Learning and Teaching About Values

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Learning and Teaching about

Values: A review of recent
research
a b
J. Mark Halstead & Monica J Taylor
a
Faculty of Arts and Education , University of
Plymouth
b
National Foundation for Educational Research
Published online: 01 Jul 2010.
To cite this article: J. Mark Halstead & Monica J Taylor (2000) Learning and Teaching
about Values: A review of recent research, Cambridge Journal of Education, 30:2,
169-202, DOI: 10.1080/713657146
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Cambridge Journal of Education, Vol. 30, No. 2, 2000
RESEARCH REVIEW
Learning and Teaching about

Values: a review of recent research
J. MARK HALSTEAD
Faculty of Arts and Education, University of Plymouth
MONICA J. TAYLOR
National Foundation for Educational Research
INTRODUCTION
Children begin to learn values very early on in life, initially from their families,
but also from the media, peers, playgroups, carers, their local community and
other agencies. There is evidence that children probably develop a moral sense
within the ® rst two years of life (Kagan & Lamb, 1987; Buzelli, 1992) and this
is closely linked with their emotional and social development (Dunn, 1988;
Kuebli, 1994).
Children therefore arrive in school with a range of different values drawn
from their pre-school experiences. The role of the school is two-fold: to build on
and supplement the values children have already begun to develop by offering
further exposure to a range of values that are current in society (such as equal
opportunities and respect for diversity); and to help children to re¯ ect on, make
sense of and apply their own developing values. The ® rst of these tasks has
received increased explicit of® cial attention in England since the 1988 Edu-
cation Act, through discussion documents (OFSTED, 1994a; School Curricu-
lum and Assessment Authority, 1995), through the statement of shared values
produced by the National Forum on Values in Education and the Community
(School Curriculum and Assessment Authority, 1996b; cf. Smith & Standish,
1997) and through the guidance for schools currently being developed by the
Department for Education and Employment and the Quali® cations and Cur-
riculum Authority.
The term `values’ is used in this review to refer to the principles and
fundamental convictions which act as general guides to behaviour, the standards
by which particular actions are judged to be good or desirable. Examples of
values are love, equality, freedom, justice, happiness, security, peace of mind
and truth. The broad term `values education’ encompasses, and in practice is
often seen as having a particular emphasis on, education in civic and moral
values. It is very closely related to other terms in current use, including spiritual,
moral, social and cultural development (OFSTED, 1994a), character education
0305-764X print/1469-3577 online/00/020169-34 Ó 2000 University of Cambridge School of Education

170 J. M. Halstead & M. J. Taylor
(Lickona, 1991), education in the virtues (Carr & Steutel, 1999) and the
development of attitudes and personal qualities (Halstead & Taylor, 2000).
The present article provides an overview of recent philosophical and
empirical research on the development of values in schools, particularly research
with evidence about learning outcomes. It is primarily concerned with the
development of values through the curriculum and through the ethos of the
school and with practical approaches to values education. We have given priority
to refereed research published in the UK, but where there is a lack of such
research on a particular topic, we have spread our net more widely. We have
concentrated mainly but not exclusively on research since 1988. It is clear that
a review of this kind cannot do justice to the subtlety and complexity of much
of the research reported, particularly when any one of the topics covered may be
the subject of many books.

The article is based on a more extensive review published by the NFER in
February 2000 (Halstead & Taylor, 2000) [1]. The longer review also includes
sections on theories of values education and issues of assessment and evaluation,
as well as social background research covering the actual values children hold,
the values of the broader society (cf. Halstead, 1996b), non-school in¯ uences on
children’ s values and ongoing philosophical debates about the nature of values
and which values should be taught in schools (cf. Haydon, 1997; Stephenson et
al., 1998; Halstead & McLaughlin, 1999).
VALUES EDUCATION ACROSS THE CURRICULUM

Citizenship
There is a widespread assumption that once citizenship becomes a foundation
subject in the National Curriculum at Key Stages 3 and 4 and a topic of
non-statutory guidance at Key Stages 1 and 2, it will become a major vehicle for
values education in England. This is not necessarily the case. Although the
report of the Advisory Group on Education for Citizenship and the Teaching of
Democracy in Schools (Quali® cations and Curriculum Authority, 1998) is
replete with values, there are far fewer references to values in the statements
about Citizenship in the revised National Curriculum and its supporting docu-
ments (Department for Education and Employment, 1999). More signi® cantly
for practice, teachers themselves may be uncertain about applying values in this
area; in a study of a related area (environmental education), Singletary found
that values and affective goals were not only missing, they were, for the most
part, àctively avoided’ by the teachers (1992, p. 37).
To date, schools do not seem to have been successful in inducting young
people into civic virtues and democratic practices. Several surveys of attitudes
and values have shown that many young people were bored with politics (Park,
1995; Walker, 1996), did not think the police did a good job (Francis & Kay,
1995) and were suspicious of institutionalised authority (Emler & Reicher,
1987). For the last 10 years, citizenship was supposed to be taught as one of ® ve
Learning and Teaching about Values 171
non-statutory cross-curricular themes (National Curriculum Council, 1990b).

Hargreaves (1991) questioned the coherence and manageability of the cross-
curricular mode and others have argued that the themes lacked rigour and
needed tighter or clearer de® nition (Buck & Inman, 1995). Saunders et al.
(1995) found that their delivery was also constrained by poor resources and staff
expertise. By the end of the millenium, cross-curricular themes had all but faded
away.
There has been an upsurge of philosophical research on citizenship in
recent years: Callan (1997) and Kymlicka (1999) have analysed the capacities
and dispositions required for citizenship, Tamir (1995) has examined education
for democracy, P. White (1996) has identi® ed a set of civic virtues which she
argues all citizens need in a ¯ ourishing democracy (including hope, courage,
self-respect, self-esteem, honesty, trust, friendship and decency) and Beck

(1998) has explored the links between citizenship and moral education.
It is often argued that all National Curriculum subjects have a contribution
to make to developing the values of citizenship (Edwards & Fogelman, 1993).
Citizenship education clearly has an important role to play in developing an
understanding of and/or a commitment to the values of equal opportunities
(Runnymede Trust, 1993), cultural pluralism (King & Reiss, 1993) and anti-
racism (Blum, 1999). However, speci® able and assessable pupil learning out-
comes generally remain areas for major work. Commentators have largely
moved from a minimal concept of citizenship education (which provides infor-
mation and some socialisation) to a maximal concept (which fosters student
empowerment, responsibility and critical self and political and global awareness)
(McLaughlin, 1992; Buck & Inman, 1995).
In a study of six matched communities in England and the USA, including
interviews with 15- to 16-year-olds, Crewe et al. (1997) found that `discussion
in school does appear to nurture the practice of public discourse’ and that the
socialisation effects of school are signi® cantly related to participation in citizen-
ship activities in and beyond school. However, two-thirds of the British pupils
claimed that they never, or only rarely, discussed public or local community
issues with their teachers. Research in 10 primary and middle schools with an
interest in citizenship showed that charity fundraising, visitors from the com-
munity and mini-enterprises were the most common citizenship activities,
though few schools had speci® c policies or planning (Edwards & Trotter, 1995).
Other methods for citizenship education discussed in this review include school
councils, the formation and discussion of rules and extra-curricular activities
(see below).
Personal, Social and Health Education (PSHE)

The decision to introduce a non-statutory framework for PSHE within the
school curriculum for England is clearly an attempt to resolve the problems
which have arisen in earlier practice. One such problem is the low status of the
subject: Whitty et al. (1994, pp. 175± 177) found that although pupils acknowl-
edged that moral issues were raised in PSHE, they considered it a boring, poorly
taught, low status, `catch-all’ subject which they did not take seriously. Other
problems included the variable quality and diverse practices in different schools,
related to the conceptual confusion with regard to the topics, skills and attitudes
with which PSHE should be concerned (cf. Department of Education and
Science, 1989b, p. 9), and even confusion of nomenclature, where personal and
social education (PSE), personal and social development (PSD), personal,
social and moral education (PSME), personal, social and religious education
(PSRE), tutorial and the pastoral curriculum all covered much the same ground.
Many commentators see the moral development of pupils as the heart of
PSHE (cf. Pring, 1984, p. 56; Straughan, 1988, p. 24), though White argues
that the promotion of pupils’ personal well-being is more central (1989, p. 10).
However, there is often a lack of agreement over the speci® c values which the
subject should espouse and promote. Similar con¯ icts exist in health education
as a whole (Reiss, 1996) and in environmental education (Smyth, 1996;
Bonnett, 1997). Behind the diversity of aims which are apparent in sex edu-
cation (Reiss, 1993) there are tensions between health-focused and education-
focused values (Halstead, 1998, 2000), and the situation is further complicated
by the wide range of sexual values found in a culturally diverse society (Thom-
son, 1993; Halstead, 1997b; Halstead & Lewicka, 1998). This has led some
experts to stress ènabling’ values (i.e. values which are more personal, tentative
and open to challenge and change) rather than `prescriptive’ values (Lenderyou,
1995; Thomson, 1997).
PSHE is often seen as the link between pastoral care (see below) and the
academic curriculum (Best, R., 1995, pp. 12± 13). Watkins (1995a) provides a
useful history of its development. The links between RE and PSHE have been
explored by Grimmitt (1987), Meakin (1988) and others. In a survey of
research on pastoral care and PSHE, Watkins (1995b, pp. 309± 310) reports
that drinking rates are lower in schools where alcohol education is delivered
through PSHE rather than through science and that `smoking rates were
signi® cantly lower where the school gave a relatively high pro® le to social/health
education as a ® rm, separate and important curriculum area’ . Kutnick (1995)
carried out two small-scale studies which indicate the potential of social skills
programmes at the primary level to improve interaction and cooperative behav-
iour. Research by Hall, C. & Delaney (1992) similarly suggests that a PSHE
programme speci® cally designed to promote friendliness can be effective with an
infant class. Lang (1988, Ch. 11± 16) offers several case studies of PSHE in
primary schools. PSHE materials include the Cross-Curricular Course for PSE
(Foster, 1992) and materials produced by the Citizenship Foundation (Rowe &
Newton, 1994).
National Curriculum Subjects

Recent research has been carried out on the values intrinsic to speci® c National
Curriculum subjects and academic disciplines: science (Poole, 1995), technol-
ogy (Rekus, 1992; Conway & Riggs, 1993; Waks, 1994), the arts (Best, D.,
1996, 1999) and the humanities (Mitias, 1992). When they study such subjects,
students should be introduced to the values implicit within them. These values
are much broader than moral values; they may include such things as rationality,
a concern for precision or more personal values like pleasure and enjoyment.
What is much more controversial is whether National Curriculum subjects can
legitimately be used as vehicles for teaching moral or other values which are not
intrinsic to them. It is often argued, for example, that all National Curriculum
subjects have a contribution to make to developing the values of cultural
diversity (King & Reiss, 1993). More speci® c claims have been made about the
potential of:
· history as a means of helping students to develop tolerance or a reasoned
commitment to democratic values (cf. Shemilt, 1992);

· English as a means of helping students to develop personal autonomy
and respect for persons (McCulloch & Mathieson, 1995) and helping
students to develop appropriate attitudes towards racism (Spurgeon,
1994) and sexual orientation (Harris, 1990);
· modern language teaching to ensure truthfulness and personal integrity
in communication (Smith, 1997);
· mathematics as a means of helping students to develop social responsi-
bility (Berman, 1993) and to respect cultural diversity (Bishop, 1991;
Shan & Bailey, 1991);
· science and geography as a means of developing certain attitudes towards
the environment (Poole, 1995, ch. 4; Harvey, 1996);
· design and technology as a means of developing multicultural and
anti-racist values (Eggleston, 1992, ch. 5; Siraj-Blatchford, 1994);
· the expressive arts as a means of developing fundamental human qualities
and spiritual responses to life (Halstead, 1997a);
· physical education and sport as a means of developing cooperation and
other qualities of character (Williams, E.A., 1993; Arnold, 1994; Shields
& Bredemeier, 1995).
Behind all these claims, however, lies the same conceptual problem about the
nature of the subject and what may be justi® ably included in the teaching of the
subject, much of which is open to argument.
For some, the school subject is an autonomous domain of study with its
own concepts and its own truth criteria. Lee (1992), for example, argues that
history involves having a concern for truth, meeting standards of detachment
and impartiality, being aware of the complexities of making sense of the past and
so on, but maintains that to teach history with a view to promoting patriotism
or the values of liberal democracy is unjusti® able. Where history is taught in
accordance with its own intrinsic methodology, he says, it is likely to have a
transformative effect on pupils’ views and values by making them more aware of
the diversity of human endeavour. But whether they come to value diversity by
this means is uncertain. To J. White (1992), on the other hand, the aims of
history as it is taught in schools are subordinate to the more general aims of

education and therefore it is not unjusti® able to use the subject as a vehicle for
moral education. He argues that `the main reason for teaching history in schools
is as a necessary element in the cultivation of those personal qualities in
students, like self-knowledge, self-determination and concern for the well-being
of others, which ® t them to be citizens of a liberal-democratic society’ (p. 19).
Similar debates have raged in other subjects, including English literature
and physical education. There are those who claim (drawing on notions of
beauty and truth in the Romantic tradition) that literature along with the arts
generally helps children to develop a sense of humanity and other civilised
values. Others make the more modest claim that literature presents pupils with
moral situations which may contribute to pupils’ understanding of both feelings
and rational moral principles, including justice, fairness, truthfulness and prom-
ise-keeping (Saenger, 1993; McCulloch & Mathieson, 1995). Post-modern
approaches to literature, however, call into question all claims about the morally
educative power of literature (Davies, 1989).
In sport and physical education research, opinion is divided between those
who believe that there is a clear connection between participation in sport and
the development of social and moral values (Arnold, 1994, 1997) and those who
maintain that there is nothing intrinsically moral about participation in sport
(Wright, 1987), since it may equally develop assertiveness, dominance and the
desire to win at all costs. There is general agreement, however, that sport and
physical education can be approached in a way which contributes to children’s
moral development.
In a small-scale survey of teacher trainees, Baldwin (1996) has shown that
although students often do not see the possibilities for moral education at ® rst
when asked to list reasons for studying the past, once they become conscious of
ethical issues they acknowledge their importance. For example, 97% rated
`helping us to understand people of different backgrounds’ as at least quite
important and 80% thought the same about `making people more tolerant of
others’ and `helping them to cope with moral con¯ ict’ . Numerous case studies
exist of values work in geography (Raw, 1989), in English (Clare et al., 1996),
in physical education and sport (Dibbo & Gerry, 1995; Wandzilak et al., 1988),
in drama (Winston, 1995, 1998) and in the core subjects (Berman & La Farge,
1993). The Charis Project (Shortt & Farnell, 1996, 1997) seeks speci® cally to
integrate the spiritual and moral dimension into English, mathematics, French,
German and science.
Religious Education
Religious Education (RE) has for many years been regarded as a `major vehicle
for moral education’ (Priestley, 1987, p. 107) and for the National Curriculum
Council its contribution to the understanding of values was `too obvious’ to
merit discussion (National Curriculum Council, 1990a, p. 2). However, the
relationship between religion and morality is by no means clear cut (Beck, 1998,
Ch. 3). While acknowledging that religions typically have much to say about
morality and provide a source of moral vision (Priestley, 1987), many writers
argue that religion and morality are logically different ways of interpreting
experience (see Hirst, 1974). The reconceptualisation of RE that has occurred
in the last 30 years has involved a move away from a `confessional’ approach
which sought to encourage the development of faith (and morality through
faith) towards a `phenomenological’ approach which seeks to develop a sym-
pathetic understanding of religious beliefs and practices (Lovat, 1995). In line
with this change, the contribution of RE to the development of pupils’ values
and attitudes now has more to do with providing opportunities to discuss and
re¯ ect on the search for meaning and purpose in life and on the nature of values,
beliefs, commitments and personal experiences.
Four main approaches to RE are currently used in Britain, and each has a
contribution to make to the development of pupils’ values. The ® rst is the
systematic study of a number of religions (School Curriculum and Assessment
Authority, 1994). The second is the study of cross religious themes such as
festivals or places of worship or what various religions say about care for the
environment (Teece, 1993). The third is an implicit approach, drawing on
children’ s personal experience (going on a journey for example) as a way of
introducing religious topics (such as pilgrimage) (Bates, 1992). The fourth is an
experiential approach, seeking to heighten children’ s sensitivity to relationships
and emotions as a way of helping them to understand some of the essential
characteristics of religion (Hammond et al., 1990).
The values most frequently mentioned by RE advisers as promoted by RE
are àwareness of spirituality’ , `tolerance’ , `respect for others’ and `love’ (Taylor,
1989). Ways in which RE can support multicultural and anti-racist values have
also been stressed (Jackson, R., 1992; Grimmitt, 1994). The contribution of RE
to spiritual development has been widely examined (Mackley, 1993; Crawford
& Rossiter, 1996; Kibble, 1996). A number of research projects, involving the
production and trialling of materials for classroom use, have been set up to
promote values in RE. These include: the RE Values Project Four Five
(Williams, V., 1990); the Gift to the Child Project (Grimmitt et al., 1991; Hull,
1996); the Religious Experience and Education Project (Hammond et al.,
1990); the Templeton Project (Mackley, 1996). The last two have a particular
emphasis on spiritual values.
VALUES EDUCATION THROUGH THE LIFE OF THE SCHOOL

Pastoral Care and the Ethos of the School
The ethos of the school is an imprecise term referring to the general atmosphere
within a school, yet it has been identi® ed by numerous researchers as an
important element both in school effectiveness and in values education (Rutter
et al., 1979; Taylor, 1998, 2000; Ungoed-Thomas, 1997). Lickona (1991, Ch.
17) and others argue that the moral climate of the school must be consistent
with the values promulgated through direct instruction. In its broadest sense the
term èthos’ encompasses the nature of relationships within a school, the
dominant forms of social interaction, the attitudes and expectations of teachers,
the learning climate, the way that con¯ icts are resolved, the physical environ-
ment, links with parents and the local community, patterns of communication,
the nature of pupil involvement in the school, discipline procedures, anti-bully-
ing and anti-racist policies, management styles, the school’ s underlying philoso-
phy and aims and the system of caring (Eisner, 1994; Jackson, P.W. et al., 1993;
Power, F.C. et al., 1989; Schaps & Soloman, 1990; Taylor, 1996). All of these
are rich in their potential to in¯ uence the developing values, attitudes and
personal qualities of children and young people.
In phrases like `the caring school’ and `the caring teacher’ , the term `caring’
refers to a conscious decision to prioritise the needs and interests of the pupil.
For example, in a study of parental choice of schools, Hughes et al. (1994, p.
84) found that parents wanted the school to be a caring place where children
were made to feel valued. However, S. Power warns that `caring’ may also be
used as a euphemism for `non-academic’ (1996, p. 62). In the UK, `caring’ has
been institutionalised in such structures as pastoral care in schools (Best, R. &
Curran, 1995, pp. 3± 4) and the work of the `caring professionals’ (Chaskin &
Rauner, 1995, p. 670). Most recent research on caring in the UK focuses on
pastoral care (Lang et al., 1994; Best, R. et al., 1995). Drawing on empirical
research, R. Best & Curran (1995) provide a nine point model of the caring
school. In the USA, on the other hand, `caring’ is now the name for a theoretical
approach to moral education that emphasises relationships and connectedness
(Gilligan, 1982; Noddings, 1984; cf. Halstead & Taylor, 2000, Key Topic 2).
School Policy Statements

Increasing demands for public accountability, combined with the proliferation
of national pronouncements on values (OfSTED 1994a; School Curriculum
and Assessment Authority SCAA, 1995, 1996a), have forced schools to articu-
late their underlying values more explicitly and to re¯ ect on the way that the life
of the school may contribute to the development of pupils’ values and attitudes.
In the past, these processes often formed part of the hidden curriculum
(Halstead, 1996a, p. 4).
There is some evidence that parents are in¯ uenced by perceptions of a
school with a strong values orientation (Mar¯ eet, 1996). Taylor (1998) suggests
how schools may review the development and implementation of whole-school
values policies and practices. In a national survey, Taylor (2000) discovered that
about one-quarter of both primary and secondary schools claimed to have a
values statement which `set out the values the school intends to promote and
which it intends to demonstrate through all aspects of its life’ (School Curricu-
lum and Assessment Authority, 1995, p. 8). Fewer than one-® fth of schools had
a policy for spiritual, moral, social and cultural development indicating how the
curriculum and other aspects of school life would promote these dimensions of
experience. Almost half of the respondents said they had experienced whole-
school training on aspects of values education in the two previous years. Policy
statements on equal opportunities, non-discrimination and anti-racism are also
widespread, particularly in inner city schools (Foster-Allen, 1996; Halstead &
Taylor, 2000).
Teacher Example
The Standards for the Award of Quali® ed Teacher Status (Teacher Training
Authority, 1997) require, among other things, evidence that trainees `set a good
example to the pupils they teach, through their presentation and their personal
and professional conduct’. There are at least two assumptions here, that
teaching is in some way a moral vocation (cf. Carr, 1993, p. 206) and that
children’ s values will be in¯ uenced, consciously or otherwise, by the example set
by their teachers in their relationships, attitudes and teaching styles (cf. Jackson,
P.W., 1992, p. 404). The role of the teacher certainly implies the power to
in¯ uence students (Hansen, 1993a, p. 668), and since values are inherent in
teaching, it seems unlikely that students will be able to avoid the in¯ uence of
teachers’ values completely, even if teachers do not see it as part of their role to
set a moral example (Carr, 1993). However, research provides mixed evidence
about the extent to which children follow the example of their teachers, or even
respect them. A Mori poll found that 78% of adults considered that teachers set
a good example for young people (School Curriculum and Assessment Auth-
ority, 1996a). On the other hand, a study based on interviews with American
teenagers suggests that only 9% of students consider their teachers to have made
a difference in their lives (Csikszentmihalyi & McCormack, 1986). This seems
a low percentage, but in a survey of 9000 young people in Illinois, only 4% said
they would turn to a teacher for advice (Billings, 1990).
A major research project, carried out in Chicago from 1988 to 1990, called
The Moral Life of Schools, goes some way towards explaining the discrepancy
between these ® ndings. Much of the moral in¯ uence that teachers have on their
students, suggest P.W. Jackson et al. (1993, p. 2), may occur without the
students being aware of it, perhaps even without the teachers being aware of the
moral consequences of what they are doing. Indeed, teachers and students rarely
describe their actions in speci® cally moral terms (Hansen, 1993a, p. 670). The
indirect moral in¯ uence on children is deeply embedded in the daily life of the
school, either within normal teaching activities or within the contingent interac-
tions at classroom level (Hansen, 1993b, p. 397 ff.). Such moral `lessons’ can
only be understood by carefully observing the day-to-day life of the school and
the gradual emergence of shared understandings and values (Hansen, 1992).
The process is further complicated by the fact that the same incident may have
moral meaning to one observer and not to another (Hansen, 1993a, p. 669).
This is particularly the case with what P.W. Jackson et al. (1993, pp. 29± 42) call
èxpressive morality’ , by which they mean not only teachers’ facial expressions
and gestures but also the con® dence and trust they may inspire, the aura of
friendliness and personal integrity which may surround them and the way they
convey messages through personal routines and other aspects of teaching style
(including prompt arrival, thorough preparation and careful marking of pupils’
work). But what the research does make clear is that the moral meanings evident
in classroom teaching are often `the expression or enactment of the person the
teacher is, which can encompass far more than self-conscious intent’ (Hansen,
1993a, p. 671).
Walker (1999) delineates the perceived personality characteristics of moral
exemplars. The importance of warm, positive and secure relationships between
young children and adults is emphasised in a review of research by Elicker &
Fortner-Wood (1995), who also show that a secure attachment with a teacher
can partially compensate for an insecure attachment with a parent (cf. Werner
& Smith, 1992). Attempts to personalise the school experience of adolescents

can help to curb disruptive behaviour (Shore, 1996; Testerman, 1996). It is
through relationships that children learn the importance of qualities such as
honesty, respect and sensitivity to others. Children are most likely to be
in¯ uenced by teachers whose qualities they admire. Such qualities include
tolerance, ® rmness and fairness, acting in a reasonable manner and a willingness
to explain things (Hayes, 1993; Taylor, 1996) and, for older pupils, respect and
freedom from prejudice (Rhodes, 1990), gentleness and courtesy (Haberman,
1994) and sensitivity and responsiveness to the needs of pupils (Kutnick & Jules,
1993).
School Councils
In recent years, increasing concern about the preparation of young people for
`the opportunities, responsibilities and experiences of adult life’ (Department of
Education and Science, 1988) has led to the development of school councils
and other activities designed to promote a practical understanding of democratic
procedures and the rights and responsibilities of citizenship (Bottery, 1990).
F.C. Power (1992) calls this the àpprenticeship approach’ , arguing that stu-
dents need direct experience of democracy if they are to become fully participa-
tive citizens in society. School councils also offer children opportunities for
service, though this may raise questions about possible clashes between a
philosophy of service and a philosophy of empowerment and about the meaning
of democracy in a school context (National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty
to Children, 1995). Descriptive case studies of school councils in operation are
given in Pupil Eye (1989), Allison (1991), Rowe (1992), F.C. Power & A.M.R.
Power (1992), Elton (1994) and Scottish Consultative Council on the Curricu-
lum (1995).
In 1992 an Advisory Centre for Education survey of 480 randomly selected
schools in the UK found that about one-third had school councils. They were
twice as common in secondary as in primary schools (Ashworth, 1995). Schools
with school councils were more likely to involve students in a range of manage
ment issues, giving students a greater sense of ownership and increased under-
standing of management issues, as well as enhancing problem solving abilities
and improving behaviour. However, a survey of student councils in British
Columbian primary schools found that they mainly focused on planning and
organising activities for fund raising (Robinson & Koehn, 1994).
Reviewing evidence from ® ve studies in the USA, Hepburn (1984) con-
cluded that `democratic experiences in the school and the classroom do contrib-
ute to participatory awareness, and the skills and attitudes fundamental to life
in democratic societies’ (p. 261). A case study of four secondary schools in the
USA (Mosher et al., 1994), which had operated different forms of democratic
organisation for several years, showed that debate in school councils could raise
pupils’ levels of moral reasoning and understanding (see also Mosher, 1980, p.
296). Pupils learned self-governance and found solutions to school problems;

they developed skills such as how to conduct meetings, took others’ views into
account, had increased consideration for the rights of others and an awareness
that their actions could make a difference. Importantly, a practice explicitly
agreed by students within a democratic school community was likely to have
more in¯ uence on the social behaviour of adolescents. In contrast, evidence
suggests that pupils in schools without democratic practices may feel little or no
responsibility for upholding school rules even when they believe that violating
such rules would be wrong (Power, F.C. et al., 1989).
In the UK, John & Osborn (1992) suggested that schools with more
participation and freedom of expression had a stronger in¯ uence on pupils’
values than the `traditional’ school; in the former, pupils were more supportive
of race and gender equality, but also more sceptical about the democratic
operation of government. An investigation into the Pupil Councils Programme
in ® ve Liverpool schools (Khaleel, 1993) also showed that school councils often
have mixed effects. Positive outcomes were: increases in pupil con® dence,
maturity, responsibility; shared problem solving; less antisocial behaviour, partly
due to pupil monitoring; a better school environment; better pupil ± teacher
relationships; greater participation in extra-curricular activities initiated by
pupils. Most councillors were seen to set a good example to other pupils. On the
other hand, Rowe (1996) found that there was student disillusionment at the
poor level of discussion, the low status of the school council, the eÂlitism of
representatives, poor communication between councillors and other pupils and
lack of action. Student councils were sometimes sidelined to a student welfare
role, with consultation on behaviour policies taking place via tutor groups. The
NSPCC study (1995) found that pupils often felt that a school council gave an
appearance of consultation rather than real interest in pupils’ views. According
to Rowe (1996), the work of the school council needs to be integrated with
other forms of consultation, such as course evaluation and tutor group dis-
cussion. Research indicates that school councils operate most effectively where
there is a general democratic ethos in the school and where teachers are
committed to consultation, shared decision making and to promoting the active
involvement of young people in civic responsibility.
Rules and Discipline

Clear and fair discipline is an important characteristic of effective schools
(Sammons et al., 1995, p. 19; Wilson & Cowell, 1990) and its importance was
highlighted by publication of the Elton Report (Department of Education and
Science, 1989a). A number of studies (see Sammons et al., 1995, p. 19) have
found that too frequent use of punishment can create a tense and negative
atmosphere with harmful effects on attendance and behaviour and that formal
punishments are often ineffective or counter-productive. Noguera (1995) has
shown that the `get-tough’ approach adopted towards problems of violence in
some schools in America has not had much effect in creating a safer environ-
ment in schools. This, he argues, is because the use of coercive strategies, based
on an underlying philosophy of social control, interrupts learning and ultimately

produces an environment of mistrust and resistance. Noguera and others
suggest that discipline is most effective when it is rooted in children’ s own
experience and emerging sense of community and collective responsibility.
Various strategies for reducing violence and disruption in schools have been
developed. These include: con¯ ict resolution programmes and other ways of
dealing with violence in the curriculum (Daux, 1990; Lickona, 1991, Ch. 15);
peer mediation (Shulman, 1996; see below); mentoring programmes that pair
pupils with adult role models (McPartland & Nettles, 1991); student coun-
selling (Bovair & McLaughlin, 1993); the involvement of pupils, including
disruptive pupils, in the development of school and classroom rules or play-
ground rules (Lickona, 1991, Ch. 7; Garner, 1992; Evans, 1990; see below),
which exemplify broader moral principles and provide àn explicit moral code
that all of the students in the room are expected to obey’ (Jackson, P.W. et al.,
1993, p. 12). Further research needs to be undertaken to establish the effective-
ness of these strategies.
One behavioural approach to discipline which has found some support in
Britain since its introduction in 1991, in spite of its philosophy of social control
and its use of rewards and punishments to obtain obedience, is the Assertive
Discipline programme, developed in America in the late 1970s as a way of
reducing the loss of teaching time resulting from disruptive and antisocial
behaviour (Canter & Canter, 1992). It is based on three guidelines for teachers:
making your requirements clear (i.e. publishing clear, unambiguous rules);
giving continuous positive feedback when pupils are meeting your requirements;
and publishing a hierarchy of mild but irksome sanctions for rule breaking,
which should be applied with total consistency (Swinson & Melling, 1995).
Undesired behaviour thus comes to be associated in the child’ s mind with
undesirable consequences, such as writing the child’s name on the board,
detentions in breaktime or sending the child to another room. There is some
research evidence that Assertive Discipline can increase appropriate pupil be-
haviour and decrease the frequency of disruptive incidents (Nicholls, 1993;
Swinson & Melling, 1995), but the approach has also been subject to signi® cant
criticisms. Robinson & Maines (1994) suggest that dependence on external
motivation may do little to improve children’s sense of social responsibility or

growth towards personal autonomy and shows little respect for children’s
individual needs and dignity.
METHODS OF VALUES EDUCATION

Some of the methods described below are associated with particular theories of
values education, particularly in the American context (see Halstead & Taylor,
2000, especially Key Topics 2, 9 and 10). Thus the proponents of Character
Education (Lickona, 1991; Wynne & Ryan, 1992; Molnar, 1997) tend to favour
direct instruction and the use of stories; the proponents of moral reasoning
(Kohlberg, 1969, 1981) favour discussion and the establishment of just com-
munities; and the proponents of caring (Gilligan, 1982; Noddings, 1984) may
favour circle time, extra-curricular activities and the narrative approach. The
theories have generally had a very limited impact on values education in the UK,
but the methods have wider relevance in a variety of contexts.
Direct Instruction and Special Programmes of Study

This approach is based on the belief that adults have a duty to teach children
moral values directly, so that they can shape their behaviour and help them to
develop good habits (Wynne, 1991, p. 143; Kilpatrick, 1992, p. 15). The
approach involves naming the core values and offering pupils timetabled oppor-
tunities to study them directly (Lickona, 1996, p. 95). The instructional process
may include problem solving, cooperative learning, experience-based projects,
integrated thematic learning and the discussion of ways of putting virtues into
practice, as well as more formal instruction.
Sometimes special programmes of study are devised which focus on speci® c
values, such as equal opportunities or tolerance and respect. Milhouse &
Henderson (1993) report that, as a result of a multicultural education pro-
gramme, there was a measured increase in students’ positive attitudes and a
comparable reduction in non accepting attitudes towards diverse cultures or
ethnic groups (see also DeGenova, 1995). Work by Francis (ALTARF, 1984)
and C. Brown et al. (1990) shows that children can be made to recognise the
unfairness of their racist views and can be helped to modify them. Freeman
(1996) reports similar ® ndings on gender stereotyping. Tattum & Herbert
(1993) provide case study descriptions of programmes that have proved effective
in reducing incidents of bullying.
Discussion
Discussion-based approaches are widely used, though Taylor (1994, p. 52)
points out that more experiential and less didactic teaching and learning
approaches like discussion may be associated in students’ eyes with low status
study (cf. Hall, K., 1995). Cohen (quoted in Klein, 1993, p. 115) found that
children did not necessarily change their racist views when challenged to
examine them in open discussion. Lucas & Jenkins (1988) suggest that the
success of any discussion-based activity depends on the attitudes and interper-
sonal skills of the pupils.
Dilemma discussion strategies were initiated by Kohlberg and colleagues to
promote moral reasoning. Descriptions of these strategies are given by Blatt &
Kohlberg (1975), Galbraith & Jones (1976), Howard-Hamilton (1995) in
conjunction with circle time and school councils, and Dobblestein-Osthoff &
Reinhardt (1992) in relation to subject teaching and the teacher’ s role. Dis-
cussion is particularly directed at modelling and eliciting reasoning at the next
stage of moral development and thus, by exposure to different moral points of
view, stimulating cognitive con¯ ict in the individual pupil’ s awareness of prob-
lematical situations and facilitating movement to a higher stage.

Numerous research studies indicate the ef® cacy of dilemma discussion
strategies. Among earlier research, a seminal study by Blatt & Kohlberg (1975)
of a teacher-led dilemma discussion programme (twice weekly for 18 weeks),
using arguments at one stage above that of the lowest stage of the students
(socio-economically mixed groups aged 12 and 16 in four Chicago schools),
demonstrated a signi® cant increase in moral judgement (on average one-third of
a stage) as compared with the control groups. This was irrespective of age or
status. Some change also occurred in the peer discussion groups. These changes
were maintained after one year. A review of more recent research continues to
support the view that dilemma discussions are more effective than academic
courses in promoting the development of moral reasoning (Rest & Thoma,
1986). In a quasi-experimental study of 15± 18-year-old Americans, students in
ethics classes which used Kohlbergian± Socratic dilemma discussions made
statistically signi® cant gains in socio-moral re¯ ection maturity, principled moral
reasoning and self-reported moral behaviour compared with the role model
ethics class or a computer science control group (DeHaan et al., 1997).
Just Communities
These were set up in a series of experiments by Kohlberg and colleagues to
in¯ uence students’ moral reasoning and behaviour. They are small alternative
schools (typically 60± 100 students) within public high schools, designed to
promote a genuine democratic ethos (for descriptions see Power, F.C., 1988;
Power, F.C. et al., 1989; Higgins, 1991). Just communities pay particular
attention to moral climate, developing institutional role taking and participation
in rule making and rule enforcing. Teachers facilitate prosocial norms, revolving
around the ideal of group solidarity and a commitment to collective norms of
care and responsibility to promote unity (e.g. developing an ethos of trust and
against stealing). Just communities include discussion of real dilemmas experi-
enced within the community and the development of a discussion culture with
rules about listening, consideration for others, openness to arguments against
one’ s position, persuasion, resisting pressure and balancing individual and group
interest. They also offer opportunities for participating in collective decision

making involving complex moral issues (Reed, 1997). They make signi® cant
demands of teachers, including establishing an open class climate, organising
time effectively, encouraging student interaction and developing probing ques-
tion skills (Kohlberg & Higgins, 1987; Kuhmerker, 1991). A just community
programme with gifted high school students, incorporating counselling tech-
niques and formal curricular and extra-curricular activities, is described by
Howard-Hamilton (1995). Student reactions are given in Kober et al. (1991)
and Garz & Aufenager (1992).
Research shows that students are more inclined to identify with the school
and to assume a greater sense of responsibility for its welfare (on a range of
criteria, such as stopping stealing and cheating and promoting racial integration)
(Power, F.C. et al., 1989). There is also evidence that the democratic values
fostered in just community programmes can encourage integration and a respect
for diversity across racial and social class divisions (Power, F.C. and Power,
A.M.R., 1992); however, the just community students `did not develop their
stages of moral reasoning at a signi® cantly more accelerated rate than they
would have in a good moral discussion programme’. On the other hand, there
was evidence that through the community experience their stage of reasoning
about their own real life issues in the schools had caught up with their
hypothetical moral dilemma reasoning level at the start of the project (Power,
F.C., 1988, p. 200). A just community experiment in three high schools in
North Rhine Westphalia, Germany, was claimed to have àlmost doubled the
effects of normal schooling on moral development’ (Lind & Althof, 1992, p.
26).
Collective Worship
Schools in the UK are required to have a daily act of collective worship òf a
wholly or mainly broadly Christian character’ , but many, especially secondary
schools, resist such provision on ideological or practical grounds (OFSTED,
1997, p. 5). Furthermore, in a large-scale survey of teenage values, Francis &
Kay found that only 6% of young people agreed that schools should hold a
religious assembly every day (1995, p. 187). On the other hand, there is a
widespread belief among primary school inspectors that the act of worship
contributes to children’ s spiritual development (Woods & Woods, 1996), while
RE advisors believe that the act of worship also contributes to a sense of
community, respect and care for others (Taylor, 1989, p. 61). In a nationally
representative NFER survey, primary and secondary schools were almost unani-
mous in claiming that values education takes place in collective worship (Taylor,
2000). The content of collective worship varies enormously from school to
school, but there is some research evidence that it can contribute to children’s
spiritual and moral development (Gill, 1998, 2000; Warner, 1996). Ungoed-
Thomas argues that worship should ènable serious re¯ ection on the non-ma-
terial dimensions of life to take place’ (1994, p. 22). Rolph (1989, p. 26) and
others have argued that it should involve celebration, encourage pupils to

èxpress thankfulness for the joy of being alive’ and give time for èxploration of
inner space and feelings of transcendence’ . Copley (1992) examines the use of
silence in collective worship.
Extra-curricular Activities
Participation in extra-curricular activities is a source of interest and challenge to
many students and may provide opportunities to explore new roles, work in a
team and develop leadership skills (Williams, V., 1990; Maher, 1992). The
experience of confronting moral issues in a real life structured setting, as in
community service, or of resolving con¯ icting values and priorities in an

intensive residential experience, may be signi® cant for moral development.
According to the proponents of character education, students need repeated
opportunities to practice good behaviour until it becomes a habit, part of their
personal narrative (see below). `By grappling with real-life challenges’ , says
Lickona (1996, p. 95), `students develop practical understanding of the require-
ments of fairness, co-operation and respect’ . Extra-curricular activities can
re¯ ect and support the cultural diversity of pupils’ backgrounds and may be an
important alternative route to achievement and self esteem for adolescents who
do not excel academically (Holland & AndreÂ, 1994) and for young people with
special needs (Murtaugh, 1988).
A major national evaluation of `The Lower Attaining Pupils Programme’ in
17 LEAs across England showed that residentials, experienced by most partici-
pating pupils in their last two years of compulsory schooling, were a signi® cant
resource for personal and social learning. Among the learning outcomes were:
improved motivation; increased self-con® dence, self-esteem and self-control;
social development; learning to work together and help one another; improved
relationships with teachers and other adults; and improved attitudes. Residen-
tials remained the most popular project activity for pupils after they had left
school (Taylor, 1988).
In a major review of mainly North American research into the effects of
participation in extra-curricular activities in secondary school since 1960, Hol-
land & AndreÂ (1987) concluded that research evidence is consistent with the
view that participation in extra-curricular activities: enhances students’ overall
educational experience; provides opportunities to work actively, cooperatively
and informally; facilitates friendships by working towards a common goal;
promotes identi® cation with a social group in a more independent and mature
way; and develops interpersonal skills. Some studies have reported that sub-
stance abuse was less common among participants in extra-curricular activities
(e.g. Shilts, 1991). On the other hand, Manners & Smart (1995) found that the
participation of junior high school students in extra-curricular activities (athlet-
ics, musical groups and school clubs) did not appear to affect their ability to
make moral judgements.
There is substantial evidence that moral growth is more likely to occur if the
extra-curricular activity includes opportunities to discuss and re¯ ect on the
moral issues that arise. A group of 5± 7-year-olds taught by social learning
(modelling and reinforcement) or structural development (discussion and nego-
tiation) methods in a summer sport camp demonstrated moral growth as
measured by intentionality and distributive justice tasks (Bredemeier et al.,
1986). Students from Catholic high schools who participated in a 3 year service
programme with agencies (such as hospitals, schools, etc.), discussion with
teachers and linked reading and writing activities showed a signi® cant increase
in post-conventional moral reasoning (Duffy, 1982). At the college level, Boss
(1994) reported that community service work, involving people in need, to-
gether with journal-based self-re¯ ection and discussion of relevant moral issues,
was effective in moving an experimental group of students to a principled stage

of moral reasoning. Doing community service work helped participants to
identify themselves as moral agents and improve their motivation to engage in
moral action.
The Formation and Discussion of Classroom Rules

Research by the Advisory Centre for Education (1994) shows that 23 schools
out of a sample of 65 had procedures that involved children in rule making. The
discussion of rules may take place during circle time (see below) or within the
school council (see above). The main justi® cations for involving pupils in
developing school discipline procedures are to help them to: understand the
nature of rules; develop their moral reasoning and their understanding of the
rights and responsibilities of citizenship; empower them to make informed
decisions regarding their rights and duties and to be pro-active in the face of
injustice or wrong-doing; develop certain qualities of character, such as a
willingness to act in partnership with others and an understanding of the need
for self-discipline; and contribute to the corporate identity of the school. It is
also assumed that pupils will be more motivated to obey rules that have been
negotiated with them (Garner, 1992; Langford et al., 1994; Nobes, 1999).
There is some evidence to suggest that the views of disruptive pupils are not
always anti-school and that such pupils can be encouraged to contribute to the
process of clarifying classroom goals and the rules that govern them (Garner,
1992, p. 14). However, despite arguing for increased participation, at least on
the part of senior secondary students in the setting of class rules, Langford et al.
(1994) suggest that sanctions must still be available to back up the rules because
there will always be a minority who will actively resist them.
Circle Time
Circle time is an increasingly popular method in both Europe and North
America for promoting con® dence, self-knowledge and self-esteem in pupils
mainly, but not exclusively, of primary age. Research by Can® eld (1990),
Damon (1991) and Sammons et al. (1995) links self-esteem not only with an
increase in adjustment and happiness but also with the development of social
responsibility. Circle time may also help pupils to learn to talk about their
feelings, to gain a sense of belonging to a group or community, to develop
qualities such as trust, responsibility, empathy, cooperation, caring behaviour
and respect for the feelings of others and to engage in personal re¯ ection and
clarify their own values.
In circle time everyone including the teacher sits in a circle, preferably on
chairs and at the same level and shares ideas and feelings from a position of
equality. Clear ground rules are needed, which will be more effective if negoti-
ated with pupils; these include things like taking turns to speak, listening with
interest and respect, not interrupting, not making negative comments on other
members of the circle and avoiding racist and sexist statements (Chamberlain,
1992). The teacher may offer a starter phrase such as Òne thing which makes
me happy is ¼ ’ or may invite the children to suggest ways of resolving speci® c
problems which have arisen in the class. This basic structure may be varied
in a number of ways, for example by including parents or other adults in the
circle, by dividing a whole class into smaller circles with perhaps 10 children
each, by encouraging discussion in pairs or by broadening the range of activi-
ties to include games, singing and story telling (White, M., 1991; Mosley,
1993, 1996).
Lang (1996) reports on a small-scale research project carried out by Hall
in 1994 into the attitudes of 9- and 10-year-olds and their teachers towards
circle time, which con® rms its potential for developing problem solving skills
and enhancing self-concept and self-esteem. Similar ® ndings are reported
among ® rst graders in Missouri (Dixon, 1981). A case study (Curry, 1997)
shows how circle time provided emotional support which led to the re-inte-
gration of a 10-year-old girl with emotional and behavioural disorders. A study
of the social and educational content of circle time in Sweden (Reich, 1994),
based on interviews with teachers and children, reports that circle time is
generally thought to contribute to the development of personal identity, to
increase self-awareness, to foster democratic values and to train children in the
complicated rules of social interaction. However, the research also shows that
whereas teachers see circle time as directed towards caring and a feeling of
togetherness, young children talk more of the self-restraint and having to sit
still. Housego & Burns (1994) advise that circle time is most effective if its
underlying values are in harmony with the general ethos of the classroom.
They also point out that if the quality of circle time is to be maintained, pupils
must be discouraged from offering super® cial contributions and must be
encouraged to think carefully and build on what has been said before.
Dixon (1981) and Lang (1996) suggest that the attitude, enthusiasm and
social and communicative competence of the teacher are vital to the success of
circle time and Reich (1994) notes that this has clear implications for teacher
training.
Use of Stories
The study of literature and biography is widely claimed to enhance moral
judgement and hence character (Ellenwood & Ryan, 1991) because it expands
the moral imagination (Coles, 1989) and develops the emotional side of a
child’ s character (Lickona, 1991, p. 79ff). Similar claims have been made for
poetry (Conroy, 1999). Stories are also considered to have an important part to
play in spiritual development (Newby, 1997; Baker, 1995). Kilpatrick (1992,
Ch. 15) offers a guide to 120 books which may contribute to children’s
character development (see also Kilpatrick et al., 1994). Gooderham (1994)
considers how adolescent texts can serve as an introduction to the domain of
public discourse. In a later paper (Gooderham, 1997), he shows how adult
narrators in texts address child readers and thus model the narrative relation-
ships established, shaping the way in which children respond to character and
action. Direct discussion of character perspectives in stories enhanced older
elementary school pupils’ understanding of characters and their consideration of
the social context and relationships (Emery & Milhalevich, 1992). A study of
one classroom with a more conversational style showed that elementary students
were more inclined than those in a conventional class to initiate discussions of
the values implications of texts (Clare et al., 1996). But the method required
considerable teacher preparation, open-ended questioning, clarifying, summaris-
ing, building on pupils’ contributions and encouraging students to respond to
one another.
Personal Narratives
This approach involves the view that individuals give meaning to their own life
experiences by representing them as narratives (Tappan & Brown, 1989; Vitz,
1990) and that they develop morally and spiritually by re¯ ecting on the lessons
in the stories they tell about their own experiences (Earl, 1996). The role of the
teacher is an open and non-judgemental one, working alongside students in
order to co-construct the story with the student, to acknowledge the moral
choices, actions and feelings and understand the moral lessons inherent in these
stories (Tappan, 1991; Tappan & Brown, 1996). The interrelationship of
narrative and subjective ways of knowing, caring and response has been ex-
plored by Gilligan (1982), Lyons (1983) Noddings (1984), Witherell (1991)
and Witherell & Noddings (1991).
The narrative approach has some similarities with values clari® cation
(Raths et al., 1966; Simon et al., 1972) and is linked with research on the social
psychology of the person (e.g. Kitwood, 1980) and counselling approaches (e.g.
Coles, 1986). The approach is interdisciplinary, drawing on psychology, femi-
nism, literary theory and post-modernism. It is particularly in¯ uenced by
Vygotsky’ s view that children use inner speech to formulate their own problem
solving and to move from regulation by others to self-constructed rules, and by
Bakhtin’ s (1981) description of the dialogic nature of speech, which explains
how children construct a shared understanding of words, activities and moral

principles through dialogue with adults.
Research on narrative is by de® nition qualitative and much of it involves
working out and explicating its own methodology. For instance, L.M. Brown &
Gilligan (1991) outline four ways of listening to `voices of self’ in adolescent
girls’ narratives about relationships, care and justice. L.M. Brown et al. (1991)
present a `relational’ method for reading and interpreting interview narratives of
individuals’ lived experience of con¯ ict and choice and analyse an example of a
story of con¯ ict of a 12 year-old girl. Witherell recognises the importance in
narrative of `context, interpretation, voice, metaphor, expressive language and
attention to particulars’ (1991, p. 237). Papers in a special issue of the Journal
of Moral Education [20(3)] explore narrative in relation to: autobiography and
relationships (Pagano, 1991); racial con¯ ict (Ward, 1991); cheating (Johnston,
1991); moral con¯ ict and change (Day, 1991); and trust (Attanucci, 1991). But
despite the literature advocating narrative approaches, there appears to have
been little systematic research to date evaluating the use of narrative as a method
of moral education, especially in the school context. Pratt & Arnold (1995)
describe some research into parent± child narratives about conveying values.
Colesante & Biggs (1999) provide evidence that students prefer teachers to
adopt a narrative approach rather than a propositional approach.
Peer Mediation
This approach involves training students to address student con¯ ict situations,
such as bullying, indiscipline and communication problems within schools. It is
claimed that peer mediation can defuse tension, hostility and violence and
transform schools into more cooperative environments, with the students in-
volved learning a wide range of skills. Evaluations in America have shown that
in over three-® fths of cases an agreement was reached and in place at the time
of follow-up (Trevaskis, 1994). Grif® th (1996) describes a training programme
with staff and students and a qualitative study in one Scottish secondary school.
The EQUIP programme (Gibbs et al., 1995) provides a three-part training
approach for adolescents with behaviour disorders (moral judgement develop-
ment; anger management/correction of thinking errors; pro-social skills develop-
ment) and encourages students to help one another. It has been found to reduce
misconduct (Leeman et al., 1993), though it has not yet been evaluated in a
school setting.
Philosophy for Children

This approach aims to strengthen children’s reasoning and moral judgement
through Socratic dialogue (Ross, 1996) and teaching about discussion tech-
niques, conceptual analysis, formulation of de® nitions, the use of examples and
so on (Lipman, 1984, 1987). Pupils identify the issues they wish to discuss from
philosophical novels (or picture books in the case of very young children: see
Murris, 1992)Ð in effect creating their own lesson planÐ and then analyse,
synthesise and evaluate, thereby engaging in higher order critical thinking.
Niklasson et al. (1996) and S. Williams (1993) report improvements in cogni-
tive, personal and interpersonal skills. The approach has been boosted by the
popular success of Jostein Gaarder’s Sophie’s World (1994).
Other Methods
Noddings (1994) argues that ordinary conversations between adults and chil-
dren, even in non-literary subjects such as maths and science, can be central to
moral education so long as the adults are reasonably good people and respect
their child partners, treating them as more important to the conversation than
the topic, argument or conclusion. Other teaching and learning methods which
have been adopted as a means of in¯ uencing pupils’ attitudes and behaviour
include role play, drama (Winston, 1998, 1999), mock parliaments, educational
games, simulation exercises, practical activities, cooperative learning, project
work, group work, pupil-directed research, problem solving, critical reasoning
and theme days.
The choice of teaching methods is itself value laden. Where these methods
operate at an informal level, little research has been carried out into their
effectiveness; as noted above, most research focuses on methods associated with
speci® c theoretical frameworks and strategies.
Assessment and Evaluation

The evaluation of school effectiveness in values education requires agreement
over what values and attitudes schools should promote, what counts as evidence
of personal and social development and how to measure the value that schools
add to pupils’ development. Currently, OFSTED inspectors evaluate only
school provision, not pupil outcomes (OFSTED, 1994a, 1994b, 1995). How-
ever, Fend (1995) claims that there are some competencies and values which
can be measured. Mortimore et al. (1988) found that in many effective junior
schools, teachers continually monitored pupils’ strengths and weaknesses, com-
bining objective assessments with their own judgements in records relating to
both academic abilities and personal and social development. Prosser & Deakin
(1997) suggest that the school’ s explicitness about its values and the extent to
which teachers shared values in practice have an important in¯ uence on pupils’
values development. Using pro® ling and records of achievement (Department of
Education and Science and Welsh Of® ce, 1989) can in itself be a positive
process of personal and social learning, enabling a genuine interpersonal dia-
logue, consultation and perceptive pupil self-evaluation of achievements (Tay-
lor, 1998).
CONCLUSION
Of the many implications for teachers, schools, inspectors, teacher trainers and
researchers listed in our more extensive review (Halstead & Taylor, 2000), we
highlight just three here by way of conclusion. First is the need for schools to
have a coherent strategy for values education. There are strong empirical
indications that bringing together a number of different teaching and learning
approaches in a whole school policy is much more effective in in¯ uencing the
development of young people’s values than adopting a single approach in
isolation.
Secondly, in the light of the policy and guidance currently being developed
in this area, there will be an increasing need for an understanding of values
development and methods of values education to be built into both the initial
and the in-service training of teachers. The research does indicate the potential
of some approaches, but teachers need support and training if they are to
convert this potential into successful classroom practice.
Finally, although we have amassed a very large amount of research evidence
here, it is clear that many problems remain: the quality is very mixed and the
agenda of researchers is not always the same as that of practitioners. Some areas
of school practice are notably under-researched and these include areas to which
inspectors are currently required to pay special attention in evaluating pupils’
spiritual, moral, social and cultural development. We believe that the quality of
school provision in the area of values education could be improved by further
carefully thought out and targeted research on such aspects of school practice
as: the development of moral and spiritual identity; assemblies; circle time;
teacher example; sex education; PSHE; cultural diversity; and emotional devel-
opment. Such research would enrich the school’s potential to make a real
contribution to values education and offer further guidance in this most chal-
lenging and controversial aspect of the teachers’ role.
Correspondence: J. Mark Halstead, Faculty of Arts and Education, University of

Plymouth, Douglas Avenue, Exmouth, Devon EX8 2AT, UK.
NOTE
[1] The original review was commissioned and funded by OFSTED and published by agree-
ment, though this should not be taken as an of® cial endorsement of any of the views
contained therein.
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Learning and Teaching About Values

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This article was downloaded by: [University of Winnipeg]

On: 14 September 2014, At: 23:35

Cambridge Journal of Education

Learning and Teaching about

To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713657146

PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE

Learning and Teaching about

0305-764X print/1469-3577 online/00/020169-34 Ó 2000 University of Cambridge School of Education

the subject of many books.

VALUES EDUCATION ACROSS THE CURRICULUM

non-statutory cross-curricular themes (National Curriculum Council, 1990b).

self-respect, self-esteem, honesty, trust, friendship and decency) and Beck

Personal, Social and Health Education (PSHE)

National Curriculum Subjects

commitment to democratic values (cf. Shemilt, 1992);

history as it is taught in schools are subordinate to the more general aims of

VALUES EDUCATION THROUGH THE LIFE OF THE SCHOOL

School Policy Statements

& Smith, 1992). Attempts to personalise the school experience of adolescents

296). Pupils learned self-governance and found solutions to school problems;

Rules and Discipline

on an underlying philosophy of social control, interrupts learning and ultimately

motivation may do little to improve children’s sense of social responsibility or

METHODS OF VALUES EDUCATION

Direct Instruction and Special Programmes of Study

lematical situations and facilitating movement to a higher stage.

interest. They also offer opportunities for participating in collective decision

others have argued that it should involve celebration, encourage pupils to

community service, or of resolving con¯ icting values and priorities in an

was effective in moving an experimental group of students to a principled stage

The Formation and Discussion of Classroom Rules

how children construct a shared understanding of words, activities and moral

Philosophy for Children

Assessment and Evaluation

Correspondence: J. Mark Halstead, Faculty of Arts and Education, University of

ARNOLD, P.J. (1997) Sport, Ethics and Education (London, Cassell).

Journal of Moral Education, 26, pp. 59± 72.

Thinking: the Journal of Philosophy for Children, 12(4), pp. 2± 8.

education method, American Psychologist, 45, pp. 709± 720.

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