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    Arfe 1999 S. Asclepius

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    ‘The Annotations of Nicolaus Cusanus and Giovanni Andrea Bussi on the Asclepius Pasquale Arfe Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, Vol. 62. (1999), pp. 29-59. Stable URL: tips links jstor.orgsici?sici~G07S-4390%28 1999%2962%3C29%3A TAONCA %3E2.0.CO®3B25 Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Instintes is currently published by The Warburg Institute, ‘Your use of the ISTOR archive indicates your acceptance of [STOR’s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at hntp: eww jstor org/aboutiterms.htenl. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in par, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not dowsload an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the [STOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use ofthis work. Publisher contact informtation may be obtained at hupifewwwjstor.org/journals/wacburg.hnl. Bach copy of any part ofa JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the sereen or printed page of such transmission, ISTOR isan independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals. For more information regarding ISTOR, please contact suppon @jstor-org. hup:tvwo jstor orgy SatDee 2 13:46:03 2006 THE ANNOTATIONS OF NICOLAUS CUSANUS. AND GIOVANNI ANDREA BUSSI ON THE ASCLEPIUS* Pasquale Arfé fox Paolo Lucentini he picture of the diffusion of Latin Hermeticism in the Middle Ages has recently gained in precision and clarity thanks to studies which are gradually uncovering its distinetive outlines.! The present contribution aims to further this enterprise by revealing the different ways in which Cardinal Nicolaus Cusanus (1401-64) and his learned secretary Giovanni Andrea Bussi (1417-75) approached the text of the Asclepius. The study of the relations between these (wo scholars presents material of great interest in the field of Quattrocento cultural histary, Philosophy and philology are ‘seo sides of the same coin ia their literary and personal collaboration, Their common «effort to recover the precious fragments of an ancient past, and their differing atticudes to that world, are preserved in the Latin manuscript Brussels, Bibliotheque Royale Albert 1° 1005456, where we find annotations of the cardinal and his secretary side by side. (THE MANUSCRIPT ‘The Brussels codex cantains the philosophical Opuscula of Apuleius and the Aselepius of Hermes Trismegistus? The vellum manusctipt is of German origin, and datable to 4 Thig research tas beem carried ove at pare of praject on the Frertecic ceadition financed by aa Assegne di Riceres (1996-2001) oF the East Universsario Qcieatale (Naples), and by conuibutions From the Tstinta Ttalano pee gli Stud Flosofeé (Naples) and the Cansigho Nazionale delle Ricerche ‘Rome. should also ike co acknowledge asisrance fam the Bibliathegue Rayale Alueet © (Brussele} and the Warburg faicuce, I wish ta ehank fill Kaye, ‘Albinia de i Mate, Concetta Bianca and Lucis Gualda Rosa for very useful suggestions. [am also grateful Tullio Gregory, Matie Agtimi, Charles Buenett and Werner Beierwiltes, wha have in dfferene ways en- ! This was ‘an image that Cusanus accepted from the very beginning of his intellectual activity and ‘one fo which he would essentially remain faithful throughout his literary career, 25. Ar ts well known, the text of the Auclopinee celebrates the divinity af man, 44 coaperacor with {God in the ceeation ofthe warld. Nock and Festuglece Gsinn.Lt),p 978. 1g4, mention im particule the phrase ‘efficere deas of Adis, 97. 128. On Gusanus's interest in cote vetuiti see R. Sabbadini, Ze sored citation gre ne wcle XIV #XU, a vols, Florence 1995-14, repr. 1987. 1. PB Mots ider, (Niceala da Caen ¢coneiian oi Bases alla seapertade\ ead, Ronaicant dla Reale code ei Lincs Clase a sciente maral, stoic lalagiche, 488, 1g) pp. 5-40: Branca, “La bibioreea rooana di Niccol Cusano! fas in n 6}, pp. 687-8; Regen (asin Ba), pp. 20: 27, This ents ta he divecty in colet with the Judgement generally exprested by modern ediors os Gussnus 25 corrector: on the pain: see Santinelio Ginn 16), pra ng 28. See Nock and Festugiére (as in m1}. 348; Moreschint, Dat Asclpine (28 tn 11), ps 183 Copentaver (254 9 41), pp. 79, 7343 Holzhavsen (sin mt}. Gp 281 29. See Appendix La 430. For Hecmecicism in Gusarus's work see G. Sita, Niceld Casanoe fumenning vations, Bologna 1957, BP. 25-98: F. Gatin, Lmao dl Pavesi, Rome 1988, 9p. 38-40: A. Minarauli, L’Hentage Corpus Hermevque dang la philosophie de Nicolas ‘be Goes! La Caled de Das, €28 1, L498, Y1- 28 G Federici Vecovit, "Temi ermetieg neapltonic: de Ea dow tgneeanaa oi Nicola Cusana’, Heneplanaisar tat Renasenens (At el Consegno internasionale & studio, Roma-Pitenze 12-15 icerbre 1990}, ed. P. Pain, Rome 1909, pp. 107-32 38 On the mecieral Latin eadivons of Hee meticism see above all P. Lucentini, Il commeste all Asdepius del Vaticang Quoboniane Ia 811, Fis tofie Cultna, Per Eugen Garin eM. Ciliberta and © Vasali, Rome 199, pp. s¢~544 Idem, “L'Asdepius cermietico nel secaia XI Fim Athos ta Charts, Neo Dloconiom ond Medieval Dkoughts Studies se amour of Baowardfoaunses, ed H. J. Westra, Leiden 4549, BE go7m20; idem, “Clg spr Teamagaius’ (asian. 3), 1p. 189-299; idem, earpoe anima nella adi une fexmetica medievale’, L'Evsuuasmo nal Ansichie nat Rinascnents, 06. L. Rotand Seceht Tacug, Milan 1098, pp. 61-72; 1 irs de wentquat flee ed. and ee P. Lucentini, Milan 1ggg: L Storere, “Saines et smagiciens: Albert le Grand en face d'Hermes Trie imegiste, Archives de Plabsophie xt), 1980, 29. 645 444 dem, "Pracla ed Ermete in Getmnanis da Alberta Magno a Bertaldo di Mocshtg. Per una progpetriva 36 PASQUALE ARFE The first reference to Hermes in his writings is in the first of his original com- positions that has come down to us, the sermon In principio evat Verbum (1.42890) 22 After discussion of the unity and trinity of God, Cusamus traces the prefiguration of the holy Trinity in sacred texts of the Jews, and finds in pagan authors an awareness of the presence of the divine Word, not indeed clearly expounded (‘non plena luce") hut none the less weakly hinted at Caliquali tamen radiolo’}. Quoting copiously from the Divinae institutiones of Lactantius, Cusanus here attributes to Hermes knowledge of, the mystery of the divine Word.}¥ In che context of an exhortation to prudence on the part of the Christian, who has to be taught the dangers inherent in certain types of knowledge, Hermes reappears in the sermon Ihant magi (1431) in the guise of the dis coverer and transmitter of prohibited books ‘de divinatione et praestigiis., prohibited because they purvey a superstitious magic. Following the common medieval distinction between magia necromantica and magia naturatis, Cusanus sharply distinguishes this fom another form of Hermetic magical knowledge based on rational and natural causes. The latter is in any case dangerous for Christians, inasmuch as magical practices, even if they are not superstitious, incorporate secrets of nature in which “diabolus saepe se immiscet ad decipiendum’.# The particular form of these two references, especially i ricerca sulla culura Blosoficseedascs nel seeolo delle tue origins (Lagartggo}', You Miter Dutch 2 Meister Edbhrt, ed. K. Flaseh, Hamburg 1084, pp 22-43) A Santina, “La eadiaione ermetica s Oxfaré fne|seealt NIL e XIV: Ruggece Bacone e Tommaso Bracwardine’, Studs flsef,X¥U, 2995. DB. 25-f8 feadent, “Erscte maga. alehimisia nile biblioteche i Guglielmo @'Alveraia « Ruggero Bacone’, Studi Meisel, x, 2209, pp. 1-69; and H. Wackerzapp, Der Binflusr Meter Echorts auf de exten pholarophtcben Schrfen des Nhat som Kas (2442-1430) (eitrige aur Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologte des Miuelatters,x0rn.9), Monster 1962 $38. Accacding to. Koch, Cusenus Tats ( Prati tess 7: Untertnchungen ber Doterang, Pam, Sprache wed Quelle. Krssehe Versichnss saucer Prag [Skeongiberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wiesenschaften. Philosaphisch-atsorisene Klas 1) Heidelberg (9¢2,p. 60, this sermon should be dared sag December 1440. Subsequent investigation bY R aubse, however, showed that i was already in its nal form by a5 December t4gorsee the Prsetat0 generals 0 his edition of Nicolaus of Casa, Semone (vit), Hamburg #999, pp. ss and xa 33, Same, (1, ed. Re Haubse, M- Bodewig and Wo kirsmer (kxuta}, p. 1a: ‘Geezationer hare Snenareabilem summa veritas, si non pena luce, aliqualt amen radiola in pagonitais tenebeis con ‘tisuts aliquantulum apezule, ut apud Flmianum Lactansium ia De falsa sapiencia plucima exempla conscribunur. Refere quidem lermetem Trimesis tum “In eo bra, got Lagos g6lios, id ext sera perfectus, dieitur, Ia uns est veeDi: Kyras ke ton anton gots on theon kale ee, i est damins et fomnium factor, quem deum nominace vider, secundum (ect deumn” ete, Ecsequitue: "Quia bune fecit primum, selum é¢ unum, bans el sus est cc plenisimus omnivm bonorum. Gavisus ext ot is ailexie elue partum sui” Simiter "Sibyl heaea i carminin i principio flies et ducers cee imperatorem omaum praedicat dicens. pant ‘profes Kelson ete, id ext omaium muvitarers con diuoremgue, qui duleem spitiaam cmeibus depos ‘ec ducer devin omnives facie” exe. Ee alla Sibyl unc oportes eagnase;ipsues tum seite deum.qul ‘est fils des. Bune flium inefabilem Hermes die ‘Caues aysem hulus cusae seluntas bon, quae deur provesit, euius samen nom potest ore horn SF Er pastes ad filum swum Hermes loquitor: Ext enim, 40 Mili, secrews quidam sermo qapientiae de solo domina ori, praesclente rama deo, quem dicere {upra hominem extete. Zenon “logos” sve "verbum™ naturie dispontorem aque aplfcem universiacis appeliat. Quem et fauuin et necesstatem cers et niin: Laie ppells, ea wiliet cansvetudine, Qa solent fovem pro Deo accipere, Sed nibil obstant verba, cum aententia congruae versal. Rat enim spirits de, quem ille animus Lows nonsinat. Nam “Tetimegists, qui vertatem poene universam, nescio ‘que moi, istesigai, vrater maiesatemaue verb fhepe deseripait. Et aba Sibyl; Omnia verbo agens tc" Cf Lactantivs, Diginae tneattionss ed. P. Monat (Sources chreuennes, $77). Patis 1994, 5¥.5-7, pp Gaye, and1vg.p.83 34. Sermo, 26, A UU, Bp. 9708: ‘Orda dicen- dorum in seeunda arviculo: Suels, quae cecidie in NICOLAUS CUSANUS AND GIOVANNI ANDREA BUSST a7 the firse with its cotal and literal dependence on Lactantius, suggests that at the time these two sermons were written Cusanus probably had no direct acquaintance with the Asclopins, Twas in fact only some ten years Jater, in De dacte ignarantia of 1.440, that he began to connect the figure of Hermes with the Asclepius* These references can be grouped thematically around the docteines of the nature and names of God, the metaphysical teaching of unus-omnia, matter, and the divine nature of man. Here T shall touch on only one of the most important themes. Cusanus's Hermetic interests seem in fact to develop largely in tandem with his quest to understand the names of God, and this search was directly inspired by Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, the constant back- drop to his theological and speculative investigations.% In many passages of his works, Dionysian utterances are harmonised with che teaching of Hermes. An example of great interest in this regard is found in the first book of De decta ignarantia, where the words of the Asclepius on che ineffability of God (chapter 20, the Hermetic passage most frequently cited by Cusanus) are inserted in a context saturated with the thought of Pseudo-Dionysius as mediated through Thierry of Chartres. Investigating the nature of God as the Absolute Maximum, Cusanus concludes that chere is no name that can properly {proprie) be attached ta Him: ‘where all things are in reality one, no proper name can he assigned to it. For that reason Hermes Trismegistus rightly says: since usinchese amaritadins profunda corda, operatue euiterium ec species adulert a vera fide chealana Unde operationes ommes, quae aan habent rats nabilem medii causem, superstioste sunc. Quare prime scieadum de causis naturalbus manifesis et experts, sicut in medicinis et certis astroloies, de mati {nae ac plancenum et minuendun et semi sandum: dummedo nihil superstitions immisceat, Admicsuntut. Alta sunt oceulea nobis, eet matoree fecress, in quibus se diabolus immisces, ut Nicolaus Horem et Albertus et ali, sellicet Rogerus Bacon, Johannes Batem in Speculo divinorum yses nats est finse repercur Athlans mages atralogus Promethei fazer, maternus camu>s Meecurli maioris ‘ulus nepos fuic eTeiomegisaus iste Mereurius. See Augustine, De eviews Bei, xviniag, of, Darbart and Kalb (asin. 41) p. 635; Rohde Cabin. 2p. 50 Thoms (asin 2), pq Identical quotations are found iv two apier manuscripts of the Azctpina Leiden, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversitet MS Grono- vines 198, fo. (1 2ch century), Gras, University bibtiochek MS 48, fl. 1* (end af 13th century): see Klinanaky aad Regea Gois 3.2), 9978-8, item 34: and pp. Bt, item 47; Lucentin,“Glsae sur Time. gstua! (a8 inn), 98%, tems 97 and go, Marcio Ficino uses che same quote in the inteaswetian to his wanslation af the Pinasufer of Heemes: see the Angora in bru Mercuri! Traits (0 Marwius Plein, Opera, Basle 1576.1, p. 2896. 50 PASQUALE ARFE immediate impression of the quotation is that it is written in a humanistic hand.” From this simple observation it follows that B# cannot be placed in the distanc eleventh century but must be brought into the fifteenth, so much better known to us, and thus giving reason to hope that we may be able to discover who B? was. A plausible answer comes from a consideration of the history of the manuscript. 2. Nicolaus Cusanus spent the last years of his life in Rome, where he went to live in 1458 at the invitation of Pius II, taking with him his private library.”* He therefore had the Brussels manuscript with him in Rome,*¥ and it was there that he met and engaged as his secretary Giovanni Andrea Busi. The evo formed close ties of friendship and, intellectual co-operation.”5 In common with many humanists ac he time, they searched for old manuscripts that preserved the purest textual traditions, carrying out important philological work together. A group of codices that bear witness to this joint enterprise have been identified by modern scholars,” and our manuscript can now take its place 7. What caused the editors of Apuleius to tke a diferencsiew is not eas ta say Cavld it perhaps have been a cate of pertecs humanistic imitation of lumina antigua? There ace, infact, same feacuses of B's hand, sch 2s the tll and slender ascenders 10 thea tigatre, chat vecal graphic elements of Carat. sian marginal loses, for an example see F. Seeffens asin patdagraphis Trier 1939, pl 55, K sce thot BY has umieated the (1th: of Vetkveemtury hand fon fol ofthe manuscrge fsee 9 ahove} "7a Sec Bianca, ‘La biligteea comana da Niceol2 Gasano’ (asin n. 6), pp. 670-1, 876-9 73, Biarea,ibid..p yo2 0 114 34 See M. Migia, ‘Bust, Giovanni Andrea’, in Diswore Biagrafco deg ation, Rome 1173, ®8. PP 565-72. Miglia gives = fuller life sn his ecicion of GA. Bust, Prefasiome ote ofians du Swuyrdeym & Poasor: protatiborray romani, Milan 1978, pp. XVI NNW. ‘75. Miglio, Giovawat Andvea Bus (25 2.74), sf7. ‘Liinconera can Niecold da Cusa fu evento che ave culturalmente grande importanz pee ik Buss, frequente @ auccessivamente i rieatéa del Gusana, che culminers nel nate, per pitt Aspe, logic del cardinale interito oells prefosione alle amps del-Apuleia. Dal Cussno paiersnno al Buss, oltre che [a materiale conoseensa desde noni manoserite seanosclize, Unz W9E euriosica fulturle e fs imediata valutarione del imporeanea delliasemrione della scampa.’ On Cuszrus's eulogy see Monecker (3 in». 45), pp. 66476; Buss (ais 74) wp. XXIV, 17-18: Blanca, “Ca biblloceca romana <4 Niccala Cusano! (as n 6), p. 692 and n. 78, For 2 particular ease of scholarly calaboration between, Bussi and Cusanus see P. Seatela Placeacini, "a Brunaecha absolt" un autagrafa di Giovanni Andes Buss nel manccerieto vallicelliane Rét Setar, bible e stampa (a8 1. Sb PP. 709-32 76. See Bianca, “La bibiaceca romana di Niccolé CGusano" (as in n. 6), pp. 892-702. On Bussi 2s 2 corvector of Cusanusis manuenpts see R. Habs, “ebaches Veraeichnit derlordoner Handacheitter aus dem fhsitz des Nikalaus von Kues', MFCI 1983, p. 30. On Boss's philological method see SearciaPlacentinl (a8 NB: 25); BD. 713 7 Foe these manuncripen see Bianes (259.6), pp. Sganor. One chacseands out as evidence af che ‘ultual elomare of the ime is Koes, Bib. des Koapitals MS Cus. 186 with the Expats a Parana of Proelis In the tandlation of William of Moevbeke, described by Bianca, ‘Note, natalia, glose” (a8 816), po 3 28 "Un codice ben nota aglt studisi del plaoniame ‘mediesale e rinaseumentst, sl cul aagiat il Cusane a un ata e la sesso Buss, is pore in msara minere, dalbalco, s) erana affaicat a corteggere ed mene dare, collazionsnda can pzzienzs ed intervenends cam decisione.' For 4 description of the manunceipt see Mare 35inn- 19),p 173. Its worth pointing 93t that Cusanus presente Bust s¢ am expert an Proelus ssa commentator gn the Parmanzéa in the dialogue Denon aid of 1452. The marginal of Cusanus aed Buss were published in Play Letinus II. Pormenides letgue od jinerepriae Hypotheur we aot Peale Cane rmusierium in Permoniden, pass altima adhuc inate, Inampee Guta de Motrok,e@. R. Bhsasky and [abomsky, Landon 1938, pp. 199-6: Praclus, Comme aie sur le Parmevide de Plan, uaducten de Geltaee «de Meerbte (Appendin: Nicola cde Coes margialia ad ‘estum Prac}, <0, Stel, Lewes 1985, Bp 520-57 (536-55). The manginatia of Cusenus alone are it Catan Tee, ns, Masgination, 92 Bxpastie im Porme- idem Plasann, eR. Bartano (abkancluagen der NICOLAUS CUSANUS AND GIOVANNI ANDREA BUSSI 5 among them. For not only are its margins sprinkled with notes in Cusanus's gothic hand; in addition, MS 1005.4-56 presents numerous corrections from Bussi’s pen, writ ten in, humanist cursive. The attribution, to Bussi is based on a palacographical analysis of the marginal quotation from Augustine. The general set of the handwriting, delicate, small in size, regular in its ductus, more careful and refined in style than that of Gusanus (for both scripts see Fig. 17), recalls examples of Bussi's hand, especially those that aim at a sober and decorous script, as we find it, for example, in his official letters." Among the principal identifying features we may single out the shape of the majuscules (che uncial-type ‘A’ and the ‘E')? and of abbreviations (che g-shaped ‘us’ and the clegant bar under ‘p'). But the most characteristic featuce is the lower bowl of the ‘g’, which is generally closed and very rounded, just as in Bussi’s script? Bussi’s use of annotations seems to be the opposite of that of Cusanus.®! Marginal and interlinear glosses are very scant, while there are a great many interventions in the ext itself. There are only eleven glosses, including the quotation from Augustine, and. they are generally didactic in character, The texcual incervendions, on the other hand, amount to 102 and consist of orthographical or grammatical corrections or variants introduced by the word ‘vel',£ More than half of these correspond to the readings adopted by modern editors." Where they differ from modern texts, they sometimes present specimens of a classicising tendency, as when Bussi corrects the genitive plural of ‘mas’ (‘male’) feotn ‘marum’ to ‘marium’,¥ and sometimes suggest new lines of interpretation, though often rather acbitrary ones from a philological point of view. In this connection folio 28" once again provides an example: in chapter 24 of the Asclepins mention is made of the dei trent, or statues in temples that predict the future by lots, prophecies, dreams and other means’ (sorte, vate, somaiis multisque aliis Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phieso- phisch-histocscte Klasse 9), Heidelberg 1986, op. 4 gg, On Bust se witness of Gossnue's Plato see Fissch, Mialzus von Kuer (2507.50), p. 247. 98. Facsimules of Buss handwriting are given in Bust (at itn. 24) avs IEXVIDL. See also om Busi’ dmand A. Maruzehi, ‘Note sel manoveritia {Vat at 01 di cui si Bservite Giovanni Andees Buss per Tedizione oi Phinio del 1470 fitted Recherche ee Yt deg Tos. Bullets, 8, 4967-8, 2217589 79. See eg. the sibsonptie writen By Buss in Lagden, Bish Libeary MS Harley 1349, reproduced in Haubat,"Kritaches Verzeichnis’ (a8. 76), 3 So. I pacticularly chank Albinia de la Mare for ‘encouragement inthis research and far comfiering my polacoutaphica identification. St, For Buss! noces see Appendices 12 and 1L2 Ban assesging Boss's interventions Fave in general excluced dots anc other auch matks and fave confined my examination tothe features of lvters { Inave, however. ade exceptions 0 his rule where it seems fairly cercain hac we ace dealing with Buss's peculat techniques of coeteclon: bls undelizing of yaes natus est fusse repericur Athlans magnus atralogus, Promethei ater, rmaternus

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