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Q Discuss the salient features of the Maratha administration. 20

A The Maratha king was the sardeshmukh of the entire Deccan (Aurangabad, Berar,
Bidar, Bijapur, Hyderabad, and Khandesh) and Karnataka. The Raja was largely dependent
on his sardars for his finances. The basic contours of the Maratha State system was
dominated by the Peshwas or chief ministers which further evolved during the time of Balaji Labels
Vishwanath. The powers of the office of the Peshwa rapidly increased during his tenure till ACS-01 (9)
it became the center of authority of the entire Maratha Empire. Originally the Peshwa was ANC- 1 (15)
only a mukhya pradhan or prime minister and his post was not hereditary. But by the time BPSE - 212 (12)

of Baji Rao, Balaji Vishwanath's son, became Peshwa in 1720, the office became BSHF - 101 (7)

hereditary. EHI - 01 (11)

Maratha dominion can be broadly divided into two parts non-regulation and regulation EHI - 3 (8)
EHI - 4 (18)
areas. In the non-regulated areas, zamindars, autonomous and semi-autonomous chiefs
EHI - 5 (14)
were left with the independent authority to control the areas under their command provided
EHI -02 (8)
they continuously pay tribute to the king. The king's tribute demand from these areas was
FST - 1 (21)
in proportion to their power of resistance, the weaker ones paying more than the stronger.
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In regulated areas, the direct administration was established. In these areas, the system of
revenue assessment, management, and the collection was established.
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Such regulated areas were divided among vatandars . Each unit of about 10 to 200 villages
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was under a deshmukh-deshpande combination. Vatandars were co-sharers of the land
produce. They had the right to collect dues from cultivators in lieu of their salaries, they
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also had the customary share in the government's revenue exempt land. The division of
shares of a vatan did not imply partition of the land but of the proceeds. The right to sell Email address... S

any hereditary estate was recognized in principle. During periods of agrarian or financial or
administrative crisis, the regulation could be relaxed and zamindars were allowed to About Me
acquire a temporary authority over the land under a system of revenue farming. Among the Gaurav Saini

tenants, there were two types (a) resident cultivators with hereditary rights of occupancy View my complete profile

(mirasdars) and (b) temporary cultivators (uparis).

In most of the regulated territories, the administration continued with the standard
assessment rates of the previous period in the 18th century. Under the Peshwas the tankha Blog Archive
system was the permanent standard land revenue assessment method. This land revenue ▼ 2020 (38)
system was adopted for each village. In the late 1750s & 1760s, the kamal (or 'completion') ► April (24)
settlement was followed. This settlement completed the tankha settlement by taking into ▼ March (14)
consideration newly cultivated lands. The kamal system was based on measurement and EHI - 5

classification of the qualities of land, and the king's share came to one-sixth of the produce. EHI - 5

The internal distribution of the village assessment (tankha or kamal )was decided by the EHI - 5

village headman or the village itself. EHI - 5

In addition to the regular land revenue, the government also imposed a number of extra EHI - 5

taxes to be collected, which were intricately recorded by village and district officials. In the EHI - 5

1790s and 1810s when the Peshwa needed more revenue to pay for armies and EHI - 5

obligations to the British and hence there was an expansion of revenue farming and an EHI - 5

increase in the state's revenue demand. In Maharashtra, no more than a quarter of revenue EHI - 5

was paid in cash. Most often, it was remitted from villages through the districts, to Poona EHI - 5

through bills of exchange. EHI - 5

EHI - 5

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There were also some tensions during this time period, between the centralizing EHI - 5

forces of the state and the comparatively equalitarian local peasantry. Vatandar assemblies EHI - 5

(qota) were often held to protect themselves from state demands. While such assemblies
► 2019 (69)
were frequently organized in the 17th century and showcase the popular resistance,
► 2018 (17)
however in the 18thcentury, the authority and powers of regional and village headmen were
progressively bypassed through new administrative procedures.
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The administrative systems in the northern saranjam states (Holkar, Sindia, Gwalior, and
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Bhonsle) were in principle copies of Peshwa. The only difference, however, was that they
had Diwans and supervisory officials imposed on their administration from Poona. The Comments

bureaucracy in the Deccan and the north was dominated by different grades of Brahmins. 12,379

Q Did the Maratha administration revolve only around `Fitna'? Discuss. 12

A After the Mughal retreat from the Deccan the Marathas expanded and evolved as a
loose association or confederacy of military leaders who were denoted as sardars.These
Marathas, drew their strength from the ordinary peasant castes. Initially, the sardars held
temporary assignments of land revenue. But in practice, they wanted to become hereditary
rulers once they established themselves. Under these circumstances, the processes of
fitnas became crucial and was central to social and political life in the Maratha state
system.
The system of fitna implies taking benefit of the existing political conflicts through a
combination of coercion and conciliation, as opposed to pure military operations. Fitna
then, is regarded as the political mechanism that was used for the expansion, consolidation
& subsequent institutionalization of Maratha power. In ensures the crucial
collaboration/acquiescence of the gentry required for the political arithmetic of fitna. The
system of fitna was exploited for the conquest as well as gaining agricultural land.
It was through fitna that the Marathas penetrated the expanding Mughal Empire in the
late 17th century by aligning themselves with different Deccan Sultans against the
Mughals. Therefore, Wink argues, rather than representing a revolt against the Mughal
empire, Maratha sovereignty emerged as a result of the Mughal expansion. In form, the
Maratha empire remained a zamindari based and the Marathas never really shed the
status of zamindars. Maratha dominion can be broadly divided into what have been called
non-regulation & regulation areas. In the non-regulated areas zamindars, autonomous and
semi-autonomous chiefs were left with the independent authority to administer the areas
under their command provided they continuously pay tribute to the king. The king's tribute
demand from these areas was in proportion to their power of resistance, the weaker ones
paying more than the stronger.
The expansion of the Marathas had from an early date predominantly been the work
of the Peshwas and their sardars. In the 1740s the Marathas conquered Malwa,
Gujarat, Bundelkhand and penetrated, as far as Attock in the north, Rajasthan, Doab,
Awadh, Bihar, and Orissa. Andra Wink's study shows that all these conquests started as
fitna (conquests on invitation).

Q Analyse the Maratha State system in the mid-18th century giving reference to
administrative, economic and social structures. 20
A Administration - The Maratha king was the sardeshmukh of the entire Deccan
(Aurangabad, Berar, Bidar, Bijapur, Hyderabad, and Khandesh) and Karnataka. The Raja
was largely dependent on his sardars for his finances. The basic contours of the Maratha
State system were dominated by the Peshwas or chief ministers. Maratha dominion can be
broadly divided into two parts non-regulation and regulation areas. In the former,
zamindars, autonomous and semi-autonomous chiefs were left with internal administrative
autonomy. The king's tribute demand from these areas was in proportion to their power of
resistance, the weaker ones paying more than the stronger. In regulated areas or the area
of direct administration, there was a system of revenue assessment, management &
accountancy.
Such regulated areas were divided among vatandars . Each unit of about 10 to 200 villages
was under a deshmukh-deshpande combination. Vatandars were co-sharers of the land

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produce with rights like dues from cultivators as salary, customary share in the
government's land-revenue exempt land. The division of shares of a vatan did not imply
partition of the land but of the proceeds.
The administrative systems in the northern saranjam states (Holkar, Sindia, Gwalior,
and Bhonsle) were in principle copies of Peshwa, except that they had Diwans and
supervisory officials imposed on their administration from Poona. The bureaucracy in the
Deccan and the north was dominated by different grades of Brahmins.

Economic - Manufacturing and cash crops for distant markets formed an important part of
the economy in Maharashtra. By the 17th and 18th centuries, credit institutions were
operating in town and countryside. They were engaged in financing and providing loans to
the indebted nobility and peasants, as well as the general population in daily economic life.
There was the import of copper and cowries in the 18th century western Deccan which
indicates the vigorous, highly monetized local market centers. The local market transaction
in western Deccan by villagers and the general population was carried out in money.
Money was also paid for daily and monthly wages to agricultural labor, craft production, and
household service. Large and small scale mints producing a variety of coins were found in
small market towns, the residential houses of important lords as well as in major cities.
There is a wide range of records indicating transactions in rural exchanges during the late
18th century. In Maharashtra, there is evidence of people taking loans in cash and kind
who were engaged in landholding, peasantry, agricultural laborers, craftsmen, and
soldiers.

Society - Society was largely agrarian in Maharashtra. By the 18th century, the
establishment of villages in the heartlands of the Maratha empire was complete. This
implied the spread of population and agrarian settlement. However, the heartland around
Poona was poorly irrigated and relatively sparsely populated because of the quality of land
and lack of irrigation facilities. By the mid-18th century, given the state of its technology, this
area has reached its limits of development. This lead to the persistent outward pressure in
Maratha to settle down In stable agriculture areas like Tanjore in the south, Gujarat and the
Ganges valley in the north. The collection of taxes and other obligations stimulated the
need for increased agriculture production.

The Maratha rulers adopted two kinds of measures here. The first measure was the
concessional assessment, remission of revenues and granting loans. These measures
helped to bring new land under cultivation. The second measure was to encourage the
initiative of the people to build agricultural facilities. For example, inam land or gift land
was given to the headman of a village during Shivaji's period to repair or build new dams.
State promotion of agriculture, revenue system, etc. had led to a considerable economic
differentiation among the peasantry. By the late 18th century there was large scale
exploitation of peasantry which further increased due to an increase in population, taxation,
and prices of food grains. There is abundant evidence of a strengthening hold on the
peasantry by non-cultivating privileged class (state ministers, deshmukhs, military officers
with saranjam, financiers and traders), many of whom combined more than one function. In
Maratha society, there were three ways of control over rural resources - tax, the gift of land
and hereditary offices.

Q How was a Sikh State established in Punjab at the beginning of the 19th century?
12

Q Discuss the emergence of the Sikh State in the late 18th century. 12
A. Zakariya Khan who was the governor of Lahore (1726-1745) had tried to strengthen his
control over the province but failed in the process of establishing an independent political

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system. The dominant factors in the Punjab polity during this period which stopped him
were:
# the struggle of the Sikhs to establish an independent political authority.
# the foreign invasions, first the Persian and then the Afghan.
# the Maratha incursion, and
# the rivalry within the provincial administration.
It was the Sikhs who took full advantage of the prevailing political instability in the
region and ultimately established an autonomous state in Punjab. The process that started
in the 18th century, for the establishment of the Sikh state, was finally culminated after the
establishment of an autonomous state of Punjab by Ranjit Singh in the first half of the 19th
century. The internal fighting of the Sikh autonomous chiefs and the Afghan invasions
under Zaman Shah in 1795,1796 and 1798 helped Ranjit Singh in consolidating his power
in Punjab. Firstly, Ranjit Singh was able to curb the power of the independent Sikh
principalities(12) and brought them under a single political authority.
After establishing his complete control over the affairs at home, Ranjit Singh launched
his expeditions against the various chiefs of the Sikh confederacies. Firstly the
Ramgarhias were defeated and their main city Miani was seized. After reducing the
powerful Ramgarhias to abject submission, Ranjit Singh turned his attention towards
Lahore. Taking advantage of the turmoil, he in alliance with Sahib Singh of Gujarat and
Milkha Singh of Pindiwala, attacked Shahanchi Khan and occupied Lahore in 1799. After
Lahore Ranjit Singh annexed Amritsar from the Bhangis along with all their other territories.
Master of Lahore and Amritsar, Ranjit Singh, laid the foundation of a sovereign Sikh
monarchy in Punjab, with himself as to its undisputed monarch.
With a view to consolidate his position further Ranjit Singh continued his
march towards other principalities. He subdued Jammu, seized Mirowal, Narowal, Sialkot,
Dilawargarh and Wazirabad. Thereafter, he humbled the Kangra chief Sansar Chand and
the Pathan chief Nizam-ud-din of Kasur. The Muslim principalities of Kabul monarchy, like
Jhang and Sahiwal submitted readily and the Multan governor Muzaffar Khan greeted
Ranjit Singh with huge presents.
Kashmir was conquered in 1819 and by 1820-Ranjit Singh was acknowledged as
the ruler of the whole of Punjab, from the Sutlej to the Indus, with the territories of Kashmir
and the hill tract to the borders of Tibet. The Trans-Indus regions of Dera Ismail, Dera
Ghazi Khan, Khairabad and finally Peshawar (1834) were all subjected to the Sikh
monarchy.

Q How did Bengal & Awadh emerge as autonomous states in the mid 18th century?
20
A Bengal towards autonomy - The basis for an autonomous state in Bengal was first
laid down by Murshid Kuli Khan who was firstly appointed as Diwan to reorganize the
revenue administration of Bengal. His success as an efficient administrator & the state of
uncertainty in imperial administration following the death of Aurangzeb helped him to
become the Subadar of Bengal. Although Murshid Kuli did not defy the imperial authority of
the Mughals yet it was his administration which showed a clear indication of the
establishment of a dynastic rule in Bengal. He was the last governor of Bengal directly
appointed by the emperor. Murshid Kuli abolished the system of separate offices of the
Nazim and the Diwan and combined both the offices. By combining these two posts wanted
to strengthen the power of the governor. This was done without taking permission and was
a clear indication of the creation of an independent authority in the province. Murshid Kuli
set the tradition of a dynastic rule in Bengal. It became an established fact in the province
that after his death the Nawabship of Bengal would pass into the hands of his family. They
continued to seek imperial confirmation but the selection of Nawab no longer remained in
the hands of the emperor.
Initially, Murshid Kuli's main concern was to step up revenue collection in Bengal.
In order to do this Murshid Kuli entered into a series of new relations with local power
groups within the province. This actually laid the basis for a larger framework within which
the autonomous Suba would function in the 1730's and 1740's. The measures that he took
were:

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# Elimination of small intermediary Zamindars,

# Expelling rebellious Zamindars and Jagirdars into the frontier provinces of Orissa,
# Enlarging the scope and extent of the KHALISA lands,
# Encouraging big Zamindars who assumed the responsibilities of revenue collection and
payment.
The new power structure that had thus emerged in Bengal was very different from
the Mughal provincial model & coincided with Delhi's declining hold over the province.
Sarfaraz, nominated by Murshid Kuli as his successor, was deposed by his father
Shujauddin Khan. Alivardi Khan killed Sarfaraz Khan, the legitimate successor to
Shujauddin, and seized power. Alivardi's regime added a new dimension to the relations
between the Mughal authority and the Bengal government.
His reign showed a virtual break with the Mughals and marked the commencement of
the process of autonomy for the Bengal Suba. The major appointments in the provincial
administration were made by Alivardi himself without any reference to the Mughal emperor.
Men of Alivardis own choice were appointed as Deputy Nawabs at Patna, Cuttack, and
Dhaka. By the 1740's an administrative system developed in Bengal, Bihar, and Orissa
steadily reduced ties with the imperial court in Delhi. Even though Alivardi Khan did not
formally defy the imperial authority, but for all practical purposes there emerged an
independent state in eastern India during this period. Two important ways of showing
imperial control over province-payment of an annual tribute to the emperor and
appointment of higher provincial officials by the emperor were not visible during Alivardi's
regime.
Awadh towards autonomy - After being prevented time and again from playing a larger
role in the Mughal imperial politics Sadat Khan concentrated his energies in consolidating
his authority in Awadh. Saadat Khan devoted his energies to make Awadh an independent
center of authority. Prevailing weaknesses in the imperial administration following the death
of Aurangzeb helped him in fulfilling his ambition. Immediately after taking control of Awadh
Saadat Khan faced strong resistance from numerous rebellious chiefs and rajas in Awadh.
In order to consolidate his position the measures he took were:
# Suppression of rebellious Imal Zamindars.and chieftains,
# Curtailing the authority of the Madad-i-mash grantees,
# Systematising revenue collection, and also
# Negotiation with some local Zamindars.
Saadat Khan left a legacy of the semi-autonomous regional political system to his
successor
Safdar Jang. Under Safdar Jung, the internal organization and working of the
administration was no longer dependent on imperial dictates. Moreover, he did not consider
it obligatory to send regular tributes to Delhi. Between 1739 and 1764 Awadh attained
higher autonomy. The outward allegiance to the Emperor was still maintained, for example,
# Emperor's formal confirmation was taken for the appointment in the high offices,
# Revenues were sent to the imperial treasury,
# Orders, Titles, etc. were given in the name of the Mughal Emperor, etc.

However, Safdar Jang tried his best to strengthen the basis of autonomous political system
in Awadh. Safdar Jang's successor Shuja-ud-daula achieved greater success in
consolidating the expanding frontiers of the province and in adjusting the relations of his
independent Suba with the Mughal empire. Like his predecessors, Shuja-ud-daula also did
not completely cut off the ties with the Mughal emperor. He also took the confirmation from
the emperor for this throne. However, he successfully outmaneuvered the emperor's
attempt to extend the imperial control over north India. Shuja-ud-daula was able to re-
establish the dominance of Awadh over the imperial court and got the appointment of
Wazir. Thus he successfully maintained the autonomous political system that developed in
Awadh in the first half of the 18th century.

By Gaurav Saini at March 13, 2020

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