Narcissists’ Perceptions
of Narcissistic Behavior
William Hart, Gregory K. Tortoriello,
and Kyle Richardson
Abstract
Do narcissists view their narcissistic reputations
and behavior as a curse or a blessing? Herein, we
reviewed studies that have addressed narcissists’
(a) awareness of their narcissistic reputation and
behavior, (b) evaluations of their narcissistic
traits and behavior, (c) perspective on their pro-
totypical narcissistic action as strategic (i.e., a
pattern of behavior designed to accomplish
goals) vs. impulse-driven, and (d) evaluation of
other narcissists. Our review suggested that nar-
cissists are generally aware that they are more
“narcissistic,” view their own prototypical nar-
cissistic traits and behaviors as both rather ben-
eficial and highly strategic, and are more tolerant
of other people that behave narcissistically.
Perhaps this constellation of findings suggests
that “narcissism” possesses subjective logic and
can be understood in terms of straightforward
normative models of human behavior (e.g., peo-
ple act “narcissistically” because they think
“narcissistic” images lead to more favorable life
outcomes). We conclude by discussing areas for
future research in this vein.
Keywords
Social perception · Self-awareness · Self-­
presentation · Reputation · Social desirability
W. Hart (*) · G. K. Tortoriello · K. Richardson
University of Alabama, Tuscaloosa, AL, USA
e-mail: william.p.hart@ua.edu
© Springer International Publishing AG, part of Springer Nature 2018
A. D. Hermann et al. (eds.), Handbook of Trait Narcissism,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92171-6_30
30
· Impression formation · Beliefs · Self-­
regulation · Goals
Narcissists1 have a strong desire to be admired
yet tend to be more offensive, rude, antagonistic/
hostile, vain, selfish, arrogant, and manipulative
than non-narcissists (Adams, Florell, Burton, &
Hart, 2014; Miller et al., 2011; Wink, 1991). On
the surface, this constellation of apparently nega-
tive traits seems odd—even ironic—to character-
ize a person who is presumably intent on being
admired. This paradox raises the question of
what narcissists are doing, or more critically
what they think they are doing, when they behave
narcissistically. It seems possible that narcissists
recognize the error of their ways and might
regard their prototypical narcissistic behavior as
a curse. For example, Vazire and Funder (2006)
We note two features about how narcissism was opera-
1 
tionalized for this chapter. First, although narcissism may
come in at least two varieties—grandiose and vulnerable
narcissism (Wink, 1991)—when using the term “narcis-
sism” or “narcissist,” we are referring to its grandiose
form. Grandiose narcissism more closely approximates
definitions of narcissistic personality disorder (Miller &
Campbell, 2011; Raskin & Terry, 1988) and has received
far greater research attention, particularly in reference to
the subject of this chapter. Second, our review focuses on
studies of narcissism as a dimensional personality trait (in
nonclinical samples) rather than as a clinical diagnosis. To
this point, our use of the term “narcissist” is mere short-
hand for individuals that score high on grandiose narcis-
sism measures.
283
284
showed that narcissists admit to being impulsive
and suggested narcissistic action reflects this
weakness. Baumeister and Vohs (2001) sug-
gested that narcissists’ boasting and pretentious
displays reflect an “addiction” to self-esteem.
Perhaps narcissists, like many addicts, come to
view their narcissistic behavior as compelled,
uncontrollable, a weakness, and a source of
shame and cause of personal hardship (e.g., job
loss, poor relationship outcomes). Or perhaps
narcissists simply lack self-insight and are
unaware that they behave narcissistically. Indeed,
some theorists have described narcissists’ inter-
personal style as “tone-deaf” (Wallace, 2011),
and other theorists have suggested narcissists’
displays are for self-gratification and are not
designed to create desired audience reactions
(Morf & Rhodewalt, 2001).
Alternatively, none of these ideas might accu-
rately depict what narcissists think about narcis-
sism. In fact, narcissists might be highly aware of
their narcissistic reputations and perceive their
narcissistic behavior as largely under their con-
trol and—in some ways—adaptive. From the
perspective of self-presentation theory
(Schlenker, 1980, 2003), human behavior is
designed to project subjectively desired identity
images to audiences. Even apparently irrational
and self-defeating patterns of human behavior
including mental illness (e.g., schizophrenia;
Braginsky, Braginsky, & Ring, 1969) and other
aberrant behavior (e.g., antisocial behavior;
Schlenker, 1980; Tedeschi & Felson, 1994) have
been traced to strategic attempts to project sub-
jectively desired identities. It is worth noting that
self-reports of narcissism, such as the Narcissistic
Personality Inventory (NPI; Raskin & Terry,
1988), contain items (e.g., “modesty does not
become me”) that require insight into one’s own
narcissistic traits and that individuals that tend to
score higher on such measures are happier, more
satisfied with their lives, higher in self-esteem,
and less likely to suffer from negative social emo-
tions such as social anxiety, fear of evaluation, or
depression (Hart, Adams, & Tortoriello, 2017;
Sedikides, Rudich, Gregg, Kumashiro, &
Rusbult, 2004). These adaptive associations in
conjunction with an apparent self-awareness of
W. Hart et al.
their narcissism imply that narcissists might view
their narcissistic qualities as an asset and under
their control.
Here, we will review a collection of findings
that shed light on narcissists’ perspective on pro-
totypical narcissistic traits and behaviors. First,
we will review studies that have assessed whether
narcissists are (a) aware of their higher standing
on narcissistic traits and their narcissistic reputa-
tion, (b) hold different evaluations of narcissistic
traits, and (c) perceive their prototypical narcis-
sistic action (e.g., bragging, aggression, risky
behavior, sexual infidelity) as goal-directed (e.g.,
strategic and tactical) or largely outside of their
control (analogous to a curse or an addiction).
Second, we will review studies that have exam-
ined how narcissists perceive others’ narcissism.
Indeed, narcissists’ reactions toward others’ nar-
cissistic action can provide additional insight into
how they truly regard narcissism and prototypical
narcissistic action. For example, although it is
possible that narcissists might conceal their nega-
tive reactions toward their own narcissistic quali-
ties to maintain self-esteem, such concealment
seems less likely when evaluating someone else’s
narcissistic qualities.
 arcissists’ Awareness of Their
N
Narcissism, Attitudes
Toward Narcissistic Traits,
and Perceived Control over and
Utility of Narcissistic Action
Research suggests that narcissists seem aware of
their narcissistic reputation and acknowledge
possessing narcissistic traits (Carlson, 2013; Hart
& Adams, 2014; Raskin & Terry, 1988). For
example, in Carlson, Vazire, and Oltmanns
(2011), participants rated their own reputation
and personality traits and then indicated their
perception of how a new acquaintance (met
­during the study session) and an old acquaintance
(someone they knew well) would rate their repu-
tation and personality traits. Results revealed that
narcissists not only rated themselves higher in
prototypical narcissistic traits (i.e., arrogant,
power-oriented, braggart) but also indicated that
30  Narcissists’ Perceptions of Narcissistic Behavior
both new and old acquaintances would rate them
higher on those traits (Carlson et al., 2011). A dif-
ferent study revealed that narcissists indicated
enhanced agreement with the statement “I am a
narcissist” (Konrath, Meier, & Bushman, 2014).
Other work has addressed narcissists’ evalua-
tion of their narcissistic traits. This work suggests
narcissists have a more favorable view of narcis-
sism and might aspire toward establishing narcis-
sistic traits. For example, in Carlson (2013), after
participants rated themselves on various person-
ality traits including narcissistic traits, they sub-
sequently rated their perception of each trait’s
social and personal desirability along with the
degree that each trait represented their ideal self.
Carlson (2013) reasoned that if narcissists have
insight into their narcissism, they will not only
acknowledge their narcissistic traits but also (a)
rate them as ideal traits to possess and (b)
acknowledge that their traits are desirable for the
self (but not necessarily for others). Consistent
with Carlson et al. (2011), narcissists rated them-
selves higher in narcissistic traits; narcissists also
rated narcissistic traits as more desirable for the
self (but not necessarily for others) and indicated
that their ideal self would possess more narcis-
sistic traits. Likewise, Raskin and Terry (1988)
showed that narcissists rated their ideal self as
more narcissistic as well as more competitive,
aggressive, autocratic, and antagonistic.
Furthermore, Raskin, Novacek, and Hogan
(1991) showed that narcissists’, relative to non-­
narcissists’, self-esteem seems more strongly
based in prototypical narcissistic traits (e.g.,
dominance, grandiosity, hostility).
Evidence is also emerging that narcissists
view prototypical narcissistic behaviors as goal-­
directed action that makes favorable impressions.
Hart, Adams, and Burton (2016) addressed
whether narcissists’ bragging and showy displays
might, in part, follow from greater endorsement
of the notion that self-promotion begets positive
impressions from audiences. The researchers
speculated that because narcissists prize agentic
traits (capability, power, persistence), they might
assume (egocentrically) that these traits are
prized by others and, in turn, endorse self-­
promotion—which entails highlighting one’s
285
agentic traits—as a more effective means to win
favor. To address this issue, participants indicated
the extent to which they believed agentic traits
and self-promotion make positive impressions
and then reported how frequently they engage in
self-promotion. A latent path model revealed that
narcissists believed agentic traits are more prized
by others, and this belief predicted enhanced
endorsement of self-promotion (bragging and
showing off) as instrumental to winning favor,
which, in turn, predicted more frequent use of
self-promotion behavior. A different study sug-
gested a similar conclusion using experimental
methods (Paulhus, Westlake, Calvez, & Harms,
2013). In this study, participants completed a
simulated job interview and were either moti-
vated to make a favorable impression because
they believed the interviewer was an expert or de-­
motivated because they believed the interviewer
was a novice. The interviews were taped and
coded for instances of participants’ self-­
promotion. Interestingly, participants’ narcissism
related to enhanced self-promotion when motiva-
tion to make a good impression was high (expert-­
interviewer condition) but related to reduced
self-promotion when motivation was low
(novice-­interviewer condition). Hence, narcis-
sists engage in self-promotion only when suffi-
ciently motivated to make a winning impression,
which suggests that they perceive their self-­
promotion—a key feature of narcissism—as a
means to make a good impression.
Additional research suggests that narcissists
perceive their provoked aggression as instrumen-
tal rather than reactive. In Adams and Hart
(2016), narcissists self-reported that they desired
to project an image of “toughness” in the face of
provocation, and this enhanced desire mediated
effects of narcissism on self-report indices of
provoked aggression. Other work suggests that
narcissists perceive their provoked aggression as
originating from goals to assert dominance and
strength over an opponent rather than as arising
from anger or negative feelings (Hart, Adams, &
Tortoriello, 2017; Krizan & Johar, 2015).
Furthermore, Ferriday, Vartanian, and Mandel
(2011) showed that narcissists’ provoked aggres-
sion is only enhanced under conditions of public
286
provocation. Participants imagined receiving
either positive or negative personal feedback in a
private or public setting. After, participants imag-
ined completing a task in which they could
deliver blasts of noise to the person that provided
the feedback as part of an experimental task.
Results revealed that narcissism predicted
enhanced aggression (louder noise blasts for lon-
ger durations) toward the feedback provider only
when the feedback was negative and delivered in
public. Presumably, because narcissists’ aggres-
sion is for appearances (e.g., looking “tough” to
others), they only react with aggression to public
displays of disrespect.
Other research suggests that narcissists view
their “impulsive/risky behavior” as an asset that
is, ironically, controlled (Hart, Richardson,
Tortoriello, & Tullett, 2017). Indeed, because
power implies personal freedom and reduced fear
of censure or risk (Korda, 1975), narcissists
might assume that power can be exuded by
appearing as if one is not curtailing impulses or
urges (i.e., projecting the image: “I do what I
want when I want because I am a boss!”). Hart,
Richardson, et  al. (2017) had participants com-
plete an index of power motivation, indicate their
desire to project a low-self-control image (e.g.,
wanting to be viewed as “unfiltered,” “fearless,”
and “self-indulgent”), and then self-report how
frequently they intentionally acted in ways that
would project this low self-control image to audi-
ences. Narcissists (vs. non-narcissists) indicated
(a) an enhanced desire to project a low-self-­
control image and (b) more frequently intention-
ally acting in ways to project a low-self-control
image. Moreover, narcissists’ enhanced power
motivation contributed to their enhanced desire
to project a low-self-control image and their
more frequent staging of ostensible low
self-control.
From the perspective of narcissists, then, per-
haps a great deal of their narcissistic behavior is a
tactical, rational approach to presenting a desired
image of the self. Such a possibility was addressed
in a recent set of studies (Hart, Adams, Burton, &
Tortoriello, 2017). In one study, participants
completed the Self-Presentation Tactics Scale
(SPTS; Lee, Quigley, Nesler, Corbett, &
W. Hart et al.
Tedeschi, 1999), which measures tactical self-­
presentation behavior including (among others)
self-enhancement, entitlement, intimidation,
ingratiation, and “blasting” (speaking negatively
about apparent rivals). Prior to completing the
SPTS, participants read a description of each tac-
tic and rated its utility for making a desired
impression. Narcissism related to heightened use
of tactics such as self-enhancement, entitlement,
intimidation, ingratiation, and blasting and to
enhanced perceptions of these tactics’ utility.
Hence, the bragging, the entitlement, the glib
charm, and the antagonism that largely define
“narcissistic” behavior are, from the perspective
of the narcissist, tactical choices that support
images of power, confidence, competence, influ-
ence, and toughness. Indeed, other work suggests
narcissists’ flouting of etiquette rules appears to
be a strategy to attract attention (Adams et  al.,
2014), and narcissists’ enhanced jealousy induc-
tion in mates is a means to demonstrate their
mate value and gain power in romantic relation-
ships (Tortoriello, Hart, Richardson, & Tullett,
2017).
 o Narcissists Identify a Silver
D
Lining in Others’ Narcissism?
If narcissists truly have a more favorable view of
narcissistic traits and have a greater appreciation
for the utility and strategy behind narcissistic
behavior, then, in theory, they should show
greater tolerance for others’ off-putting narcissis-
tic traits and behaviors. Hart and Adams (2014)
had participants rate how much they liked off-­
putting narcissistic traits (arrogant, rude, aggres-
sive) and non-narcissistic traits (gentle,
cooperative, caring) in others. Although non-­
narcissistic traits were markedly preferred over
narcissistic traits, narcissism related to enhanced
liking of narcissistic traits and reduced liking of
non-narcissistic traits. In a different study,
Lamkin, Maples-Keller, and Miller (2017)
showed that narcissism related to enhanced lik-
ing of antagonism and disinhibition in others,
two traits symptomatic of narcissistic personali-
ties. Wallace, Grotzinger, Howard, and Parkhill
30  Narcissists’ Perceptions of Narcissistic Behavior
(2015) assessed participants’ impressions of indi-
viduals who made a series of narcissistic or non-­
narcissistic statements. Participants showed a
marked preference for individuals who made
non-narcissistic statements, but narcissism
related to more positive impressions in the
narcissistic-­statement condition and more nega-
tive impressions in the non-narcissistic statement
condition. But, it appears that narcissists are not
more tolerant of others’ “bad” behavior that is
not prototypically narcissistic (Wallace, Scheiner,
& Grotzinger, 2016). Hence, it is possible that
narcissists are selectively tolerant of “bad”
behavior that is narcissistic.
Perhaps narcissists might see others’ narcis-
sistic behaviors in a more positive light. For
example, if exposed to someone boasting, narcis-
sists might see a person acting confidently,
whereas a non-narcissist might see a person act-
ing egotistically. To test this idea, Burton et  al.
(2017) exposed participants to brief video clips
of trained narcissistic and non-narcissistic actors.
In the video clips, actors consistently responded
to interview questions in ways that implied either
high (the narcissistic condition) or low (the non-­
narcissistic condition) levels of “grandiose exhi-
bitionism,” “entitlement/exploitativeness,” and
leadership/authority beliefs. After watching the
clips, participants completed a measure of liking
for the actor and a measure of how they perceived
the actor’s behavior. Specifically, they completed
a series of scales that offered an opportunity to
describe the actor’s behavior in euphemistic (e.g.,
confident, assertive, authentic) or negative (e.g.,
arrogant, aggressive, rude) terms. In the narcis-
sistic actor condition, narcissism related to
enhanced use of euphemistic terms to describe
the actor’s behavior and enhanced liking; in the
non-narcissistic actor condition, however, narcis-
sism related to reduced use of euphemistic terms
and reduced liking. In sum, narcissists seemed
more likely to perceive others’ spontaneous acts
of narcissism as conveying positive (vs. negative)
personality qualities.
Notably, patterns consistent with this “narcis-
sistic tolerance” also appear when analyzing nar-
cissists’ social networks. In the context of
romantic relationships, some evidence suggests
287
narcissists pursue mates with narcissistic traits
(e.g., Campbell, 1999; Keller et  al., 2014;
Lamkin, Campbell, vanDellen, & Miller, 2015;
see also, Grosz, Dufner, Back, & Denissen, 2015.
Other work has explored the characteristics
which narcissists deem desirable in friendships.
In Jonason and Schmitt (2012), narcissists indi-
cated a multitude of reasons to pursue friend-
ships, some of which implied a preference for
narcissistic friends. In addition to seeking simi-
larity in interests, narcissists appeared to seek
friends who are strong, intelligent, physically
attractive, and high in social status. Also, when
modeled with other Dark Triad traits
(Machiavellianism and psychopathy), narcissism
negatively related to desiring a “kind” friend (a
non-narcissistic trait).
Future Research
Future research might examine whether the find-
ings we reviewed involving grandiose narcissism
apply to vulnerable narcissism. On the one hand,
similar to their grandiose counterparts, vulnera-
ble narcissists might evaluate narcissistic traits
more positively (in the self and others) and some-
times see their narcissistic actions as rational
choices. Indeed, grandiose and vulnerable narcis-
sists alike possess narcissistic reputations (Wink,
1991), consider themselves “narcissists”
(Konrath et  al., 2014), and strategically self-­
present narcissistic traits (e.g., entitlement; Hart,
Adams, Burton, et al., 2017). On the other hand,
unlike grandiose narcissists, vulnerable narcis-
sists possess reduced self-esteem (Dickinson &
Pincus, 2003), which suggests they might loath
their social identities. Also, vulnerable narcissists
do not appear to pursue narcissists as romantic
partners (Lamkin et  al., 2015) and do not rate
traits such as antagonism or reduced inhibition
more positively (Lamkin et al., 2017). Hence, it
remains unclear whether vulnerable narcissists
might view their (or others’) narcissism as bene-
ficial or useful as grandiose narcissists do. Given
calls to integrate both grandiose and vulnerable
subtypes in theorizing (e.g., Dickinson & Pincus,
2003; Hart, Adams, & Tortoriello, 2017;
288 W. Hart et al.

Krizan & Herlache, 2017; Miller et  al., 2011), appearance that might improve their ability to
we believe vulnerable narcissists’ perspective on effectively self-promote, antagonize others, flirt,
narcissism warrants future research attention. ingratiate, and intimidate others. In sum, there
Future research might examine possible rea- remains a need to better understand how narcis-
sons why narcissists perceive narcissistic action sists perceive narcissism in terms of normative-
(or narcissistic traits) as more useful and desir- decision criteria (e.g., Ajzen, 1991), and such
able. In addition to anticipating that some narcis- insights will help researchers develop more accu-
sistic actions might elicit more favorable audience rate theories of narcissism and possibly suggest
reactions (Hart et al., 2016), narcissistic actions practical advice to change narcissistic behaviors.
might appear more useful in light of narcissists’
enhanced competitive drive. For example, given
(grandiose and vulnerable) narcissists’ highly Conclusion
competitive nature (Luchner, Houston, Walker, &
Houston, 2011; Raskin & Terry, 1988), prototyp- From an outsider’s perspective, narcissists’
ical narcissistic actions might be viewed as useful behavior might often seem maladaptive and puz-
tactics to gain a competitive edge. Indeed, in the zling. After all, how could a group so bent on
arena of competitive sport, boasting, antagonism, being admired also be inclined toward apparently
intimidation, and hypersensitivity (e.g., having dishonorable behavior? But some of this mystery
“a chip on one’s shoulder”)—apparently key fea- starts to unravel when we consider narcissists’
tures of “narcissism”—are normative strategies perspective on their narcissism. Narcissists view
to win matches (Rainey & Granito, 2010). prototypical narcissistic traits more favorably and
Presumably, if narcissists felt less competitive, prototypical narcissistic actions as more useful
the apparent utility of (and engagement in) nar- and desirable. Indeed, although traits like humil-
cissistic action would decline. ity and agreeableness are features of non-­
To date, research has considered narcissists’ narcissism that engender positive impressions
beliefs regarding the utility or desirability of nar- and social adjustment (Carnegie, 1936), narcis-
cissistic qualities, but additional beliefs about sistic behaviors can, when used appropriately, be
narcissistic qualities remain unexamined. Insofar instrumental in appearing capable, powerful,
as narcissism is sometimes a rational choice resilient, confident, and adept at winning compe-
(Hart, Adams, Burton, et  al., 2017; Hart et  al., titions (Jones & Pittman, 1982). In this light, nar-
2016), narcissism could be guided by beliefs cissists view their narcissistic behavior as tactical,
regarding the normativity of and one’s ability to tolerable, and useful for projecting the agentic
execute narcissistic behavior (e.g., self-­images they particularly desire.
promotion, intimidation; e.g., Ajzen, 1991).
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