State, Society and Religion: Theme 4

Trading Communities and
Commercial Practices
Theme 4
State, Society and Religion
139
State, Society and
Religion
Rama sits in the Prasravana mountain and tells Laksmana to go to Kiskindha to remind
the Sugriva of his promise. Mewar Ramayana, Udaipur, c. 1653.
Courtesy: The British Library Board, Add. MS 15296(2), f. 30r
140
Religious Ideas and
UNIT 10 RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND Movements-I
MOVEMENTS-I*
Structure
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Background
10.3 Changed Trajectory: Mughals
10.4 Sacred Kingship
10.5 Parallel Traditions
10.6 Challenges and Revival of Orthodoxy
10.6.1 Naqshbandi Silselah and Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi
10.6.2 Shah Waliullah
10.7 Let Us Sum Up
10.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
10.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit will familiarize you with the :
• religious ideas and movements which took shape in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries;
• dynamics of Islamic religious ideas;
• significance of ‘Millenium’ in Islamic thought;
• messianic traditions in the period and
• revival of orthodox teachings in Islamic thought and practices.
10.1 INTRODUCTION
Religious ideas among the followers of Islam in India were very heterogeneous, especially
with respect to question of hereditary kingship and role of state in religion and/or vice-
versa and role and significance of Sufi thoughts and sants in the context of Indian social
fabric. With the coming of Mughals in India we witness a major departure, which on
the one hand redefined the notion of kingship and redesigned the configuration of ruling
elite where indigenous non-Muslims were also accorded sensitive and powerful positions
in the Mughal military-administrative structure.
Different Sufi Silsilah continued to flourish, often with the direct or indirect state
patronage. Chisti Silsilah was the major beneficiary during the initial era of Mughal
Empire with Akbar patronizing them greatly. (Details have been discussed in the
Unit-15- Sufi Tradition BHIC 107) However, 17th Century also saw emergence
*
Prof. S.M. Azizuddin Husain, Department of History and Culture, Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi
and Dr. Mayank Kumar, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University, New
Delhi 141
State, Society and and consolidation of Naqshbandi Silsilah and efforts of revival of orthodox Islamic
Religion
preaching, though not very successful. Naqshbandi Sufi leaders like Shaikh Amhad
Sirhindi and Shah Walliullah were prominent as they were critical of not only Mughal
policies with respect to governance but also with the liberal traditions and practices
prevalent among other sufi Silsilahs.
10.2 BACKGROUND
Hereditary monarchy has no place in political structure of Islam at all. Islam never
believed in hereditary monarchy, however in 661 CE after the assassination of Ali,
Muawiya came to power and started Mulukiyat or hereditary monarchy or caliphah.
Although hereditary succession was an established practice in Islam but during Delhi
Sultanate practice of election of ruler through consensus among the amirs/nobles often
played decisive role. Moreover, initially rulers tried to secure manshûr or letter of
investiture from Caliph and ruled as their deputy, therefore adopted title ‘Sultan’. Name
of Caliph was recited in the khutba of Friday prayer and Id prayers before the name
of the Sultan. From 1206 to 1526 CE same procedure was followed by the Sultans.
Some Sultans of Delhi had taken investiture from the Caliph of Baghdad like Sultan
Shamsuddin Iltutmish (1210-36 CE). However other Sultans usually recognized the
Caliph and included their name in the Khutba of Friday and Id prayers. It is suggested
that this is one of the reasons for the title of Sultan because they were running the affairs
of state on behalf of Caliph.
Legitimisation through the authority of Caliph often gave the impression that Delhi
Sultan also implemented Sharia and ruled in accordance with shariat. This is a
misconception (you have read about it in BHIC 107) as there was an established
tradition of Zawabit dealing with Jahandari. Zia ud din Barani, who is generally considered
as an orthodox Muslim wrote Fatawa i Jahandari most probably in the earlier part of
Muhammed bin Tughluq’s reign (1325-51 CE). Barani also cites the discussion of
Alauddin Khalji (1296-1316 CE) with Qazi Mughis where Alauddin Khalji asked
various questions related to viability of Shariat in Indian context. Alauddin after having
a very long discussion with Qazi Mughis concluded that he shall do whatever would be
in the interest of State and people. One of Barani’s contemporary Sufi, Mir Saiyad Ali
Hamedani who is called as Shah-i-Hamedan in Kashmir, also wrote a book Zakhiratul
Muluk, an advice for the emperors.
10.3 CHANGED TRAJECTORY: MUGHALS

In 1526 CE Babur, defeated Ibrahim Lodi and laid the foundation of Mughal Empire in
India. Mughals did not believe in Caliph and they adopted the title of Padshah, a
sovereign ruler. Name of Caliph is no longer recited in the Khutba of Juma and Id
prayers. They followed Turko-Mongol theory of Kingship. They considered themselves
as the representative of God on earth and this kingship is bestowed by God to them,
so they are directly answerable to God. Nobody could question their action. Akbar
followed Taura-i-Changazi. Akbar’s court historian Abul Fazl wrote a detailed account
on theory of kingship. (For details see unit 9 of BHIC-109) During Mughal period in
India in the Khutba of Friday and Id prayers, the names of Prophet Muhammed,
some of his companions, Khulafa-i-Rashidin and the family members of Prophet
Muhammed were read and then the name of Mughal Emperor. This procedure continued
142 from Babur to Bahadur Shah-II. Mughals never compromised on this issue and never
accepted any authority in the Muslim world above them on this issue, whether they Religious Ideas and
Movements-I
were Ottomans, Persians or the custodians of Kaba. Akbar started sending a delegation
on the occasion of Haji and sending costly gifts for the Sharif of Mecca, Mutawallis of
Najaf and Karbala by showing them that he is so powerful that he could provide
financial support to the Islamic pilgrim centres. By following this practice he declared
and reiterated their sovereign position outside Mughal Empire as well.
Ulema were an important wing of Mughal Empire and holding very important
positions in the empire. They were performing judicial work and therefore they
were engaging with the masses on regular basis. Secondly, ulema were also
appointed as Imam of the Jama Mosques throughout Mughal Empire. Almost all
Qasbas of Mughal Empire had Jama Mosques. It is important to note that ulema
received their salary/remuneration from the state exchequer, mostly in terms of
revenue assignment. This dependence made them subservient to the wills of the
Mughal Emperors. As Imams of the mosques they were reciting the name of
Mughal Emperor in the Khutba of Juma prayer and Id prayers throughout Mughal
Empire.
There are instances where ulema asserted their position and refused to follow the
dictates of ruling dispensation. After Aurangzeb put his father Shahjahan under
house arrest, he asked the Imam of Jama Mosque of Agra to recite his name in the
Khutba of Juma. But Imam replied that Emperor Shahjahan is alive so I shall
recite his name. Aurangzeb removed that Imam and appointed a new Imam, who
recited Aurangzeb’s name in the Khutba.
10.4 SACRED KINGSHIP

Changed trajectory of religious ideas of the rulers during Mughal dynasty manifested at
several level. Various initiatives and policies of Akbar with respect to religious ideas
have been discussed in detail in Unit-17 State and Religion of BHIC 109. Therefore,
rather than rewriting, in this section will examine notions of sacred kingship and related
recent historiography. A. Azfar Moin in his monograph Millennial Sovereign: Sacred
Kingship and Sainthood explores the growing tendency among the rulers to claim
some sort of Santhood, thereby move beyound the confines of Shariat and practice of
jihad (holy wars). It was a popular belief that, at the onset of 17th Century when Islam
completes 1000 years, a preacher will be born to revitalize Islam.
Turco-Mongol lineage which allowed Mughal rulers to claim themselves as Zill-e-

iIaahii or shadow of God, placed them on a very different pedestal vis-i-vis not only
political rivals but also with respect to ulema. A very concrete manifestation of this
distinction was asserted by Akbar with the promulgation of Mahzar in 1579 CE. This
was followed by Sulh-i Kul (peace with all; absolute peace) and Tauhid –i Ilahi
(mistakenly called Din –i Ilahi). However, Akbar very carefully weaved an aura of
sacredness around himself by initiating various practices, such as Jharokha Darshan,
Tula Dan, etc. Before, further elaboration it is important to recognize the significant
role played by panegyric writing style of Abul Fazl in establishing the sacred character
of Mughal Kingship.
The question of Sacred Kingship should not solely be seen as exclusive innovation of
Emperor Akbar, rather we find an earlier tradition of Sacred Kingship in the rise and 143
State, Society and consolidation of Safavid Empire in Iran under Shah Ismail (r.1501-1524). At a very
Religion
early age he inherited the leadership of Safavid Sufi Order in northwestern Iran and
subsequently consolidated Safavid Empire. He was considered as mahadi of Islamic
traditions. Thus he combined sainthood as well as political power as Sovereign ruler.
The connection between Shiaite Safavids and Sunni Mughals were unmistakably very
close especially during the sixteenth and first half of seventeenth centuries. It is interesting
to note that if on one hand both the first two Mughal rulers; Babur and Humayun
received, then Safavid, ‘in turn, had borrowed highly stylized forms and fashions of the
latter-era Timurid courts as they evolved from a Sufi order into an imperial dynasty.
The Two nascent sixteenth-century empires had drawn upon a shared cultural context
and learned from the other’s modes and methods. It was no accident that in both these
polities a similar style of monarchy developed, in which claims of political power became
inseparable from claims of sanitly status.’(A. Azfar Moin, Millennial Sovereign: Sacred
Kingship and Sainthood, Primus, New Delhi and Columbia University Press, New
York, Chichester, West Sussex, 2017, p. 4.)
Without further going into the details of Mughal-Safavid shared imperial culture, we
will confine our discussion on the Mughals. For the purpose we also need to delineate
a bit on the notions of mahdi in Islamic thought. It was generally believed that at the
onset of first millennium of Islam a mahdi or preacher will born to revitalize the Islam
and rectify the ills of the Islam, if any. It is more of a coincidence that both the empires;
Safavid and Mughals emerged in the century of the first millennium of Islam. There
were others also, especially Saiyad Muhammed of Jaunpur in India who supposedly
proclaimed themselves to be the mahdi. Thus, there was a concept already in circulation
which further substantiated the unsaid claims of rulers like Shah Ismail in Safavid Iran
and Akbar in India. Though, Akbar never made any direct claim to this effect, but
appropriated symbolism. It was alleged that, may not be always believed, Akbar was
claiming himself to be a new prophet or even a divinity descended on earth. This
controversy was global in character, discussed in Middle-East, especially in Iran,
Transoxania, Spain and Portugal.
Although, there was little substance in the allegation but these were in circulation and
popularly discussed. Azfar Moin argues that the sacred character of kingship of Akbar
can be deciphered more through rituals and practices than in any doctrinal point of
view. He also suggests that we need to appreciate the fact that Sufi traditions was
spread across the Indian subcontinent and carried image of Islam, where everyone
was welcome. The gates to Sufi khanqahs were open without any considerations for
religion or caste. There was widespread belief in the miraculous powers of the Sufis
sants, which was contrary to the basic tenets of Islam. Thus, a very liberal understanding
of the Islam had developed where charismatic spiritual leadership was a norm. Before
we examine the specific case of Akbar it is necessary to point out that there were
reactions and opposition from the orthodox elements. Most vocal opposition to the
prevalent liberal tradition among the Muslims in general and Sufis in particular came
from the Naqshbandi Silselah under the leadership of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi and in
the 18th century from the Shah Waliullah.
Creation of charismatic attributes requires variety of inputs, including appropriation of
significant astrological calculations, etc., monumental architecture, depiction in paintings,
rituals and court etiquettes, miracles, illustrious genealogy, panegyric history, etc. Over
a period of time Akbar strengthened most of these attributes. (You can read about
144 Architecture in Unit 13, Paintings in Unit 14, Court rituals in Unit 16 of this
course as well as Unit 1 dealing with History writings, Unit 9 on Ideas of Religious Ideas and
Movements-I
Kingship and Unit 17 explores relations between State and Religion of BHIC
109). Following incident highlighted by Azfar Moin is very illuminating:
“Akbar celebrated his victories in the year 1582. In terms of the Islamic Hijri calendar, it
was only the year 990. But those familiar with astrology knew that in this year an important
conjuncture of Saturn and Jupiter had reoccurred in the same celestial position as it had
near the birth of Islam and the end of the Sassanian-Zorostrian dispensation- a once-in-
a-millennium event. Grand celebrations were held at court. New coins were issued with
the word “thousand” (alf) stamped on them. Most significantly, a thousand-year history
was commissioned, called Tarikh-i Alfi (Millennial History).” (A. Azfar Moin, Millennial
Sovereign: Sacred Kingship and Sainthood, Primus, New Delhi and Columbia
University Press, New York, Chichester, West Sussex, 2017, p.133)
Attributing almost divine characteristics Abul Fazl in Akbarnama offers a very detailed
description of miracles associated with the birth of Akbar and his infancy. He writes
that Humayun had premonition about the greatness of yet to be born child, Akbar. He
is depicted as if he was aware of the astrological significance of the birth of his son,
which would have made him greater than his Timurid ancestors. Akbarnama suggests
that Akbar had the ability to speak in his infancy as Christ had in the cradle. Mughal
claim to sacred kingship continued even after Akbar and despite criticism by his
contemporaries, the belief in divine theory of kingship continued to hold imagination of
the masses. Though Badauni had sympathies for Mahdavi, the messianic believer, but
time and again challenged Akbar’s claim to divinity.
Patronage: Cutting across religions or sects
Akbar offered land grant to the dargah of Shaikh Moinuddin Chishti at Ajmer. He
appointed a Sajjada Nashin to this dargah, so that he should remain under the
control of Mughal Emperor. He also gave land grant to the temple of Vrindavan, an
important pilgrim centre of Hindus. In both, farmans of Akbar for the dargah and
the temple, it was mentioned that they were expected to pray for the longevity of
the Mughal Empire. Therefore, whenever any festival is celebrated or a function
was held or prayer was performed, gratitude to the Mughal Emperor was conveyed.
Akbar also gave land grants to the dargahs of eminent Sufis of India such as
Shaikh Qutubud din Bakhtiyar Kaki, Shaikh Nizamud din Aulia, Shaikh Fariduddin
Ganj-i Shakar, Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, Shaikh Sharfud din Yahya Maneri and
others. Mughal emperors gave land grants not only to eminent Sufis but also to the
lesser known dargahs of Sufis in different Qasbas of Mughal Empire. Through
these land grants Emperors indirectly exerted control over the functions of dargahs.
It also indirectly created his good name among the masses that Mughal is a devotee
of these eminent Sufis of India.
Check Your Progress 1

1) Write a note on the Islamic religious ideas during sixteenth century in India.
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State, Society and 2) Discuss the idea of sacred Kingship in the sixteenth century India.
Religion
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10.5 PARALLEL TRADITIONS

There were other traditions which claimed themselves to be messiah or practices
some sort of warrior santhood; another version of sacred kingship. Most prominent
among them were Mahdavis; followers of Saiyed Muhammad of Jaunpur. It was during
his visit to Mecca that he declared himself to be the awaited messiah. Hagiographical
accounts recount uniqueness of his life patterns which had resemblances with the zodiac
and celestial constellation and similarities with the life cycle of Prophet himself. He
declared all the existing four Islamic schools of jurisprudence obsolete and preached
asceticism. His movement was most active in the first half of sixteenth century in the
region of Gujarat, Sind and Safavid controlled Afghanistan. Even after the death of
Saiyed Muhammad, his followers survived despite prosecution and during the reign of
Akbar persuaded him to accept Mahadavi millenarian ideology.
Another parallel tradition of warrior king was Shattari movement. In India it was founded
by Shah Abdullah (d.1485 CE), who is said to have carried out extensive travel across
the country. His entourage of devotees carries banners and marched with the beating
drums. He himself dressed in the costume of a king carried all the paraphernalia of a
royalty. Such traditions of sacred kingship provided the perfect backdrop for Mughals
to experiment with their ideas of divinity in the dynasty.
10.6 CHALLENGES AND REVIVAL OF ORTHODOXY

In the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries criticism against sacred kingship
and messianic notions gained momentum under the leadership of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi.
It’s not that there were resentment against only the liberal attitude of the political order,
we follow introduction of Naqshbandi order in India in the second half of the sixteenth
century.
10.6.1 Naqshbandi Silselah and Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi

As such Naqshbandi Silselah started in the fourteenth century CE by Khwaja Bahaud
din Nasqband Bhukhari, it was introduced in India by Khwaja Baqi Billah (1563-
1603 CE). Naqshbandi order since beginning emphasized the primacy of Shariat and
was opposed to biddat (innovations). They considered that biddat/innovations have
led to compromise the purity of Islam. The most prominent exponent of Naqshbandi
insistence on Shariat in the seventeenth century was Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi.
Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi argued that God has created the world and therefore cannot
be and should not be identified with his creatures. Rejecting the Wahdut-ut Wujud,
Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi proposed the doctrine of Wahdut-ul-Shuhud (“apparentism”).
He was therefore critical of Sufi practices of ecstasy whereby Sufis claimed apparent
146 union with the Creator. He maintained that the relationship between Creator and Humans
is that of slave and master. It can not be a relation that of lover and beloved as was Religious Ideas and
Movements-I
claimed by the Sufis. Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi was insisting on the adherence to the
Shariat and therefore treated as orthodox.
It is interesting to note that Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi was greatly appropriated in the later
centuries as preacher of orthodox Islam, primarily on the basis of few letters which he
wrote to the Mughal officials in which he demanded strict implementation of Shariat.
Therefore, we need to examine his role and influence in the context of the seventeenth
century India. In the words of Yohanan Friedmann, “One cannot assess him properly
by considering only the few letters to Mughal officials he demanded the strict
implementation of shariat by the state. The overwhelming majority of Sirhindi’s letters
and other works deals with questions of tasawwuf. His main endevour in them is to
integrate his Sufi ideas into a Sunni frame of reference, without depriving them of their
peculiar Sufi flavor.” (Yohanan Friedmann, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi: An Outline of
His Thought and a Study of His Image in the Eyes of Posterity, McGill-Queen’s
University Press, Montreal and London, 1971, p. 114)
10.6.2 Shah Waliullah

Shah Waliullah (1702-1762 CE) was a noted scholar and a saint of the Naqshbandi
order. He tried to reconcile the two doctrines of Wahdat-ul-Wujud and Wahdat-ul
Shuhud, his contention being that there is no fundamental difference between the two
theories. He pointed out that in both these views the existence belongs to God and that
he alone has actual independent existence. The existence of the world is not real and yet
it cannot be called imaginary either. To maintain that there is one reality which manifests
itself in an infinity of forms and pluralities is the same as to hold that contingent beings
are the reflection of the names and attributes of the necessary being. If at all there is any
difference between the two positions, it is insignificant. It was during the early 18th
century when Mughal Empire was declining and communities like Marathas, Jat and
Sikh pose a serious threat to the Muslim power we find emergence of Islamic revivalist
movement led by Shah Waliullah. It was religious-political in nature. His religious and
political thoughts influenced a group of religious reformers called Mujahidin (holy warriors).
It was mainly in the post 1857 era, his religious thoughts influenced the various schools of
Islamic revivalism: the modernism of Sayyid Ahmad Khan and the Aligarh Movement,
the traditionalist theologians of the Deoband school and the neo-traditional ahl hadith
(followers of Muhammad’s traditions). (Unit 29: EHI-04, IGNOU, 1994)
1) Write a note on the messianic tradition in India during sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries.
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2) Discuss the philosophy and influence of Naqshbandi Silselah in India during sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries.
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State, Society and
Religion 10.7 LET US SUM UP
Sixteenth and Seventeenth century India have seen reorientation in the Islamic religious
ideas. On the one hand political authorities have moved beyond the control of Caliph,
howsoever nominal it was in earlier period. The period also witnessed a growing
experimentation with the Islamic ideas of ‘Millennium’. Notions of sacred kingship
gradually consolidated through diverse cultural practices, royalty related rituals and
symbolism in painting, architecture and literature. Indian subcontinent had a long
association with Sufi ideas and Sufi Silselahs which encouraged biddat, and never
insisted upon strict adherence to the Shariat. However, seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries witnessed a movement towards orthodoxy, especially with respect to various
practices of Sufi.
10.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
1) See Section 10.2
2) See Section 10.4
Check your Progress 2
1) See Section 10.5
2) See Section 10.6.1
Recommended Readings
Green, Nile. 2012. Sufism: A Global History. Chichester and Malden: John Wiley
& Sons.
Moin A. Azfar 2017. Millennial Sovereign: Sacred Kingship and Sainthood.
Primus: New Delhi and New Yprk: Columbia University Press.
Rizvi, S.A.A. 1978. A history of Sufism in India, Vol.-I. New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal.
Rizvi, S.A.A. 1983. A history of Sufism in India, Vol.-II. New Delhi: Munshiram
Manoharlal,.
148
Religious Ideas and
UNIT 11 RELIGIOUS IDEAS AND Movements-II
MOVEMENTS-II*
Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Historical Background: The Bhakti Millennium
11.3 Vaishnava Bhakti, Akbar and the Mughal Empire
11.4 Growth of Vaishnava Bhakti (16th-17th Centuries)
11.4.1 The Followers of Ramanand and their Socio-Religious Role
11.4.2 Discovery of Krishna-Bhakti Sites in the Braj Region
11.4.3 The Followers of Chaitanya ( Gaudiya Sampradaya)
11.4.4 Followers of Vallabhacharya (Pushtimargi Sampradaya)
11.4.5 The Nimbark Sampradaya
11.4.6 Radhavallabhi and Haridasi Sampradayas
11.4.7 Other Vaishnava Devotees of the Mughal Period
11.4.8 Women Vaishnava Devotees of the Mughal Period
11.5 Transformation of Vaishnava Bhakti Sampradayas in the Eighteenth Century
11.6 Let Us Sum Up
11.7 Key Words
11.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit, you will be able to know that:
• there were diverse streams within the larger Bhakti movement between 16th -18th
century India;
• Vaishnavism was gradually gaining ground especially in North India;
• Vaisnaism had several sects, often differeing in terms of religious philosophies and
• different sects were trying to secure political patronage and thus were at times in
conflict with each other.
11.1 INTRODUCTION
Indian society in the sixteenth and seventeenth century was very vibrant with a variety
of subsitence or livelihood patterns. If on the one of the spectrum were the ruling
cosmopolitan elite and on the other end of the spectrum we find antyajas- Malechchhas
and forest dwellers. Even among the agriculturalists we find divisions not only in terms
of caste segregation but also in terms of land-owning and tenants apart from the agro-
pastoralists. Such a diverse social formations also carried their own religious beliefs,
*
Prof. R P Bahuguna, Department of History and Culture, Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi 149
State, Society and social customs, rituals, political affiliations, etc. Spread of Islam across Indian
Religion
subcontinent; politically as well as through the agencies of Sufi sants was an addition to
the already existing diversity. The interaction was intense as well as superficial at the
same time. If political-administrative institutions saw deeper modifications with the
introduction of Turkish rule, then caste system was able to retain its hold. It is in this
context it is interesting to note that divergent traditions of Bhakti Movement were
gradually but very consistently playing important role in redefining not only the religious
fervor of the society but were playing important role in the political sphere. A brief
discussion on the role and impact of emerging trend in Islam has been examined in the
previous Unit. The focus of the present Unit is to trace the story of the vibrant growth
of Vaishnava Bhakti and make the students familiar with developments that shaped its
transformation during the period between the mid-16th to the mid-18th century.
11.2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: THE BHAKTI

MILLENNIUM
The period of one thousand years from the seventh-eight centuries to the seventeenth
–eighteenth centuries in the history of India has been called the ‘Bhakti Millennium’.
One of the most salient features of the religious and socio-cultural history of India
during these centuries has been the emergence and growth of Bhakti-based Vaishnava,
Shaiva, and Sant movements. In BHIC-107, you read in detail about the rise and
growth of Santic and Vaishnava Bhakti movements in India during the late fifteenth and
early sixteenth centuries. You now know that the origin of Bhakti as an idea based on
supreme devotion to a personal god can be traced to Upanishads, Gita, Ramayana
and other religious texts of the early period. But it was in the Tamil-speaking regions of
early medieval south India that Bhakti first emerged as a socio-religious movement
drawing upon the devotional emotions and expressions of common people including
women.The Vaishnava alvars and the Shaiva nayanars of the sixth through ninth
centuries made Bhakti popular among all social groups. The Bhagavata Purana, probably
composed in south India in the 9th-10th centuries, established Bhakti over ritualism as
a means to salvation. This book contains the stories of the birth, childhood and
adolescence of Krishna, an avatar of Lord Vishnu, in its tenth chapter. In the following
centuries, the Bhagavata Purana became the most influential and popular text of
Vaishnava Bhakti. The age of alvars and nayanars was followed by a series of wandering
south Indian scholars and philosophers called acharyas who, between the 11th and
the 15th centuries, defended and propagated Vaishnav Bhakti as a socially inclusive
mode of worship. The most prominent among them were Ramanuja (11th century CE),
Madhvacharyan (13th century CE), and Nimbarkacharya (13th century CE). The last
religious teacher in this tradition was Vallbhacharya (1479-1531 CE) who popularized
Krishna Bhakti in north India during the last phase of the Delhi sultanate. In the meantime,
a popular, egalitarian and non-Brahmanical Shaiva Bhakti movement, called the
Virashaivas, emerged in Karnataka in the 12th century under the leadership of Basava.
Basava and other Virashaiva devotees, including the famous 12th-century woman
devotee Akka Mahadevi, composed popular devotional songs in Kannada (vachanas).
Lal Ded, another woman devotee, preached socially radical Shaiva Bhakti in Kashmir
in the 14th century. In Maharahtra, Jnaneshwar in the thirteenth century and Namdev in
the fourteenth century are regarded as the early preachers of Vaishnava Bhakti but full-
fledged growth of the Varkari movement occurred in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. The period of the late fifteenth century and the early sixteenth witnessed an
150
unprecedented outpouring of Bhakti in various forms, particularly in north India. As Religious Ideas and
Movements-II
has been discussed in BHIC-107, the Bhakti-based religious movements of the late
Sultanate and early Mughal period bore only superficial similarities to the earlier
expressions of Bhakti in various parts of the country. The growth, popularity and impact
of these movements, particularly that of the monotheistic Sant movement associated
with Kabir and other lower caste devotees, cannot be adequately understood in isolation
from the far-reaching political, social, economic and cultural changes that occurred in
northern India in the period between thirteenth and fifteenth centuries.
11.3 VAISHNAVA BHAKTI, AKBAR AND THE

MUGHAL EMPIRE
The great preachers of Vaishnava Bhakti during the late Sultanate period such as
Ramanand, Vallabhacharya, Chaitanya, and their disciples and successors laid the
foundations of a vast network of Vaishnava Bhakti in different parts of north India. The
Vaishnava hagiographic accounts written during the Mughal period — Bhaktamals,
Charitas and Vartas — described the extraordinary efforts these pioneering figures in
spreading Vaishnava Bhakti in all directions. Modern historians have also highlighted
the seminal contribution of the founding acharyas, mahaprabhus and goswamis to
the growth of Rama-bhakti and Krishna-bhakti in different regions and among all social
groups. There are also fascinating accounts of how the early sixteenth century Vaishnava
teachers and explorers re-discovered the Vaishnava sites mentioned in the Bhagavata
Purana and established pilgrimage centres and monasteries. However, the emergence
of the Mughal Empire as a large, centralized and stable political entity and the patronage
extended to the Vaishnava institutions by the Mughal emperors, particularly Akabar,
and their Rajput nobles were also important contributory factors in the spread of
Vaishnava Bhakti. The formation of the pan-Indian Empire facilitated the process of
the spread of the religious ideas of Bhakti preachers and legends about them from one
region to the other through the agency of peripatetic musicians, travellers, traders,
pilgrims, and Vaishnava preachers. This process may have begun in the pre-Akbar
period but it gained momentum in the second half of the 16th century. Mughal rule also
permitted a remarkable degree of flexibility and tolerance in religious matters which
allowed many new religious groups to prosper at least till they did not pose a political
threat to the state. The Kachhwahas were the leading nobles of the Mughal empire
under Akbar, and the Mughal-Kachhwaha relationship contributed to the growth of
Vaishnava Bhakti in various forms in the territories of the Mughal empire. The Vaishnava
hagiographic accounts of the seventeenth-eighteenth centuries throw light on the close
links between the contemporary rulers, both Akbar and the Rajputs, and the Vaishnava
elites of the Braj region. The interactions of Akbar, and Man Singh and other Rajput
chiefs with the representatives of various Vaishnava communities facilitated his
absorption into Vaishnava hagiographies.
The revenue documents of the Mughal period also testify to the existence of close links
between the two most prominent Vaishnava sampradayas of the Braj region, the
Gaudiya (followers of Chaitanya) and the Pushtimargis (followers of Valllabhacharya),
and Akbar and his Rajput courtiers. The patronage of the Mughal emperors to the
Vaishnava temples of the Mathura-Vrindavan region continued during the reigns of
Jahangir and Shahjahan. Aurangzeb ordered the demolition of the temple of Keshav
Rai (Lord Krishna) at Mathura in 1670 and then issued a general order in 1672-73 to
resume all revenue grants held by the Hindu priests and temples. These measures 151
State, Society and caused great unease among the priests of the Braj temples but, in actual practice, the
Religion
land revenue grants issued to the Mathura-Vrindavan temples and their custodians
were repeatedly confirmed under Aurangzeb and his successors. According to
Prabhudayal Meetal, an eminent scholar of Braj-based Vaishnavism it would not be an
exaggeration to say that the reign of Akbar was the ‘golden age’ of Braj-based Vaishnava
Bhakti. Although most of the sacred sites of the Braj region had already been identified
in the first half of the sixteenth century, the growth and influence of the Vaishnava
sampradayas there coincided with the expansion and consolidation of the Mughal
Empire under Akbar.
The successful efforts of the Vaishnava preachers to propagate their religion, and the
Mughal-Rajput patronage of their establishments resulted in the growing resources,
reputation, and influence of both the Chaitanya sampradaya and Pushtimargi
sampradaya. The Gaudiyas and the Pushtimargis under the leadership of Jiva Goswami
and Vithalnath respectively benefitted from the patronage extended by Akbar and the
Rajput chiefs. These developments, in turn, led to the increasing popularity of Krishna-
bhakti in the Braj region. Braj- a part of the heartland of the Mughal Empire—became
the centre of Vaishnava Bhakti and pilgrimage in north India.
1) Write a note on the evolution of Bhakti tradition in India prior to sixteenth century.
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2) Discuss the relationship between Mughals and Vaishnava sants.
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11.4 GROWTH OF VAISHNAVA BHAKTI (16TH-17TH

CENTURIES)
11.4.1 The Followers of Ramanand and their Socio-Religious
Role
In BHIC-107, you have already read about Ramanand and his contribution to the
growth of Rama- Bhakti in its nirguni and saguni forms. According to tradition, he
made no distinction on grounds of caste, creed, and gender while initiating people as
his disciples. In the saguni Rama-Bhakti tradition, Ramanand was succeeded by one
of his Brahman disciples, Anantanand. At the beginning of the sixteenth century,
Krishnadas Payohari, the successor of Anantanand, began the task of setting up
monasteries and converting the Rajput chiefs to Vaishnavism. The greatest contribution
152 of Krishnadas Payohari was to oust the Nathpanthi Jogis from the monastery of Galta
in the territory of the Kachhwaha rulers of Amer during the reign of Raja Prithviraj Religious Ideas and
Movements-II
(r.1503-27) and to re-establish it as a Vaishnava centre. Another Vaishnava monastery
was set up at Raivasa near Sikar, again in the Kachhwaha kingdom, by Agradas who
was one of the successors of Krishnadas Payohari and a contemporary of Akbar and
Raja Man Singh. Two famous Vaishnava hagiographers—Nabhadas and Anantadas—
lived at the Galta and Raivasa monasteries respectively during the last decades of
Akbar’s reign. While Nabhadas composed the famous Bhaktamal, Anantadas
composed the Parachais of Kabir and other lower-caste sants. Other monasteries
were established by the followers of Ramanand at Chitrakut, Mithila, and other places
in the sixteenth century. By the middle of the seventeenth century, the monasteries had
developed an organizational set-up which was headed by celibate Brahman monks
but they remained open to lay followers like peasants, artisans and women. Many of
them were the followers of Kabir and other lower caste Sants as well. Thus it would
no be wrong to say that the followers of Ramanand brought about a minor social
revolution in the north India remains valid for the sixteenth and much of the seventeenth
century. They were not part of any organized, stable and hierarchical religious order.
They lived in the towns, villages, monasteries and pilgrimage centres of north India,
and moved from one region to the other and from one non-Brahmanical religious
fraternity to the other. In the seventeenth century, these lower caste followers of
Ramanand and Kabir acquired different names in different regions such as Bairagis,
Mundiyas, Sadhs and Satnamis. Some of them even began to arm themselves against
the Shaiva ascetics whom they considered their rivals, and also against the state.
11.4.2 Discovery of Krishna-Bhakti Sites in the Braj Region

Vaishnava preachers from different regions and with different modes of Krishna- Bhakti
began to arrive in the Braj region of north India from the beginning of the sixteenth
century. At the time of the arrival of these preachers, there was a Krishna temple at
Mathura but, by and large, the religious life of people in this region was dominated by
Shaiva and Shakta cults. The rural and pastoral communities in the region also believed
in various forms of nature worship, and Yaksha and Naga cults, However, the mission
of the early Vaishnava explorers and settlers was to rediscover the lost lila-sthalas or
places associated with Krishna’s childhood and adolescence as described in the
Bhagavata Purana and other Vaishnava texts. These sites included centres, forests,
trees, rocks parikrama-sthalas and other symbols of Krishna worship in Braj. The
hagiograhies of various Vaishnava communities contain details of how charismatic leaders
under the influence of dreams and visions found and identified the lost sites of the
Brajmandala.
The first vaishnava preacher who arrived in Braj in the beginning of the sixteenth century
and started the worship of the deity referred to as ‘Gopal’ on the Govardhan hill was
Madhavendra Puri. Vallabhacharya and the first two Chaitanyaite Goswamis, Roop
and Sanatan, took over from Madhavendra Puri, and set into motion the process of
discovering places and naming them. Vallabhacharya established the image of Shrinathji
(Lord Krishna) in a shrine. Pushtimargi hagiographers of the seventeenth century narrate
the story of the appearance of Shrinathji. In the second half of the sixteenth century,
Vithalnath the son and successor of Vallabhacharya, developed the site of Gokul as the
main centre of the Pushtimarg. In the same manner, Gaudiya hagiographers tell stories
about Chaitanya and his disciples ‘finding’other Krishnite sites in Braj.
One of the important contributors to the efforts to locate the places of Krishna’s life 153
State, Society and was a Chaitanyaite scholar from south India, Narayana Bhatta, the author of the famous
Religion
Vrajabhaktivilasa. Born in 1531 CE, he came to the Braj region in 1545 CE and
settled in the area close to the Govardhan hill. Characterizing the Vrajabhaktivilasa
as the longest work on the sacred geography of the Braj region, John Stratton Hawley
has observed that it is a “remarkable treatise, cataloging every conceivable forest,
grove, or ford in the Braj countryside, connecting each with a deity or character in the
life of Krishna, and instructing potential visitors about the mantra to be uttered at each
place and the time that would be optimal for offering such an utterance.” (A Storm of
Songs: Indian and the Idea of the Bhakti Movement. Harvard University Press.
Cambridge, 2015, p. 162) The preachers and followers of various modes of Krishna-
Bhakti made Braj their home and established their temples, theological centres,
institutions and organizations in Vrindavan and other places in the region. Thus Braj,
and Vrindavan in particular, emerged as a vibrant centre of Krishna-Bhakti during the
sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries. The discovery of the Braj sites was also
characterized by sectarian claims and counter-claims put forward by the Gaudiyas and
the Pushtimargis. The sectarian histories of the two dominant Vaishnava sampradayas
of the Braj region assert that their respective founders and ‘explorers’ had played the
pioneering role in discovering the sites.
11.4.3 The Followers of Chaitanya ( Gaudiya Sampradaya)

The role and place of Chaitanya (1486-1533 CE) in the dessemination of Vaishnava
Bakti in eastern India and Vrindavan has been explained. The community of Chaitanya’s
followers is called Gaudiya Sampradaya. Chaitanya and his followers practiced the
cult of Radha-Krishna, the couple of divine lovers. Chaitanya propounded madhurya
form of devotion in which the devotee approached God as his consort. When
Chaitanya’s followers reached Braj, the Nimbarkis had already established themselves
at Vrindavan. The followers of Nimbark were also the worshippers of the Krishna-
Radha cult but they placed Radha above Krishna in their mode of bhakti. With two
nearly identical modes of Krishnite bhakti developing together in Vrindavan, the
Gaudiyas soon found themselves competing with the Nimbarkis. The task of uncovering
the sacred sites and laying the theological foundation and organisation of Gaudiya
Bhakti in Vrindavan in the sixteenth century was performed by a group of six famous
Goswamis. The six Goswamis of Vrindavan were the two brothers Rupa and Sanatana,
their nephew Jiva Goswami, Raghunatha Bhatta Goswami, Gopal Bhatta Goswami
and Raghunatha Dasa Goswami.
The temple town of Vrindavan gradually grew in size under the religious and theological
leadership of the six Goswamis in the sixteenth century. With the exception of Gopal
Bhatta Goswami who was a householder, the other Gaudiya Goswamis were celibate
preachers. In the latter part of the sixteenth century, the most prominent religious leader
of the Gaudiya sampradaya in Vrindavan was Jiva Goswami. He was a contemporary
of Akbar. The increase in Jiva Goswami’s influence and his growing hold over the
activities of the Gaudiya community in Vrindavan coincided with the consolidation of
the Mughal Empire under Akbar and the beginning of the process of issuing grants to
the Gaudiya establishment. The growing spiritual and devotional influence of Jiva
Goswami attracted large a number Vaishnava devotees to Vrindavan in the latter part
of the sixteenth century.
There are hagiographic accounts of Akbar visiting Vrindavan to meet Jiva Goswami
and Swami Haridas. Raja Man Singh, one of the leading nobles of Akbar and the
154
ruling chieftain of the Kachhwaha principality of Amber, patronized the Gaudiya Religious Ideas and
Movements-II
Vaishnava establishments of Vrindavan. The Govindadevji temple at Vrindavan was
built by him. The original Govindadevji temple at Vrindavan was built by Roop
Goswami in 1535 in the centre of Vrindavan. The temple of Govindadevji occupied
an important place in the cosmic theology of the Gaudiya sampradaya as it developed
in the sixteenth century. Proximity to the Goswamis and theologians of the Gaudiya
Samprdaya in Vrindavan encouraged the Kachhwahas and other Rajput chiefs and
wealthy merchants to build temples and other religious structures in Vrindavan and
Mathura.
11.4.4 Followers of Vallabhacharya (Pushtimargi Sampradaya)

Vallabhacharya (1479-1531 CE), the founder of Pushtimarg (the Way of Grace),
propagated Vatsalya Bhakti which focused on devotion to child Krishna, the pastoral
deity who was believed to have spent his childhood at Gokul and surrounding areas.
While the Gaudiyas colonized Vrindavan, the Vallabhites established their temples in
the Gokul-Mahaban-Govardhan area. Vallabhacharya travelled to different parts of
the country and visited famous pilgrimage centres. During the course of his three
pilgrimage tours of India, he is said to have established eighty-four baithakas or seats
of Pushtimarg in these places. In contrast to the early Gaudiya vaishnava theologians
and preachers of Vrindavan, the Pushtimargi leaders from Vallabhacharya onwards
were householders and raised families. In the Pushtimargi world-view, householdership
was the proper way of life for a vaishnava devotee. As the religious significance of
Gokul increased, the new vaishnava settlement founded by Vallabhacharya grew in
size. The idea of Four Vaishnava Orders (Chatuh Sampradaya) gained currency
among the north Indian Vaishnavas in the sixteenth-seventeenth centuries. The Bhakti-
based Vaishnava communities of north India came to look upon themselves as an
integral part of one or the other of the four sampradayas. The Pushgtimargis therefore,
linked themselves to the Vishnuswami sampradaya by claiming that Vallabhacharya
belonged to the spirtual lineage of Vishnuswami.
Mutual relations between the Pushtimargis and Gaudiyas were far from cordial during
the sixteenth century. As has been mentioned above, they contested each other’s claims
regarding the ‘re-discovery’ of the Braj sites. They also competed with each other for
the patronage of the Mughal and Rajput rulers. In addition, the sectarian literature of
both the communities makes it evident that they vied for resources and disciples.
Relations between the two sampradayas were also marred by the differernces on the
issue of the management and control of temples. Evidence for the acrimonious
relationship and rivalries between the two sects, sometimes even involving the Hindu
nobles of the Mughal Empire, is contained in the famous episode of Krishnadas Adhikari
in the Chaurasi Vaishnavan ki Varta, a Pushtimargi hagiography of the seventeenth
century. The m utual contestations and jealousies between the Gaudiyas and the Pushti
margis conti nued duri ng the seventeenth century and later shifted to their newly
established branches i n the Rajput kingdoms.
In the early phase of the growth of the Pushtimargi Vaislmava Bhakti, the mode of
worship of Krishna (Shrinathji) was characterized by simple rituals. However,
elaborate and extremely extravagant rituals developed in the late sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries, and large temples began to be built. These developments
required grants and donations from rich devotees which, in turn, led the Pushtimargi
Gosains to establish close connections with ruling elites and wealthy merchants. It is
155
State, Society and evident from the Pushtimargi hagiographic narratives that while a large n umber of the
Religion
followers of Vallbhacharya and Vithalnath, his son and successor, were poor and
lower caste devotees and women, many of the prominent Pushtimargi converts were
from upper classes and mercantile communities. The Pushtimargi priests and preachers
travelled far and wide in the villages and towns of north India and Gujarat in search of
wealthy patrons to mobilize resources for sustaining the ornate and decorative
rituals performed on daily basis. From the late seventeenth century, as the seats
(gaddis) and shrines of Pushtimarg came to be established in di fferent parts of
Rajasthan under the direct patronage of the Rajput kings and their nobles, the forms
of worship of the deity grew even more ritualistic. Until the reign of Maharana Jagat
singh (r.1628-1 652), the Sisodia Rajput kings of Mewar do not seam to have
taken much interest in extending patronage to the Pushtimargi temples. However
, due to the growing interest of Maharana Jagat Singh and his successor, Maharana
Raj Singh (r. 1652-80), in the activities of the Pushti marg, temples devoted to Krishna
worship began to be built in Mewar. In the face of Aurangzeb ‘s order regarding
the demolition of temples, the leading image (swarupa) of Shrinathji was shifted
from Gokul in 1670 and finally installed in a temple at the Singhad village i n the
Mewar territory. This place developed into the famous shrine of Nathdwara in the
eighteenth century. Not just the Mewar kings but also other Rajput rulers granted
revenue resources and made donations to the Nathdwara temple.
11.4.5 The Nimbark Sampradaya

Nimbark, the founder of the Dvaitadvaita (Dualism-cum-nondualism ) school of bhakti
philosophy probably lived in the thirteenth century. Later the community of Nimbark’s
followers came to be called Sanakadi sampradaya in north India. Hagiographic
accounts began to emerge about him from the sixteenth century which located his birth
place either in the Telugu country or in Vrindavan. There is no historical evidence to
show that Nimbark and his followers settled in the Braj region before the end of the
fifteenth century. Keshav Kashmiri Bhatta was the first important preceptor of this
school of bhakti in north India. He came to Braj in the early sixteenth century and
propagated doctrines of the Nimbarki school of bhakti. Another sixteenth century
preacher of this tradition was Sri Bhatta who wrote in the Braj language to popularise
the theme of the divine relationship between Krishna and Radha among the Vaishnava
communities of the region. But it was Harivyasadevacharya, a disciple of Sri Bhatta,
who exercised powerful influence on the organizational and theological growth of the
Vaisnava bhakti of the Nimbarki tradition during the sixteenth century. The Nimbarkis
are also called Harivyasis. In the initial stages of its development, the Nimbarki preachers
emphasized asceticism although it included householders in its ranks.
Harivyasadevacharya granted the right of initiating new members to the householder
preceptors (who later came to be called goswamis and became wealthy) and passed
on this right to their male descendants.
11.4.6 Radhavallabhi and Haridasi Sampradayas

Hit Harivansh (1502-1552 CE), the founder of the Radhavallabhi sampradaya in
Vrindavan, emphasised devotion to deity Radhavallabh and regard Radha as Supreme
Being. The followers of this community preferred to live as householders rather than as
ascetics. Hit Harivansh and his followers did not take much interest in philosophical
debates and focused more on the aesthetic enjoyment of Radha and Krishna’s bower-
sport (nikunja-lila). Hariram Vyas of Orchha, a Vaishnava devotee who settled in
156
Braj in the 1530 or 1540s, is believed to have been associated with the Radhavallabhis. Religious Ideas and
Movements-II
The Haridasi sampradaya of Vrindavan was named after the musician-sant Haridas.
He was a contemporary of Hit Harivansh. Like the Radhavallbhis, the Haridasis also
sang poems describing the divine love play of Radha and Krishna. This Vaishnava
community was also called Sakhi Sampradaya because its followers were expected to
look upon Radha’s sakhis as the role model for their spiritual lives. Hit Harivansh,
Hariram Vyas and Haridas formed the ‘Haritrai’(Hari trio) in Vrindavan during this
period.
11.4.7 Other Vaishnava Devotees of the Mughal Period

The term ‘vaishnava’ covered large number of amorphous groups and individual devotees
not formerly associated with any established Vaishnava sampradaya. A large number
of Bhakti devotees who were not part of well-defined and structured Vaishnava
sampradayas still looked upon themselves as Vaishnavas or Bairagis. A large number
of these socially counter-hegemonic groups like the Bairagis subverted the hierarchies
of caste, gender, sect, and religion and, for this reason, were looked down upon by the
rulers and sectarian Vaishnava leaders. They did not observe the distinction between
the nirguni and saguni devotees and simply remembered the great Bhakti devotees of
the past for their defiant denunciation of social and gender inequalities. The Vaishnava
hagiographers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Anantadas, Nabhadas, and
Priyadas) ascribed Vaishnava identity to nirguni Sants such as Kabir, Namdev, Dhanna,
Raidas, etc. also. Representation of the nirguni Sants as fearless, counter-hegemonic,
and egalitarian Vaishnavas is a characteristic feature of the non-sectarian Vaishnava
culture of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Surdas and Tulsidas are two prominent Vaishnava poets of the Mughal period whose
institutional association with established Vaisnava sampradayas is a matter of debate.
Surdas lived in the sixteenth century and was probably a contemporary of Akbar. He
is regarded as the founding member of a group of eight Braj poets (ashtachhap)
traditionally associated with Pushtimarg. He composed poems about Krishna’s childhood
and adolescence, and the authorship of a large collection of popular Krishna-Bhakti
poems, called Sursagar, is attributed to him. Some modern scholars are of the opinion
that mid-seventeenth century Pushtimargi hagiography fabricated the notion of
ashtachhap and invented the story of Surdas being initiated into Pushtimarg by
Vallbahacharya himself.
Tulsidas (1532-1623) composed the famous text of Rama-Bhakti,
Ramacharitamanasa, in the vernacular language of Awadhi in the latter half of the
sixteenth century. language. He was a contemporary of Vaishnava hagiographer
Nabhadas and lived during the reigns of the Mughal emperors Akbar and Jahangir In
Ramacharitamanasa and in his other compositions, Tulsidas expressed and cultivated
deep and intense devotion to Lord Rama, and sought to reconcile and integrate diverse
devotional and theological trends.
Tulsidas’s connection with the Ramanandis is a controversial issue and modern scholars
have not found it easy to affiliate him with any established Vaishnava order of the
Mughal period. Nabhadas, the famous early seventeenth century author of Bhaktamal
who was himself a Ramanandi ascetic, does not include Tulsidas in the ranks of
Ramanandis. He called Tulsidas the ‘incarnation of Valmiki in Kaliyug’ and suggests
that he was an independent Vaishnava. Following Nabhadas’s portrayal of Tulsidas,
some modern scholars have suggested that he was not a Ramanandi. On the other
157
State, Society and hand, the Dadupanthi hagiographer, Raghavdas, who composed his bhaktamal in the
Religion
late eighteenth century, placed Tulsidas among the Ramanandis and, through Ramanand,
among the Ramanujis. Tulsidas (1532-1623 CE) was a contemporary of Nabhadas
and lived during the reigns of the Mughal Emperors Akbar and Jahangir. As Peter van
der Veer has argued, it is possible that the diverse devotional traditions during the latter
part of the sixteenth and early decades of the seventeenth century traced their spiritual
genealogy to Ramanand but had not yet coalesced into a broad-based Ramanandi
order with a ‘vague’ Ramanandi theology. It was perhaps only after the death of
Nabhadas and Tulsidas that the Ramanandi order came into existence. In some
autobiographical verses in his Vinayapatrika and Kavitavali, Tulsidas drops a hint
suggesting the possibility of his being adopted and initiated in his early life by a mendicant
belonging to the spiritual lineage of Ramanand. Whether this is true or not, it is a fact
that the Ramanandis clearly began to appropriate him from the latter part of the
seventeenth century. His ideas and philosophy exercised powerful influence on the
formation of the Ramanandi theology and on the making of the Ramanandi order in the
later period.
11.4.8 Women Vaishnava Devotees of the Mughal period

The attitudes of most of the Vaishnava preachers, poets, and hagiographers of the
sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries were rooted in patriarchy. In their compositions
and utterances, they drew images of ideal Vaishnava women that were based on gender
hierarchy and subordination of women. However, despite these limitations, the Vaishnava
devotional communities of the Mughal period provided considerable space and
opportunities for Vaishnava women to express their devotional feelings and participate
in religious activities. It has already been mentioned that women devotees were an
integral part of the community of Ramanand’s followers from the very beginning. In his
Bhaktamal, Nabhadas mentions the names of a large number of women devotees
belonging to different social groups and praises their contribution to the growth of
Vaishnava Bhakti. Many of the women devotees mentioned in the Bhaktamal and the
Varta literature were from the lower caste groups but they are portrayed as ideal
Vaishnavas. The Vaishnava hagiographers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries
glorified the devotional achievements of Mirabai and many other women devotees and
approved of their acts of social defiance and violation of patriarchal norms. The sectarian
Vaishnava orders like the Pushtimargis and the Gaudiya failed to appreciate the deeply
emotional and socially subversive character of Mirabai’s devotion to Krishna and
occasionally showed indifference and even hostility towards her. But, on the other
hand, liberal-minded Vaishnava hagiographers such as Nabhadas and Priyadas were
sympathetic to her and depicted her as a persecuted Vaishnava devotee. They eulogize
her for discarding patriarchal restrictions and notions of family honour to uphold devotion
to Krishna.
11.5 TRANSFORMATION OF VAISHNAVA

BHAKTI SAMPRADAYAS IN THE
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
With the decline and disintegration of the Mughal Empire in the eighteenth century and
the prevailing environment of political uncertainty and turbulence in the Delhi-Agra
region, the leaders of the Vaishnava communities of the Braj region began to look for
158 relatively safer sites in the Rajput kingdoms for relocating their deities and temples.
The Rajput kings of the eighteenth century found themselves in a new situation as Religious Ideas and
Movements-II
their political and ideological connections with the Mughal Empire grew weak. They
either strengthened already existing links with the Vishnava sampradayas or forged
new relationships with the Vaishnava establishments through a more extensive
patronage network. Such initiatives offered opportunities to the Rajput rulers to
seek new sources of legitimacy in the changing political milieu of the eighteenth century.
As has been mentioned above, the Pushtimargis began to establish their branches in
Mewar during the latter half of the seventeenth century. The Pushtimargi Vaishnavas
set up the seats of the seven images (swarupas) of Srinathji in different Rajput
kingdoms of Rajasthan. Nathdwara in the Sisodia kingdom of Mewar became the
new home of the original image of Srinathji and soon emerged into a popular centre
of pilgrimage. The Rajput rulers were more than willing to patronize the Pushtimargi
cult because of its popularity, influence and close relationship with wealthy mercantile
groups of north and western India. Close religious and political, and in some cases
even financial, relations were established between the Rajput states and the Vaishnava
establishments. The Pushtimargis, in particular, exercised much political and religious
influence.
Sawai Jai Singh (r.1700-1743), the Kachhwaha Rajput ruler of Amer-Jaipur kingdom
played active role in integrating the Bhakti-based Vaishnavism into the ideological
structure of the state. As has been mentioned above, the Kachhwahas had special
relationship with the Ramanandi monasteries of Galta and Raivasa, and also with the
Gaudiya sampradaya of Vrindavan and its main shrine, the temple of Govinda-devji,
since the reign of Akbar.
In 1633, the Mughal emperor made the Kachhwahas the custodians of Govinda-
devji. Second turning point came in the period after the images of Govindadevji, his
consort, Radha, and that of Vrindadevi, the tutelary goddess of Vrindavan, were
removed from Vrindavan to Kama in the Kachhwaha territory in 1670 CE in the
aftermath of Aurangzeb’s order to demolish temples in the Braj region. Later these
images, excluding the image of Vrindadevi, were moved to Amer by Sawai Jai Singh in
the beginning of the eighteenth century. Finally, the images of Govinda-devji and Radha
were installed in a new temple in the royal palace in the new capital city of Jaipur.
Govinda-devji became the state deity of the Kachhwaha kingdom. Although Sawai Jai
Singh continued to patronize other forms of worship, he definitely became more inclined
to the Gaudiya sampradaya. The Gaudiya theologians and intellectuals both from
Vrindavan and Navadwip (in Bengal) responded to his call for enunciating and clarifying
the general principles of an orthodox bhakti-based Vaishnavism that was based on
Vedic and Shastric norms.
As the powerful governor of the Mughal province of Agra between 1720 and 1726
CE, Sawai Jai Singh also exercised control over the Braj region which was home to
many Vaishnava establishments, shrines and communities. This was also the period of
intense conflict between the Shaiva and Vaishnava ascetics, and Jai Singh showed
keen interest in not only patronizing Vaishnava forms of worship but also in ending the
differences among the Vaishnava sampradayas. He also aimed at establishing an
orthodox and shastric Vaishnavism that would be accepted by all the four Vaishnava
sampradayas.
Sawai Jai Singh gave official sanction to the concept of four Vaishnava sampradayas
(Chatuh Sampradaya) which had been in existence since the last decades of the
sixteenth century. Conferences were organised to settle the differences among the 159
State, Society and Vaishnava sampradayas. Sawai Jai Singh directed the leaders of the bhakti-based
Religion
sampradayas of Vrindavan to either join one of the four Vaishnava sampradayas or
prove their independent existence in accordance with shastric principles and validation.
The Haridasis and the Radhavallbhis constituted independent sampradayas and had
not joined any of the four sampradayas. In the face of dictates from Sawai Jai Singh,
the ascetic followers of Swami Haridas associated themselves with the Nimbark
sampradaya while his householder followers became part of the Vishnuswami
sampradaya. The Radhavallabhis did not become part of any of the four sampradayas
and, therefore, they were persecuted by Sawai Jai Singh.
During the eighteenth century, the sectarian conflict between the armed Shaiva Sanyasis
and Vaishnava Bairagi ascetics became even more violent and widespread. In the
early eighteenth century, the Dasnami Sanyasis captured Ayodhya on the very birthday
of Lord Rama and evicted the Ramanandi Bairagis from there. The leaders of four
Vaishnava sampradayas (Chatuh Sampradaya) held a conference in 1713 CE at the
Galta monastery and took a decision to arm the Bairagis and raise trained military
bands to counter the threat of the Shaiva Sanyasis., Some of the Bairagi groups had
been participating in armed conflicts since the seventeenth century, and the Galta
conference put a stamp of legitimacy on the use of arms by the Ramanandi Bairagis
against the Shaivite ascetics.The Krishna-bhakti based sampradayas were a party to
the decision to arm the Vaishnavas to fight against the Shaiva ascetics, but most of
them, particularly the Gaudiyas and the Pushtimargis, were reluctant to participate
directly in the armed conflicts. They showed more interest in seeking patronage of the
Rajput ruling classes and wealthy mercantile sections of society.
Another development was the growth of conservative tendencies in the Ramanadi
order during the eighteenth century. Partly due to internal developments in the order
and partly due to the pressure exerted by Sawai Jai Singh on the socially non-
conformist religious communities in his territory, the Brahmanical leadership of the
Ramanandis began to purge the organisation of the influence of the followers of
Kabir and other lower caste Sants. Disciples continued to be recruited from the
lower caste groups into the order but those who traced their spiritual lineage to
Kabir, Raidas and other ‘untouchable’ and female disciples of Ramanand were
excluded from the Ramanandi order. The outcome of these internal measures and
Sawai Jai Singh’s ‘reforms’ was to harden caste and gender boundaries and
hierarchies in the Ramanandi sampradaya.
Roughly from the middle of the eighteenth century, Ayodhya also began to emerge into
prominence as a centre of Ramite Vaishnavism and the Ramanandis played central role
in this process. The formation of the Awadh Nawabi kingdom with its capital at Faizabad
also contributed to the growing reputation of Ayodhya as a pilgrimage centre. The
Awadh Nawabs and their Hindu nobles patronized temple building activities in Ayodhya.
But the Dasnami Shaivite monks and their armed bands continued to pose a serious
threat to the Bairagis and their monasteries and centres of influence. In the face of
growing attacks by the armed ascetics of the Shaivite orders on the Vaishnava pilgrimage
centres, a Rajput Ramanandi monk from Jaipur named Balanand convened a meeting
of all the four Vaishnava sampradayas at Vrindavan. A decision was taken to give a
militaristic orientation to the vaishnava organizations. Krishnaite Vaishnavas did not
choose to become part of such organizations but the Ramanandis began to organize
themselves along ani (army) and akhara (lit. wrestling centre). For this reason, Swami
Balanand is given credit for reviving vaishnavism. Armed Ramanandi Vairagis, who
160
were hitherto only loosely associated with a formal organization, now became part of Religious Ideas and
Movements-II
a hierarchical system of soldering. Many Ramanandis, mostly from Rajasthan, came to
Ayodhya from the middle of the eighteenth century and began to establish military
training centres and akharas.
1) Write a note on the discovery of Krishna-Bhakti sites in the Braj Region.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) Discuss the salient features of
a) Gaudiya Sampradaya
b) Pushtimargi Sampradaya
c) Nimbark Sampradaya
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
.................................................................................................................
3) Write note on the transformation of Vaishnava Bhakti Sampradayas in the
Eighteenth Century.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
11.6 LET US SUM UP

In this unit, we have read how the Vaishnava Bhakti movement developed and flourished
between the 16th and 18th centuries in Mughal India. The discovery of the Krishna-
Bhakti sites in the Braj region, a process that was already underway, could take concrete
shape due to the changed political scenario during the Mughal rule. However, it often
resulted in mutual contestations and rivalries among the different sects of Vaishnav
Bhakti. This period also witnessed a proliferation of various sects within the broad
framework of the Vaishnav Bhakti. Through their diverse forms of worship, association
with diverse theological traditions, and finally, through the adoption of a wide range of
strategies to disseminate their religious worldview and spread their influence, the
Vaishnava communities were able to emerge into important historical actors. The ideas,
practices, and activities of different Vaishnava orders and individual Vaishnava devotees
including women, played important role in shaping the contemporary social, political,
161
State, Society and and cultural milieu. The unit also elaborated upon the process of the integration of
Religion
Vaishnava Bhakti into late medieval and early modern polities along with efforts by
different sects to expand their areas of influence.
11.7 KEY WORDS

Bairagi : Vaishnava mendicants and ascetics.
Vachanas : Popular devotional songs in Kannada
Pushtimarg : The term implies ‘Way of Grace’. It is the name for the
community of the followers of Vallabhacharya.
Dvaitadvaita : Dualism-cum-nondualism
Parachais : Hagiographic narratives about the lives and deeds of individual

Vaishnava and Santic devotees. The best examples of the
Parachai literature are the narratives composed by Vaishnava
hagiographer Anantadas at the end of the sixteenth or beginning
of the seventeenth century.
Hagiography : Legendary accounts of the sants and other charismatic figures

written by their followers.
11.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
1) See Section 11.2
2) See Section 11.3 Influences of Mughal painting will constitute the core form the
answer.

1) See Sub-section 11.4.2
2) a) See Sub-section 11.4.3
b) See Sub-section 11.4.4
c) See Sub-section 11.4.5
3) See Section 11.5
David N. Lorenzen, ed., 2000. Religious Movements in South Asia, Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
John Stratton Hawley. 2005. A Storm of Songs, India and the Idea of the
BhaktiMovement,Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.
John Stratton Hawley. 2005. Three Bhakti Voices: Mirabai, Surdas and Kabir in
162 their Times and Ours, Delhi:
Charlotte Vaudeville. 1996. “Braj: Lost and Found” in idem. Myths, Saints and Legends Religious Ideas and
Movements-II
in Medieval India, Delhi, Oxford University Press, pp. 47-71.
Irfan Habib and Tarapad Mukherjee. 2020. BrajBhum in Mughal times: The State,
Peasants and Gosa’ins, Delhi: Primus Books.
Monika Horstmann (in collaboration with Heike Bill). 1999. In Favour of Govindevji:
Historical Documents relating to a deity of Vridaban and Eastern Rajasthan,
Delhi: Manohar.
Monika Horstmann. 2011. “Theology and statecraft”, in Rosalind O’Hanlonand David
Washbrook, eds., Religious Cultures in Early Modern India, Delhi; Routledge, pp.
75-104.
William Pinch. 2006. Warrior Ascetics and Indian Empires, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Rameshwar Prasad Bahuguna. 2009. “Beyond Theological Differences: Sant-Vaishnava
Interaction in Medieval India”, Indian Historical Review, vol.36, no.1, pp.54-79.
163
State, Society and
Religion UNIT 12 STATE, RELIGION AND SOCIETY*
Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Revisiting Relations between State and Society
12.2.1 Mutuality of Interest- Significance of Ecological Context
12.2.2 Primacy of Local customs
12.3 Locating Religion in Relation to State and Society
12.4 Contradictory Trends
12.5 Composite Social Milieu
12.6 Let Us Sum up
12.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit, you will:
• appreciate the complexities of relationship between state, religion and society;
• realize that cultural ethos was very composite and therefore;
• understand that state or society or religion were not mutually exclusive;
• State was an extension of society and therefore was very organically connected;
• mutual dependence between state and society could allow very limited space for
religious bigotry;
• appreciate the extent to which local custom played important role in defining the
intervention of the state machinery and
• understand that the literature and cultural practices were very composite in orientation
and in content.
12.1 INTRODUCTION
An examination of themes like State, religion and society and their interrelationships
during the period under study is very challenging due to several factors. The most often
cited alibi has been the argument that the sufficient historical sources are not available
for the period to examine different dimensions of state, religion and society. However,
researches in the past few decades in the various dimensions of 16th-18th century
Indian subcontinent have challenged this notion very forcefully. We have tried to share
recent researched with you as is visible in various Units of this course as well as BHIC
109.
Moreover, it is now being established that 16th -18th centuries world have seen colossal
change in the way societies organized themselves and interacted with other societies
*
Dr. Mayank Kumar, School of Social Sciences, Indira Gandhi National Open University, New
164 Delhi
and with the natural world. Religious outlook and cultural practices underwent substantial State, Religion and
Society
changes which along with growing reach of the state and enhanced capacity to maintain
records/documents are now being documented. (Unit 11 of BHIC 144 elaborates
details of sources like Bakhar and Burunji) Thus, the character of state has also
been revisited. Documents available for the period, especially for the 18th century have
been examined to bring out the nuances of domestic affairs as well. To witness, regional
variations is very natural. The concept of ‘early modern’ is now being argued for the
Indian society as well. We will be examining the characteristics of early modern for
16th -18th Centuries Indian subcontinent.
Last but not the least, early modern period can be and has been identified with several
significant changes especially with respect to character of state, relationships between
state and religion, religious ideas, enhanced documentation, greater access to knowledge,
intense circulation of ideas, greater penetration of money economy, etc. which have
global resonance. Therefore, a preliminary survey of interactions between state, religion
and society is being offered below, with a belief that you will appreciate the complexities
involved.
12.2 REVISITING RELATIONS BETWEEN STATE

AND SOCIETY
Traditional historiography suggested a certain level of segregation between state and
society. It was suggested that the sole orientation of the state was to extract land
revenue and conspicuous consumption by the ruling elite defined the character of State,
especially by the Colonial historians. Kings and dynastic centric history focused on the
deeds and policies of the rulers. Subsequently, apparatus of state was examined but
primarily, in terms of officials and their duties and privileges. The social composition of
the ruling class and its larger social implications were rarely examined. Agrarian
production was the mainstay of the land revenue system, yet nature, character and
diversity of agrarian production and resultant variation in land revenue was not examined.
Moreover, apparatus of empire to manage the affairs of land revenue and importance
of intermediaries, their social composition, etc. were not accorded due recognition.
Implications of diversity of climate, landscape, their interactions and social negotiations
were not even considered worthy of historical investigations.
Similarly, social custom, rituals, religious practices were merely described, their
significance and appropriation by different sections of society, and their interrelationship
was rarely examined. Study of rituals, court ethics, court culture and their significance
in the process of legitimization deserved attention of the historians. Last but the least
flora and fauna found mention merely as a backdrop, the significance of human-nature
interactions for a better comprehension of social conditions were yet to catch the
imagination of historians. However, domain of historical investigations was gradually
broadening and we encounter regular expansion of areas of investigations by the
historians, often by revisiting their sources or at times by opening of new sets of
documents, i.e., records available at Rajasthan State Archive and Andhra Pradesh
State Archives Hyderabad.
Going beyond Court chronicles: Archival Sources for the period

Fortunately for the period between 16th -18th century especially from Rajasthan
we have variety of historical sources to make invisible nature visible. These sources
165
State, Society and
Religion have also been extensively investigated to offer a very comprehensive understanding
of gender relations, domestic conflict, penetrative character of state, conflicts and
role of state in conflict resolutions, etc. To begin with, let me list few categories of
archival and literary documents available at various repositories. There are several
genera of official documentation available for this period in the Rajasthan Archives.
These are Arzdasht, Chhithis, Arhsattas, Sanad Parwana Bahi, Kagad Bahi,
Vakil reports, Haqiqat Bahis, Sava Bahi, etc. These sources delineate the official
response to the natural distress, different kinds of violations; social, cultural, religious,
etc. and therefore by implication, these provide us glimpses of contemporary socio-
political responses and concerns. Rajasthan Oriental Research Institute has published
several very important contemporary literary sources, official histories, administrative
manuals. Apart from the publication of Marwar Pargna ri Vigat, Rajasthan Oriental
Research Institute has published Munhot Nainsi’s Khyats and several other dynastic
histories. Saraswati Bhandar in Lalgarh fort Bikaner, Pratap Shodh Pratisthan,
Bupal Nobles Sansthan, Udaipur, Man Singh Pustak Prakash, Chopasini, Kapat
Dwara Records, Amber have been excellent repository of variety of literature/
record and not to forget is the collection of material culture along with visual
documentations maintained by principalities of the region. Equally important is to
mention collection of Jain religious literature in the region and particularly, Jain
Visvabharti, Ladaun. (Mayank Kumar ‘Invisible-visible: Sources, Environment and
Historians’ in Ranjan Chakarabarti, (ed.), Critical Themes in Environmental
History of India, Sage, New Delhi, 2020, pp.17-52.)
Kaifiyat or Karnam
Kaifiyats or the karnam histories were local village records collected under the
supervision of Col. Colin Mackenzie towards end of 18th century. These records
describe local flora, fauna, water resources, agricultural production and the social
composition of villages, etc. We may find the common problems of oral tradition in
Kaifiyats. However, Kaifiyats provide useful insights regarding colonization and
in some instances they help us corroborate epigraphic or literary references.
Kaifiyats indicate the subsistence fluidity in medieval period when the land under
permanent tillage was limited. Kaifiyats also preserve folk traditions and legends.
(Neeraj Sahay, Environment, Settlement History and the Emergence of an Agrarian
Region in Early Medieval Andhra, unpublished Ph. D thesis, Delhi University, Delhi,
2009)
12.2.1 Mutuality of Interest-Significance of Ecological Context

Theme-III: Consolidation of Mughal Empire (Units 8 to 13) of BHIC 109, has
examined historiography associated with the character of Mughal State. However, as
discussed above, archival sources from Rajasthan and other areas offered possibilities
of examining the character of states from the perspectives of peasantry and artisans.
As has been discussed in the Units 14 and 15 of BHIC 109, significance of agricultural
production was being recongnised, beginning with the writings of W.H. Moreland
followed by Irfan Habib. However, they remained confined primarily to appropriation
of agriculture as land revenue. Subsequently with the access to variety of archival
sources, mainly for 18th century from principalities of Rajasthan, Satish Chandra, S P
Gupta, Dilbagh Singh, G S L Devra, B L Bhadani, Suraj Bhan Bhardwaj, Mayank
Kumar have examined the nuances of process of agrarian production. Caste system
166 and social stratification were also an important consideration in determining the land
revenue demand. Dilbagh Singh brought out the importance of caste considerations in State, Religion and
Society
the revenue demand. Role of climatic variability, social negotiations with fluctuations of
monsoon rains through inter-cropping and shifting to crops with lowest gestation period,
significance of cattle and agro-pastoralism as part of social practices were taken into
due considerations by the state.
State was keenly taking note of other kinds of resources and social practices of
production which was reflected in the revenue appropriation policies.
“The degree of intervention made by the rulers can be gauged by the imposition of
rokad-rakam. The non-agricultural taxes collected in cash (rokad) were collectively
termed as rokad-rakam. Recognising the precarious nature of production, the rulers
of Bikaner relied more on rokad-rakam, which consisted of a large number of taxes
and was the main source of income from the countryside. Unlike settled agricultural
zones, pastoral communities were semi-nomadic, and thus difficult to tax. Thus,
livestock- rearing communities were taxed on the basis of the number of families in the
community or in terms of the number of kitchens maintained; therefore, the tax was
known as dhuan bhachh (smoke from the chimney of the kitchens). It was a poll tax
and was realised from each household at the rate of one rupee. It was a major component
of the rokad-rakam and contributed around 40 to 50 per cent of the total. Generally
rokad-rakam approximated 48 to 50% of the hasil, the total income (Devra 1976).
Similarly, a tax — talibab was levied on the non-agriculturist class at the rate of Rs. 4
per family (Powlett 1874: 162). Likewise, appreciating the limited agricultural production,
rulers in Marwar were forced to tax the pastoral communities as well. The state imposed
tax on temporary settlements according to the number of houses. It was known as
jhumpi — hut (Munhta 1657- 1666, 1969: 88). To further extend non-agricultural
taxes, the rulers of Bikaner imposed an extra cess of eight annas per camel-load of
goods brought by the merchants for sale in the state.
Recognising the value of animal husbandry to the economy of the kingdoms, the rulers
even intervened to regulate the usage of grass. It was mandatory for the cultivators to
share one-fourth of the grass produced by them with the state (Kagad Bahi 1827, vs./
A.D.1770). Moreover, there is considerable evidence of administrative regulation of
grazing grounds. To augment its resources, the state charged singothi—a tax of one
paise per head of cattle. In Marwar, the tax from the cattle owners using Grazing
grounds was known as ghasmari (Munhta 1657-1666, 1968 : 167) and pancharai
(Bhadani 1999; Munhta 1657-1666, 1968 : 160). Since the rearing of livestock was
a prominent occupation in the western region, the cultivator had to give a share of the
grass produced in his field to the state. In Marwar, it was one bullock-cart-load of
grass per plough of land. Furthermore, there was tax on the sale of grass in the region,
“charged at Rs. 2.50 on the first Rs. 100 worth of fodder, and Rs. 1.50 upon every
successive Rs 100 worth.”(Bhadani 1999: 223). It should also be noted that even
unauthorised cutting of grass was punished (Arhsatta, pargana Bahatri, 1786 vs./
A.D. 1729; pargana Malrana, 1772 vs./A.D. 1715). Documents clearly point out
that there were reserved grazing lands (Arhsatta, pargana Bahatri, 1777 vs./A.D.1720;
pargana Mariana, 1791 vs./A.D.1734). Even the cutting of grass from hills and forests
was punished (Arhsatta, pargana Bahatri, 1786 vs./ A.D. 1729; pargana Malrana,
1772 vs./A.D. 1715). Meadows were important for the military as cattle and horses
used in warfare needed fodder. Ploughing and transportation were primarily based on
cattle power and the need for pasture played an important role in state policies (Guha
2002). The state actively procured grass to maintain a reserve stock (Sanad Parwana
Bahi, Jeth Sudi 9, 1825 vs./A.D. 1768) for the cavalry — (horses, camels, and 167
State, Society and elephants), the mainstay of its army.” (Mayank Kumar, ‘Claims on Natural Resources:
Religion
Exploring the Role of Political Power in Pre-Colonial Rajasthan, India’, Conservation
and Society, Vol. 3, No. 1, June 2005, pp.134-49)
Caste system and social stratification were also an important consideration in determining
the land revenue demand. Dilbagh Singh highlighted the importance of caste
considerations in the revenue demand. He has also pointed out that state was very well
aware of the mutual dependence therefore, State intervened when moneylenders tried
to extract the excessive interest during times of ecological distress. State was aware
that in times of distress peasant was forced to sell or mortgage their equipments of
cultivation, thus state at times even extended seed loans, etc. (Dilbagh Singh, ‘The
Role of Mahajans in the Rural Economy in Eastern Rajasthan During the 18th Century’,
Social Scientist, Vol. 2, No. 10, October 1974, pp. 22-31)
12.2.2 Primacy of Local Customs

The diverse ways of negotiations between state and society at large has been explored
by historians. They have pointed out that state was actively engaged with the society at
multiple levels, be it revenue appropriation or matters of justice or insistence on adherence
to social norms and ethics. Nandita Sahai has argued that we can follow regular
negotiation between state apparatus and the society at large, where state often accorded
primacy to the local customs and practices. In her study she has pointed out that in the
official documents dealing with the matters of dispute, state often suggested that disputes
may be — decided as per the prevalent social customs and practices— jo wajib ho
wo kijiye. Although state offered space for the local traditions and customs but it did
not hesitated to issue dictates wherever felt necessary. Dilbagh Singh argues that a
closer examination of judgments recorded in these documents ‘give a nuanced picture
of the state – here it appears to be overarching in its authority and not hesitant to put its
administrative apparatus to full use in regulating affairs of the state and society down to
the level of village, its distinct social groups, the family, and even its individual members.’
(Dilbagh Singh, ‘Regulating the Domestic: Notes on the Pre-colonial State and the
Family,’ Studies in History, Vol. 19, no.1 2003, pp.69-86,)
Social norms have been one of the prerequisites for reinforcing the power of ruling
dispensations. For the rulers, the claim to deliver justice has been an important instrument
of power for reiterating and reinforcing social norms. Political dispensations were always
eager to regulate the social order, thereby conveying the message that social status and
hierarchy were to be protected, which reinforced the claim of rulers to govern all the
subjects of the empire. States increasingly came to expect strict adherence to social
norms, be it in domestic affairs or the affairs of the state. Therefore, not so surprisingly,
challenging the authority and appropriateness of decisions of the elders or arguments
with them was considered as defiance of the social code of conduct. It is important to
note that the onus of adhering to the code of conduct was also applicable to the elders
of the family as well. Even elders would be castigated for unbecoming behaviour towards
the young. In social disputes, states would usually direct caste panchayats to resolve
issues in accordance with established traditions and conventions of the community,
known as wajabi. Through these processes, states increasingly emerged as protectors
and enforcers of social norms during this period.
There are numerous complaints of chamchori (lit. the theft of the body) or joravari;
any form of sexual misconduct, including adultery and rape. State imposed punishment
against such cases. At times it was imposed collectively on the village, thus suggesting
168 that maintenance of social order and appropriate social behaviour was a collective
responsibility also. For example, in 1749 an allegation was made against the residents State, Religion and
Society
of a village named Ramparsadi for engaging in chamchori, the state fined the residents
a collective sum of Rs. 101.
Mayank Kumar has suggested that, especially for area governed by Rajput principalities
of Rajasthan, state was very meticulously appropriating claims of diverse natural
resources, often considered as village commons. We have several evidences when
punishment was awarded for cutting green trees. In village Saithal, pargana Bahatri, a
person was punished for cutting a neem tree. Alongside, we have evidences of
punishments for cutting Jamun trees, etc. Cutting of babool trees was also punished.
It is important to point out that Peepal and Bad had been worshiped; thus religious
considerations must have also led to punishment. However, the punishment was
substituted by a cash payment. The fine became part of the state’s revenue and religion
had no role to play either in the collection or expenditure of this amount.
Furthermore, there are evidence from Amber principality which highlight that the state
even punished those who killed animals. The killing of cattle was punished. An arzdasht
dated Jeth sudi 14, 1854 V.S. informs us that when a cow was killed, the culprit was
expected to return a cow of gold to the owner of the cow. Pastoralism had been an
important component of economy. At the same time, the usefulness of cattle in agricultural
production cannot be neglected. We have evidence that even the killing of a monkey
was punished. The protection being offered to animals has been pointed out in the
context of religious sects. The killing of crocodiles was also punished. (Mayank Kumar,
Monsoon Ecologies: Irrigation, Agriculture and Settlement Patterns in Rajasthan
during the Pre-Colonial Period, Manohar, Delhi, 2013.)
Check Your Progress-1
1) Discuss the significance of non-agrarian taxation to understand the character of
the State in early modern Rajasthan.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
2) What is the significance of right to deliver justice for the power and legitimacy of
the rulers?
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
12.3 LOCATING RELIGION IN RELATION TO STATE

AND SOCIETY
In a major departure from the earlier period, Mughals did not sought legitimacy to rule
from the office of Caliph. (Details have been discussed in Unit-10) Mughals were
borrowing legitimacy through the concept of kingly sainthood. A similar tradition led by 169
State, Society and Shattari was gaining ground at least in north India. In writings of Abul Fazl we find a
Religion
very deliberate attempt to place royalty distinct and above from the lesser mortals.
King was described as Zill-e-iIaahii or shadow of God, and his genealogy was made
very impressive. It is important to recognise that divine origin of kingship was an
accepted practice in India. Practices like Jharokha Darshan, whereby royalty’s divine
origin was reiterated was a regular practice in the Mughal Empire. Thus, we find an
attempt by the Mughals to relate to the social-cultural practices of Indian subcotinent.
Let us briefly examine process of state formation in Rajasthan and Maratha region to
highlight diverse ways through which prevalent religious sensibilities and cultural practices
were appropriated by the rulers to establish their legitimacy. Guhilas or Sisodias; the
rulers of Mewar called themselves Diwan of Eklingji (Lord Shiva). They never claimed
themselves to be the rulers of the territory rather worked as deputy of the Lord Shiva.
Interestingly, the rulers of Mewar were coroneted by the Bhil chief, thus claiming some
sort of legitimacy from the subjects. A similar tradition can be seen in the process of
state formation in the Bikaner region, where rulers claimed legitimacy through the local
deity Karni Mata. It is significant to note the significant role played by local Charans-
bards in establishing legitimacy through impressive genealogy. Interesting evidences
can be seen in the case of fifteenth century Gujarat. (Aparna Kapadia, In Praise of
Kings: Rajputs. Sultans and Poets in Fifteenth-Century Gujarat, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge, London, Melbourne, New Delhi, Singapore, 2018).
In the second half of the seventeenth century Shivaji consolidated his position through
matrimonial relations. Matrimonial alliances with the established families gradually
enhanced the social prestige of his family. Moreover his coronation as Suryavamshi
Kshatriya with the help of Gagabhat and other Brahmins of Benaras testifies his efforts
to gain social legitimacy though Kshatriya status. He buttressed his claim to kshatriya
status with the help of genealogy connecting him with the Indra and titles like kshatriya
kulavatamsa. This helped him in claiming higher status vis a vis other Maratha families
and gradually established his exclusive claim to collect sardeshmukhi.
R. P. Bahuguna has argued that the role of royal public rituals as ideological building
blocks of state formation and as sources of legitimation of kingly authority acquired a
new dimension in the eighteenth-century. Norbert Peabody argues that the policy of
military fiscalism of the Kota state in the eighteenth century was closely linked to a
political culture based on active participation of the state in Pushtimargia Vaishnava
rituals, image installation and worship, patronage and gift-giving. However problems
with subscription to Hindu Kingship emanates from the fact that during early modern
times we find great divergence in religious affinities. It is the colonial subjugation of the
precolonial regional states of the Marathas and the Rajputs which led to the emergence
of full-fledged Hindu kingship under colonial sponsorship and supervision. Susan Bayly
has argued that brahmans remained powerful in the regional polities of eighteenth-
century India. The political system in most of the regional states of the eighteenth century
has been labelled as ‘Brahman Raj’ by her. (R.P. Bahuguna, ‘Religious Festivals as
Political Rituals: Kingship and Legitimation in Late Precolonial Rajasthan’, in Suraj
Bhan Bhardwaj, R. P. Bahuguna and Mayank Kumar, Eds., Revisiting the History
of Medieval Rajasthan: Essays for Prof Dilbagh Singh, Primus Books, New
Delhi, 2017)
12.4 CONTRADICTORY TRENDS

Relations between State, religion and society have always been very dynamic. Political
170 considerations, economic situation, social conditions are by definition have been very
vibrant and interactions between these factors at times appear contradictory. State, Religion and
Society
Therefore, it is not always easy and advisable to generalize over a long period of
time or over a large territory. Satish Chandra has examined the Mughal religious
policy under Aurengzeb and pointed out the contradictory tendencies. If on one
hand Aurengzeb is seen as religious bigot who was against Hindus as seen in his
policy to re-impose Jaziya. Then on the other hand we find proliferation of ‘Hindus’
in the Mughal nobility. Similarly, there are evidences that Mughal rulers, even
Aurengzeb offered land revenue grants to temples and also that of demolition of
temples under his regime. As discussed in Unit 13- Architecture, the Varanasi
Vishwanath Temple was commissioned by Raja Todar Mal in c.1595, however, this
temple was destroyed by Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb in 1669 CE and the Mathura
temples were destroyed at his orders in 1670 CE. In Jahangir’s reign two large
temples were commissioned by Bir Singh Deo of Bundelkhand, one at his capital
Orchha (Chaturbhuja Temple) and the other at Mathura. The Chaturbhuja Temple
was later desecrated by the Mughal Emperor Shahjahan and the Mathura temple
was destroyed at the orders of Aurangzeb as noted above.
12.5 COMPOSITE SOCIAL MILIEU

The relationships between State, religion and society are best captured in the nature of
religious-political discourses of the contemporary times. It is interesting to note that the
texts like Dabistan-i Mazahib (See Unit 1 for more details) were written and were
in circulation it is a clear testimony to the fact that culture was composite. Hindus were
extensively writing in Persian which means language was not the identity marker as it is
seen today.
Moreover it is important to appreciate that the binaries of religious divide were not
clearly defined especially if we examine character of social milieu. Non-Muslims
especially Hindus were liberally inducted into administration of a Muslim state similarly
in the army and administration of Shivaji there were several Muslim officials. Same is
the case with the Rajput rulers where several Muslims were working on important
positions. Similar tendencies are reflected in the composition of Mughal nobility where
Hindus were placed on important positions. Hindus working in the administration were
well aware of the nuances of Persian.
You must have noticed in Unit number 17 as well as in Unit number 1 along with
elaboration in the course BHIC 109 and 107, that the cultural divide was not religious.
Akhlaq tradition was being extensively followed by the non Muslims as well. Composite
culture is most particularly visible in the case of Munshis and Kayasthas who were
well conversant not only with the Persian language but also with the court etiquette and
manners. These courtly culture and manners in itself were very cosmopolitan in
orientation and captured the true meaning of composite culture.
Mughal rulers were frequent visitor to the sufis and sants and discussed variety of
issues. Dara Sukoh while returning from Kandhar, after a very humiliating defeat,
visited Baba Lal at Dhyanpur. His visit to Baba Lal and conversation with him has
been recorded and were in circulation in the Mughal public sphere. Dara Sukoh is
generally considered to be predisposed towards religious discourses, and thus may
appear exception, however it is important to note that there is a long tradition of
rulers visiting and interacting with the sants cutting across religious and sectarian
divide. “Consulting with spiritual divines of all kinds had been a longstanding Timurid 171
State, Society and tradition, one maintained by all of Dârâ’s Mughal ancestors. Mohammad Tughlaq’s
Religion
(r. 1325-51) close association with the celebrated Jaina monk Jinaprabha Suri being
only the most conspicuous. (Husain, pp. 311-39) Closer to Dârâ’s own time, Akbar
had made a special visit to the Sikh Guru Arjun in 1598 (Grewal, p. 55) and both
Akbar and Jahângir had famously met numerous times with a gosain hermit by the
name of Jadrup, whose understanding of mystical precepts so impressed Jahângir
that he became convinced that tasavvof and Vedanta were in fact the same science
(Jahângir, p. 209) Shah Jahân, too, often surrounded himself with mystical consultants,
and while he might have been inclined more toward “proper” Sufi s, his court was
awash in mystically-inclined Hindus like Chandar Bhân Brahman, not to mention
various Hindu astrologers and other divines with whom he consulted almost daily.
Indeed, throughout this entire period Sanskrit and Braj intellectuals like
Siddhichandra, Keshavdâs, and Jagannâthapanditarâja were continuous fixtures at
the Mughal imperial court, as well as the subimperial courts of various nobles. (Busch
2006, and forthcoming; Pollock 2001a, 2001b).” ( Rajeev Kinra, “Infantilizing Bâbâ
Dârâ: The Cultural Memory of Dârâ Shekuh and the Mughal Public Sphere,” Journal
of Persianate Studies, Vol. 2, 2009, pp. 165– 193.)
1) State, religion and society function in a very complex manner. Examine with
reference to 16-18 century states in India.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
1) What do you understand by composite social milieu? Substantiate your answer

with appropriate examples from 16-18 century India.
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
........................................................................................................................
12.4 LET US SUM UP

We can sum up the relationship between state, religion and society by suggesting that
the complexity needs elaboration and due recognition for the diverse traditions is must
for better comprehension. State or religion or society is a not a monolithic entities and
are neither static, therefore we must accord due recognition to the changing dynamics.
Moving beyond court chronicles and British Colonial historiography and investigations
of cultural ethos makes us understand the existence of a very rich and diverse cultural
traditions. Contestations for political patronage among followers of different religions
in their attempts to propagate their sectarian discourses were important facet of the
society. Political authorities were also consulting sufis and sants, cutting across religions
and sectarian divide, was a regular feature.
172
State, Religion and
12.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS Society
EXERCISES
1) See Sub-section 12.2.1
2) See Section 12.2.2
1) See Sub-section 12.3
2) See Section 12.5
Bahuguna, R.P. 2017. ‘Religious Festivals as Political Rituals: Kingship and Legitimation
in Late Precolonial Rajasthan’, in Suraj Bhan Bhardwaj, R. P Bahuguna and Mayank
Kumar, Eds., Revisiting the History of Medieval Rajasthan: Essays for Prof Dilbagh
Singh. New Delhi: Primus Books.
Kapadia Aparna. 2018. In Praise of Kings: Rajputs, Sultans and Poets in
Fifteenth-Century Gujarat. Cambridge, London, Melbourne, New Delhi, Singapore:
Cambridge University Press.
Kinra, Rajeev. 2009. “Infantilizing Bâbâ Dârâ: The Cultural Memory of Dârâ Shekuh
and the Mughal Public Sphere,” Journal of Persianate Studies, Vol. 2, pp. 165–
193.
Kumar, Mayank 2013. Monsoon Ecologies: Irrigation, Agriculture and Settlement
Patterns in Rajasthan during the Pre-Colonial Period. Delhi: Manohar.
Nath, Pratyay and Meena Bhargava, Eds. (Forthcoming). The Early Modern in South
Asia: Querying Modernity, periodisation and History. Delhi: Cambridge University
Press.
Sahai, Nandita Prasad. 2006. Politics of Patronage and Protest: The State, Society
and Artisans in Early Modern Rajasthan. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Singh, Dilbagh. 1990. The State, Landlords and Peasants. Delhi: Manohar.
__________, 2003. ‘Regulating the Domestic: Notes on the Pre-colonial State and
the Family’, Studies in History, Vol., 19, No.1, n.s, pp. 69–86.
173
State, Society and
Religion
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Trading Communities and

10.3 CHANGED TRAJECTORY: MUGHALS

10.4 SACRED KINGSHIP

Turco-Mongol lineage which allowed Mughal rulers to claim themselves as Zill-e-

Check Your Progress 1

10.5 PARALLEL TRADITIONS

10.6 CHALLENGES AND REVIVAL OF ORTHODOXY

10.6.1 Naqshbandi Silselah and Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi

10.6.2 Shah Waliullah

10.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

11.2 HISTORICAL BACKGROUND: THE BHAKTI

11.3 VAISHNAVA BHAKTI, AKBAR AND THE

11.4 GROWTH OF VAISHNAVA BHAKTI (16TH-17TH

11.4.2 Discovery of Krishna-Bhakti Sites in the Braj Region

11.4.3 The Followers of Chaitanya ( Gaudiya Sampradaya)

11.4.4 Followers of Vallabhacharya (Pushtimargi Sampradaya)

11.4.5 The Nimbark Sampradaya

11.4.6 Radhavallabhi and Haridasi Sampradayas

11.4.7 Other Vaishnava Devotees of the Mughal Period

11.4.8 Women Vaishnava Devotees of the Mughal period

11.5 TRANSFORMATION OF VAISHNAVA

11.6 LET US SUM UP

11.7 KEY WORDS

Vachanas : Popular devotional songs in Kannada

Parachais : Hagiographic narratives about the lives and deeds of individual

Hagiography : Legendary accounts of the sants and other charismatic figures

11.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

Check Your Progress 2

12.2 REVISITING RELATIONS BETWEEN STATE

Going beyond Court chronicles: Archival Sources for the period

12.2.1 Mutuality of Interest-Significance of Ecological Context

12.2.2 Primacy of Local Customs

12.3 LOCATING RELIGION IN RELATION TO STATE

12.4 CONTRADICTORY TRENDS

12.5 COMPOSITE SOCIAL MILIEU

1) What do you understand by composite social milieu? Substantiate your answer

12.4 LET US SUM UP

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