Indigenous Religious Associations: The multi-functionality of Tsewa1 Mahiber

in Gondar, Ethiopia

Marshet Girmay Endeshaw2

Abstract
This essay seeks to explore the role of religious associations in the lives of the community and to
provide some insight into the basis and functions of tsewa mahiber. This research was an
ethnographic work where the researcher in person involved in the ritual practice. The findings
revealed that tsewa mahiber is a voluntary and mutual aid religious community associations
peculiar to Orthodox religion followers. Tsewa mahiber as a voluntary religious association
have become important adjuncts for therapy for a vast array of personal and social problems in
the community. In this association people primarily join for common religious goal and to take
collective actions in addressing different issues pertaining to the socio-economic situations in the
region. They are the viable basis in the creation of social network which plays crucial roles in
providing risk coping, information, entertainment and social transgressions, and conflict
resolution. They are also regularly organizing pilgrimage to the well-known religious places in
Ethiopia. Thus, the study concludes that the existed social cohesion and harmony is due to the
uninterrupted functionality of these types of religious associations in the community. It needs to
sustain with all the traditions and any update against the finding blocks must be prohibited.

Keywords: Tsewa Mahiber, Orthodox Christianity, Indigenous, religious association, Gondar

1
Tsewa literally means sacred pot
2
Marshet Girmay Endeshaw is Assistant professor of History in the University of Gondar, Ethiopia. You can reach
him via Marshetg5@gmail.com
Introduction

The Ethiopian Orthodox Church is a fascinating study in indigenization. Its deep rootage in the
lives of the people is evidenced by the way in which people are organized themselves in the
names of one of the major saints for they have one fixed feast day in a month. In the Ethiopian
Orthodox Church tradition the honor accorded to saints. The prefix Holy is an attribute to denote
the nature of God since God is Holy by nature. Hence, the word holiness is given to saints and
blessed people who are at the service of Him who is Holy by nature. We address angels as saints.
We call them since they are free from all evil things, act, and go in God’s way and praise him.
Blessed people who have attained angelic status also called saints. God himself has said “Be
Holy, because I, the Lord your God, am Holy” (Lev. 19:2). Prophets, Apostles, Saints and
Martyrs have been accorded the honor of holiness and beatiudeness for they gave their lives for
the sake of God. But, above all these, the Virgin Mary, the mother of God is the incomparable
saint; she is therefore called Holy of Holies. There are 33 feasts assigned for the Virgin Mary in
her name that people who have a fond and strong reverence to opt of one or more to
commemorate. Each has its own episode attached with that can be inferred into many ways.
Some of them are commemorated monthly and others are in a year time. All the above feasts
were added from the already existed four feasts (Ledeta, Be’ata, Felseta and Asterio) in the
name of Virgin Mary by Emperor Zera Yacob (Birhanu Gobena, 2000; Abune Gorgorios cited in
Kahsay Gebre Egziabher, 2018: 298).

Gondar is the most prominent medieval city in Ethiopia. The medieval castle situated at the
nucleus of the town is the trade mark for Gondar and is one of the UNESCO registered site in
Ethiopia. Religion has been flourished and many churches were constructed during the zenith
period of Gondar. It is commonly referred as the site of 44 tabots or arc of the covenant for there
are 44 ancient churches, most of them constructed by Gondarine kings. Despite the fact that
Gondar is a town where multiple religion and religious practice existed, Orthodox Christianity is
the dominant one.

1
The religious practices of Orthodox Christianity in Gondar has caught the eyes of both local and
international tourists and Gondar host millions during the 2020 Epiphany. Gondar is also unique
in the country in the practice of adereshegn3 held from August 1 to 16 in the Ethiopian Calendar
dedicated to Virgin Mary and has been given a different flavor to the town. This season is the
most thrilling in Gondar that people overwhelmed in day to day gathering and religious practice.
Briefly speaking, the prevalent of conservative kind of religious practice from Orthodox
followers characterized Gondar as a town. Gondar Orthodox Christians are known for their deep
religiosity. That is why Gondar is chosen by the researcher for exploring tsewa mahiber and its
multiple functions in the community.

Research Method

The ontological position of the researcher is constructivism combined with interpretivism as an

epistemological stance. It is a constructivist research paradigm fits the purpose of this research
by which the research participants constructed meanings and views by themselves. According to
Creswell (2009), the constructivist research paradigm is characterized by its emphasis on the
social construction of knowledge. In the study of tsewa mahiber and its functions in the
community, constructivist research paradigm is important for members of the association to
understand the real meaning attached with the rituals, help them to develop their view towards
the social phenomenon happening there and is helpful for the researcher to come up with his
understanding of the social reality from the insiders point of view. Creswell (2009) underlines
that constructivism paradigm is using a qualitative approach to understand the meaning of social
phenomenon from the participants perspective. Thus, the study used qualitative approach so as to
develop contextualized understanding of the social reality. Ethnographic research design was
used as an appropriate data collection tool (Agar, 1986; Glaser and Strauss, 1967). Detailed and

3
Adereshegn is a unique religious feature in Gondar. It happens only in the first two weeks of August and ends up
in the 16th in Ethiopian Calendar. The term is all about appearing every year in the feast and is a pry to Saint Mary.
A group of Orthodox Christians organized based on their geographic proximity or common interest or may be in
the family meet every day late in the afternoon. They eat and drink (the type of food and drink is varied across
groups) and enjoy together for consecutive 15 days. The turn to prepare the food is based on lot. Mostly, it is kolo,
roasted grain with tea every day for 15 days but the wind up ceremony on the 16th is depending on the amount of
money they contribute or have in their deposit. Recently, few groups emerged who organized a large feast in the
big tent outside home and cattle have been slaughtering. So many alcoholic drinks are there. There are also others
who prepare large for the needy during the final day. The entire fortnight during this season is quite different in
Gondar. The way people talk, the song leaked in the café or restaurant, and regular kidase that dominated by
children characterized the season.

2
descriptive data was collected. This method helped the researcher to get involved in the rituals in
person and give insights from the emic perspective (Kelle, 1997). Immense emic issues have
been utilized, as a result, and in fully capturing the reality in its real context. Cumulatively, this
all helped the researcher to come up with opulent qualitative data that consolidated the analysis.

There are 9 couples and 3 singles plus the priest in the tsewa mahiber. All males including the
priest were purposively selected for the interview and the remaining were useful during the
informal conversation and discussion. Observation was another important data collection tool
that the study employed that enriches the researchers understanding of the reality.

Historical Background of Tsewa Mahiber

It is believed that tsewa mahiber has a biblical origin. As informants told me it is hard to
accurately define the beginning of this tradition but is a common practice since hundreds years
ago. There are stories in the bible supporting this tradition. Mat. 18:19-20 in the bible says “….
ሁለት ወይም ሶስት በስሜ በሚሰበሰቡበት በዚያ በመካከላቸው እሆናለሁ” lit. For where two or three
gather in my name, there am I with them. There are also word by word commandments to offer,
at least, a drop of water in one of the names of his followers for reciprocity from God in
posterity.

Mahiber means association or unity or is a self-help fraternity. The Amharic definition given by
Aleqa Kidane-Wold Kifle reads as “ማህበር አንድነት ጉባኤ ሸንጎ ብዙ ሰው ማለት ነው፡፡ ማህበር

ብዙዎች ተሰብስበው እንደ አንድ ልብ መካሪ፤ እንደ አንድ ቃል ተናጋሪ ሆነው እርስ በርሳቸው

የሚረዳዱበት፤ የሚተጋገዙበት፤ ብዙዎች ስለአንድ፤ አንድ ስለ ብዙ የሚሆኑበት ብልሃት ነው” lit. Mahiber
means congregation of people. It is an assembly by those who makes treaty and speaks as one in
order to help one another, by which one stands for all and all for one.

Religiously, it was Jesus who was the founder of mahiber that contains ‘120 family’ from his
followers who are recognized as the first founders of the religion. As it is documented in the
Hamar magazine4 1998, the origin of mahiber was associated with the first Christians. “The first
Christians used to come together and eat. They used to call this food “the food of love” or
“agape”. According to this magazine, sharing of food and drink was the central element of the

4
Hamar magazine is periodically published magazine by Mahibere-Kidusan in the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido
Church

3
then mahiber among the first followers of Jesus that is adopted by the currently running
mahibers. Giving to the needy is also mandatorily part of the ritual. There are similar
developments particularly in monasteries. “ድር ቢያብር አንበሳ ያስር” lit. When webs of a spider
join together, they can trap a lion, is a well-grounded proverb in Ethiopia that shows the
necessity of unity or association. Thus, different kinds of self-help associations have been existed
in the community for communal benefits. The focus of this paper is on a religious association in
the name of Tsewa Mahiber. It is not quite different from the other religious association in its
content and objective except in its membership size. They are only twelve in tsewa mahiber but
is large or small in other religious-based associations. There are two reasons why twelve is a
limit. First is to copy the example of the twelve followers of Jesus and the second one is for
partitioning the twelve months among them. Based on lot they rotationally run the mahiber in a
year. However, as my informant assured me, there are rare cases that the number surpasses the
limit. For example, those who are gathered in the name of Saint Rufael are mostly thirteen (Liqe
Liqawnint Ezera Haddis).

Members could be from different parts of the region unlike senbete that only accept those who
are worshipping in the same church. The base for tsewa mahiber membership is love, trust and
common goal. In mahiber life love, tolerance and avoiding evil things are considered important
(Kahsay, 1982). In most cases tsewa mahiber is established among similar sex groups. Females
establish tsewa mahiber in the names of Virgin Mary, Kidanemihret, Ledeta, Be’ata, etc whereas
males also in the names of Saint Michael, Saint Gebreal, Abune Teklehaimanot, etc. But, it
doesn’t mean that both cannot establish a tsewa mahiber together. The subject of this
ethnographic research is a case in point. Unlike senbete, tsewa mahiber is held at home in
rotation. There are some cases witnessing that tsewa mahiber is held at one home in a fixed basis
based on the consent of all members (Birhanu, 2000).

My informant told me that, the origin of self-help association is the church itself. In earlier times,
churchmen used religious association as a tool to the newly converted Christians to lead a proper
life in group. Right after conversion and baptism they supposed people to establish tsewa
mahiber by which they gather monthly and teach each other to elevate in wisdom, and to share
experiences, as well (Liqe Liqawenit Ezera Haddis). From the church’s point of view, people
come together and organize to help and feed the needy in the name of the Saint regardless of

4
ethnicity, reciprocity and so on. Members also help the church, particularly newly constructed
churches. Their cooperation goes beyond religious matters (Mamo, 1999). They involved in risk
coping activities and the other forms of support (Ayele, 2003). Due to the existence of strong
spiritual relationship they forbid marriage among themselves as it is forbidden in the nearest
relatives (Ibid). Liqe Liqawenit Ezera Haddis told me an interesting story that youths were
advised to establish tsewa mahiber when they were approaching for marriage called mizewoch
mahiber. They are expected to establish the religious association in the name of ba’ele erget.

One of the famous European travelers during the period of ZemeneMesafint is Natnael Pearce.
During his stay in Ethiopia he has visited Gondar and the surrounding in the first half of the
nineteenth century. In his work “Life and adventures of Nathaniel Pearce,” he witnessed that “in
the evening of 08 March there was a big mahiber where large groups of people eat and drink
near to my residence” (Halls,J., 2014). Then, he continued his narration as a big trouble was
occurred when soldiers from different camps entered into the house hosted members of the
mahiber for they were opponents each other. From this ethnographic work he has clearly
elaborated that organizing a mahiber was a common practice in the region. He has witnessed that
a house organizing the event was busy enough throughout the day by serving guests. The way
they dress to serve their guests was different from other normal days. Symbolically, it has a
message of respect to their guests.

The tradition maintained until recent time. The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church
understand that religious associations should play the expected role in the society. For its proper
materialization the church found that a kind of rule is important to be drafted. The church has
issued a custom pertaining to religious associations in 30 Ginbot 1945 E.C. The custom issued in
the newspaper authorized and published by the church; ዜና ቤተክርስቲያን lit. News of the church.
The central theme of the custom at no. 100 is all about the purpose of tsewa mahiber as its very
purpose is to congregate people in love. All the foods and drinks prepared in the name of the
mahiber is devoted to the needy than to the members. The aim is beyond that. They need to
contribute money they can and help those who are suffering. During the assembly they need to
learn each about why they are there and there should be a decent climate without high noise of
music.

5
What is going on in the Kidanemihret Tsewa Mahiber in Azezo, Gondar?

This tsewa mahiber, in the name of Kidanemihret, was first established by five people some
thirty years ago. The number of members gradually increased and now is 12 excluding the priest
who is responsible to lead prayers and teach gospel. All are married but are not founders of the
mahiber. Some inherited from their families and others joined late substituting those who left the
region for several reasons. Membership is now closed for they agreed to limit the number for it
has exceeded from the implicit limit, 12. The turn for the feast is determined by lot. Three lots
draw for three consecutive months at a time. The head of the mahiber called Muse is also
selected by lot and serves as long as he continues in the mahiber. The muse is always responsible
to control the tempo of the mahiber in addition to drawing the lot hosting for the successive
months and leading the handover ceremony. As much as possible the formal gathering
commenced after the official prayer given by the priest when they make sure that the dominant
number has availed. If there are late comers for unavoidable reasons, they explain why before
they take their seat in front of the mass and penalty is up to the remaining who were listening the
reason. If they are convinced they leave them if not uncodified penalty could be applied. When
anyone comes to home they make slow bow and kiss the cross of the priest before they take seat.
All females are wearing a uniform female’s dress which is traditionally fashioned but not the
husbands. They told me that they have bought it by contributing money for almost a year (200
birrr monthly). No one is allowed to wear a different cloth than the one conventionally accepted
by all members during the day. Female members told me that they are planning to force their
husbands to buy uniform traditional cloth in the near future. It has nothing to do with the
objective of the mahiber, according to my informants, but adds grace and quality.

Regarding the setting of the gathering, the house is decorated with and is clean to the utmost.
Lush-meadow, a bed of green grass, choffe in Amharic, is lavishly spread on the floor and they
light candles, as well. The host family is busy enough in realizing that everything is in order
before the arrival of members. When the time is approached only the husband and the wife are
ready to receive their guests. After all are available at home, the sitting arrangement is something
that caught my eye. Women sit on one side and men on the other side and the priest in between
in a symbolically dignified chair. The costume that the priest used symbolically manifested some
kind of power. The priest is given tella, a traditional and locally made alcoholic drink, by a

6
drinking horn called wancha 5 or goblet which is a different type than other members. The
material is made from the horn of ox.

Organized around Orthodox Christianity, religious mahiber has an explicit religious and spiritual
purpose. Tsewa mahiber is being placed outside the church; however, they can create links to the
church if they choose to, i.e., through the father confessor being present in the gathering,
involving the church in making the bylaws for the mahiber, or by establishing a mahiber for the
specific purpose of serving the church by providing labor or money for a particular cause. The
priest is not a necessary part of the association but works as a kind of conduit to Christ through
the holy water and the tsewa, the sacred ritual pot, that all members drink from to symbolize
their unity. The priest enable and catalyze, but the association is not merely dependent on the
presence of a priest. As Pankhusrt, underlines mahiber and senbete show the existence of a way
of dialogue between the church and the faithful (Pankhurst, 1998).

There is a well decorated food-table, Masob, made of basketwork and is peculiar to Ethiopia at
the center in which big circle bread is placed in. The bread is ceremonially blessed and cut in
small size and distributed to all as a beginning. The remaining piece left for the late comers
because they won’t rush to eat enjira6 without having the sanctification (a piece of bread a priest
made a prayer over which). One glass of tella is also presented with the bread during the
inception pray that is given at hand for all so as to only get the blessings. For them it is a lesson
learnt from what Jesus has done in his days at earth. This is documented in the Matthew gospel
(26:27) as “He picked up a glass of wine and given to his ministers after making a prayer, then
said drink it.”

The type of food presented next to the sanctification is up to the economic ability of the man
during the non-fasting periods. During the fasting season it is obvious that the food is fasting
food. In the feast I have attended, for example, was injera with two types of wot, stew, made
from meat. The priest told me that years ago food is served in group at one food-table. Some six
people arranged in one group based on sex. The priest is disappointed by the loss of this
5
Today, the real wancha made from an ox horn is almost disappearing. Some available are inherited from parents.
It has its own symbolic meaning for those who are using it. They are children’s of those who are from the royal
family or an equivalent status. However, its replica made from other plastic materials are available in the market
with least cost. Even, many people are deceived as they are told that it is the real one.
6
Injera similar to Indian chapatti but thinner and a little bit sour, loaf (Abyssinica Dictionary, available online at
dictionary.abyssinica.com)

7
tradition. Today, each member is receiving a plate and grab some pieces of enjera that he/she
thought is suffice for them. Pieces of additions are rotating now and then by the host family
serving that ritual. The type of drink is multiple. Tella is dominant and there are locally prepared
soft drinks (abesh, kinito and bubugn) for the non-alcoholic people and who prefer it for some
health reason. Water is also there for children and others who prefer it. One of the members told
me as he presented bottled water, bottled soft drinks and beer during his turn and ensured me that
it is possible to prepare like this. Some others also do the same when they feel that is the right
time (if their children send money from abroad or if there is special income than the usual or
believed that they have been blessed by God from the unplanned source).

When they left to home they are given a piece of bread to take it home for blessing to share the
blessings to the unattended family members. Before departure, there is a close up pray and
handover the turn to the man responsible for hosting the coming mahiber for the next month. The
priest reads Tamere Maryam, Miracles of Virgin Mary, and let them kiss it one by one. Tamere
Maryam is the only property of this mahiber possessed by the priest and he brings it every
month. The head, muse, called up on both the husband and the wife by saying “ማን ነው

ባለሳምንት ያስጠመድህ በአስራ ስምንት፤ እኔ ነኝ የምትል የኪዳነምህረት ወዳጅ”, lit. who is next? The
one who is the friend of Kidanemehiret. They crossed the netela, white and woven cotton shawl
and quickly appear in front of the mass with a glass of water at hand, and replied as “እኔ አለሁ

የኪዳነምህረት ወዳጅ፤ ቢያውለኝ ቢያውላችሁ ማይ ሹሜ፤ ቄጤማ ጎዝጉዠ እጠብቃችኋለሁ.” Lit. It is

me the friend of Kidanemihret, as God allows to meet safe, will await you making everything in
place. They bow to the earth and show their respect. Then, the priest blessing as follows “አለሁ

እንዳላችሁ አለሁ ትበላችሁ ኪዳነምህረት፤ እንደወደቃችሁ ኃይለ አጋንንትን ትጣልላችሁ፤ ለቀጠሮ

ያብቃን.” Lit. as you answered yes, may Kidanemihret be with you, as you bowed may
Kidanemhiret let the devil down. The leader in a similar tone announces three times for the
successive three hosts and those whose turn is endorsed replied accordingly, “እኔ አለሁ,” “It’s
me.” Whereas the fourth person’s name is not explicitly mentioned and he himself is not
disclosing himself but the leader, muse, implicitly addressing the message as follows, “ባለአራት

ቤትህን አትሳት፤ ተጠራጠር፤ ብቅል ስቀል”, lit. the fourth one should get ready all the necessary,
don’t lose the base.

8
Before the priest is going to wind up by leading a group pray, he let other elderly to give their
blessing to the group because it is believed that their blessing is always worthy next to the priest.
Sometimes during the absence of a priest they are in charge of blessing the gathering and leading
the inception and close up group pray. It is interesting to note that giving veiled insults or
admirations is common from those who give their blessings. If they are comfortable by the food
and drink presented in that day they ironically admired by saying “እንደዚች ያለች ሰነፍ ሴት አይተን

አናውቅም ውሃ መቅዳት አቅቷት ወÖ<ን በቅቤ ብቻ ሰርታዋለች” lit. We have never seen a lazy
woman [like this ] who cooks a straw with butter only because she can’t fetch water. If they are
not happy with the tella, they give veiled insults by saying “ይህን እህል ውሃ ያረገው ማን ነው?” lit.
who filled [it] up with this much water?! Then is completed by a group praying.

The host for the upcoming month began preparation right after they have received the blessing
and endorsed by members. Because they believe that they must give the utmost best for the
Virgin Mary, they invest whatever they can do for this mahiber where they would get the
blessings of St. Mary. It is interesting to recall the story from the bible that abide those who are
going to organize the mahiber. In the Old Testament there was a tradition that people sacrifice
something which is the best of its kind to God. It could be cereals or animals but is the most
beautiful one in the eyes of mankind. It is absolutely wrong and would bring unintended
consequence to sacrifice the least you preferred to God. One of the two sons of Abraham, Kayel,
has presented less worthy sacrifice (residues of his harvest) to God for he thought that God
himself won’t eat so why not anything else but was rejected by God. Whereas his elder Abel
presented a sheep which was a best type among he possessed and God happily accepted his
sacrifice. Therefore, they would collect money from other sources if something at disposal is not
sufficient. One informant told me that he negotiated his Iqub7 members to buy the turn with
some commission for his mahiber was approached at the time he was not well prepared. The
preparation of tella would take a minimum of 21 days in this region. The weather is a
determinant factor. Fermentation is fast in hot temperature and slow in cool areas. Neighbors are
often involved in the preparation though they are not members of the association. One’s burden
in their circle is often viewed as the burden of the other. There is well familiarized Ethiopian
proverb in this regard; “HUd KAT> K›”É c¨< g¡S< ’¨<& KHUd c¨< Ñ@Ö< ’¨<” literally
7
Iquib is an association established by a small group of people in order to provide substantial rotating funding for
members in order to improve their lives and living conditions (Ayele Bekri, 2003).

9
means, fifty lemon is a burden for one person and is jewelry for the fifty. This is all about
cooperation. This ultimately strengthens the relationship among neighbors and the social fabric,
at large.

One thing that is unusual is that the date is flexible. It is on the 16th of the months that
kidanemihret happens. However, for the reason that they are civil servants and can’t avail
themselves mandatorily in that day they are agreed to meet in the nearest weekend if it happens
on the week day. If the 16th of the month comes on Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday, they
agreed to meet in the pre-weekend. It may be 13th, 14thand 15th. If it happens on Thursday and
Friday they meet in the upcoming weekend. In the weekend Thursday is chosen by all members.
It is all about agreement. The priest told me that he has tried to negotiate all the members to
make it in the actual day whenever it happens but is in vain. He continued that there are other
people who are organizing a feast in the name of Saint Mary that happens in the 21th of the
month but is fixed and consistently happens on that day. He is also the priest who provides
blessing for this mahiber. The priest is uncompensated member of the mahiber despite the fact
that other elderly members may provide blessings in his absence by unavoidable reasons. He is
not paid, by the way, but has a spiritual responsibility to provide all these services and
facilitating all the necessary conditions in addition to his church service. Members of the
mahiber, however, buy hand cross, cloth and headdress, hi to the priest, in return.

The time is fixed to meet at 3 pm in the afternoon. However, the priest told me that the time is
not similar in other similar religious associations that he involved but is in the afternoon. The
man in charge of the month call non-members (relatives, neighbors, children also invite their
friends) in a different time when members left the house. It is around 6pm. There is no formal
blessing and praying ceremony during this time for the non-members. Even, the priest may not
be available. All invited guests may not avail themselves at the same time and is not a problem.

During the interview, the man who hosts this month’s gathering (the month when participant
observation has made) told me that “I decided to join this mahiber because my son was survived
from a car accident during this day some 15 years ago. When some 5 died in the accident he was
survived without big harm and that was because of the protection of kidanemihret.” As he told
me all of them have reasons to join this mahiber than other monthly feasts in the name of other
saints. The other guy also told me his reason to join this mahiber that he has seen Saint Mary in

10
his dream telling that he should join kidanemihret mahiber and offer something to the needy in
her name. Another informant invariably proven the religious reason to join this mahiber. This
man explained that when his son became ill the family went look for western medication but in
vain. Instead the child life was saved by his mother who made a sacrifice in the name of
kidanemehiret, and by the child drinking holy water the church of kidanemihret. After this
experience he joined this mahiber. Thus, from the emic perspective it is understood that all other
religious associations in the names of different saints are established by the same and related
reasons. People have a special affection or fond to one of the saints than the other for their
personal reason but it doesn’t mean that one is greater than the other or people are favoring one
and disfovering the other.

However, another informant in the same mahiber told me that he has inherited it from his
parents. His parents were the founders of this mahiber and are passed away. He, thus, maintained
the membership in the names of them to keep their names alive. The mahiber in the community
is even identified by the names of his parent. Thus, there is a risk of losing ground otherwise in
the community. He could be levelled as the one who are unable to maintain the tradition of his
parents. As the one who loves his parents he should adhere to the tradition. He is expected to
keep the names of his parents in the place where they obtained in the community. It is considered
very important for the son to ensure that his parents are not forgotten by taking their place in the
mahiber. The point is to keep their name a live or to let their name be called out. In this way the
community members remember his parents and the son honors them. Raising a child that such
duty reflects well on the parents’ social reputation. “የከሌ ልጅ የቤተሰቦቹን ማህበር ስም

የሚያስጠራበትን ማህበር ሳይከፍል ቀረ” literally means, the son of the anonymous didn’t sustain
his parents’ mahiber. This is a kind of failure in the community. That is why mahiber sometimes
is inherited. I understand this as a social obligation. This legacy membership has no restrictions
when it comes to the member’s gender. A man can replace a woman’s mahiber and a woman can
replace a man in a mixed mahiber. These practices can be interpreted as keeping the memory
alive, but they may also be examples of rituals of affliction.

11
Unlike other days there are many beggars visiting this house, both yekolo temari 8 and other
beggars. They are allowed to sit, unlike other days, and given tella and enjera individually. I
have observed that they are given tella that other members are drinking but enjera from the
accumulated leftovers covered by new piece of enjera. Beggars enjoy drinking tella as long as
the service continues but put the food in their private satchel or knapsack, akofada. Akofada is
made from straw mat and tanned sheep skin worn by traditional school students to collecting
food during their daily door-to-door begging. The inside part is covered by a water proof
material. Some are also poured the tella in their private bottle. Akofada is like a brand for the
kolotemari. You cannot find them without akofada and psalm at their hand. When they cannot
fill akofada they compose a poem as follows:

ከእህት ከወንድምም ከእናት ካባት መርዶ

እጅግ ያሳዝና ያኮፋዳ ባዶ፡፡ (kes Malede Alamerew)

An empty Akofada is worse [to bear] than the news of death of parents.

The role of Tsewa Mahiber: beyond religious matters

Tsewa Mahiber is a voluntary and mutual aid religious community associations peculiar to
Orthodox religion followers. Mahibers are also very crucial informal institutions involved in
various community activities such as serving God, social networking, risk coping, provision of
information, conflict resolution and reconciliation, entertainment and social insurance
((Flemmen, B. A. and Muluemebet, 2016).

Conflict resolution is institutionalized in the mahiber. Time is allotted for conflict resolution and
follows certain procedures. If there are people in conflict, by the proposal of one of the members
to the priest, the priest give a teaching focused on reconciliation and the bad side of conflict. In
the following time he called up on both and ordered them to get bowed and forgive one after the
other as God forgives us. Usually, there are preliminary works done by other members to easily
reconcile but sometimes it takes long and get succeeded. In most cases one of the two parties
may absent in the tsewa mahiber and ask people why. Then, it is discovered that he has a

8
Yekolo temari is church education student. The term is derived from the type of food those students used to eat.
Kolo is literally means small round dough balls roasted grain and eaten as provisions usually on journey. Yekolo
temari is the one who used to eat roasted grain.

12
problem with someone in the tsewa mahiber. Then, some people assigned to go to the home of
that person and deal with the problem. They can solve the problem or not. It is all about positive
perception of an agreement resulting from cooperation, compromise and consensus among
individuals with a set of goal of achieving the best for mutual relationship. A lot of activities
were carried out during this time which required and necessitated solidarity trust and confidence
and credible display of wisdom and whims (Pankhurst, 1998; Mekuria, 1973).

There are no circumstances that they are reluctant to mediate the disputants despite the fact that
they are involved even in serious offenses of the following order: attempted burglary, theft,
slander, personal injury resulting from aggravated assault or inflicted by accident, including the
loss of limbs and willful destruction of property. However, especial incidents that need the full
consent of the family and sometimes other relatives may take an extended time to be negotiated
or sometimes go beyond their level of accommodation. Obviously, criminal cases like homicide
demand other forms of intervention (Mamo, 1999; Briton, 2001). The shemagele formed from
the members of the mahiber deal issues as per other shemageles in the community are doing.
They propose compensation for the loss as a means of arbitration. In this form of conflict
resolution the priest stands before the mass with the hand cross at his right hand and he shouts
loudly as “stand up for praying.” He leads the praying both at the beginning and at the end. The
praying at the beginning is about God’s intervention to cooldown the emotion of the two
disputants and let them agree to reconcile. This is followed by instructions how it would go. The
latter praying is about thanks giving to God and the disputants, as well, for his role in managing
the process and for their good will to accept the intervention made by the shemagele
respectively. The existence of culturally instilled values in the community and expectation of
supernatural harm or reward contributes for simplifying the task of the negotiators, as I have
observed. Flemmen and Muluemebet pointed out that mahiber provide an effective means of
conflict resolution: “compared with government courts, resolving conflicts with the help of the
mahiber saves people’s time and money” (Flemmen, B. A. and Muluemebet, 2016). However,
these co-authors have tried to discuss the nature of mahiber and its manifestations in Ethiopia in
general without considering specificities across regions. They have speculated as it is one and the
same all over the country. Their analysis and conclusion also lacks empirical data obtained from
the insiders view.

13
From the insiders view, the notion of justice is intertwined with religious ideas of morality. The
supernatural penalties that God can impose is something that one can’t easily ignored owing to
the strong reverence they have to God in this community. That is why the possibility of solving
disputes is high with the presence of the priest. After peace has been restored, some form of
retribution is invariably made, though usually it involves no more than performing the ritual of
passing coffee, additional tella and sometimes beer in the outside; for symbolically this implies
that the enmity previously existed between disputants has ended when they can sit and drink, and
eat together. This is a lesson they believe learnt from the Bible.

In a strict religious sense such gatherings convened for the purpose of remembering the name of
St. Mary and discuss religious matters, the baseline for other social services are establishing and
the strategies of implementation are devised as well. Recently, they are involved in another
important social activity during Easter. They contribute money and buy cattle and organize an
event to feed the needy ones. During Easter, fast breaking day after long days abstinence from
non-fast foods, all people irrespective of the economic status in the Orthodox Christianity need
to have a meat at home. Those who cannot afford this would be in trouble to celebrate the day
equal to others. Thus, this mahiber is trying its best by collecting money from members and
sometimes from outside who is interested to participate in such type of humanitarian activities.
They told me that last year they granted two killo meat home-to-homes after identified the needy
ones with the collaboration of the kebele (ato Kumelachew Moges, member of the tsewa
mahiber). This year they plan to organize a kind of event where they want to feed them by
slaughtering an ox.

They are also making group travel to Gishen, Lalibela and other religious and historical places
ones in a year. They are contributing extra money for this special purpose. They calculate the
total expense and share among them. They have an emotional feeling regarding the trip. There
are different programs incorporated in the trip namely group photograph session, visiting sites
and storytelling during travel. One informant cited other similar mahiber organized in the name
of the Martyr George as they have uplifted the tsewa mahiber to Saint George religious trip
association ¾›[ÅÍ’< pÆe Ñ>Ä`Ñ>c ¾Ñ<µ TIu`. ›[ÅÍ” is the name of the debr9 the first
founders came from. The mahiber was originally established by youths whose place of origin is

9
Debr is the lowest religious rank given to Ethiopian churches in the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido church
tradition. Churches at the village level are referred to as debr (Birhanu Gobena, 2000).

14
the same where the notable church is named as ¾›[ÅÍ’< pÆe Ñ>Ä`Ñ>c. They have been
collecting much money from bus owners as a commission in one trip to one religious site. They
are economically strong and are supporting churches and monasteries regularly. Meaning there
are mahibers sometimes established by people with similar background.

Many of my informants stressed that membership in a mahiber is a membership in a social

network. Most members appreciated the opportunity to socialize with people of their respective
mahiber. Members meet regularly during various social events. These include not only funerals
but also weddings, christenings and times of child birth in members’ families. Members are
expected to support each other during good times and bad. When one of the members lost one of
his beloved ones, all go together and soothing them. They contribute money and give either in
kind or money depending on the actual problem of the person (Chaillot, 2002). People in Gondar
are depending upon their neighbors in many ways. For the indispensable help they provide
various services to each other. Borrowing and lending money, goods and often house tools, in
house building and etc but this is most strong within the mahiber. One informant in the mahiber
explained to me that;

Our mahiber is full of love and peace where everyone shows the utmost respect. Even
when we quarrel with our family or friends, it is here in the mahiber that we feel good and
moved to quash bad emotions. All the members share my problems. When I feel sad they
know it from my facial expression and it lasts only for a moment when I talked to. Sad
feelings ease away and a happier mood take its place. When my mother passed away,
members were on my side for a month and soothed me, and were incredibly helpful. We
are like a family. We have a sisterly and brotherly relationship. We always are desperate
to get back to the next month.

All members of the association socialize, irrespective of their gender, but the female members
are so close. They socialize and talked to each other to a greater extent, discussed personal issues
outside mahiber meetings, and shared activities. The men, on the other hand, tended to go out
and drink together. Since social networks are such an important part of membership in the
association, it seems reasonable that all have a say in the recruitment of new members when is
vacant for reasons of displacement or death. Accepting new members is a democratic process in
which members check the potential new comer’s background, have discussions and make a joint

15
decision. Of course, the recommendation is always coming from members due to several factors.
They may be from same place of origin or working in similar institution (Informant: Baye
Meshesha).

As it is serving the potential pipe of transmitting information across members, there are various
groups engaged in discussions on various topics. Females each other in at least two groups and
males on the other hand in two major groups. Groups are actually flexible. You can see people
leaving their group and join the other in a minute difference. Cross-group discussion is also
common. The agenda of the discussion is different and it is politics of the time that dominated
the males’ side. They pick and fall multiple agendas some completed others not. Social issues,
economic challenges of the time particularly market inflation was the dominant topics of the
females’ group. More specifically, they have been discussing on where to get cheap products,
health and illness or exchanging advice and information about cures, healers, physicians,
medicines and so on. Such information can be of a great importance in a society with a high
degree of illiteracy. Moreover, they also share what is happening in the local community or
neighborhood; who is died, who is sick, who got married, who intends to, who gave birth etc.
Females, on top of this, discuss on personal matters including raising children, handling spouses
and dealing with teenagers.

It is interesting to note that politics of the time, particularly the issue of wolkayit and the
Amhara-Tigre political tension has got top attention in the discussion that divide the males group
in to two. One group argue that we must differentiate TPLF from the people of Tigray for the
two ethnic group are inseparable in many ways. Thus, what is going on right now is caused only
by politicians. They strongly argue that the reunion/reconciliation of the two is the potent
political solution for the country. One of the discussant said that “those of you who are highly
passionate for Ethiopia’s survival as a nation should work for the reunion of the two ethnic
groups than other things.” On the other hand, others also blame the Tigrians for being a hostage
for the “criminals” who sustain Ethiopian violence. They argue that the TPLFites are working for
Ethiopia’s disintegration and sponsoring terrorists particularly in Amhara region, Gondar. They
present the recent case disclosed by the Amhara police commission that 5 people are red
handedly caught with bomb and other weapons to explode during the Epiphany. According to the
police commissioner it is TPLF sponsored them and the targeted individuals are identified. They

16
question the moral integrity of those involved in. The former argument outweigh and has won
mass support but completed without agreement.

From the above discussion it is possible to infer that people are highly worried in the current
politics. Some of them said that their mind is fully occupied by uncertainties. They doubt the
future of Ethiopia. I have heard that many of them have pistol or other type of weapon for self-
protection. The good thing that I have understood is that they decided to work as local “spy” and
police in their kebele. It is because they lost trust in the formal police institution. The common
word I heard is “no government and it is you who can protect yourself and your family.”

Entertainment and social transgressions are part of life in the mahiber. Most of the members I
have interviewed said they eagerly anticipate the monthly meetings because of the enjoyable
time they spend with fellow members. One told me that he counts down the days before the
meetings because this is the only day that he meet these people for he is busy enough in daily
routines. For many members this is the only opportunity to have fun with friends and
acquaintances. Drinking a local alcohol creates an atmosphere conducive to talking about light
and entertaining issues. They said that the meetings provided an opportunity to relax and set
aside serious life issues that worry them in their everyday lives.

17
Conclusion

Tsewa mahiber as a social organization provides social security and social prestige in Gondar. It
indicates that you are an active member of the community, a responsible person and a good
citizen. For this reason, there are people who have participated in more than one mahiber in the
community. These types of religious mahiber allows members a great deal of freedom in its
practice. The most important religious practices are serving God by commemorating the patron
saint, drinking from the same pot for strengthening unity among fellow religious practitioners
and establishing relationships of sisterhood and brotherhood. Beyond religious functions in the
community, which is the base for sustainable harmony, tsewa mahiber plays an extremely
important social functions. By providing the opportunity for members to meet and discuss
personal and social issues, and share experiences in family life tsewa mahiber is contributing
immense in transforming social life. Their devotion for their mahiber implies that it plays an
irreplaceable role in their personal and social life. The ritual can be viewed as a cultural toolbox
in which congregations have great flexibility in adjusting it according to their needs. Therefore, it
is fair to conclude that as per the ratio of its contribution in the community’s life, it deserves the
credit and anyone need to work for its continuity keeping its traditional manifestations.

18
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