Charles
1980 Sendak. Illus. Maurice
Sendak. Trans. H. ---. La sombra y otros
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Editorial Lumen, 1989. Andersen. Prol. Ana María 21. Bogotá: Oveja Negra, Libros animados Panorama. Bogotá:
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Adapt. Julia Tornero, ---. El traje nuevo del Beascoa, 1987.
Juan Bautista Fernández. emperador. Text Emilio Pulgarcito. Madrid: Juegos
Madrid: Algaida, 1988. Pascual; Hans Christian Educativos Dinova, 1982. La bella durmiente. Libros animados
Andersen. Illus. Joseph Panorama. Bogotá: Norma, 1983.
---. Hans mein Igel / Sharples. Madrid: Grupo ---. Pulgarcito. Adapt. Carlo
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Hausmärchen der Brüder Elena. Mi primera biblioteca Trans. Jesús Villamizar H., Consuelo
Grimm; erzählt von Sarah ---. El traje del emperador 6. Bogotá: Oveja Negra, Gaitán G. Bogotá: Educar Cultural
Kirsch mit Bildern von y otros cuentos / H. C. 1983. Recreativa, 1986. [24 vol. incl. Grimms,
Paula Schmidt. Koln: Andersen. Madrid: Andersen, Bechstein, etc.]
Gertrud Middelhauve Montena-Canal, 1982. ---. Pulgarcito / Charles
Verlag, 1980. Perrault. Illust. Chiqui de la Caperucita roja / texto e ilustraciones
---. El traje nuevo del Fuente. Adpat. Carlos A. Tony Ross. Trans. Miguel A. Diéguez.
---. Hansel y Gretel. emperador / H. C. Cornejo. Barcelona: Madrid: Ediciones Altea, 1982.
Libros animados. Bogotá: Andersen. Barcelona: Planeta, 1980.
Norma, 1985. Multilibro, 1989. Caperucita Roja y 23 cuentos más.
---. Pulgarcito / Charles Adapt. P. Guirao. Barcelona: Ediciones
---. Hansel y Gretel / Los ---. El traje nuevo del Perrault; Lidia Postma. Beascoa, 1987.
hermanos Grimm. Illus. emperador / Hans Barcelona: Editorial Lumen,
Anthony Browne. León Christian Andersen. 1987. Caperucita Roja; El soldadito de
(España): Editorial Barcelona: La Galera, plomo; La casita de chocolate; Los tres
Everest, 1982. 1981. ---. Pulgarcito / de cerditos. San Sebastián: Ediciones A.
Perrault. Illust. José Ramón Saldaña Ortega, 1987.
---. Hansel y Gretel / ---. El traje nuevo del Sánchez. Adpat. Julia
Hermanos Grimm. emperador / Hans Tornero, Juan Bautista La cenicienta: y 11 cuentos más.
Adapt. Carlos Frabetti. Christian Andersen. Illus. Fernández. Madrid: Algaida, Barcelona: Ediciones Beascoa, 1987
Illus.Horacio Elena. Mi Helene Desputeaux. Trans. 1988.
primera biblioteca 2. María Victoria Martínez Colección fábulas universales. Illust.
Bogotá: Oveja Negra, Vega. León (España): ---. Pulgarcito / texto Nikolai Ustinov. Bilbao: Publicaciones
1983. Editorial Everest, 1986. Charles Perrault. Illust. Fher, 1986.
Barilli et al. Trans. Jesús
---. Hansel y Gretel / ---. El valiente soldadito Villamizar H. Bogotá: Fabbri, Cuéntame un cuento / narrados por Sarah
Hermanos Grimm. de plomo / Hans 1989. Hayes. Trans. María Puncel. Illust. David
Bogotá: Discos CBS S.A., Christian Andersen. Illis. Scott et al. Madrid: Ediciones Altea, 1986.
1986. [sound recording] Mónica Laimgruber. ---. Riquete el del copete / [incl. Perrault, Grimm, Andersen, etc.]
Trans.José Emilio Charles Perrault.
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Hermanos Grimm. Illus. Alianza, 1985. Adapt. Eugenio Sotillos. Illus. María
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W. Grimm. Illus. Negra, 1983. 1981.
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Jacob y Wilhelm 1984.
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318
---. El pájaro
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Anaya, 1984.
---. El pescador y su
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Generales Anaya, 1984.
---. El pescador y su
mujer / Jacob Grimm y
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320
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José Ramón Sánchez.
Adapt. Julia Tornero,
Juan Bautista Fernández.
Madrid: Algaida, 1988.
---. El sastrecillo
valiente. Colección delfin
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---. El sastrecillo
valiente / Jakob Ludwig
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321
Appendix 4
27. Die Bremer Stadtmusikanten (The Bremen Los músicos de Brema (2)
Town Musicians) Los músicos de Brema (4)
Los músicos viajeros (8)
Los músicos de Brema (9)
Los músicos de Brema (10)
Los músicos de Brema (11)
28. Der singende Knochen (The Singing Bone) El hueso cantor (4)
29. Der Teufel mit den drei goldenen Haaren Un joven afortunado (2)
(The Devil with the Three Golden Hairs) Los tres pelos de oro del diablo (4)
Los tres pelos de oro del duendecillo (7)
El gigante de los tres cabellos del oro (8)
30. Läuschen und Flöhchen (Louse and the Flea) El Piojito y la Pulguita (4)
31. Das Mädchen ohne Hände (The Maiden La doncella sin manos (4)
without Hands)
32. Der gescheite Hans (Clever Hans) Juan el listo (4)
Juan el listo (5)
Juan el listo (5a)
33. Die drei Sprachen(The Three Languages) Las tres lenguas (4)
34. Die kluge Else (Clever Else) Juana la lista (2)
Elsa la lista (4)
Elsa, la lista (7)
35. Der Schneider im Himmel El sastre en el cielo (4)
(The Tailor in Heaven)
36. Tischchen deck dich, Goldesel und Knüppel Los tres hermanos (2)
aus dem Sack (The Magic Table, the Gold La mesa, el asno y el bastón maravilloso (4)
Donkey, and the Club in the Sack) La mesa, el asno y el bastón maravilloso (7)
La mesa, el asno y el palo (8)
La mesa, el burro de oro y el palo brincador (10)
La mesa, el burro de oro y el palo pegador (11)
37. Daumesdick (Thumbling) Pulgarín (1)
Pulgarcito (2)
Pulgarcito (4)
Pulgarcito (8)
Pulgarcito (9)
Pulgarcito (10)
Pulgarcito (11)
38. Die Hochzeit der Frau Füchsin (The Wedding La boda de la dama raposa. Cuento 1-2 (4)
of Mrs. Fox - 2 Parts) La boda de la señora Zorra + Otro cuento (5)
La boda de la señora Zorra + Otro cuento (5a)
La boda de la señora zorra (10)
39. Die Wichtelmänner (The Elves – 3 Parts) Los duendecillos. Cuento 1-3 (4)
Los duendes y el zapatero (5)
Los duendes y el zapatero (5a)
El zapatero y los duendes (8)
Los duendes y el zapatero (10)
40. Der Räuberbräutigam (The Robber La novia del bandolero (4)
Bridegroom)
41. Herr Korbes (Herr Korbes) El señor Korbes (4)
42. Der Herr Gevatter (The Godfather) El señor padrino (4)
43. Frau Trude (Mother Trude) Dama duende (4)
44. Der Gevatter Tod (Godfather Death) El ahijado de la Muerte (2)
La muerte madrina (4)
El ahijado de la muerte (9)
326
112. Der Dreschflegel vom Himmel (The Fleshing El mayal del cielo (4)
Flail from Heaven)
113. De beiden Künigeskinner (The Two Kings' Los dos príncipes (4)
Children)
114. Vom klugen Schneiderlein (The Clever Little El sastrecillo listo (2)
Tailor) El sastrecillo listo (4)
Los tres sastres (8)
El sastrecillo listo (10)
El sastrecillo listo (11)
115. Die klare Sonne bringts an den Tag (The El sol revelador (4)
Bright Sun Will Bring It to Light)
116. Das blaue Licht (The Blue Light) La lámpara azul (4)
La luz azul (5)
La luz azul (5a)
330
118. Die drei Feldscherer (The Three Army Los tres cirujanos (4)
Surgeons)
119. Die sieben Schwaben (The Seven Swabians) Los siete suabos (4)
120. Die drei Handwerksburschen (The Three Los tres operarios (4)
Journeymen)
121.Der Königssohn, der sich vor nichts El príncipe intrépido (4)
fürchtet (The Prince Who Feared Nothing)
122. Der Krautesel (The Lettuce Donkey) La lechuga prodigiosa (4)
La lechuga (5)
La lechuga (5a)
La ensalada (10)
123. Die Alte im Wald (The Old Woman in the La vieja del bosque (4)
Forest)
124. Die drei Brüder (The Three Brothers) Los tres hermanos (4)
125. Der Teufel und seine Großmutter (The Devil El diablo y su abuela (4)
and His Grandmother)
126. Ferenand getrü und Ferenand ungetrü Fernando Leal y Fernando Desleal (4)
(Faithful Ferdinand Infaithful Ferdinand)
127. Der Eisenofen (The Iron Stove) El horno de hierro (4)
128. Die faule Spinnerin (The Lazy Spinner) La hilandera holgazana (4)
129. Die vier kunstreichen Brüder (The Four Los cuatro talismanes (2)
Skillful Brothers) Los cuatro hermanos ingeniosos (4)
Cuatro hermanillos listos (5)
Cuatro hermanillos listos (5a)
Los cuatro hermanos hábiles (6)
Los cuatro habilidosos hermanos (8)
Los cuatro hermanos ingeniosos (10)
Los cuatro hermanos ingeniosos (11)
130. Einäuglein, Zweiäuglein und Dreiäuglein Un Ojito, Dos Ojitos y Tres Ojitos (4)
(One-Eye, Two-Eyes, and Three-Eyes)
131. Die schöne Katrinelje und Pif Paf Poltrie La bello Catalinita y Pif Paf Poltri (4)
(Pretty Katrinelya and Pif Paf Poltree)
132. Der Fuchs und das Pferd (The Fox and the La zorra y el caballo (4)
Horse) El zorro y el caballo (5)
El zorro y el caballo (5a)
El zorro y el caballo (10)
133. Die zertanzten Schuhe (The Worn-out Las princesas bailadoras (4)
Dancing Shoes) Las doce princesas bailarinas (8)
134. Die sechs Diener (The Six Servants) Los seis criados (4)
Los seis sirvientes (8)
135. Die weiße und die schwarze Braut (The La novia blanca y la novia negra (2)
White Bride and the Black Bride) La novia blanca y la novia negra (4)
La novia blanca y la novia negra (10)
136. Der Eisenhans (Iron Hans) Juan de hierro (4)
Juan de hierro (5)
Juan de hierro (5a)
Juan de hierro (10)
137. De drei schwatten Prinzessinnen (The Las tres princesas negras (4)
Three Black Princesses)
138. Knoist un sine dre Sühne (Knoist and His Knoist y sus tres hijos (4)
331
Three Sons)
139. Dat Mäken von Brakel (The Maiden from La muchacha de Brakel (4)
Brakel)
140. Das Hausgesinde (The Domestic Servants) Los fámulos (4)
141. Das Lämmchen und Fischchen (The Little El corderillo y el pececillo (4)
Lamb and the Little Fish)
142. Simeliberg (Simelei Mountain) Monte Simeli (4)
Monte Semsi (7)
Monte Simeli (10)
143. Up Reisen gohn (Going Traveling) Inconvenientes de correr mundo (4)
144. Das Eselein (The Donkey) El borriquillo (4)
145. Der undankbare Sohn (The Ungrateful Son) El hijo ingrato (4)
151. Die drei Faulen (The Three Lazy Sons) Los tres haraganes (4)
151*. Die zwölf faulen Knecht (The Twelve Lazy Los doce haraganes (4)
Servants)
152. Das Hirtenbüblein (The Little Shepherd Boy) El zagalillo (4)
El grifo (4)
El pájaro Grifo (9)
El pájaro Grifo (10)
166. Der starke Hans (Strong Hans) El fornido Juan (4)
Juan el fuerte (6)
167. Das Bürle im Himmel (The Peasant in El pobre campesino en el cielo (4)
Heaven)
168. Die hagere Liese (Lean Lisa) Elisa, la flaca (4)
169. Das Waldhaus (The House in the Forest) La casita del bosque (2)
La casa del bosque (4)
La casa del bosque (7)
La casa del bosque (10)
170. Lieb und Leid teilen (Sharing Joys and Hay que compartir las penas y las alegrías (4)
Sorrows)
171. Der Zaunkönig (The Wren) El reyezuelo (4)
172. Die Scholle (The Flounder) La platija (4)
173. Rohrdommel und Wiedehopf (The Bittern El alcaraván y la abubilla (4)
and Hoopoe)
174. Die Eule (The Owl) El buho (4)
175. Der Mond (The Moon) La luna (4)
176. Die Lebenszeit (The Life Span) La duración de la vida (4)
177. Die Boten des Todes (The Messengers of Los mensajeros de la muerte (4)
Death)
178. Meister Pfriem (Master Pfriem) Cascarrabias (4)
179. Die Gänsehirtin am Brunnen (The Goose La vieja de los gansos (2)
Girl at the Spring) La pastora de ocas en la fuente (4)
La pastora de ocas en la fuente (7)
La pastora en la fuente (10)
180. Die ungleichen Kinder Evas (Eve's Unequal Los desiguales hijos de Eva (4)
Children)
181. Die Nixe im Teich (The Nixie in the Pond) La ondina del estanque (4)
La ondina del estanque (6)
La ondina del estanque (7)
182. Die Geschenke des kleinen Volkes (The Los gnomos de la montaña (2)
Gifts of the Little Folk) Los regalos de los gnomos (4)
Los regalos de los duendes (10)
183. Der Riese und der Schneider (The Giant and El gigante y el sastre (4)
the Tailor)
184. Der Nagel (The Nail) El clavo (4)
185. Der arme Junge im Grab (The Poor Boy in El pobre niño en la tumba (4)
the Grave)
186. Die wahre Braut (The True Bride) La novia verdadera (4)
187. Der Hase und der Igel (The Hare and the Quien de los dos corre mas? (2)
Hedgehog) La liebre y el erizo (4)
¿Cual de los dos corre mas? (10)
188. Spindel, Weberschiffchen und Nadel El huso, la lanzadera y la aguja (4)
(Spindle, Shuttle, and Needle) Huso, lanzadera y aguja (6)
El huso, la lanzadera y la aguja (10)
189. Der Bauer und der Teufel (The Peasant and El labrador y el diablo (4)
the Devil) El labrador y el diablo (10)
190. Die Brosamen auf dem Tisch (The Crumbs Las migajas de la mesa (4)
on the Table)
191. Das Meerhäschen (The Little Hamster From El lebrato marino (4)
the Water)
192. Der Meisterdieb (The Master Thief) El rey de los ladrones (4)
333
1
The titles of the Grimm’s original stories are taken from Hans-Jörg Uther’s Deutsche Märchen und Sagen.
2
The English titles are taken form Jack Zipes’s Complete Fairy Tales of the Brothers Grimm.
Sources:
The concordance of Spanish titles identifies the content of twelve editions discussed in this study. The titles
are taken from the following sources:
(1) Cuentos y leyendas de los hermanos Grimm (Barcelona: J. Roura, 1893)
(2) Cuentos escogidos (Madrid: Calleja, 1896)
(2a) Chanchito (Bogotá, 1933-34)
(3) Libro de cuentos ilustrado (Madrid: A.A.A., 1950)
(4) Cuentos completos de los hermanos Grimm (Barcelona: Labor, 1955)
(5) Cuentos de Grimm, illust. Rackham (Barcelona: Juventud, 1935, 1955)
(5a) Cuentos de Grimm, illust. Rackham (Barcelona: Juventud, 1971, 1985, 1990)
(6) Blanca Nieve y otros cuentos (México: Renacimiento, 1959, 1963)
(7) Cuentos de Grimm (Barcelona, Bogotá: 1958,1961)
(8) Cuentos de hadas de Grimm (Barcelona: Molino, 1960)
334
(9) Los mejores cuentos infantiles del mundo (Bogotá: LEY?, 1970?)
(10) Cuentos infantiles (Medellín: Bedout, 1979)
(11) Hermanos Grimm: Cuentos (Medellín: Edilux 1990)
335
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ABSTRACT
Very limited research focusing on the reception of the Grimms’ tales exists for
Latin America. This dissertation provides insight into the introduction, dissemination,
the holdings of the main public libraries; I examined the inventory of classical European
fairy tales and other writings catalogued as children and youth literature that is currently
circulating in the country. Publications from the eighteenth century until the year 2000
were examined. Grimm tales and other printed materials related to the siblings and their
and reference books, as well as critical pieces by Colombian scholars and locally
The existing bibliographic data provided insight into the historical reception and
helped us understand not only the routes of transmission and spread of the Grimms’ tales
in Colombia, but the way Colombians have come to value the Grimms, received the tales,
and responded to them. My analysis showed that only in the second half of the twentieth
369
century—in the wake of Disney’s animated fairy-tale adaptations—did the Grimms’ tales
Spanish translations play a crucial role in this study. Most of the translated Grimm
editions published up to 1950 were imported from Spain, and the tales from the Casa
Editorial Calleja were among the oldest copies located. Saturnino Calleja, a major
Colombia. Calleja’s stories generally depart from the Grimms’ original texts in both form
and content to cater to the Spanish market. Grimm editions edited and printed in the
Americas start to emerge around 1950; yet rather than being local productions, these
editions show close ties to Europe, particularly to Spain. With the breaking of the Spanish
Civil War many authors and publishers fled the country and relocated in Ibero-America.
It is therefore not surprising that manipulations to the original narratives, which inscribe
values, interests, and linguistic expressions specific to the Spanish culture, resurface
Specifically Colombian renditions are virtually non-existent until the late 1970s,
when the ENKA prize for youth literature was introduced in the country. In general,
secondhand adaptations of the Grimm tales edited in Colombia without apparent foreign
intervention, scholarly articles and publications related to the German brothers and their
legacy, and locally authored recasts of the tales are not readily found in the main
libraries, at least not for the period covered in this study, which extends only until 2000.
But however limited the supply, the few interpretations, retellings, and responses attest to
the positive and still growing reception of the Grimm tales in the country, which becomes
AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL STATEMENT
where she lived for more than thirteen years. Most of that time she spent in Germany
later, as a freelance translator of technical texts. Upon returning to the United States she
decided to change the bearings of her career and started German Studies at Wayne State
University. She received her Ph.D. in 2011. Her research interests include nineteenth-
century German literature and culture and the influence of fairy tales, in particular the
Latin America.