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1-1995

Music and Cultural Politics: Ideology and Resistance in Singapore

Lily Kong
Singapore Management University, lilykong@smu.edu.sg

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Part of the Asian Studies Commons, Music Commons, and the Sociology of Culture Commons

Citation
Kong, Lily.(1995). Music and Cultural Politics: Ideology and Resistance in Singapore. Transactions of the
Institute of British Geographers, 20(4), 447-459.
Available at: https://ink.library.smu.edu.sg/soss_research/1865

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Published in Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, Vol. 20, No. 4 (1995), pp. 447-459.
https://doi.org/10.2307/622975
447

Music and cultural politics: ideology and

resistance in Singapore
Lily Kong

This paper focuses on popular music written and produced by Singaporeans to

illustrate the nature of social relationships based on ideological hegemony and
resistance. Analysis is based on two groups of music: 'national' songs supported by
the government in the 'Sing Singapore' programme; and songs brought together in
Not the Singapore song book. Interviews with local lyricists and analysis of video
productions provide supplementary information. Music is used by the ruling dlite to
perpetuate certain ideologies aimed at political socialization and to inculcate a civil
religion that directs favour and fervour towards the nation. Music is also a form of
cultural resistance against state policies and some social-cultural norms. Music
embodies social commentaries on aspects of Singapore society, such as controversial
government policies and the ostentatious lifestyle of many Singaporeans.

key words popular music cultural politics ideology resistance Singapore

Department of Geography, National University of Singapore, 10 Kent Ridge Crescent, Singapore 0511

revised manuscript received 24 May 1994

Introduction resistance, and illustrated how culture groups are

related to each other in terms of dominance and
In their introduction to Inventing places: studies subordination
in along a scale of 'cultural power
cultural geography, Anderson and Gale (1992) drew (Clarke et al. 1976, 11). Culture groups will appro-
attention to the recent focus in cultural geography
priate the resources of other groups, transforming
and often exaggerating them as a form of protest
on the relationship between 'culture and power' and
'culture and resistance'. Such a focus has arisen out and resistance (Hall and Jefferson 1976; Hebdige
of a recognition of the plurality of culture groups1979).
in These ideas will inform my discussion of
any one society and the consequent control, conflictpopular music in Singapore.
and contestation between groups, sometimes arisingAlongside the repositioning of cultural geo-
from cultural differences, sometimes (mis)appropri- graphical attention to include notions of power and
resistance, has been the focus on the question of
ating cultural differences. Indeed, the explicit atten-
tion paid to cultural politics in the various essaysnational
in identity and the explicit recognition that
Anderson and Gale's volume form part of the such identities are often, if not always, deliberate
constructions rather than 'natural' givens. The
growing geographical literature scrutinizing these
issues in theoretical and empirical, historical and
political discourses that seek to define hegemonic
contemporary ways.' Much of this reinvigoration visions of 'nation' and 'national identity' have been
within the sub-discipline draws inspiration from,explored in a growing literature by geographers,
inter alia, cultural studies where music too has amongst others. For example, in Jackson and
received some research attention (Hebdige 1979).
Penrose's (1993) collection of essays, we find, inter
Particularly associated with the Centre for Con-
alia, discussions of how policies on immigration and
temporary Cultural Studies at the University ofrefugees reinforce nationalist and racist ideology
Birmingham, cultural studies in postwar Britainand of how nationalist rhetoric plays a role in the
have stressed notions of ideology, hegemony andconstruction of nations whilst, in Fields of vision,
Trans Inst Br Geogr NS 20 447-459 1995
ISSN 0020-2754 ( Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of British Geographers) 1995

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 448 Andrew Leyshon et al.
generations (talk show at National University
Daniels (1993) illustrates how of lan
Singapore, 23 July 1993).
media have articulated national id
and the United ApartStates from
from examining such national songs, I will th
century. The also
message
analyse songs contained inhere
a volume entitled
is o
deliberate construction and deconstruction of
Not the Singapore song book (1993), which contains
national identity, achieved via a variety ofnew
strate-
lyrics set to popular tunes, including some
national songs. The tongue-in-cheek, 80-page book
gies, from political rhetoric through specific governm-
ment policy to cultural production. This paper containing
is a collection of 53 songs by seventeen
situated within such a discourse on the constructed Singaporeans, a tape by entertainer Najib Ali titled
nature of 'national identity' and will illustrate how'Born
a in SIN' (that is, Born in Singapore; SIN is used
cultural form (music) is harnessed in the construction
to mimic 'Bomrn in the USA'), featuring ten songs
of a hegemonic vision of a specific nation,from the book, as well as Najib Ali's live stage
Singapore. show, act as a form of resistance to official cultural
A third development within cultural geography representation.
in recent years has been a movement away from My argument is built on two bases. On the one
privileging dlite culture in research to a more hand, music is used by the ruling dlite to perpetuate
explicit recognition of the significance of popular certain ideologies aimed at political socialization and
culture, defined as the 'everyday practices, exper- the development of a sense of national identity or
iences and beliefs of what have been called "the to inculcate a civil religion that directs favour and
common people"' (Burgess and Gold 1985, 3).fervour The towards the 'nation'. On the other hand,
hegemony of dlite culture - based traditionally music
on 'ais a form of cultural resistance, both against
view of the relative "worth" of dlite versus popularstate policies and certain socio-cultural norms.
culture' (ibid., 15)- has been challenged through Whilethe I begin by situating my work within
realization that the very ordinariness of popular broader developments in a retheorized cultural
cultures masks their importance as 'well-springs geography,
of I also depart from other cultural geo-
popular consciousness' (Harvey 1984, 7). graphical impulses pertaining to popular music in
My exploration of music and cultural politics in
the United States. By emphasizing cultural politics, I
diverge from the American tradition of 'musical
this paper takes off from these recent repositionings
within cultural geography. By focusing ongeographies'two that spotlight the identification of
groups of popular music in Singapore, I will musical illus- hearths and paths of diffusion and the
trate their embodiment both of ideologically perception
hege- of places in music (see, for example,
monic intentions of constructing a version of Carney
the 1987). An intellectual tradition that is more
pertinent to the development of my arguments is a
'nation' and of manifestations of resistance. Specifi-
cally, I will examine 'national' songs commissioned concern with how and why '[s]ongs have been
and encouraged by the state in the 'Sing Singapore' composed to teach, convert, seduce, pacify, and
programme, promoted by the Psychological arouse' (Denisoff and Peterson 1972, 1). Abundant
Defence Division of the Ministry of Communi- research exists on classical music and how it acts as
cations and Information in 1988. The various texts propaganda in Czechoslovakia, Finland, England
of the programme, including the Sing Singapore book and Germany, for instance.2 Here I draw inspiration
containing the lyrics and scores of 49 songs, the from those studies which explore the use of popular
two accompanying tapes and the video clips airedsongs for a variety of ends: to reinforce an ideology
on national television, are examined. While these and legitimize a ruling dlite (for example, Warren
songs do not represent 'popular music' as the term1972); to act as a rallying call to others so as to
is commonly understood, they are 'popular' in theestablish and reinforce group identity;3 and to voice
way in which they are a part of the everyday lives dissatisfaction with society, including social norms
of many Singaporeans. For example, these songs areand political conditions. Political dissatisfaction is
taught in schools and are aired on national tele- captured, for example, in American 'protest songs',
vision and radio. The fact that many young childrenwhile opposition to social norms has been expressed
are learning them and that they are becoming soin rock 'n' roll (Frith 1983; Perris 1985).
much a part of their learned culture is reflected in One final body of literature that sets the context
Dick Lee's (a local composer and artiste) comment of this study is the small collection of writings on
that these could well be the folksongs for futuremusic in Singapore. Research here is both sparse and

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 The place of music 449
diverse, role of the PAP
dealing in Singapore, its attem
variously
(Nguik 1991), the
engineering uniquene
and the resultant political
musical styles
provides(Thomas 198
the more immediate context f
sub-culture The PAP 1981).
(Ho came into power soon after
This p
local research in 1966
by and highlighti
has remained in power
capturing andIndeed, for a long time (1966-81), Sit
contributing
society in the dubious distinction of having on
Singapore.
(the PAP) in a democratically elected
There were few signs of serious politic
Contextualizing the cas
and, even today, there are merely fo
nation-building in post
members from two different parties
Singapore parliament. With this
acquired stranglehold on
interna
from the ment of the country,
British in the PAP has activ
1959.5
attained in develop an 'administrative
1963 as part state'of(Ch
the Federation which the of citizenry Malaya,is depoliticized
Sarawak, but where thispublic participation
merger in decisio
In 1965, minimal - if not non-existent
Tunku Abdul - and mobilization of
Rah
Minister, the people to support that
decided state policies is the norm
sepa
avert serious(Chan 1976, 1989).
political te
upheavals,6 Depoliticization it
and is valued as
wasdesirable and neces-
und
that Singaporesary for social stability
became and economic growth. a Com- f
The uncertainties and
petitive political struggle is activelyjustifi
discouraged, if
poignantly only because of the belief that
captured by Yo
small island with no natur
time spent by groups and counter-groups to lobby,
employment, low levels
influence and change policy outcomes are a waste of
overcrowdedtimeconditions an
that detract from the swift implementation of the
multiracial population'
plan and programme. (Chan 1975, 55) to s
were enormous.

As a consequence,
Since those early days, Singapore has come there
a is not so much public
long way in its economic development.
participation as publicThe
mobilization 'which may have
problem of chronic unemployment no impact has long
on the been
reshaping or resharing of power as
solved8 and labour shortages far haveas thedeveloped
participants arein concerned' (Chan 1976,
39). Such is
certain sectors. Most of the population mobilization
housed in is made possible by the
establishment
subsidized, public-sector high-rise flats9ofreplacing
local-level institutions such as
Citizens'
the slums of the 1960s. Singapore's GNPConsultative
has grownCommittees, Residents'
Committees and community centres entrusted with
from S$2193 million'0 in 1960 to S$63 905.1 mil-
lion in 1990 (Singapore 1991 1991),
the taskwhile foreign
of socializing participants to 'accept basic
values aimed at creating a consensual political base
exchange reserves have catapulted from S$1068.6
in the country'
million in 1965 to S$48 033-9 million in 1990 (Seah 1973, 119). The outcome of
(ibid.).
Singaporeans today generally enjoy a high
such forces standard
is the development of a political culture
of living and have a per capita income
in which opensecond only
conflict, confrontation and bargaining
to Japan in Asia. In 1991, there have
were been markedly
three absent.
persons
per telephone in Singapore and eleven
Yet, by theper private
1980s, certain social and political
car (Singapore facts and pictures 1992 1992);were
circumstances theconstrued
latter as potential threats to
figure was achieved only after thestringent actions
existing hegemony and there emerged a cau-
were taken to reduce the car population.
tious, if forced, acknowledgement that the electorate
How has such an economic miraclewas now been possible?
demanding more consultation and public
A large part of it is certainly due to the shrewdness
participation. The first political 'setback' was when
of the People's Action Party (PAP), not
the ruling PAPonly in its
candidate lost to a Workers' Party
economic strategies but also in candidate
its social in engineer-
the October 1981 single ward
by-election.
ing, including its conscious attempts In December
to shape social1984, the PAP lost two
values and political cultures. It seats
is this
to the pre-eminent
opposition for the first time in a general

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 450 Andrew Leyshon et al.
are necessary to maintain the internal administration
election" and suffered an overall d
of the country under adverse circumstances, whilst
per cent in votes cast. This was a d
per cent in theadequate
1980 general
economic defence elect
ensures that governm-
ment, business
cent in 1984, with and industry will be abledrop
a further to organize to
1988 (Quah andthemselves
Quah such that1989).
the economy will not break
Altho
qualify as a down during or victory
landslide under threat of war. Whilst
in military,
any
was considered civil
a and economic defence take
major blow care of the material
to th
long, unbrokenrealm
monopoly
of existence, more pertinent to of both
this discussion
are social and psychological
seats and percentage votes. defence. TheIn former the
1987, the government uncover
refers to the promotion of cohesion amongst
Marxist Singapore's diverse
conspiracy said groups so to
that external
have sub- u
Catholic church as a cover for its activities aimed at version through the exploitation of primordial senti-
overthrowing the government. ments would be minimized, while ideals are fully
Beyond the assault on political legitimacy, the shared by all Singaporeans. Psychological defence is
government also identified the erosion of Asian defined as 'the means of winning the hearts and minds
values amongst Singaporeans and the threat of of the people and preparing them to confront any
becoming a 'pseudo-Western society'"2 as assaults national crisis' (Seah 1989, 956). As I will illustrate in
on the socio-cultural order. Such a society is gener- the next section, national songs are an important
ally thought to be 'motivated by individualism', weapon in social and psychological defence, aimed at
promoting 'personal freedom, [indulging] in sensual encouraging Singaporeans to celebrate a particular
pleasures and [lacking] a sense of responsibility to desired version of the nation and to develop a strong
the family and society' (Straits Times Weeklynational identity: to 'bond ourselves with our identity
Overseas Edition 22 October 1988). and destiny' (Buang 1989, 1).
The assaults on the PAP's political legitimacy While the attempts at social engineering con-
and the perceived erosion of important values led to tinue, the government has also acknowledged, per-
the development of policies geared towards re- haps belatedly, the population's quest for a more
asserting its hegemony. It began to proclaim its active voice in decision-making by setting up the
version of the nation and to rally Singaporeans Feedback Unit in 1985. Headed by a PAP Member
behind it. Various measures were adopted. For ex-of Parliament, the unit is meant to
ample, the Education Ministry identified ten schools
gather feedback on Government policies and receives
to which it would give special assistance to help suggestions from the public on national issues. It
keep alive the best Chinese traditions and core ensures swift and effective response by Government
values, believed to include filial piety and family and departments on public suggestions and complaints.
society above self3 (Straits Times Weekly Overseas (Singapore facts and pictures 1992 1992, 92)
Edition 25 March 1989). A national ideology was
developed which spelt out clearly the country's In effect, the Feedback Unit is an 'approved channel'
ethos and core values so that a national identity of participation, indicative of how involvement is
would evolve, thought to ensure the long-term allowed only if directed through 'proper' and indeed
viability of the country. These core values include managed' routes. It is in this context of conscious
community over self; upholding the family as the depoliticization, ideologically hegemonic intents,
basic building block of society; resolving major negligible organized opposition and overt resist-
issues through consensus instead of contention; and ance, and managed 'participation' that the two sets
stressing racial and religious tolerance and harmony. of Singapore popular music discussed below are to
be understood.
In addition, the idea of total defence, first given
publicity in late 1982, was developed and amplified
through diverse channels in the mid-1980s. Borrow-The cultural hegemony of national songs
ing from the Swedish experience, total defence
comprises military, civil, economic, social and psy- As Miller and Skipper (1972) have exemplified,
chological defence, and is designed to prepare the lyrics are not the only ways in which meanings are
country for any eventuality. Despite its pre-eminentcommunicated through songs. Indeed, music may
importance (Seah 1989), military defence alone willconvey its meanings and values through visuals,
not suffice in times of trouble. Civil defence forces rhythms, titles of songs and albums, the timing of

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 The place of music 451
releases and This is my country
sometimes throug
performers. Inthis is this
my flag section, I
this is my future
processes around the 'Sing Si
this is my life
bined in the attempt to ach
this is my family
hegemonic effect. these are my friends
Through
semination (including
We are Singapore Singaporeans
consta
television and Singapore radio; our homeland the organ
singing sessions in
it's here that we communit
belong. (ibid., 95)
directive of the Ministry of E
songs to and in We the people of Singapore:
schoolchildren dur
timel4), the objective is to con
We the people of Singapore ...
the idea that Singapore has c
Find in it ev'ry joy and hope
its founding As (in 1819)
'tis our very home. (ibid., 105) and in
and that they must continue
maintaining Feelings of love,dramatic
this belonging and pride must, d
mate concern however, is be translated
tointodevelop more active manifes- i
for their country, a
tations and, in the national songs, Singaporeans senseare
willingness to exhorted to attain excellence for Singapore.
support the This rul
the country idea of excellence encompasses various
through the concepts
shor
dence. As Dr such as unity,Yeo commitment toNing Singapore, productiv- Ho
Communications and Information, wrote in his ity, hard work and teamwork. The message in brief
message for the Sing Singapore (1988) songbook, is this: if Singaporeans can ensure that they have
Singing the songs will bring Singaporeans together, tothese qualities and mindsets, excellence can be
achieved for the country and Singapore may stay
share our feelings one with another. It will bring back
ahead of other competitors, if not serve as their
shared memories of good times and hard times, of
times which remind us of who we are, where we came
model. To make sure that the message is adequately
from, what we did, and where we are going. It willconveyed to the populace, it is also promoted in a
bring together Singaporeans of different races andvariety of ways apart from the official songs. For
backgrounds, to share and to express the spirit of theexample, it pervades much of the existing state
community, the feeling of togetherness, the feeling of
rhetoric, with ministerial speeches to public audi-
oneness. This, in essence, is what the 'Sing Singapore'
ences emphasizing time and again the need to keep
programme is about.
ahead by achieving excellence. Thus, the then First
Evidence of the state's hegemonic intentionsDeputy Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong (1988, 10)
intoned:
abound in the lyrics of national songs which have
been written in all four official languages in
Singapore - English, Mandarin, Malay and Tamil. Singapore is safe so long as we strive for excellence in
all that we do. Once we become a mediocre society,
Through national songs, Singaporeans are encour-
we are in peril ... we have no margin for error. A
aged to express feelings of love and pride for and
single mistake can mean the end of us.
of belonging to their country. These emotions are
captured in a variety of ways. For example, in This The
is achievement of excellence in practical terms is
my land, Singaporeans are encouraged to proclaim that
also given much public airing as a way of encour-
This is our island agement and of instilling pride. Thus, newspaper
O Singapore, We love you so, love you so. (ibid., 116) headlines publicize the fact that 'Singapore [is the]
top investment site for Western businessmen' (The
In turn, pride for the country is expressed in Sing a Straits Times 8 April 1991); that the 'Republic
song for Singapore: remains best-rated Asian country outside Japan' in
terms of risk (The Business Times 17 April 1991); and
I want the world to know about my island in the sun
Where happy children play and shout, and smile for that Singapore companies are 'rated among Asia's
ev'ryone. (ibid., 109) best-managed' (The Straits Times 18 August 1992).
The overall effect is that a vision and common goal
Such pride stands alongside a sense of belonging, for the future - to maintain the record, if not better
expressed, for example, in We are Singapore: it - is established.

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 452 Andrew Leyshon et al.
These messages Singapore's
are beauty and achievements. In highlight-
encoded in the l
national songs. ing
Forthese achievements,
example, Singaporeans are encour- to ach
aged to continue to give of their best for are
for Singapore, Singaporeans their told
country, to defend it and(Stand
stand up to be counted to support the ruling up fo
order.
Count on me Singapore, Sing Singa
'serve [Singapore] The appropriation
with of theall
past is designed
our to migh
remind Singaporeans
with our very lives' (We of howthesuccessfullypeople
the state of
105). At the samehas been steered
time,from struggling Third
the World ideolo
purveyed is that conditions to newly industrialized status and is
excellence to poss
arouse a sense of
Singaporeans remain united, for it pride and loyalty. For example,
together that thein We are'lion's
Singapore (Sing Singapore
roar' 1988, 95), can b
Singapore, ibid.,Singaporeans
95); are reminded
it that is also by 'st
with 'drive and unity' that the visio
There was a time when people said
can be achieved (Undaunted, ibid., 10
that Singapore won't make it
is emphasized, is particularly
but we did impo
racial Singapore There
(Untuk
was a time when troubles rakyat dan
102). In addition,seemed
it is
too much possible
for us to take to ach
only if Singaporeans
but we did. develop the
work and this ethic isand free.
We built a nation strong reinforced
which eulogize the worker who
persevering. For Through this reminder, Singaporeans are
example, in encour-the Ch
le gong ren (literally aged to think that no problem would ever be too
translated 'H
(ibid., 106), the difficult virtuesto handle as long as they
of continue to
teamwo
and hard work uphold are the spirit of the pioneers. This spirit,and
extolled as go
reliable and happy intoned in the songs, belongs to 'loyal people with
Singaporeans wh
deliver their promises. a rugged past' (Reach out, reach out, ibid., 103) who
That these
had served the country 'in love and trust' (This is our
both national songs and state rheto
reinforce one another country, ibid., 106). It is embodied
is inreflected
the 'seeds of
between the lyrics strength andof mirth' sown by 'brave and loyal men
Undaunted and
Goh Chok Tong's (Sing a song of Singapore, ibid., 109) who took the
speech:
country 'through the years calm and stormy' and
With our spirit undaunted 'shaped our destiny' (Undaunted, ibid., 107).
More than ever we Part of will
Singapore's successes,
try we are reminded,
To be the best we ever can be would have been impossible if not for the governm-
For us and posterity ment for, as pointed out in the Tamil songs Engkal
Day by day, year by year Singapore ('Our Singapore') and Paduvom Varungal
Together we steer ('Come let's sing'), Singapore has a 'strong and
With drive and unity
effective' government that 'cares about the welfare
Our vision we'll achieve
EXCELLENCE FOR SINGAPORE. (ibid., 107, original
of her people' (ibid., 115, 97). The result of such
emphasis)
good government is that 'life is joy and harmony
(Voices from the heart, ibid., 100). Indeed, to reflect
The key to our long-term survival is the spirit and the good life that Singaporeans are said to enjoy,
quality of our people and their leaders ... if we work elements of the built and natural environment
with one heart, share one common vision, then in our
lifetime we can be that Nation of Excellence. (Goh
conjure images of progress, peace, joy and har-
1986, 11) mony. For example, in Sing a song of Singapore (ibid.,
109), happy children are said to be playing
To encourage Singaporeans to play these various In city streets in parks so green in highrise housings
roles and to help attain excellence for Singapore, [sic] too
national songs appropriate past and present con- In every place so fresh and clean On sunny beaches too.
ditions. Specifically, past achievements are glorified;
the role of the government is exalted; and both the In those two lines, the urban environment of
built and natural environments are used to extol 'buildings ... climbing all the way to the sky'

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 The place of music 453
(Singapore must prevail. At the ibid.,
town, same time, the soaring100)
sky-
(practically scrapers and other modem buildings are often
non-existent) n
Singapore backdropsappropriated
are that remind Singaporeans of the
namely to significant developmentSingapore
remind and modernization that
continue to support
Singapore has undergone in a short period ofthe
time,
together withreinforcing
theirthe effect intended by the lyrics. In
leaders
stand to lose allthe
these ways, the state attempts to persuade
beauty and
shore' (The fair
Singaporeans of shore
the 'naturalness' of one of
reading of Si
images of skyscrapers
these texts, when it is a preferred ratherare
than the p
symbols of modernization
only reading. As Anderson and Gale (1992, 7) point a
as of triumph out, over an env
nothing towards econom
natural [p]owerful institutions (including
resources. At nations) can ... work
the sam
the 'fresh', to ensure
'clean', that what are partial, culturally-bound
'green' a
interpretations of reality are accepted as 'natural' and
two levels. On the one h
correct' by the public at large.
recognition of the value of t
developed. The lyricist was
To cast the use of music for hegemonic intentions
'sunny beaches' as part of S
in Singapore in a larger context, I would suggest
tage, despite the fact that
seafront construction over the last two decades that music contributes to an attempt to develop
have left few beaches untouched. Here the tension
what may be called a 'civil religion' (Bellah 1970). In
a general sense, a civil religion is 'any set of beliefs
between urban development and conservation of
and rituals, related to the past, present and/or future
the natural environment that has recently been
of a people ... which are understood in some
voiced in public arenas (see, for example, Savage
transcendental fashion' (Hammond 1976, quoted in
and Kong 1993) is ignored, whether in innocence or
Stump 1985, 87). In the American context, Stump
for ideological ends. On the other hand, the por-
(ibid., 87) suggests that a civil religion exists in a
trayals may represent a proud acknowledgement of
nation when its people believe that their 'values and
the consciously created manicured parks in 'clean
beliefs are ... superior to those of other nations'
and green' Singapore,'5 so glossing over the irony
and that their 'nation [has] a special mission to serve
that the many parks and 'instant trees' of the
as a model for the rest of the world'. In Singapore,
'Garden City' could be created and planted only by
the state attempts to create such a civil religion by
rolling back the natural heritage that had existed
using various ideological tools. Apart from music,
before (see Kong and Yeoh 1992).
other symbols - such as the state flag, pledge,
While the lyrics of many national songs illustrate
chants and cheers, as well as constant reinforcement
the state's ideological intentions, other factors also
in ministerial speeches and press reports spotlight-
serve to support these intentions. The music tends
ing Singapore's superiority in a variety of fields - all
to be anthemic, designed to arouse a sense of
serve to direct favour and fervour towards the state
patriotism. At the same time, new national songs
and, in the process, construct a version of the
tend to be released just before National Day during
'nation'. However, as Gramsci (1973) has pointed
which Singapore's independence is celebrated. This
out, hegemony is never total and the dominant
is intended to intensify the fervour of nationalistic
group's preferred reading of texts can often be met
emotions. Furthermore, the music videos aired on
with contested meanings. In the next section, I will
national television have carefully selected visuals, all
examine this contestation by using the example of
of which serve to enhance pride, reflect harmony
Not the Singapore song book.
and encourage togetherness. For example, the
images of smartly clad, combat-ready soldiers and
sophisticated defence machinery are designed to Not the Singapore song book: parody as
evoke a sense of pride and strength, while happy resistance
images of the various ethnic groups in Singapore
(such as the Chinese, Malays and Indians) are While the government's national songs are clearly
designed to remind Singaporeans of the harmony ideological and the timing and release of the various
between different groups and the sense of unity thattexts and intertexts are powered by hegemonic

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 454 Andrew Leyshon et al.
intents, the We must conceive!
lyrics contained in N
book (1993) We MUST conceive!!
reflect how (ibid., 35, original
popularemphasis)
of subtle cultural resistance as
lyrics are written Apart from settingwith lyrics to the a melodies
humo of
national songs,
national songs and Singapore li other popular tunes (such as Sixteen
belies several going
moreon seventeen, Rose,deep-seate
Rose I love you and If you're
happy and youthe
lyricists. Indeed, know it) are used.
lyricsIn such cases, thear
with government sense of irony may be missing but the impact
policy on of theth
symbolic resistance
'ugly Singaporean' on is not. Atherange of government
other
positions on nationalof
The appropriation issues aremelodies
pilloried. Like Ong's
and the setting contribution,
of the new population issue
lyricsis the target of to
powerful as amany meansother lyricists, some of of whom focus their
symbo
despite the factassault specifically
that on the Socialthe Development Unit
lyri
(SDU). The SDU was initiated
explicit opposition to and sponsored by the
governm
success lies in government
the toway act as a matchmaking
in body whichfor the
groups are transformed and In ex
increasing number of non-married graduates.
addition, theprotest
of resistance and SDU organizes many functions (Hall and
Hebdige 1979), courses which provide
and the opportunities way for graduatesin
resistant lyricsto get toare
know one another.
set The focus
to on graduates
fami
stems from the former Prime Minister's view that
arouse patriotism and respect f
it is nature rather
the ruling order. In than thenurture that produces
revised
intelligent, hard-working offspring
draw ironic attention to in the mould of
contro
the 'excellent Singapore'.
policies. The best example Hence, to ensure that the of
gene pool is not depleted,of
Tat's Count! Mummies graduates (with presum-
Singapo
Count on me,ably the 'desirable' genes) must continueWhile
Singapore. to repro-
exhorted duce. As one example, Ee Kayto
Singaporeans Gie's The SDU
stand
amongst march, to be
those whosung 'vigorously would
and with conviction' g
more' to the (ibid., 5) to the tune of Colonel(Sing
country Bogey exhorts Si
Ong's versionSingaporean women to get married for the sake of
translates th
the nation. Nowhere
Singapore women in in the particula
revised lyrics is there
reproduce: any hint that marriage is for any reason other than
as a service to the nation:
We have the ova in our bodies,
We can conceive, Hey girl!
We can conceive. Why aren't you married yet!
We have a role for Singapore, You girl!
We must receive, A man's not hard to get! ...
We must receive. (Not the Singapore song book 1993, 35)
Now's the time for you to choose your mate!
The lyrics are a reference to the government'sDon't delay! Do not procrastinate!
Wed now and do your nation proud -
concern that Singapore's fertility level is below
Then do your part, spread the word clear and loud!
replacement rate 6 - a reflection of trends towards (ibid., 5)
later marriages, postponement of child-bearing and
smaller family sizes. The urgency with which the
True to official positions, other revised lyrics also
government has sounded the alarm about fertility is
reveal how marriage is not an end in itself but a
revealed, in particular, in the frequent public pro-
means to an end - child-bearing. Mary Loh, one of
nouncements by no less than the Prime Minister
the main contributors to Not the Singapore song book,
Goh Chok Tong and Senior Minister Lee Kuan
highlights the government position that the rich
Yew.7 Ong satirizes this sense of urgency:
who can afford it should have more children, while
Colin Goh takes the income tax rebates for succes-
There's a spirit in the air,
Telling us to be a pair! sive children designed to encourage larger families
We're going to get our hubbies, start a family ...to ridiculous proportions. Sung to the tune of

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 The place of music 455
Raindrops to illustrate
keep in his iconoclastic work Sound
falling on effects: my
formin' in my bed
youth, leisure and the politics of rock, is an
music (in his case, ex
income tax rock 'n' roll) may also represent
rebates are opposition to
expe
to have more children: peer-group and adult middle-class norms. Adopting
the logic of his argument, I will illustrate how the
And for that contributors to Not the Singapore song book oppose
Tax rebate, the norms of two groups, the yuppies and the
I won't be even stoppin' nouveau riche (sometimes they are one and the
Reproducin' -
same), which have arisen out of the rapid economic
'Cause when it comes to income tax
development in Singapore and the struggle for
There's no way like sex.
excellence. These norms are the everyday practices
Babies keep formin' in my bed,
But that doesn't mean of the 'ugly Singaporean' (one who is greedy, spoilt
I really wanna keep 'em fed, and ungracious) indulging in an ostentatious life-
Kids are not for me - style.'8 Indeed, they have sometimes been cited
'Cause all I wanna do is just keep on savin', as constituting a distinctive Singapore culture,
Till my life's free, no more taxes for me ... (ibid., 43) although not all agree with this view ('Sunday Plus',
The Sunday Times 15 August 1993). Certainly, they
Other lyricists capture the sense of resignation and receive no support from the seventeen lyricists of
helplessness amongst those affected by government the Not the Singapore song book. By casting some of
policies such as the car policy and streaming in these norms in a questionable, if not negative light,
schools. The government's attempts to deal with the the lyricists are making a pitch for the development
severe traffic congestion have prompted the introduc- of alternative norms.
tion of a quota for the number of new cars allowed on The ostentatious lifestyles of many Singaporeans
the roads. Potential car owners are expected to bid are described in taunting style; many of the lyrics
for a certificate of entitlement (CoE). The large highlight the fixation of Singaporeans with material
number of aspiring car owners has raised CoE and trappings, such as the 'three cs': condominium,
hence car prices and many people have been forced credit card and car (Three Cees, Not the Singapore song
out of the market, disappointed if not disgruntled. book 1993, 23), or with brand-name goods such as
Desmond Sim captures this disappointment in his Gucci, Dior, Fellini, Balmain and Bruno Magli (My
version of What I did for love, entitled What I bid for favourite things, ibid., 20). Most of the time, the
love (ibid., 18). Similarly, the way in which the con- constant effort to keep up with the ostentatious
stant streaming in Singapore's education system puts lifestyle is for no better reason than because it is
examination pressure on students is captured in the 'chic' or 'stylo'"9 (Hand phone, I carry hand phone,
lyrics of Sam Wan's What we always do is stream ibid., 7). Unfortunately, it often means 'payin' [f]or
(ibid., 47), sung to the tune of All I have to do is dream. what I can't afford' (Cash, ibid., 37). The result is the
Written into the song is the idea that such streaming need to take anti-stress pills (Cash, ibid., 38) or the
exercises have added to the workload and hence have Gold Card blues (ibid., 50), as goods are confiscated
worked to the detriment of students. when the bills cannot be paid. Certainly, the osten-
On the basis of such examples, I submit that there tatious lifestyles and the continual attempts to 'live
is a cultural politics at work in Not the Singapore song it up' and upgrade already comfortable if not
book. The expression of dissatisfaction reflects a luxurious lifestyles20 are not uniquely Singaporean
certain groundswell in the demand for more open traits. They are part of a more widely developed
consultative government. That the lyricists repre- consumer culture. The constant striving for excel-
sent the better-educated - many of them are law- lence (so strongly encouraged in the national songs)
yers, publishers, playwrights and ex-teachers - is leading to the alienated and showy lifestyles
reveals how this segment of the population is frowned upon in songs like Cash. Other effects of
finding its voice of dissatisfaction, resistance and this constant encouragement to do well are the
social commentary. various forms of greed and 'kiasuism' which are said
When set against the ideological messages of to characterize the Singaporean. For example, Goh
national songs, it is not difficult to couch cultural Eck Kheng's Oh my kiasu (ibid., 71), sung to the tune
resistance in terms of opposition to the hegemony of Oh my darling Clementine, vividly portrays the
of the state. However, as Frith (1983) was at pains ugliness of the kiasu Singaporean:

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456 Andrew Leyshon et al.
example, in recent
Mr Kiasu, Kiasu King,
Scared to lose out, always
bolder inmust win;
discussin
Number One in everything!
such as race, gende
Grab first; don't talk,
alism, censorship
Always jump queue,
question of what m
Help yourself to sample things.
home. As pointed
Look for discounts, free is better,
Never mind what they all think!
[m]any of these issue
Must not give face,21
Winner takes all, with danger ... [and
not to instigate (or
Hamtam22 everyone you know.
strife, for instance,
Take but don't give, hide the best thi
and problems on th
Get there first or else don't go!
Always quit while
you are ahead. Hence, humour and
Pushing helps to the means
set the by whic
pace.
I want! Give me! First
Heng in all things!
(ibid., 28) also
That's the way totowin the race!
'acclimatise us to
ing, existing social
Apart from the ostentatious lifestyl
including, for example, the uglin
yuppie's child (I'm a yuppie's
Conclusion kiddie, i
inconsiderate, unsociable and irre
littering (especially of
Over the ages, kings and heavy,
princes, revolutionaries sha
and
material that can cause
priests, peasants and slaves, physical
have expressed their hopes h
colloquially termed 'Killer
and fears through music. While litter')
aiming to convince, ar
litter, ibid., 29). they have used music to reassure the faithful as much
as to persuade the Frith
Taking the cue from unbelieving. (Denisoff and Peterson
(1983),
1972, 13)
that, through these songs, the lyri
ing their resistance to some social n
While some (Barzun 1958; Greenberg
as one lyricist pointed out 1957)(person
have
August 1993), as argued that
a popular music is 'simply kitsch back-
consequence of
ground noise' (Denisoff
excellence and hard work, and Peterson promote
1972, 6), I
songs. Although havepositive
sought to argue that ideologically
inhegemonic themse
become ugly when intentions as pushed
well as voices of resistance to can well be extrem
detected in popular music. In to
couching his opposition the case of the 'Sing
such ext
Singapore' programme,
ations of exemplary the national songs formin
values part hum
of a total defence
maintains that his messagestrategy in which Singaporeansis of re
and peer-groupare organized
pressure to defend their country to against allexcel
forms of attack, military
even at the expense of and'good non-military. This ismenta
to
happen in two ways. for
courtesy and concern First, Singaporeans
others'. are per- A
he is at pains tosuaded in the national songs, inter alia,
reiterate that to unite as the v
for excellence one,
and hard
differences (racial, work
religious, cultural, class, etc.) are
notwithstanding.
positive but, because they are 'bein Once this likelihood of sectoral
division is diminished,
all the time, there is the an possibilities of internal
overkill a
adopt the ideologyfissures are concomitantly
or become reduced. Secondly, cy
messages. ThroughSingaporeanssatire,
can then be prepared tomany face external of
threats. Here again,
to express resistance to nationalthesongs are the ideologi-
'overkill'
time, they hopecally to hegemonic
make tools by which the to persuade origin
palatable so thatSingaporeans
people and reinforcecanin them a accept
love and t
patriotisminterview,
spirit' (telephone for their country as well as in support for
17 Au
the ruling is
This use of satire dlite that
ahasrecent
succeeded in taking thephen
from the 1980s and
country involves
from poverty to prosperity. Music is thus othe
apart from used to whip up
music, the patriotic feelings
such as of Singaporeans
literatur

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 The place of music 457
so that, Singaporeans
should have had to findneed
they other ways to t
way to express their
defend opposition tocountry
the preferred meanings
forthcoming. In
(Kong 1993b) and itthis
is in this contextway,
that the latent
defence (via meanings in Not
the the Singapore song book song
national may be
tal psyche appreciated. Resistance may be
necessary expressed through
before
tary defences approved
can channels such
be as newspaper
effectecolumns and
pointed out, the
is Feedback
whatUnit but here itthemay be managedstatand
its threat to the status quo nullified. However, while
to produce a community th
Singaporeans are not weaned on a staple of open
certain things it responds toget
conflict, a more educated populace is beginning to
this is my flag; this is my Pres
I am going todiscover its political voice and
protect it.is beginning
(quot to
total picture express opposition 10)
1987, both to government policies and
to some Singaporean cultural traits, albeit in sym-
In the context bolic and latent,
of even supportive,
Singapore rather than overt
of music in or confrontational
the ways. Not the Singapore song book
construction
Through music, is the outcome the
of the discovery of such a voice and
state is
of the nation, is one one
manifestationin
of an emergent
which cultural politics t
'core Asian values', chief of which must be the of music in Singapore.
notion of society above self. It must be noted, of
course, that the 'Sing Singapore' programme is Notes
neither the first instance of harnessing music in the
construction of hegemonic discourse in Singapore,1. See, for example, Baker and Biger (1992); Duncan
nor indeed is music the only instrument in such a (1990); Jackson (1989); and Kong (1993a and b).
construction. From the first days of independence, 2. See, for example, Hughes (1989); Meyer (1991);
the state has attempted to employ music to develop Perris (1985); and Stradling (1989).
3. See Hebdige (1979); Maultsby (1983); Tanner
a sense of national identity and patriotic verve. From
(1978); and Winders (1983).
the organization of national song-writing compe-4. See Auslander (1981); Denisoff (1972); Miller and
titions (to encourage the production of distinctively Skipper (1972); and Rodnitzsky (1969).
Singapore songs) to hosting Asia-Pacific song com-5. This meant that the British controlled foreign affairs
petitions (in which the representative participation and defence of Singapore and still had a decisive say
of Singaporeans will hopefully whip up a sense of in internal security, while all other matters were
nationalistic support from fellow Singaporeans), decided by a local government.
music has been part of the state's arsenal in the 6. Disquiet among Malaysian leaders stemmed from
symbolic construction of nation. communal fears that the predominantly Chinese
The 'Sing Singapore' programme is hence not People's Action Party (PAP) from Singapore
intended to supplant the Alliance leaders as the
singular in the history of state exploitation of
most important political party in Malaysia. This
music. It is, however, singular in its degree of
atmosphere of intercommunal bickering and tension
organization and commitment as well as in the was compounded by racial riots in 1964 which left
extent of its reach and influence. Whereas al-
35 people killed and 563 wounded. Tunku Abdul
legiance to the state and ruling dlite could beRahman proposed separation as a solution to such
relatively well achieved in the past via delivery of troubles.
economic goods, such allegiance has become more 7. Singapore's population comprises a Chinese major-
difficult to gain in recent years with a more
ity (77.7 per cent) and substantial Malay and Indian
sophisticated populace. The state has therefore had
minorities (14-1 and 7.1 per cent respectively). The
to step up its efforts in the hegemonic construc- last group, categorized in census reports as 'Others',
tion of 'nation'. Music, like some other cultural constitutes 1.1 per cent (Lau 1992).
forms (such as dance (see Chua 1989) and religion
8. Unemployment stood at 1.7 per cent in 1990
(Singapore 1991 1991).
(see Kong 1993a)) and non-cultural forms (such as
9. Indeed, in 1993, one of the new towns, Tampines,
political rhetoric), has therefore been developed to won a United Nations Habitat Award in the
form part of a multiprong strategy. developed countries section for offering good
Nevertheless, the political culture of Singaporehousing design and amenities. In 1991, the Urban
does not encourage open conflict and confrontation.Redevelopment Authority was also awarded the

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 458 Andrew Leyshon et al.
Habitat Scroll of
Bellah Honour
R N 1970 by
Beyond belief: essays on th
religion in a
Centre for Human Settlements for its achievementspost-traditional world Harper & Row, New York
in improving Singapore's living environment. Buang Z 1989 A matter of survival Mirror 1 April 1-2
10. At the time of writing, ?1-00 is approximately equal
Burgess J and Gold J eds 1985 Geography, the media, and
popular culture Croom Helm, London
to S$2.30.
II. The PAP had won all parliamentary seats in the Carney G O ed. 1987 The sounds of people and places:
April 1968, December 1972, December 1976 and readings in the geography of American folk and popular
December 1980 general elections. music University Press of America, Lanham
12. Straits Times Weekly Overseas Edition (20 August Chan H C 1975 Politics in an administrative stage: where
1988, 4 September 1988, 3 November 1988). has the politics gone? in Seah C M ed. Trends in
13. Dr Tony Tan, former Education Minister, was Singapore Singapore University Press for Institute of
quoted as saying that some values like honesty and Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore 51-68
hard work are universal values, while filial piety and Chan H C 1976 The political system and political change
society before self find greater expression in Asian in Hassan R ed. Singapore: society in transition Oxford
than in western societies (Straits Times Weekly University Press, Kuala Lumpur 30-51
Overseas Edition 26 November 1988).
Chan H C 1989 The PAP and the structuring of the
14. While the songs do not enter the official school political system in Sandhu K S and Wheatley P eds
curriculum, they are played and taught to students The management of success: the moulding of modemrn
during assembly periods. Singapore Institute of Southeast Asian Studies,
15. See Savage and Kong (1993) for a discussion of the Singapore 70-89
efforts to make Singapore a clean and green garden Chua S P 1989 Cultural pluralism in dance: the changing
city.
scene in Singapore Performing Arts 5 52-4
16. Replacement-level fertility (the level of fertility Clarke J, Hall S, Jefferson T and Roberts B 1976
necessary for a given generation of women to Subcultures, cultures and class: a theoretical overview
replace themselves with a new generation of in Hall S and Henderson J eds Resistance through
women) was reached in 1975. This rate of about 2.1 rituals Hutchinson/Centre for Contemporary Cultural
has since dropped even further to reach 1.6 in 1985 Studies, London 9-74
(Yap 1989). Daniels S 1993 Fields of vision: landscape imagery and
17. Straits Times (17 June 1984, 2 March 1987, 22 April
national identity in England and the United States Polity
1987, 5 August 1987).
Press, Cambridge
18. Whilst the origins of this concept are unclear, the
Denisoff R S 1972 Evolution of the American protest
reality of the phenomena is certainly unquestionable
song in Denisoff R S and Peterson R A eds The
today and takes the form of kiasuism, a colloquial
sounds of social change Rand McNally and Company,
term meaning a grabbing mentality, borne of the
Chicago 15-25
fear of losing out and the urge to always stay ahead.
Denisoff R S and Peterson R A eds 1972 The sounds of
19. Singlish word for stylish.
social change Rand McNally and Company, Chicago
20. This phenomena has recently been labelled the
Duncan J 1990 The city as text: the politics of landscape
'Singapore paradox' by the second Minister for
interpretation in the Kandyan Kingdom Cambridge
Trade and Industry, Lim Boon Heng (The Sunday
University Press, Cambridge
Times 15 August 1993, 24).
Frith S 1983 Sound effects: youth, leisure, and the politics of
21. 'Give face' is a colloquial term meaning to do
rock Constable, London
someone a favour and to give him/her some
consideration. Goh C T 1986 Speeches Ministry of Communications and
22. 'Hamtam' is used in Singlish to mean pulverize. Information, Singapore
Gramsci A 1973 Letters from prison Harper and Row,
New York
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