Stalin... This name grew at the turn of two epochs.

The dying epoch - led to the greatest oppression of Human.

The new epoch - is being ignited by an ever more powerful glow of the victory of his freedom.
Stalin's name is the symbol of this victory.

In its process of development, human society has separated inwardly on classes with opposing
interests and aspirations. Human has become a slave to human. Violence has become the regulator
of social relations, the violence of the minority over the majority. The most important social
functions — the production of goods and the corresponding productive relations — subordinated to
the spontaneous action of the forces and laws of development, gave rise to violence. ”The
productive relations of the condition are political relations of force.” (Engels). The parasitic classes
have taken into their hands all the nodal links of social organization. They have subordinated to
their narrow class interests both the economics of society and its political, legal, moral forms, the
sphere of the spiritual life and creativity of human. As a result of such an arrangement, the class
struggle became the only driving force determining the nature and direction of the processes of
social development. The course of human history could take place only through sharp clashes of
opposites, through uninterrupted internal and external struggle, through destructive and bloody
wars, through major or minor revolts of the oppressed classes and revolutions.

The dying epoch of class division and the struggle of social opposites found its final form and end
in the capitalist system. The social essence and operation of this system were illuminated by Marx
with his brilliant scientific analysis. For the first time in the history of the science of human society,
Marx unveiled with brilliant precision and clarity the laws governing the phenomena of social life,
the development of societies, their history and its driving forces.

But Marx, as a great scholar and brilliant thinker, was also a revolutionary. “The philosophers have
only interpreted the world, in various ways. The point, however, is to change it." - He was writing.
Marx derived from his profound scientific analysis of the opposites of capitalism a powerful
revolutionary perspective on the further development of human history. This is how it was first
formulated in scientific great revolutionary social idea — Socialism. It heralded the birth of a new
epoch as a result of the greatest revolutionary transformations that only a new social class born of
capitalism could realize. This class is the industrial proletariat. Only the industrial proletariat — the
working class — disposes of both the objective and the subjective conditions for the permanent
solution of all the contradictions of the capitalist social system. Only the working class, unfettered
by any bond of property, could resolve the fundamental opposition between the social form of
producing goods and the private form of assimilation, for only it could fight consistently for the
socialization of the means and instruments of labor.

The Marxist revolutionary idea differed from all previous social ideas in that it was based on
objective scientific premises. It was free from abstract utopias detached from practical life and,
above all, it was an expression of the only consistently scientific method of dialectical and historical
materialism. Marxism transformed the idea of socialism from a utopia, from an abstract dream, into
a science, into a strict theory of social revolution. Lenin and Stalin gave this theory the bronze
foundation of the practical test, enriched it with new experiences, developed further in the
conditions of its implementation. Over the course of a century, fraught with social struggles of
unprecedented proportions, the revolutionary theory of Marxism-Leninism has shown complete
unity with practice, fully confirmed by historical experience.

This is where her unparalleled strength and the basis of victory lie. In this unity of theory with life
and the concrete course of history finds the greatest expression of the greatness of the genius of the
creators of science and the simultaneous implementers of its assumptions: Marx, Engels, Lenin and
Stalin.

Conversely, is the appearance in the space of one century four figures endowed with such a
powerful repository of talents and incomparable qualities not only in terms of thought, but also will,
not only knowledge, but also character, not only theory, but also tactics, not only wisdom but also
feeling, does not in turn testify to the greatness of the new epoch that is emerging?

However, in this strange confluence of historical social processes and its guiding and character,
there is, of course, nothing mysterious or accidental. The new epoch differs from the previous one
by such a powerful scale of contrasts in the system of social relations, by such sharpness of the class
struggle, by such a colossal and profound character of transformations, that the extraordinariness of
the tension of dynamic forces accompanying the processes of this breakthrough becomes
understandable. Great social transformations exert a powerful influence on both the masses and
individuals. The uniqueness of the talents that nature bestows on exceptional people grows in the
process of these transformations into an astonishing strength and greatness for the nascent epoch.
The enormous masses of people, previously almost inert in the face of the tyranny and exploitation
of the parasitic classes - are transforming themselves, under the guidance of the forces of the
revolutionary party of the working class organizing them for action, into an unstoppable power
capable of pushing forward the stunted course of social history and giving it its proper progressive
direction.

Marx and Engels became the founders of scientific socialism during the great "Springtime of the
Peoples," when their homeland of Germany was in a period of revolutionary ferment that could,
under the right conditions, become the center of a Europe-wide revolutionary movement. They gave
revolutionary ideas unparalleled and unbroken support on the monumental basis of forefront
science.

Lenin and Stalin became the founders of the theory and tactics of proletarian revolution at a later
stage in the development of capitalism when it had outgrown the parasitic monopoly that is
imperialism. Their homeland – Russia - entered a period of delayed bourgeois revolution that
became the prologue to the greatest revolution in human history, the proletarian revolution - thanks
to their brilliant leadership. They were the victorious leaders of that revolution which made the
Russian proletariat "the vanguard of the international revolutionary proletariat" - as Lenin
prophetically predicted in his pamphlet "What Is to Be Done?" in 1902.

Marx and Engels - Lenin and Stalin are majestic phenomena of the same historical process, the
process of formation of the new epoch of Human's liberation, the process of its birth and its victory.

***

Marx and Engels illuminated the hitherto mysterious and intricate mechanism of social phenomena
and relations with the powerful spotlight of leading science. Their theoretical discoveries were
revolutionary breakthroughs in science, in views of the world and human society. They opened for
the development of human consciousness that great new epoch which, in the fire of the class
struggle, the working masses had forged in social practice over long decades. The fiery ideas of
Marxist socialist theory have inflamed the most self-sacrificing fighters of the proletariat and
stimulated the brightest minds of the leading men in a number of countries of the world. They
undertook the task of bringing the idea of socialism to the consciousness of the working class,
whose interests and ultimate liberation could only be realized through the victory of this idea.
But from the realization of the aims of the proletariat's struggle in the minds of its leading section to
the realization of their victory through the overthrow of capitalism as a result of right political
strategy and tactics is still a long stage. It is - firstly - a long process of fusing the socialist idea with
the practice of the workers' movement through the revolutionary party which stands at the head of
this movement. It is - secondly - a simultaneous process of shaping the conditions that make
possible the ever-widening reach of the mass struggle and its proper revolutionary momentum
through proper strategy and tactics.

Marx and Engels were not only the founders of socialist science, but also the leaders of the labor
movement. They were the organizers of this movement internationally. Both Marx and Engels, as
well as Lenin and Stalin, taught that the theory of scientific socialism can only achieve its goal
when united with the practice of the workers' movement. And vice versa.

"The greater the impetuosity of the masses, the broader the movement becomes, the more rapidly
the demand grows for as much consciousness as possible both in theoretical and in political and in
organizational work..."1

A vigorous workers' movement not guided by a leading scientific theory is doomed to wander in the
dark, is exposed to succumbing to bourgeois ideology, and becomes a breeding ground for
opportunists of all sorts and capitalist agents, deliberately planted in the movement. We can state
this clearly today with the example of Western European and American "trade-unionism". More
than a century has passed since the „Communist Manifesto”, in which Marx in a rousing appeal
formulated the ideas and program of scientific socialism. In spite of this, the workers' movement in
England, the United States and a number of other capitalist countries, developing spontaneously
without revolutionary leadership, has become a feeding ground for trade union bureaucrats, and to
no small extent finds itself in the orbit of the influence of imperialist ideology, from which it has not
yet been able to free itself. How to explain it?

Here is how Stalin explained this issue in his fight against the "Economists" and the Mensheviks in
1904-1905:

... "our social life is imbued with bourgeois ideas and therefore it is much easier to spread bourgeois
ideology than socialist ideology. It should not be forgotten that at the same time the bourgeois
ideologists are not asleep either, that in their own way they impersonate socialists and are constantly
trying to subordinate the working class to bourgeois ideology..."2

We also know well from the history of our Polish workers movement how, over the course of half a
century at the most, bourgeois ideologists in Poland impersonated "socialists" and tried to subjugate
the Polish working class to bourgeois ideology. We know how difficult and persistent the
ideological struggle in the international labor movement has been - and still is to this day - how
varied its forms, how even after the victory of the working class it still tries to poison the
consciousness of the masses in the form of opportunist deviation from the ideological and political
line of the party.

Scientific socialism seeped into the elemental movement of the workers in a long-term process of
increasingly sharpening class struggle, subsuming this elemental movement into organized forms of
both ideological and political struggle.

The organizational form of "uniting the workers movement with socialism" was the revolutionary
workers party. Marx and Engels attempted to create such a party under the conditions of the still

1 W. Lenin, Complete Works, Volume II , Moscow 1948, page 215.

2 J. Stalin, Works (polish edition), Volume I, page 115.
incipient development of the labor movement. However, the state of the movement at the time and
the objective conditions dictated that they should concentrate their main effort on the front of the
struggle for a clear revolutionary ideology of the movement, on the section of fundamental
ideological work. In the form of this revolutionary ideology, they gave the working class and
humanity a great compass that pointed in an infallible direction of movement. Like the rays of the
sun, it illuminated the goal of the struggle, hitherto hidden in the mist of uncrystallized aspirations,
and indicated the bright prospect of victory.

Lenin and Stalin in the period of imperialism and under different conditions of class struggle
illuminated a new wave of light the way of struggle. They forged for the workers' movement a
powerful and reliable weapon in the form of a revolutionary theory of a new type, the Leninist
party.

They pushed forward powerfully the development of Marxist revolutionary theory, taking into
account the entire body of human knowledge, generalizing the experience of the entire international
movement and bearing in mind also the special conditions of struggle in the countries of retarded
economic development, where class oppositions existed with intensified force.

Brilliant strategists - they have given the international workers movement invaluable theoretical and
practical models of revolutionary strategy and tactics as a condition of victory.

Here is how Comrade Stalin defined the role and tasks of political strategy:

"...a strategy can accelerate or decelerate a movement, direct it along the shortest path or short-
circuit it along a more difficult and painful one, depending on the merits or infirmities of the
strategy itself."3

The condition of a valid strategy is its closest connection with the theory and program of Marxism.

"The task of political strategy consists, above all, in starting from the data of the theory and
program of Marxism and taking into account the experience of the revolutionary struggle of the
workers of all countries, in determining rightly the fundamental direction of the proletarian
movement of a given country in a given historical period."4

We can see Lenin's and Stalin's masterful application of these principles of strategy and tactics in
the historical period of particular sharpness of the class struggle and pregnant with oppositions and
revolutionary tensions, in which the new history of Russia was taking shape.

Among socialist proletarian activists in various countries there existed for a long period a
fundamentally false view that the socialist revolution could have prospects of victory primarily in
the countries of highly developed capitalism.

As we know, this view lay at the heart of Trotskyism. The Bolshevik Party rejected this view. At the
Sixth Party Congress in August 1917, Comrade Stalin, fighting the Trotskyist amendment which
made the possibility of socialist construction dependent on the victory of the proletarian revolution
in the West, said:

"...The possibility is not excluded that Russia will be the very country that will pave the way to
socialism.…

3 J. Stalin – Works, Volume V, page 161.

4 Ibidem, pages 165-166.
...the base of our revolution is broader than in Western Europe, where the proletariat stands face to
face with the bourgeoisie in complete solitude. In our country, however, the workers are supported
by the poorer layers of the peasantry… We must discard the antiquated idea that only Europe can
show us the way. There is dogmatic Marxism and creative Marxism. I stand by the latter.”5

Creative Marxism knew how to evaluate the relationship of social forces and their attitude in a
revolutionary situation at every historical turn, determining the direction of the working class
movement based on its revolutionary allies.

What was the strategic plan of the Bolshevik Party in the revolutionary situation of 1905?

Pre-revolutionary Russia and Poland were not - as we know - among the countries of highly
developed capitalism. Although the development of capitalism in these countries at the end of the
nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century was proceeding apace, the factory
proletariat still constituted a not inconsiderable proportion of the mostly peasant population.
Nevertheless, the tension of social opposites was present here with particular acuity. Contributing to
this was the political backwardness of the great tsarist empire, which meant that, parallel to the
capitalist system developing at a rapid pace, serious remnants of the old system of feudal relations
were weighing down and the old noble-bourgeois strata were exerting an often decisive influence
on tsarist policy.

The mobilization of great social forces was necessary to overthrow the enormous machinery of the
state apparatus of violence led by the tsar. Who and how could inspire into action all those social
forces capable of dealing a decisive blow to despotic tyranny in order to change the arrangement of
socio-political relations in favor of the revolution? The great social force was the multi-million
peasant masses, suffering from the oppression of the nobility, the tsarist and the capitalists, rebelling
against this oppression. The only revolutionary social force consistent to the end was the proletariat,
which already had its organized vanguard - the revolutionary party. The leaders of this party - Lenin
and Stalin, indicated that only the party of the proletariat could and should lead these great driving
forces in the bourgeois-democratic revolution.

The deviants from Marxism - the Mensheviks - countered this Leninist strategic plan with the
opportunist argument that a bourgeois revolution could only be led by a liberal bourgeoisie.
Meanwhile, the liberal bourgeoisie feared revolution and was inclined to seek compromise with the
Tsar and the landed gentry against the rising tide of the workers movement. It was clear - contrary
to the position of the Mensheviks, - that only a coalition of the proletariat with the peasantry could
ensure the effectiveness of the assault on the stronghold of tsarist self-rule. Under the conditions of
the rising tide of popular revolution, the Bolshevik strategy put forward as the only reliable and
correct principle: the worker-peasant alliance under the leadership of the working class. The
leadership of the workers' party in the bourgeois-democratic revolution gave the revolution a special
character and momentum. It was clear that in the event of victory it could not stop halfway, that it
must "go on raising the banner of insurrection against imperialism."

Characterizing the situation of the time, Comrade Stalin wrote:

”...Russia was the only country in which there existed a real force capable of resolving the
contradictions of imperialism in a revolutionary way”.6

This real force was formed by the revolutionary alliance of the proletariat and the peasantry under
the hegemony of the working class. The fact that the working class still constituted a relatively

5 J. Stalin, Works, volume III, pages 186-187.

6 J. Stalin – ”THE FOUNDATIONS OF LENINISM”, publisher: "Books and Knowledge", 1949, page 14
insignificant part of the population did not weaken the revolutionary outlook, for it had powerful
reserves of revolutionary forces in the popular masses, which constituted the vast majority of
society, it had an ally in the multimillion peasant masses and among the peoples, subjugated by the
tsar, who longed for liberation from oppression.

”From this it follows - Comrade Stalin writes further- , however, that the revolution in Russia could
not but become a proletarian revolution, that from its very inception it could not but assume an
international character, and that, therefore, it could not but shake the very foundations of world
imperialism”.7

The bourgeois-democratic revolution under conditions of working-class hegemony changes rapidly

in the event of victory, growing into a proletarian revolution. Assuming the character of a
proletarian revolution, it makes a fundamental break in the system of world imperialism,
undermines its hitherto intact foundations, and transforms itself into a kindling of the fires of
revolutionary movements in other countries of the world. This was proved by the new turn of
history in the brief period between February and October 1917, which again became an unshakeable
test of the validity of the strategic plan of the Bolshevik party. Based on the worker-peasant
alliance, the bourgeois-democratic revolution was transformed into a victorious proletarian
revolution in October 1917.

The leadership of the workers' party in the liberation movement of the popular masses is the
foundation of the overall Leninist strategy and tactics in the revolutionary struggle.

Leninism put the basic outlines of the idea of the hegemony of the proletariat, put forward by Marx
and Engels, into a developed theory and "into a harmonious system of leadership by the proletariat
of the working masses of the cities and countryside not only for the overthrow of tsarism and
capitalism, but also for socialist construction during the dictatorship of the proletariat." (Stalin).

Deeply and exhaustively developed by Lenin and Stalin, the theory of the hegemony of the
proletariat and the worker-peasant alliance became a central plank of Bolshevik Party strategy and
tactics during both the 1905-1917 revolution and the period of socialist construction. The
correctness of this strategy and tactics was confirmed by the entire history of the past period of
national liberation struggles. The problem of the revolutionary reserves latent in the popular masses
and the leadership on the part of the working class of the liberation struggle of these masses is
extremely topical today and will remain topical as long as the oppression and tyranny of
imperialism exist.

***

The theoretical work of Lenin and Stalin and the policy of the Bolshevik party on the national
question are most closely connected with this problem. Imperialism, in its struggle for convenient
markets and sources of raw materials, subordinated the weaker nations more and more ruthlessly, at
the same time applying cultural, linguistic, legal, moral, etc. oppression with economic oppression.
This dual national and class oppression of the working masses of the colonial and imperialist
dependent nations arouses in these masses sentiments of protest and resistance, and is the source of
their liberation.

In the field of making weaker nations dependent as a basis for exploitation, imperialist states resort
to the most perfidious forms of deception, bribery, intrigue as political means. They are trying to
buy up a slim layer of the bourgeoisie of the oppressed people in order to strengthen the dependence
of the whole country on the imperialist ruler with their help. Terror, darkness, economic and cultural
7 Ibidem
backwardness of the working masses of the dependent nations - complete the method of governing
them. The increased exploitation of the colonial and semi-colonial countries allows the imperialist
governments to feed from a share of the extra profit the so-called "aristocracy" of workers and
above all the opportunist ringleaders of the political and labor movement in the metropolis, binding
them to death to the imperialist governments.

The opportunist parties of the II. International closed their eyes to the oppression of the peoples of
the colonies and semi-colonies. In the service of imperialism they have tried, and still try today, to
justify openly or covertly the exploitation and plunder of the peoples subjugated by their own
imperialist state. They fueled nationalist feelings among the working masses of their own
nationality because it was convenient for their rule. They unleashed hatred and chauvinism during
the First World War against nations on the opposite side of the imperialist front. And today they
spread cosmopolitan views with equal hypocrisy and hypocrisy, facilitating the world expansion of
American imperialism. Cosmopolitanism today is a new form of screen, shielding the growing and
increasingly complex methods of exploitation of nations dependent on imperialism, which even
formally independent nations are now becoming.

Imperialism binds to itself by methods of economic exploitation and political oppression the
peoples of dependent and colonial countries, which constitute a huge reserve of imperialist forces.
The liberation struggle of the oppressed peoples, which is developing more and more widely, is
bursting the forces of imperialism and narrowing its economic base.

Hence, Leninism closely linked the question of the liberation of the peoples oppressed by
imperialism through the proletarian revolution. Lenin and Stalin gave the most comprehensive
Marxist theoretical analysis of the national question, smashing the false bourgeois and reformist
theories on this question. They demonstrated the necessity and duty for the proletarian party to fight
for the transformation of "the dependent and colonial countries from the reserve of the imperialist
bourgeoisie into the reserve of the revolutionary proletariat" (Stalin). They proved that ”the national
question can be solved only in connection with and on the basis of the proletarian revolution”.8

The united revolutionary front of the working class with the liberation movement of the oppressed
peoples against imperialism under the leadership of the workers party - this is the second basic form
of hegemony of the proletariat in the revolutionary struggle of all the oppressed and exploited.

The victorious proletarian revolution of 1917 resolved the national question in the vast territory of
the former Russia, which contained dozens of economically and culturally backward nationalities
under the oppression of the tsar. Thanks to the proletarian revolution, these nations have not only
regained full equality, but they have also become part of the great family of socialist nations, and
thanks to the fraternal help which all the nations of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics extend
to one another - they are today experiencing a period of economic and cultural flourishing which
they could not have achieved on their own in centuries.

"Nobody can deny – wrote Comrade Stalin in 1929 - that the present socialist nations of the Soviet
Union - the Russian, Ukrainian, Byelorussian, Tatar, Bashkir, Uzbek, Kazakh, Azerbaijanian,
Georgian, Armenian and other nations - differ radically from the corresponding old, bourgeois
nations of the old Russia both in class composition and spiritual complexion and in social and
political interests and aspirations.9

8 J. Stalin - ”THE FOUNDATIONS OF LENINISM”, page 54.

9 J. Stalin - ”THE NATIONAL QUESTION AND LENINISM” (In the Polish translation "Notebooks "New Roads",
serie philosophiczna II page 8).
These are nations in which there are no longer any class oppositions and no division into exploiters
and exploited, in which friendship and fraternal cooperation have replaced the former hatred and
nationalist ignorance, in which free people enriched by the acquired knowledge and leading science
develop their creative talents, raising the culture of their homeland and of all mankind. "The
working class and its internationalist party are the force that binds these new nations together and
guides them." (Stalin)

Here is how the victorious socialist revolution resolves through the dictatorship of the proletariat the
national question.

Leninist theory and tactics of proletarian revolution met with furious resistance from opportunist
factions operating in the labor movement throughout almost the entire period of its development.
The social democratic parties in western Europe did not understand at all the necessity of fighting
for the revolutionary reserves of the working class. They sinned in this respect (as in many others)
by deviating from Marxism, since Marx and Engels in their works repeatedly stressed the
importance of the revolutionary reserves of the working class, pointing to these reserves in the
semi-proletarian peasant and petty-bourgeois strata. We know that in this field also the party of the
Polish proletariat, the Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania, under the
influence of Luxemburgism, made serious mistakes, underestimating the role of the national
liberation movements as the source of the revolutionary reserves of the proletariat in its struggle
against imperialism.

***

Standing at the head of all the oppressed and exploited in the struggle for the overthrow of
imperialist tyranny, realizing in this struggle the alliance of the workers with the working peasantry
and the popular masses leading the national liberation struggle - the party of the proletariat raises
the banner of liberation on behalf of the vast majority of the people against its negligible minority.
The hegemony of the working class aims at the realization by the proletariat of the great
revolutionary mission to change social relations in the interests of the vast majority of people
throughout the world and to build a socialist society. To clear the path of development and creative
progress for mankind by breaking from it the shackles of class oppression and exploitation, to build
a classless society - this is the aim of the proletarian revolution, this is the basic and supreme
programmatic task of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Through the dictatorship of the proletariat,
the liberation aspirations of the entire working people, of all the oppressed and exploited, are
realized.

The hegemony of the proletariat is the revolutionary opposition to the previous hegemony of the
bourgeoisie, which imposed the dictatorship of imperialism on humanity. Imperialism will
concentrate under its power not only powerful economic resources. It also has at its disposal a state
apparatus and a set of political means in which multifaceted forms of deception alternate with
methods of merciless terror and rape. By means of fraud and rape, the imperialist bourgeoisie
exercises its hegemony over the vast majority of the people it exploits and tyrannizes.

”All the preceding classes that got the upper hand sought to fortify their already acquired status by
subjecting society at large to their conditions of appropriation” - says Marx and Engels'
"Communist Manifesto."

„All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in the interest of minorities.
The proletarian movement is the self-conscious, independent movement of the immense majority, in
the interest of the immense majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society,
cannot stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole super incumbent strata of official society being
sprung into the air”.10

By blowing up the entire social superstructure which has guarded and protected the system of
tyranny and exploitation, by proclaiming that it is an immutable and inviolable system - the working
class helps to lift up and straighten out all the downtrodden and oppressed, all those bearing the
yoke of the bourgeois social system.

Comrade Stalin said on the 10th anniversary of the October Revolution:

”Revolutions in the past usually ended by one group of exploiters at the helm of government being
replaced by another group of exploiters. The exploiters changed, exploitation remained. Such was
the case during the liberation movements of the slaves. Such was the case during the period of the
uprisings of the serfs. Such was the case during the period of the well-known "great" revolutions in
England, France and Germany. I am not speaking of the Paris Commune, which was the first
glorious, heroic, yet unsuccessful attempt on the part of the proletariat to turn history against
capitalism.

The October Revolution differs from these revolutions in principle. Its aim is not to replace one
form of exploitation by another form of exploitation, one group of exploiters by another group of
exploiters, but to abolish all exploitation of man by man, to abolish all groups of exploiters, to
establish the dictatorship of the proletariat, to establish the power of the most revolutionary class of
all the oppressed classes that have ever existed, to organize a new, classless, socialist society.

It is precisely for this reason that the victory of the October Revolution signifies a radical change in
the history of mankind, a radical change in the historical destiny of world capitalism, a radical
change in the liberation movement of the world proletariat, a radical change in the methods of
struggle and the forms of organization, in the manner of life and traditions, in the culture and
ideology of the exploited masses throughout the world”.11

The proletarian revolution, that is to say, the socialist revolution, marks the birth of a new era in the
history of mankind because it introduces a fundamental breakthrough in the whole of social
relations: economic, political, cultural and ideological, it introduces a fundamental breakthrough in
the life of the working masses and in the everyday life of every human. A proletarian revolution is a
revolution in which the proletariat takes the lead in the struggle of all the oppressed and exploited
for a new and better social system, in the struggle for a new era of human history. The political form
of social relations in the transition period from the old to the new regime, from capitalism to
socialism, is the state of the dictatorship of the proletariat. The dictatorship of the proletariat "is a
special form of alliance between the proletarian class and the working masses of the petty-bourgeois
classes, above all the working masses of the peasantry." (Stalin).

To socialism - to a society free from the oppression of human by human - the masses of the people
have longed for centuries and long today in all the countries of the world where imperialism reigns.
But by what road to liberation - this the popular masses did not realize. They spared no blood in
their battles against the despotism of the feudal monarchy. How much of this blood did they shed in
the revolutions that paved the way to bourgeois power in England and France, in the rest of Western
Europe and in America? Despite this sacrificial struggle of the popular masses, only the forms of
oppression changed, while the exploitation of the working people remained the basis of social
relations.

10 Ibidem
11 J. Stalin - THE INTERNATIONAL CHARACTER OF THE OCTOBER REVOLUTION
Only the founders of scientific socialism, only Marxism and Leninism showed the popular masses
the real path of liberation.

There is only one road to a society free of class struggle - the road of unrelenting class struggle, the
road of proletarian revolution. There is no other way out of the system of capitalist class
dictatorship and imperialist slavery than the way of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Many misconceptions and misunderstandings have arisen around the concept of the "dictatorship of
the proletariat", including here in Poland. It will therefore be expedient to refer to a few expressions
of Lenin and Stalin, leaving no doubt.

Dictatorship of the proletariat - is revolutionary power based on violence over the bourgeoisie. Here
is what Lenin says:

"The dictatorship of the proletariat is not the end of the class struggle, but is its continuation in new
forms. The dictatorship of the proletariat is the class struggle of the proletariat which has won and
taken political power into its hands, a struggle against a bourgeoisie defeated but not annihilated,
which has not ceased to exist and has not ceased to resist, which has intensified its resistance…" 12

It should be noted that in Poland, too, after the victory of the people's power in which the proletariat
is the hegemon, the class struggle has not disappeared, but continues in new forms, because the
reactionary classes - defeated but not annihilated - have not ceased to resist, and are even
strengthening this resistance by changing its forms.

"The dictatorship of the proletariat," - Lenin goes on to say - "is a special form of class alliance
between the proletariat, the vanguard of the working people and the numerous nonproletarian strata
of the working people (petty bourgeoisie, petty proprietors, peasantry, intelligentsia, etc.) or their
majority, an alliance against capital, an alliance aimed at the complete overthrow of capital, the
complete suppression of the resistance of the bourgeoisie and attempts at restoration on its part. ) or
a majority of them, an alliance against capital, an alliance aimed at the complete overthrow of
capital, the complete suppression of the resistance of the bourgeoisie and attempts at restoration on
its part, an alliance aimed at the final creation and consolidation of socialism..."13

It should be noted that in Poland, too, people's power is based on an alliance of the working class
with the non-proletarian strata of the working people, an alliance whose aims are not different from
those formulated above by Lenin.

And finally:

"The dictatorship of the proletariat," - says Lenin - "is not only violence over the exploiters and is
not even mainly violence. The economic basis of this revolutionary violence, the guarantor of its
vitality and success, is that the proletariat represents and realizes a higher type of social
organization of labor compared to capitalism. Therein lies the crux of the matter. Therein lies the
source of strength and the surety of inevitable, complete victory..."14

What is the higher - compared to capitalism - type of social organization of labor? On socialist
forms of ruling the means of production, on planned regulation of economic processes, on socialist
methods of work, based on competition, impossible in the capitalist system.

12 W. Lenin, Preface to the speech "On Deceiving the People with Slogans". Works, volume XXIV, page 311 (3rd
edition).
13 Ibidem
14 W. Lenin – Selected Works, volume II, Moscow 1948, page 567
Such goals were set and realized by the people's government in Poland while building the
foundations of socialism.

”The dictatorship of the proletariat – says Comrade Stalin - as the instrument of the proletarian
revolution. The question of the proletarian dictatorship is above all a question of the main content of
the proletarian revolution. The proletarian revolution, its movement, its sweep and its achievements
acquire flesh and blood only through the dictatorship of the proletariat. The dictatorship of the
proletariat is the instrument of the proletarian revolution, its organ, its most important mainstay,
brought into being for the purpose of, firstly, crushing the resistance of the overthrown exploiters
and consolidating the achievements of the proletarian revolution, and, secondly, carrying the
proletarian revolution to its completion, carrying the revolution to the complete victory of
socialism”.15

Thanks to the victory of the proletarian revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat in the
USSR, thanks to the help of Stalin and the Soviet people - Poland and other countries liberated by
the Soviet Army from the violence of the imperialist Hitlerite invaders can today realize the
functions of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the form of people's democracy.

People's democracy is a tremendous historical achievement which our people and the peoples of the
countries liberated by the Soviet Army owe to the victory of the dictatorship of the proletariat in the
USSR, accomplished under the leadership of Lenin-Stalin's party. People's democracy, by
strengthening the leadership role of the Polish working class, will steadfastly secure for the Polish
people the victory of socialism in Poland.

We can speak of this victory with such deep conviction and faith precisely because we have before
us the historical experience and pattern of the path and struggle led by Lenin and Stalin, which led
to the victory of socialism in the USSR. The historical experience of recent decades has fully
confirmed the correctness of the theory of Marxism-Leninism, has confirmed the great importance
of the compatibility of scientific idea with revolutionary practice, and, by shaping our
consciousness in the spirit of the great revolutionary ideology of the proletariat - the ideology of the
new epoch - has given us an infallible compass for our daily practical work.

***

The Great October Revolution created an epochal turn in the previous development of world
history. To measure its importance by a national or geographical framework would be a great
mistake. The class forces united against it, defending the imperialist system in which the proletarian
revolution has made a mighty break, did not judge it in the same way.

”Picture to yourselves - wrote Comrade Stalin in 1921 - the boundless social front, stretching from
the backward colonies to advanced America, and then the immense breach forced in this front by
the Russian detachment of the international proletariat, a breach that menaces the existence of
imperialism, that has upset all the plans of the imperialist sharks and has greatly, radically, eased the
task of the international proletariat in its struggle against capital—such is the historical significance
of October 1917. From that moment our Party was transformed from a national force into a
predominantly international force, and the Russian proletariat was transformed from a backward
detachment of the international proletariat into its vanguard. Henceforth, the tasks of the
international proletariat are to widen the Russian breach, to help the vanguard, which has pushed
forward, to prevent the enemies from surrounding the brave vanguard and cutting it off from its
base. The task of international imperialism, on the contrary, is to close the Russian breach, to close
it without fail. That is why our Party, if it wants to retain power, pledges itself to do “the utmost
15 J. Stalin - THE FOUNDATIONS OF LENINISM, pages 33-34.
possible in one (its own—J. St.) country for the development, support and awakening of the
revolution in all countries” (see Lenin’s book „The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade
Kautsky”). 16

The profound and far-sighted assessment of the situation 28 years ago quoted above includes both a
characterization of the new balance of class forces internationally and the developmental direction
of those forces. The task of eliminating the breach made in the imperialist front by the October
Revolution has since become the axis of the policy of world imperialism.

Attempts to eliminate the "breach" made in 1919-1921 by the imperialist coalition of "14 countries"
ended in failure and had to be abandoned when the front began to crack in many links. The hope
then remained that the world's first dictatorship of the proletariat would not persist in the face of
difficulties, both internal and those organized planned by the capitalist environment. It turned out
that the dictatorship of the proletariat was not only able to meet all difficulties, but in the struggle
against them it strengthened itself, hardened itself, grew into power. In 15 years it has turned an
economically backward country into a thriving country and a compact, growing, unified society,
developing its new socialist culture and economy at a rate unprecedented in history. At that time the
mission of liquidating the "breach" was undertaken by the most aggressive and bullish "fascist
axis", secretly instigated in this direction by the governments of other imperialist countries. The
attempt ended in a disaster and defeat for the aggressors, and the "breach" in the front expanded
considerably. There is no doubt that any new such attempt would have to end with the final collapse
of the entire imperialist front.

The driving force behind the victorious revolution and the consolidation of the dictatorship of the
proletariat and all its gains was the Leninist party. Comrade Stalin said in the quote above that since
the victory of the Revolution "our Party was transformed from a national force into a predominantly
international force." How profoundly apt these words proved to be in the light of the experience of
the past period, how aptly they reflect the path of the CPSU(B) today. The party built by Lenin and
Stalin is the model of the proletarian party, which has been able to gather under its banner the
working masses of many millions and to gain among them the highest authority and boundless
confidence. It is the model of a party that has always carried the banner of internationalism high,
sparing no effort to strengthen and expand the union of the working masses of the whole world. It is
the model of a party that has always carried the banner of internationalism high, sparing no effort to
strengthen and extend the union of the working people of the whole world. The role of the Party, the
feelings and devotion it awakens in its self-sacrificing, compact, militant ranks was expressed by
Comrade Stalin over Lenin's coffin, taking a great oath on behalf of the Party to inspire further
deeds:

”We Communists - are people of a special mould. We are made of a special stuff. We are those who
form the army of the great proletarian strategist, the army of Comrade Lenin. There is nothing
higher than the honour of belonging to this army. There is nothing higher than the title of member of
the Party whose founder and leader was Comrade Lenin...”17

Like Lenin, Comrade Stalin guards above all the ideological purity of the party, teaches it to learn
the science of Marxism-Leninism and to relate it to revolutionary practice. He teaches her to fight
against all ideological deviations, opportunism, sectarianism and factionalism. He attaches
particular concern to the matter of the closest possible daily communication between party
organizations and the non-party masses of workers and peasants. He awakens revolutionary
vigilance in the party and imparts to it his great knowledge of a strategist, able to apply flexible,
thoughtful tactics based on a careful analysis of the specific conditions of the action. Under Stalin's

16 J. Stalin, Works, volume V, page 106.

17 History of the CPSU [B] - Short Course, page 304.
leadership, the CPSU(B) did not lose sight even for a moment of the international perspective and
the connection of its tasks with the great liberation idea which was moving ever more strongly in
the hearts and minds of millions of oppressed and exploited people in all the countries of the world.
The more pronounced the effects of the general crisis, with which the whole system of capitalist
economy is affected - the clearer became for the working masses the international character of the
October Revolution, its great breakthrough and worldwide significance.

While constantly stressing the great importance of theory for the correct leadership of the workers'
movement, for the avoidance of errors in policy, for the correct evaluation of events and the
accurate prediction of their development - comrade Stalin warned against a bookish, doctrinaire,
rigid treatment of theory.

”Mastering the Marxist-Leninist theory means being able to enrich this theory with the new
experience of the revolutionary movement, with new propositions and conclusions, it means being
able to develop it and advance it without hesitating to replace -- in accordance with the substance of
the theory -- such of its propositions and conclusions as have become antiquated by new ones
corresponding to the new historical situation.

The Marxist-Leninist theory is not a dogma but a guide to action”.18

After Lenin's death, the Trotskyists and right-wing opportunists, under the guise of defending the
theoretical assumptions of Marxism-Leninism, which they distorted in the most vulgar manner -
attempted to undermine the internal cohesiveness of the party and create distrust in its leadership.
When the changing situation called for a change in the strategic plan, when from the stage of
economic reconstruction the party was moving to the planned building of a socialist society - the
Trotskyists countered the party's efforts with "arguments" about the impossibility of building
socialism in a single country, especially one as economically backward as Russia. What was the
basis of this argument, which turned out to be not only cowardly alarmism and disbelief in the
strength of the working class but also a disguised diversion aimed at undermining the proletarian
state from within? The substrate was a false grasp of the essence of the worker-peasant alliance
after the victory of the proletarian revolution, a false grasp of the essence of working class
hegemony in the socialist reconstruction of the living conditions of the broad proletarian and semi-
proletarian strata of the working people. Comrade Stalin smashed these attempts of Trotskyism,
exposed their foreign class opportunist background and further developed Leninist theory about the
possibility and necessity of building socialism in the USSR. "The process of falling away from
imperialism in a number of new countries," - wrote Comrade Stalin - "will take place the more
rapidly and thoroughly the more thoroughly socialism is strengthened in the first victorious
country”. The task of building socialism was set by Comrade Stalin as the task of consolidating the
premises of world revolution. Stalin's strategic plan never lost its connection with the international
situation, with the role of the USSR as the vanguard and hegemon of the world liberation
movement. But the widening of the breach in the world imperialist front the proletariat of the USSR
could carry out in the then situation only by building socialism.

When the party embarked on planned economic reconstruction, putting forward the slogan of rapid
industrialization of the country based on modern technology - right opportunists in a common bloc
with Trotskyist remnants again tried to sow panic and undermine the internal cohesion of the party,
putting forward rotten arguments about the unreality of the plan for socialist industrial development,
about the impossibility of socialist reconstruction of the dwarf peasant economy. Comrade Stalin
smashed these efforts and further developed Leninist theory on the nature and tasks of socialist
construction, on the means of socialist reconstruction of the countryside on the basis of

18 History of the CPSU [B] - Short Course, page 402.

collectivization and mechanization of small-scale agriculture, and the expulsion of capitalist
elements from the rural economy:

"The key to the reconstruction of agriculture is a rapid rate of development of our industry." -
pointed out Comrade Stalin in 1929.

And a few months later," he wrote in the article "A Year of the Great Change”:

”We are becoming a country of metal, a country of automobiles, a country of tractors. And when we
have put the U.S.S.R. on an automobile, and the muzhik on a tractor, let the worthy capitalists, who
boast so much of their “civilisation,” try to overtake us! We shall yet see which countries may then
be “classified” as backward and which as advanced”.

The opportunist fears and rotten arguments of the capitulators were refuted by the working class of
the USSR exceeding plans, developing competition, and accelerating the pace of construction that
the rightists and Trotskyists considered unattainable. The rapid industrialization of the country, in
turn, lifted the countryside on its feet and accelerated the reconstruction of the peasant economy,
shifting it to the tracks of large-scale team farming, making full use of modern technical and
agronomic farming methods. The breakthrough in industry was followed by a great breakthrough in
the lives and work of millions of peasant masses, in the economic and cultural development of all
the nations that were part of the USSR. As a result of the victorious five-year plans, the face of the
nations was changing fundamentally, education, science and culture were growing unstoppably. In
1936, in a paper on the draft constitution of the USSR, Comrade Stalin stated: ”As a result, we now
have a fully formed multi-national socialist state, which has stood all tests, and whose stability
might well be envied by any national state in any part of the world”.

The development of the country's economy through planned socialist construction transformed the
USSR into a leading country, an independent and powerful bastion of industry "independent of the
whims of world capitalism." The development of collective farming created an economic and
organizational basis for removing the age-old opposition between the countryside and the city,
raising the standard of living of rural residents to the level of existence and culture of urban
residents. This strengthened the moral and political unity of the entire Soviet society.

All these results combined raised the conditions of defense of the country, made it possible to
supply the Red Army, with modern war equipment and, as a result, ensured its victory in the most
difficult and decisive period - during the war against the invasion of the Hitlerite hordes.

***

Comrade Stalin's whole life and practical activity, as well as all his theoretical works, are imbued
with the deepest revolutionary internationalism. Like Lenin, Comrade Stalin felt the pulse of the
world revolutionary movement and, like Lenin, reacted vividly to all its manifestations and
problems. With his wise, insightful advice, he helped the various parties within the Communist
International to overcome difficulties, remove obstacles, straighten out inflections or ideological
deviations or fluctuations. The Polish workers' movement, led by the Communist Party of Poland
and, during the war - the Polish Workers' Party, owed much to the deep, caring advice and
assistance of Comrade Stalin. In the process of its ideological and organizational maturation, the
CPP, while leading the heroic struggle of the Polish proletariat, did not escape serious crises as a
result of deviations in the party leadership from the political line of the Communist International.
Comrade Stalin personally participated several times in the Polish commission set up by the CI
executive to solve the problems that arose. His remarks usually carried the character of fundamental
theoretical or organizational considerations; they were the application of the teachings of Marxism-
Leninism to specific issues that life put forward. This kind of assistance was of great importance for
the development of the party into a militant organization of a new type, such as the CPSU(B) was,
into an organization faithful steadfastly and to the end to the principles of Marxism-Leninism.

With the victory of the October Revolution, the labor movement in most capitalist countries shook
off the opportunist traditions of the II. International and stood firmly on the basis of Marxist-
Leninist ideology. The proletarian state has become the base and center of the world revolutionary
movement, "which the movement never had and around which it can now rally, organizing a united
revolutionary front of proletarians and oppressed peoples of all countries against imperialism."
(Stalin).

As the leader of the world revolutionary movement, Comrade Stalin showed the working masses of
the whole world with his teachings, his experience and the example of the party which he directly
led, the example of the CPSU(B) - the clear and right path of struggle.

When the aggressive aspirations of the fascist states increased in Germany after the Hitlerite coup,
the USSR spared no effort to counter the aspirations of the aggressor states with a collective
security initiative within the League of Nations. Under the wise leadership of Comrade Stalin, the
USSR consistently defends peace and opposes the Munich policy, which encourages the fascist
states to war. Finally, seeing the fruitlessness of the efforts to secure peace together with the
Western countries - Comrade Stalin recommends vigilance against the attempts to entangle the
USSR in conflicts and the strengthening of ties of friendship with the working masses interested in
preserving peace.

A notable example of an internationalist attitude and forward-looking perspective is Comrade

Stalin's speech two weeks after the Hitlerite invasion of the USSR - on July 3, 1941.

”The aim of this people's Patriotic War against the fascist oppressors is not only to avert the danger
that is hanging over our country, but also to aid all the European peoples who are groaning under
theyoke of German fascism...”19

At the moment when a few hundred Hitlerite divisions, gathered from all over Europe and prepared
in two years for the attack, invaded the Soviet land approaching the capital of the country -
Comrade Stalin calmly predicts the course of the war and sets before the Soviet people the great
international task - liberation from the Hitlerite yoke of all the peoples of Europe.

How much unyielding will, how much farsightedness of mind is contained in this calm foresight at
a moment undoubtedly difficult for the nation!

In the great, creative and brilliant mind of Comrade Stalin was combined deep political knowledge
with the science and experience of an unparalleled military commander. It is not, I think, a matter of
chance. The strategy and tactics of political struggle have much in common with military strategy
and tactics. Comrade Stalin's military experience was shaped in the process of the civil war, during
which the party placed him on the most threatening and responsible sections of the front. His
outstanding characteristic is precisely his ability to generalize every experience into clear theoretical
conclusions. "The battles in which the Soviet troops were led by Comrade Stalin are the most
outstanding models of the operational art of war." - reads in the ”Biography”. He was both a
practitioner of war and a theorist of it because he is a deep thinker. Modern warfare is first and
foremost a science and an organization, one of the fields of social science. Comrade Stalin in the
field of social problems is undoubtedly the greatest scholar and the greatest organizer the modern

19 J. Stalin - ”About the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet People”, publisher: "Military Press" 1949, page 11.
world has known. The Soviet people and all the peoples of Europe owe to Comrade Stalin the
victory in the last war, the crushing of the Hitlerite hordes, the liberation from slavery.

The Polish nation also owes it to him that the Polish Army took an active part in this war side by
side with the invincible Soviet Army. Thanks to Comrade Stalin, thanks to his high estimation of the
fighting qualities of our people, thanks to his kind care and generosity, the Polish army was created
during the war, it was supplied with modern war equipment, it toughened itself in battles, it gained
war experience, which is the great gain of our army today.

The Polish nation owes Comrade Stalin a great historical turnaround in relations between Poland
and the USSR.

Comrade Stalin was the promoter and implementer of a fundamental breakthrough in relations
between the Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian peoples and the Polish people.

The account of the wrongs inflicted on Ukrainians and Byelorussians by the Polish possessing
classes during several centuries of oppression of Ukrainian and Byelorussian lands was settled
during the last war by the establishment of a just border, based on ethnographic principles, creating
today not a wall of alienation, but a border uniting the taking, deeply friendly nations.

Thanks to Comrade Stalin, the account of the centuries-old disputes and mutual wrongs between the
Polish and Russian peoples, disputes which were skilfully exploited by the forces pushing forward
German expansion to the East against the vital interests of both peoples, was also settled.

Thanks to comrade Stalin, People's Poland, reborn within new borders, based on the Oder, Neisse
and Baltic Sea, is a nationally unified organism with a healthy economic structure and great
development potential.

Having freed itself from the capitalist bonds which were impeding Poland's development, having
put an end to the imperialist penetration which was distorting Poland's development and threatening
its independence - Poland's sovereignty is secured.

Therefore, the merits of Comrade Stalin both in the work of resurrecting Poland and in securing its
development, strength and flourishing are eternal.

That is why Comrade Stalin is so deeply revered and loved in Poland by all working people, by all
honest patriots.

The anti-Russian resentments connected with the period of tsarist oppression and fueled after the
October Revolution by the landowners and the bourgeoisie, and especially by the Pilsudskites and
their criminal fascist governments, are disappearing.

Today, the socialist culture of the Soviet people and, above all, of the Russian people is a stimulus
for the development of the socialist Polish culture based on the best traditions of the Polish people.

Thanks to such profound changes and the political, economic and cultural transformations that were
taking place, the transformation of the Polish nation from a nation of the nobility and the
bourgeoisie to a socialist nation was initiated, a nation that was so much more compact than before,
so much more resilient, so creative thanks to the elimination of class contradictions - a nation that
was creating a Republic more universal and more splendid than at any time in its history.
Comrade Stalin is not only a victor in war - He is also a peacemaker. Already during the war He
agreed on the principles of permanent post-war coexistence of nations, regardless of their political
system, at the conferences in Moscow and Yalta. After the war, at Potsdam, He fought successfully
to uphold the principle of a lasting democratic peace. The imperialist states soon embezzled these
principles which they had signed, went down the road of organizing war pacts, and are rebuilding a
new base of aggression in West Germany.

In the countries of people's democracy liberated by the Soviet Army, friendly cooperation of
peoples between all these countries and the USSR is developing. It is a creative and fruitful
collaboration for all. There is no division between large and small countries in this mutual
coexistence; it is based on mutual respect, mutual exchange of goods and services, mutual
assistance and cooperation. In the first years of food and economic difficulties, all the countries of
the people's democracy turned to Comrade Stalin for help, and Comrade Stalin never refused this
help. In 1945 and partly in 1946 Poland was threatened by famine, the Soviet Union came to our aid
with food. We lacked many raw materials and machinery to get industry fully up and running -
Comrade Stalin always rushed to our friendly aid. It is not only material assistance, but also
cultural, political and ideological. Comrade Stalin says: "Real friendship is proved not by words but
by deeds." Our country is experiencing more and more many manifestations of friendship and
assistance from Comrade Stalin, Who addresses our affairs and needs, as well as those of other
friendly countries, with special kindness and concern. It is an expression of his ideological position,
the same position that shone through in his 1941 speech about his duty to help liberate subjugated
peoples. This is an expression of the great idea of international brotherhood and friendship that
Marxism-Leninism proclaims and embodies.

Has the experience of the defeats of imperialism, the bankruptcy of its temptations to stop by force
of arms the progressive development of social history, to which the Great Proletarian Revolution
opened the way, changed the direction of the policy of imperialism? No, because the parasitic
classes cannot rid themselves of their greed, their plundering aspirations, their ideology of
exploitation and violence. How feverishly and morbidly they are tugging at each other today - as the
idea of social liberation spreads and grows, spurring oppressed nations to fight - in unconscious fear
for their existence and in unconscious hatred of the USSR! The deepening overall crisis of
capitalism is inherent in the economic system itself, which continues to spawn new contradictions
and exacerbate old ones. Writhing in contradictions, imperialism unconsciously seeks salvation in
war preparations, intrigues, coalitions, and does not retreat from the criminal plans of the
warmongers, for whom the plunge of humanity into a new catastrophe appears only as a mirage of
new plunder. But the aggressive and insane drive of imperialism is opposed today not only by the
organized section of the international proletariat. They are opposed by hundreds of millions of
people in all countries of the world. The idea of fighting for peace grows and intensifies. Stalin's
name is an inspiration and a banner in the struggle for peace for hundreds of millions of people.
Comrade Stalin fought for peace by thundering the Hitlerite hordes. He fought for peace by building
socialism. Today He is the leader of the world camp of the struggle for peace and independence of
the peoples oppressed by imperialism, the struggle for the new human, for the overcoming of
bourgeois influence in human consciousness.

***

An aged Danish writer - Martin Andersen Nexö - wrote 10 years ago:

"The future belongs to the idea of which Stalin is the most beautiful embodiment”.

That idea is socialism - building a new, better, happier world. Marxism transformed the idea into a
science, Leninism roused the working masses to struggle in order to transform it into action in the
fire of revolution, Stalinism extracted from the masses the inexhaustible resources of creative,
revolutionary energy and work, infused it into socialist construction, gave socialism a definite and
ever-growing lead in the world.

In the astonishing mind of Comrade Stalin were concentrated the experiences of a century of
revolutionary struggle of the proletariat and the mighty highs of thought of His brilliant
predecessors. The great disciple of Marx, Engels and Lenin comprehensively developed their
theoretical achievements enriching them with his own experience of the historical period of socialist
construction and the Second World War which, the greatest of human wars, was the decisive clash
of two regimes and two epochs. He led socialism victoriously out of this clash and transformed it
into an invincible power. He is the leader and inspiration of the party he formed with Lenin - the
party that built socialism, the strongest party of the world proletariat, its steel and steadfast
vanguard.

For the working class of the whole world, Stalin's name is linked as closely as possible with the
belief in victory - in the victory of the Workers' Cause, in the victory of a new epoch in human
history. It is the victory of the Workers' Cause that is the beginning of this new epoch. Thanks to
the victory of the Workers' Cause, Stalin's name, grown in the class struggle, was transformed into a
general human achievement: it became the powerful refuge of a new historical era - the era of
Socialism.

That is why today the 70th anniversary of Comrade Stalin's birth stirs emotion in the hearts of the
vast majority of working people around the world.