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Soviet Society in Northwest China

Author(s): Edgar Snow


Source: Pacific Affairs, Vol. 10, No. 3 (Sep., 1937), pp. 266-275
Published by: Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia
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SOVIET SOCIETY IN NORTHWEST CHINA
EDGAR SNOW

\HATEVER
it may have been in the South,ChineseCom-
munismas I foundit in the Northwestmightmore accuratelybe
calledruralequalitarianism thananythingMarx would have found
agreeableas a model child of his own. This was manifestly true
economically, and althoughin the social,politicaland culturallife
of theorganizedsovietstherewas a crudeMarxistguidance,limita-
tionsof materialconditionswere everywhere obvious.There is no
machineindustry of anyimportance in theNorthwest. The country
is far less influencedby industrialism than the easternparts of
China; it is farmingand grazingcountryprimarily, the cultureof
which has been for centuriesin stagnation,thoughmany of the
economicabusesprevalentno doubtreflectthe changingeconomy
in the semi-industrialized cities.Yet the Red Armyitselfwas an
outstanding productof the impactof "industrialization" on China,
and the shockof the ideas it broughtinto the fossilizedculture
of theNorthwestwas in a truesenserevolutionary.
Practicalconsiderations, however,deniedthe Reds the possibility
of organizingmuch more than the politicalframeworkfor the
beginnings of socialisteconomy, of whichnaturallytheycould think
only in termsof a futurewhich mightgive them power in the
greatcities,wheretheycould take over the industrialbases from
foreignimperialism and thus lay the foundationsfora truesocial-
ist society.Meanwhile,in the rural areas, theiractivitycentered
chieflyon the solutionof the immediateproblemsof the peasants
-land and taxes.This may sound like the reactionary programof
the old Narodniksof Russia, but the greatdifference lies in that
ChineseCommunistsregardedland distribution as onlya phase in
the buildingof a mass base,enablingthemto developthe struggle
towardtheconquestofpowerand finalrealizationofprofoundsocial-
istchanges-in whichcollectivization wouldbe inevitable.In Funda-
mentalLaws of the ChineseSovietRepublic' the First All-China
'Martin Lawrence,London, 1934.
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Soviet Societyin NorthwestChina
SovietCongressin i93i setforthin detailthe"maximumprogram"
of theCommunistPartyof China-and reference to it showsclearly
thattheultimateaim of ChineseCommunistsis a trueand complete
socialiststate of the Marx-Leninistconception.Meanwhile,how-
ever,it has to be remembered thatthesocial,politicaland economic
organizationof the Red districtshas all along been only a very
provisionalaffair.Even in Kiangsi it was littlemore than that.Be-
cause the sovietshave had to fightforan existenceever since they
began, theirmain task has always been to build a militaryand
politicalbase for the extensionof the revolutionon a wider and
deeperscale,ratherthanto "tryout Communismin China," which
is whatsomepeoplechildishly imaginetheReds have been attempt-
ing in theirlittleblockadedareas.
The immediatebasis of supportfor the Reds in the Northwest
was obviouslynot so much the idea of "fromeach accordingto
his ability,to each accordingto his need,"as it was somethinglike
thepromiseof Dr. Sun Yat-sen,"land to thosewho till it." Among
economicreformswhichthe Reds could claim to theircreditthese
four evidentlycounted most to the peasantry:redistribution of
land, abolitionof usury,abolitionof tax-extortion, and elimination
of privilegedgroups.
While theoretically the sovietswere a "workersand peasants"
government, in actual practicethe whole constituency was over-
whelmingly peasantin characterand occupation,and theregimehad
to shapeitselfaccordingly. An attemptwas made to balancepeasant
influence, and offsetit,by classifyingtheruralpopulationintothese
categories:greatlandlords,middleand smalllandlords,richpeasants,
middle peasants,poor peasants,tenant peasants, rural workers,
handicraft workers,lumpenproletariat, and a divisioncalled tzu-yo
chih-yeh chieh,or independentprofessionals-which includedteach-
ers,doctorsand technicians-the"ruralintelligentsia." These divis-
ions were politicalas well as economic,and in the electionof the
sovietsthe tenantpeasants,rural workers,handicraftworkersand
so on weregivena verymuchgreaterrepresentation thanthe other
categories-theaim apparentlybeing to createsome kind of demo-
craticdictatorship of the "ruralproletariat."
However,it was hard
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to see thattherewas any importantbasic class divisionoperative
in thesecategories,as theywere all directlyattachedto agrarian
economy.Withinsuch limitations the sovietsseemedto work very
well in areas where the regimewas stabilized.The structureof
representativegovernment was builtup fromthe village,or hsiang
soviet,as thesmallestunit; aboveit werethedistrict, or ch'ii soviet;
the county,or hsiensoviet;and the provincial(sheng) and central
(chung-yang)soviets.Each villageelecteditsdelegatesto thehigher
sovietsclear up to the delegateselectedfor the Soviet Congress.
Suffragewas universalover the age of i6, but it was not equal,
forreasonsmentionedabove.
Various committeeswere establishedunder each of the district
soviets.An all-powerful committee, usuallyelectedin a mass meet-
ing shortlyaftertheoccupationof a districtby the Red Army,and
precededby an intensified propagandacampaign,was the revolu-
tionarycommittee. It called forelectionsor re-elections,
and closely
co-operatedwith the CommunistParty.Under the districtsoviet,
and appointedby it, were committees foreducation,co-operatives,
militarytraining,politicaltraining,land, public health,partisan
training,revolutionary defense,enlargement of theRed Army,agra-
rian mutualaid, Red Armyland-tilling, and others.Such commit-
teeswere foundin everybranchorgan of the soviets,rightup to
the Central Government,where policies were coordinated and
statedecisionsmade.
Organizationdid not stopwiththegovernment itself.The Com-
munistPartyhad an extensivemembershipamong farmersand
workers,in the townsand in the villages.In additiontherewere
the Young Communists, and underthemtwo organizationswhich
embracedin theirmembership most of the youth.These two or-
ganizationswere called the Hsiao-Nien Hsien-Feng Tui and the
Erh-T'ungT'uan-the Young Vanguardsand the Youth Brigades.
The CommunistPartyorganizedthewomenalso intoYoung Com-
munistLeagues, anti-Japanese societies,nursingschools,weaving
schools,women'stillingbrigadesand so on. Adult farmerswereor-
ganized into the P'in-MinHui, or Poor People's Society,and into
anti-Japanese societies.Even the Elder BrotherSociety,an ancient
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Soviet Societyin NorthwestChina
"poor man's bandit"organization,was broughtinto sovietlife and
given open and legal work to do. The Nung-minTui, or Peasant
Guards,and the Yo Chi Tui, or Partisan(Roving) Brigades,were
also partof the intenselyorganizedruralpoliticaland social struc-
ture.

HE WORK of all theseorganizationsand theirvariouscommittees


1 was coordinatedby the CentralSovietGovernment, the Com-
munistParty,and the Red Army.These bodies were all skillfully
interwoven, each directlyunderthe guidanceof some Communist,
though decisionsof organization,membershipand work seemed
to be carriedout in a democraticwaybythepeasantsthemselves. The
aim of soviet organizationobviouslywas to make every man,
womanor childa memberof something, withdefiniteworkassigned
to him to perform.
Rathertypicalof the intensity were the methods
of sovietefforts
used to increaseproductionand utilize greatareas of wasteland.I
have copies of many orders,quite astonishingin theirscope and
common-sensepracticality, issued by the land commissionto its
variousbranchesto guide themin organizingand propagandizing
the peasantsin the tasks of cultivation.To illustrate,in one of
theseordersthat I picked up in a branchland office,instructions
were given concerningspringcultivation,the commissionurging
its workersto "make widespreadpropagandato induce the masses
to participatevoluntarily,withoutinvolvinganyformof compulsory
command."Detailed advice was offeredon how to achievethefour
main demandsof thisplantingperiod,which the previouswinter
had been recognizedby the sovietsto be: more extensiveutiliza-
tion of wasteland,and expansionof Red Army land; increased
cropyields;greaterdiversity of crops,withspecialemphasison new
varietiesof melons and vegetables;and expansionof cottonacreage.
Among the devicesrecommendedby thisorder2to expand labor
power, and especiallyto bring women directlyinto agricultural
production(particularly wherethe male populationhad
in districts
declinedas a resultof enlistments in theRed Army),the following

2
Land Commission,January28, 1936. Wayapao.
Orderof Instruction,
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PacificAfairs
amusingand ingeniousinstruction suggeststhe efficiency with
whichtheRedswentaboututilizing theiravailablematerials:
To mobilizewomen, boysandoldmentoparticipate in springplant-
ing and each
cultivation, accordingto his to
ability carry on eithera
or
principal an task
auxiliary in thelabor processesof production.For
example, feet]andyoung
"largefeet"[natural women shouldbe mobi-
lizedto organize corps,
production-teaching with tasks varying from
up to themaintasksof agricultural
land-clearance production itself.
Smallfeet[boundfeet],youngboysand old menmustbe mobilized
dung,andforotherauxiliary
collecting
to helpin weed-pulling, tasks.
But how did thepeasantsfeelaboutthis?The Chinesepeasant
is supposedto hateorganization, and anysocialactivity
discipline,
his
beyond own family. Well,the Reds simplylaughat youwhen
you tellthemthat.Theysaythatno Chinesepeasantdislikesor-
ganization or socialactivity if he is workingforhimself and not
themin-t'uan,thelandlordor thetax-collector. And I mustadmit
thatmostofthepeasantsto whomI talkedseemedto support the
sovietsand theRed Army.Manyof themwereveryfreein their
criticismsand complaints, butwhenaskedwhether theypreferred
it to theold daystheanswerwas nearlyalwaysan emphatic yes.
I noticedalsothatmostofthemtalkedaboutthesoviets as womenti
chengfu-"our government"-and thisstruck me as something new
in ruralChina.
One thingwhichsuggested thattheReds havetheirbasein the
massof thepopulation was thatin all theoldersovietdistricts the
policingand guardingweredone almostentirely by the peasant
organizations alone.TherewerefewactualRed Armygarrisons in
thesovietdistricts,all thefighting strengthofthearmybeingkept
at thefront. Local defense was sharedby thevillagerevolutionary
defense corps,peasantguards,and partisans. This factmayexplain
someof thepopularity of theRed Armywiththepeasantry, forit
was rarelyplanteddownon themas an instrument of oppression
and exploitation,likeotherarmies,butwas generally at thefront,
fightingfor itsfood there, and engaged in meeting enemy attacks.
On theotherhandtheintensive organizationof thepeasantry cre-
ateda rearguardand basewhichfreedtheRed Armyto operate
withtheextreme mobility forwhichit has beennoted.
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SovietSocietyin Northwest
But reallyto understandthe peasantsupportforthe Communist
movementit is necessaryto keep in mind its economicbasis. The
burden formerlyborne by the peasantryin the Northwestwas
crushing-intaxes,in rentsand in forcedlabor.WherevertheReds
wentthereis no doubttheyradicallychangedthe situationforthe
tenantfarmer,the poor farmer,the middle farmer,and all the
"have-not"elements.All formsof taxationwere abolishedin the
new districtsfor the firstyear,to give the farmersa breathing
space,and in the old districtsonlya progressive singletax on land
was collected,and a small singletax (from5 to io per cent) on
business.Secondly,theygave land to the land-hungry peasants,and
began the reclamationof great areas of "wasteland"-mostlythe
land of absenteeor fleeinglandlords.Thirdly,theytook land and
livestockfromthewealthyand redistributed themamong the poor.
Redistribution of land was a fundamentalof Red policy.How
was it carriedout? Lateron, forreasonsof nationalpoliticalmaneu-
ver,therewas to be a drasticretreatin the sovietland policy,but
when I travelledin the Northwestthe land laws in force(promul-
gated by the NorthwestSoviet Governmentin December i935)
providedfor the confiscation of all landlords'land and the con-
fiscationof all land of richpeasantsthatwas not cultivatedby the
ownersthemselves. However,boththelandlordand therichpeasant
were allowed as much land as theycould till withtheirown labor.
wheretherewas no land scarcity-andtherewere many
In districts
such districtsin the Northwest-thelands of residentlandlords
and rich peasantswere in practicenot confiscatedat all, but the
wastelandof absenteeownerswas distributed, and sometimesthere
was a redivisionof best-qualityland, poor peasants being given
bettersoil,and landlordsbeing allottedthe same amountof poorer
land.
What was a landlord?Accordingto the Communists'definition
(greatlysimplified),any farmerwho collectedthe greaterpart of
his incomefromland rentedout to others,and not fromhis own
labor,was a landlord.By this definitionthe usurersand t'u-hao3
T'u-hao, whichactuallymeans "local rascals,"is the Reds' termfor landowners
who also derivea big part of theirincomefromlendingmoneyand buyingmort-
gages.
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wereput in aboutthe same category as landlords,and similarly
treated.Usuryrates,according to Dr. Stamparof the League of
Nations,formerly rangedas highas 6o percentin theNorthwest,
or verymuchhigherin timesofstress. Although landis verycheap
in manypartsof Kansu,Shensiand Ninghsia,it is practically im-
possiblefora farmworker or tenantwithno capitalto accumulate
enoughto buysufficient land forhis family. I metfarmers in the
Red districtswhoformerly had neverbeenable to own anyland,
although ratesin someplaceswereas low as twoor threedollars
an acre.
Classesotherthanthosementioned above werenot subjectto
confiscatoryaction,so a big percentage of the farmers stoodto
benefitimmediately by the redistribution.The poorestfarmers,
tenantsand farmlaborers wereall providedwithland enoughfor
Theredid not seemto be an attempt
a livelihood. to "equalize"
land-ownership.The primary purposeof the sovietland laws,as
explainedto me by Wang Kuan-lan(the 29-year-old Russian-re-
turnedstudentwho was land commissioner for the threeRed
provincesof theNorthwest), was to provideforeverypersonsuf-
landto guarantee
ficient himand his familya decentlivelihood-
whichwas claimedto be themosturgentdemandofthepeasantry.

THE LANDproblem-confiscation and redistribution-was greatly


simplifiedin the Northwest by thefactthatbig estateswere
formerly ownedby officials,
tax-collectors
and absenteelandlords.
Withthe confiscation of thesein manycasesthe immediate de-
mandsof thepoorpeasantry weresatisfied,withoutmuchinter-
ferencewitheithertheresidentsmalllandlordsor therichpeasants.
Thus theReds notonlycreatedtheeconomicbase forsupport in
thepoorand landlesspeasantrybygivingthemfarms, butin some
caseswon thegratitude of middlepeasantsby abolishing tax ex-
and in a fewinstances
ploitation, enlistedthe aid of smallland-
lordson the same basis,or on the patrioticappealsof the anti-
Japanese movement. There wereseveralprominent ShensiCom-
munists fromlandlordfamilies.
Additionalhelpwas givento thepoorfarmers in theformof
loansat verylow ratesofinterest,
or no interestat all. Usurywas
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SovietSocietyin Northwest
entirelyabolished,but privatelending,at ratesfixedat a maximum
of Io per cent annually,was permitted.The ordinarySoviet Gov,
ernmentlendingratewas 5 per cent.Severalthousandagricultural
implements, made in theRed arsenals,and thousandsof pounds of
seed grain were suppliedto landlesspeasantsbreakingwasteland.
A primitiveagriculturalschool had been established,and I was
told it was planned to open an animal husbandryschool as soon
as an expertin this field,expectedfromShanghai,had arrived.
The co-operative movementwas being vigorouslypushed.These
activitiesextendedbeyond productionand distributionco-opera-
tives,branchingout to include co-operationin such (for China)
novel formsas the collectiveuse of farmanimalsand implements
-especially in tillingpublic lands and Red Army lands-and in
the organizationof labor mutual-aidsocieties.By the latterde-
vice greatareas could be quicklyplantedand harvestedcollectively,
and periodsof idlenessby individualfarmerseliminated.The Reds
saw to it thata man earnedhis new land! In busyperiodsthe sys-
tem of "SaturdayBrigades"was used, when not only all the chil-
dren's organizations,but every soviet official,Red partisan,Red
guard,women'sorganization,and any Red Armydetachmentthat
happenedto be nearby,were mobilizedto work at least one day a
week at farmingtasks.Even Mao Tse-tungtook partin thiswork.
Here the Reds were introducingthe germs of the drastically
revolutionary idea of collectiveeffort-anddoingprimaryeducation
work for some futureperiodwhen collectivization mightbecome
practicable.At the same time, into the dark recessesof peasant
mentalitytherewas slowlypenetratingthe conceptof a broader
realmof sociallife.For theorganizationscreatedamongthepeasan-
trywere what the Reds called three-in-one: economic,politicaland
culturalin theirutility.
What culturalprogressthe Reds had made among thesepeople
was, by any advanced Westernstandards,negligible.But certain
outstandingevils common in most partsof China had definitely
been eliminatedin the score of long-sovietized countiesin North
Shensi,and a crusadeof propagandawas being conductedamong
inhabitantsof newerareas to spread the same elementary reforms
there.As an outstandingachievement, opium had been completely
>?
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eliminatedin NorthShensi,and in factI did notsee anysignof
poppiesafterI entered thesovietdistricts.
Official
corruptionwas
almost unheard of. Beggaryand unemployment did seem to have
been,as theRedsclaimed, I didnotseea beggarduring
"liquidated."
all mytravelsin theRed areas.Foot-binding and infanticidewere
criminaloffenses,childslaveryand prostitutionhad disappeared,
andpolyandry andpolygamy wereprohibited.
The myths of"communized wives"or"nationalizationofwomen"
are toopatentlyabsurdto be denied,butchangesin marriage, di-
vorceand inheritance werein themselvesextremely radicalagainst
thebackground ofsemi-feudal law andpracticeelsewherein China.
Marriage includedinteresting
regulations4 provisionsagainstmoth-
er-in-lawtyranny,thebuyingand sellingof womenas wivesand
concubines,and thecustomof "arranged matches."Marriagewas
bymutualconsent, thelegalage had beenmovedup sharply to 20
formen and i8 forwomen,dowrieswere prohibited, and any
coupleregisteringas man and wifebeforea county, municipalor
villagesovietwas givena marriagecertificatewithoutcost.Men
and womenactuallycohabiting wereconsidered legallymarried,
whether ornot-whichseemsto ruleout"freelove"-and
registered
theiroffspringwerelegitimate. No illegitimacy of childrenwas
recognized.
Divorcecouldalsobe securedfromtheregistration bureauof the
soviet,freeof charge, on the"insistentdemand"of eitherpartyto
themarriage contract,butwivesof Red Armymenwererequired
to havetheirhusband's consentbefore a divorcewas granted.
Prop-
ertywas dividedequallybetweenthe divorcees, and bothwere
legallyobligedto carefortheirchildren, butresponsibility
fordebts
was shouldered by the man alone (I), who was also obligedto
supplytwothirdsof thechildren's livingexpenses.
Education, in theory, was "freeand universal,"
butparentshad
of courseto supplytheirchildren withfoodand clothing. In prac-
tice,nothing like "free and universal" education had yet been
achieved.Illiteracyin theNorthwest, whentheRed Armiesarrived,
was estimated at 99 percent;butHsii Te-lih,thecommissioner of
' The MarriageLaw of the ChineseSoviet Republic (Reprinted),Pao An, July
1936.
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SovietSocietyin Northwest
China
education,told me thatresultsalreadyprove thatthe peasantsare
eager to learn when given the chance.They are not stupid.They
learnveryquicklyand theychangetheirunhealthyor superstitious
habits when given good reasons for doing so. And the educa-
tion "takes."When adult farmers,like theirsons and daughters,
have finishedtheirfirstbook of 500 or 6oo characters,
theycan not
onlyreadforthefirsttimein theirlives.They know who has taught
them,and why,and have graspedthe basic fightingideas of Chi-
nese Communism.
Peiping,April I937

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