Weronika Koleda

WRD 320
11.20.2020

Solidarity for Poland’s LGBTQ Community: Crisis Rhetoric Utilized in a Victim-Based Crisis

A crisis may often be defined as a prolonged situation in which a community is affected by a

series of events that disturbs the tectonic plates of their daily life or operations. In such cases, a solution

and plan of action is necessary to reestablish a sense of balance and stability within the community.

However, how must a crisis be handled when a community’s very existence is embedded with an

ever-present danger, when there is someone always ready to attack them? Whereas several crises can be

directed back to a singular mistake or concrete action, the situation becomes far more complex when the

crisis is derived from the very presence of a community’s own humanity. In other words, this sort of

situation defines a victim-based crisis. A victim-based crisis inevitably surpasses the need to respond to a

“problem”; rather, it revolves around a consistent fight for justice. A crisis such as this requires a

community to think not how an issue needs to be fixed, but how they must defend themselves from a

powerful oppressor. Victim-based crises are prevalent across history around the world, yet an abundance

of human rights crises continue to endanger communities today. As of late, a crisis garnering the attention

of international headlines has been the oppression of the LGBTQ community in Poland, specifically

surrounding the country’s 2020 presidential election. In 2020, the ILGA-Europe Rainbow Map––an

annually collected review of LGBTQ acceptance across European countries––portrays Poland as the

lowest ranking country within the European Union (“Rainbow Europe 2020”). Amongst the rising unrest

and political injustices enacted across Poland, the LGBTQ community calls for solidarity as a means of

defending themselves from this humanitarian crisis.

A Community Under Attack:

The emerging crisis in Poland stems heavily from the current conservative administration, which

has recently vocalized dangerous ant-LGBTQ rhetoric. The height of the crisis followed President
Andrzej Duda’s path to reelection after first assuming office in 2015. Running for the

nationalist-conservative party Law and Justice, Duda was successfully reelected in July 2020 after

winning against Warsaw mayor Rafał Trzakowski (Knut). The statement from Duda that ultimately made

international headlines just prior to the election underlined his intention to demonize the LGBTQ

community, “LGBT is not people, it's an ideology.” The president compared the community to an

ideology that was “more dangerous than communism”, a very charged statement considering the

country’s past occupation by the Soviet Union (Dellanna). In addition to vocalizing such harmful rhetoric,

the administration has attacked the community from a legal standpoint, prohibiting gay couples to marry

and adopt children in the name of preserving Poland’s “traditional family values”. In the same way that

“organizations are expected to behavior in certain ways; act in ways that are consistent with societal

norms/expectations” (Coombs 249), the LGBTQ community does not align with the Polish social norms

put in place, ultimately inciting backlash. In addition, the Law and Justice Party proposed a bill in April

2020, titled “Stop Pedophilia Act” (a clearly discriminatory name), that penalized those for teaching

reliable sex education in schools (Knut). Prior to these declarations, Poland had already labeled about one

third of the country as an “LGBT-free zone”. Though these zones do not possess any unique legal power,

their symbolic stance fuels the homophobia that already exists in these areas, further legitimizing them

(Picheta and Kottasová).

This sort of political climate did not occur in Poland overnight. In fact, the country has long

upheld a mostly conservative regime that openly followed decades of Communist rule up until 1989.

Before the fall of the Soviet Union, repressed homosexuality was considered by officials as a social

disorder. After Communism fell, overt oppression appeared to diminish, although homophobia’s existence

was very much alive just beneath the surface. Upon joining the EU, Poland strived to ban Pride parades

and built up a resistance to gay rights. Several other countries occupying the same region––such as Serbia

and Croatia––were involved in similar attacks (O’Dwyer 892). It is also important to consider that Poland

is rooted deeply in the Roman Catholic Church and is not considered to be a secular state. With nine in

ten Poles identifying as Catholic, the church’s upholding of “traditional values” adds on to the country’s
already heavily conservative-leaning behavior (Picheta and Kottasová). Thus, the victim-based crisis in

Poland’s hands resembles two of the most powerful forces in the country––the church and

state––attacking the very humanity of its LGBTQ citizens. It can be said that the pot has been boiling for

decades, and it is now beginning to boil over.

Framing the Crisis

In order to frame the response of the LGBTQ community––as in their activism, education, and

awareness––this crisis must be acknowledged as a speech set through Apologia and Kategoria. Both

pieces of crisis rhetoric are essential, as the crisis at hand involves one party attacking the other due to

threats to their “traditional values”, and the second party defending their rights as human beings. Apologia

is defined as a speech in defense, where the speakers “defend themselves in response to accusations of

wrongdoing,” (Sellnow and Seeger 165). The LGBTQ community participates in Apologia through their

defense of their own humanity, character, and morality. Specifically, they adopt a vindictive posture of

defense, which aims “not only at the preservations of the accused’s reputation, but also at the recognition

of [their] greater worth as a human being,” (Sellnow and Seeger 166). In other words, the community, in

preserving their public reputation, maintains the goal of defending the worth of their rights as people, not

as an “ideology”. To display their worth and humanity, the community defends itself through educational

measures, protest actions, rallying for solidarity, and other activist measures.

In the act of defense, it is only logical that there is an attack that precedes it. Kategoria is defined

as a speech of accusation, where the accuser “perceives an evil or an exigence”––in this case the Polish

state seeing the LGBTQ community as threatening to the country’s conservative values––”he is motivated

to expose it, and the rhetorical response to that motivation is a kategoria,” (Ryan). Not only is the Polish

government motivated by their so-called traditional values, but they have used the LGBT community as

scapegoats in order to distract from other political issues. For instance, the “Stop Pedophilia Act”

prohibiting reliable sex education was proposed in April 2020 at the time when COVID-19 cases were

first spiking. As the bill shifted media attention, the public shifted their focus from the administration’s
handling of the pandemic to an issue surrounding the LGBT community (Knut). As the outcome of their

motivations, the government rhetorically succeeds in attacking the community. Appealing to a distinct

conservative audience, Duda’s administration portrays the community from a perspective that emulates a

certain danger and blasphemy. In the end, President Duda’s words are persuasive to his audience: the

LGBT community (having already been othered by society) is posed as a threat to the conservative values

they have adopted all their lives.

In addition to framing the overall crisis using Apologia and Kategoria as a speech set, it is also

beneficial to historically frame the Polish LGBTQ community’s organizing in a Postcommunist society.

After the fall of the Soviet Union, most activism done by the community was localized and treated

informally. As there was a lack of legitimate organization, such activism “reflected homosexuality’s

exclusion from the public sphere: even if homosexual practices were not criminalized in most

postcommunist countries, they were understood as something to be kept out of public view,” (O’Dwyer

893). Apolitical activism therefore pushed the community to the sidelines of politics, and members of the

community could only exercise their rights as private citizens without consideration of their LGBTQ

identity. The goal then, is for communities to think externally and build political solidarity amongst

transnational allies. Emphasizing this idea empowers domestic “norm brokers”, like the LBGTQ rights

organization, through building upon allyship and networking with groups abroad. Considering the

movement in Poland was brought to international attention following activist responses to Duda’s

homophobic remarks, there is an evident focus on transnational solidarity as a crisis strategy.

Transnational solidarity and political organizing can be analyzed as communication strategies of defense

with three major objectives: “(1) how to resonantly frame an issue marginalized by stigma and taboo; (2)

how to mobilize participation; and (3) how to draw domestic allies outside the movement” (O’Dwyer

894). These concepts become prevalent within the specific actions taken by the LGBTQ community as

they collect global support in their fight for their rights.

Activism as Major Crisis Communication Strategies

 Grouped into a collection of communication strategies are activist movements that are defined, in

addition to written communication, by protest actions and organizational work. Though each form of

communication varies both in form and medium, all signify the same defense motive. As “organizational

management utilizes crisis response strategies to rebuild legitimacy and to protect the organizational

reputation during a crisis,” (Coombs 249), the LGBTQ community faces an additional challenge of using

communication strategies to build a legitimacy they never possessed in the first place within the country.

In the same vein, this crisis rhetoric faces a party that does not believe they committed any wrongdoing.

“The key question is not if the act was in fact offensive, but whether the act is believed by the relevant

audience(s) to be heinous,” (Benoit 178) therefore, approaching a government and people who support

their actions becomes increasingly difficult when none of these individuals see that what they have done

is harmful. On top of this, the accusers believe their actions against the community are for their own

greater good. A hard battle on many fronts, it became imperative for the LGBTQ community to rally and

utilize multiple resources “to draw domestic allies outside the movement” (O’Dwyer 894).

The first layer of defense on behalf of the community derives from activist organizations

dedicating their efforts to spread awareness and education about LGBTQ issues. Notable work has been

done by groups such as Grupa Stonewall, Stop Bzdurom and Kampania Przeciw Homofobii––who

educate the public on the underrepresented reality of the community while also exposing the lies being

spread throughout politics and media. Education, and perhaps re-education, is a significant tool amongst

this victim-based crisis, considering “crises destroy previous understanding and demand new narratives to

explain the circumstances,” (Sellnow et al 899). For instance, Grupa Stonewall offers free teach-ins in

schools or companies where educators teach an adueince about multiple aspects of the LGBTQ

community, including “psychosexual orientation and gender identity, essence and hints of discrimination,

language of equality, coming out, discrimination amongst students, and equal treatment at a workplace,”

(“We Educate”). Groups like Stop Bzdurom also serve to educate, but additionally bust the myths that are

held commonplace within society and politics. Founded by high school and primary school students, Stop

Bzdurom issues educational resources and FAQs in addition to organizing dance protests as a means of
combating the “lying propaganda and the restriction of our right to know our bodies” (“About Us”). This

focus becomes essential at not only generally educating an audience, but specifically challenging the

specific points of the accused and directly explaining why they are incorrect. This is a direct retaliation

against the oppressor. Additionally the Kampania Przeciw Homofobii (KPH) (Campaign Against

Homophobia), like many other groups, provides education regarding LGBTQ families, health, security,

and relationships. The group works “to ensure that Poland is diverse and that all LGBT people, their

families and loved ones can feel safe and fully develop their potential,” (“Mission and Vision”). Their

website specifies that their offices offer additional legal and psychological counseling as well. To add

onto education, the idea of providing a safe space for those who identify within the LGBTQ community is

imperative. Resources that serve to protect the well-being and safety of the community is equally as

progressive of a crisis communication strategy. “Consideration of resources and available networks

should be a central element in the crisis communication planning process regardless of organization”

(Sellnow et al 905), thus the LGBTQ community must actively support their own members while

simultaneously defending the whole.

Protest actions and marching in the streets have been equally prevalent across this crisis as a

means of showing up in great numbers composed of those who are LGBTQ-identifying and allies. “Those

accused of wrongdoing may decide to attack their accusers,” (Benoit 181); therefore, this form of

communication, although rooted in defense, reads as an attack from the perspective of the accuser due to a

mass of bodies physically marching to send a message to the administration. One of the most significant

protests occurred in August following the arrest of Margo Szutowicz, a member of the Stop Bzdurom

activist group. Accused of assaulting a truck driver promoting anti-LGBTQ propaganda, Margo was

detained, released, then detained again a few days later with other activists for participating in a campaign

to cover monuments in Warsaw with rainbow flags (Roache and Haynes). Hundreds of protesters gathered

in Warsaw to defend Margo’s freedom, resulting in 48 arrests and an abundance of injuries at the hands of

police brutality, which experts say “was an unprecedented level of police aggression against an LGBTQ

demonstration, particularly in a European Union member state” (Roache and Haynes). In addition to
rallying domestic allies, the movement gave rise to solidarity protests in cities such as Budapest, London,

New York, Paris, and Berlin. A twitter Hashtag, #MuremZaMargot, also gathered supporters that spread

awareness of the unfolding events. Evidently, protest action as crisis communication encouraged domestic

allyship from outside those directly attacked in the community, and opened the floodgates to international

solidarity.

As a means of strengthening the defensive line and implementing external pressure on Duda’s

administration, the LGBTQ community spread awareness through social media. Organizations like Grupa

Stonewall created Instagram platforms that allow their resources to be better accessible both by domestic

and external viewers. Not only does social media permit more accessibility, but it encourages the spread

of awareness through shareable features. In this way, the movement can be picked up by a much wider

audience. Petitions have become an easy medium to share, and they allow various organizations to get

involved. A prominent example is the petition started by U.S.-based organization All Out in collaboration

with KPH, calling the President of the European Commisson “to condemn these acts of violence and

discrimination and to urge Polish authorities to protect the LGBT+ community and to pass legislation on

hate crimes based on sexual orientation and gender identity” (“We’re Under Attack In Poland”). At the

time of writing this analysis, the petition has amassed 348,754 signatures.

Twitter has also grown to be a useful platform in spreading awareness around the world,

especially through hashtags like #PolishStonewall. This hashtag created an efficient opportunity to bring

attention to the protests in Poland while also allowing allies to share their support. Many shared images of

protest signs illustrating messages like “Stop Homophobia in Poland”, “Duda = Fascist”, “LGBTQ Lives

Are Not An Ideology”, and “Jezus Szedłby Z Nami” (Jesus Would Have Walked With Us). These protest

signs highlight the defensive position against the Polish government while also attacking the

administration by calling Duda a fascist. Protest signs attacking the accuser and their actions falls into the

deny response option of Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT), specifically when the “Crisis

manager confronts the person or group claiming something is wrong with the organization” (Coombs

248). Signs expressing religious context communicate to the non-secular nature of the Polish
administration, understanding that an abundance of political decisions are fueled by interpretation of

Catholic doctrine.

Putting all of the crisis communication strategies together, there is clear evidence of a vindictive

posture of defense due to the focus on the recognition of the LGBTQ community’s worth. Whether it be

through protests, teach-ins, or social media posts, there is a mass of solidarity that vocalizes the

community’s humanity over “ideology”. In addition, O’Dwyer’s three objectives to Postcommunist

organizing are also targeted. Education and educational resources are not only beneficial to learn from,

but they help to “frame an issue marginalized by stigma and taboo”. Protests, marches, and social media

activism have helped to “mobilize participation” in a variety of ways, permitting various modes of

participation by any audience. These communication strategies have also helped to “draw domestic allies

outside the movement” as well as outside the country. Establishing leverage outside of Poland to pressure

the internal government, and strengthening the solidarity of Polish citizens appears to be the overall trend

in the LGBTQ community’s crisis strategy.

Determining Effectiveness

At the time of completing this analysis, the crisis occurring in Poland persists and presents no

concrete resolution. Considering the LGBTQ community has faced injustice for decades even prior to

President Duda’s administration, it is unlikely that a conclusion to this issue will be reached very quickly.

Victim-based crises such as this, especially when rooted in politics, are embedded in years of

heteronormativity, patriarchy, and cultural norms. When the attack by the accused is derived from

systemic pressures and functions, the defenders are fighting against more than a singular party. Also true

in various other countries, there is an entire history that ultimately permitted the currently active party to

obtain the power they have and to enact the injustices they commit. In other words, the LGBTQ

community in Poland may not find a final conclusion until the entire system beyond Duda’s presidency is

challenged. There may be years or even decades before a resolution is reached.

 In addition, the use of Apologia as part of framing the existing crisis poses a limitation in

concluding the outcome of a particular situation. Although this theory is useful in observing a speaker’s

challenges and communication opportunities, it is largely descriptive, meaning “much of the

responsibility for making assessments of a speaker’s effectiveness and the implications for future crises is

left to the critic or author,” (Sellnow and Seeger 168). Therefore, there is more distinctive clarity in

determining the modes of communication and how they were used rather than determining how

successful they turned out to be. Due to Apologia’s weakness and the ongoing nature of the complex

crisis at hand, it is incredibly difficult to make an objective conclusion.

There are, however, existing patterns and events that point towards hopeful results on part of the

LGBTQ community. On one hand, the growing solidarity emerging beyond the country’s borders

commits to O’Dwyer’s objective in regards to successful organizing (emphasizing external incentives).

Growing awareness on social media platforms, global petitions, and protests in support of the movement

have aided in spreading awareness and placing external pressure on the Polish government. However,

“linkage and leverage arguments understate the collective action hurdles faced by regional gay rights

movements,” (O’Dwyer 894), therefore––although transnational solidarity is a promising trend––this

layer alone is still insufficient to draw conclusions from and measure domestic solidarity. Furthermore, a

recent statement by the pope caught the attention of wishful gazes. Stated in a documentary released in

October 2020, the pope proclaimed that “Homosexual people have a right to be in a family. They are

children of God and have a right to a family. Nobody should be thrown out or be made miserable over

it...What we have to create is a civil union law. That way they are legally covered,” (Reuters). Some

considered this delivery to be a breakthrough in a climate where many individuals in the Catholic Church

preach homophobia. As the noble figurehead of the Catholic Church, the pope’s perspective may

encourage others to follow. Yet, Poland’s Catholic Church does not necessarily always align with the

stance of the pope and tends to take a stronger stance when it comes to social issues. Activists nonetheless

acknowledged that this statement from the Vatican may add additional pressure onto the Catholic Church
in Poland to grow more accepting towards the LGBTQ community (Reuters). Despite the support coming

in from across borders and from the Vatican, it is not enough to count as a definitive solution to this crisis.

Moving forward and taking into account the information that is present in the given moment, the

most objective conclusion that can be made is that further observation and activism is required. This is

most certainly not the end of this crisis. Based on the actions taken following President Duda’s reelection,

there is a strong foundation to the movement that will likely motivate activists to keep organizing. The

current most effective path to analyzing the crisis in Poland is to be attentive to the present moment and

where the movement stands as compared to the months prior to the election. Before we understand where

the crisis is headed, it is important to recognize how the community has come this far. There is much

work left to be done.

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