MOORISH IMAGE IN THE CENTENAR DE LA PLOMA

ALTARPIECE
Francesc Granell Sales 1
1
Facultat de Geografia i Història, Universitat de València, València, España, Francesc.Granell@uv.es

ABSTRACT
This paper focuses on the Moorish image in the Centenar de la Ploma altarpiece (ca. 1400-1405). The
iconography depicts them as defeated, slaughtered and even demonic people according to the pictography
of the time. Both the well-known central image depicting the providential victory at the Battle of Puig and
the side images depicting the martyrdom of St. George’s are evidence of this. In this regard, we offer an
interpretation of the Moorish image in the context of the historical events that occurred before and during
the production of the work. Thus, we are going to take into account the Berber pirate attack on
Torreblanca (1397), the Christian Holy Crusade against Barbary (1397-1399) and the laws decreed in the
Valencian Parliament (1401-1407).

Keywords: otherness, Moorish image, Valencia, altarpieces

INTRODUCTION
The portrayals of Moors in the scenes of St. George's life in the Centenar de la Ploma altarpiece
(V&A Museum) [figs. 1-2] are not mentioned in the story of a martyrdom that took place during
the Diocletian government (284-305) somewhere in the Roman Empire. Indeed, these images of
the Saracen in the altarpiece cannot be explained by any hagiographic textual source. Moreover,
the royal chronicles that narrate the episode depicted in the central image, the battle of Puig [fig.
3], do not mention either the presence of King James I, or the extreme violence of the battle, a
unique expressive quality of the late medieval altarpieces of the Kingdom of Aragon.
The Centenar de la Ploma altarpiece (ca. 1405) has been meticulously examined by Claus
Michael Kauffmann [1] and later by Matilde Miquel [2]. Other studies shed light on the urban
context in which it was created [3]. This paper aims to explain these images of the Moors over
and above hagiographic accounts and royal chronicles without underestimating the importance
of the latter. Historical and social research into the production of altarpieces in late medieval
Valencia has revealed, on the one hand, the significance of images aimed at representing the
social status of individuals, their piety and their concern for the salvation of their souls [4], and,
on the other, the involvement of certain people who exercised an influence over the creative
process of the work; people with the power to define the formal models and structure, but also
the figurative aspects [5]. This last point is of particular significance for our paper, especially
the fact that the iconographic arrangement was planned during the interreligious conflict that
took place in Valencia between 1390 and 1410 [6].

OPERATIONAL GOALS, MATERIALS AND METHODS

Image and interreligious conflict
The primary purpose of this paper is to analyse the image of the Moors in the Centenar de la
Ploma alterpiece in the context of the Christian and Moorish coexistence prevailing in the
Valencian society in which the work was produced. Our aim is to explain how and why Moors
are depicted in the scenes of the saint's martyrdom and the particularly violent nature of the
images of the battle of Puig.
Our research process involves three steps: explaining the main issue (as mentioned above);
making a hypothesis (does the depiction of the Moors have negative connotations associated
with the interreligious conflict?); reviewing the information published and interviewing the

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sources. In this way, we hope to establish whether this type of image is related to the context of
the Christian uprising against the Moors. The fact is that the Berber pirates who assaulted
Torreblanca in 1397 not only attacked the villagers but also stole some consecrated wafers. The
Christian's response to this attack was the Holy Crusade against Barbary (1397-1399), although
this turned out to be unsuccessful. Various Parliament meetings held in Valencia from 1401 to
1407 proved to be another significant episode, as they resulted in the amendment and
tightening-up of the penal code regarding the Saracens.
There are a number of sources we can use to explore this hypothesis. Firstly, papers and
documents on the Holy Crusade, which has been the object of exhaustive study [7]. Secondly,
documents that evidence the fear of Moorish attacks by sea (Berber pirates) and by land
(attempted assaults). Thirdly, a comprehensive interpretation is not possible without taking into
account the papers published on the altarpiece itself. Finally, the history of Valencian society at
the time could explain the role the royal authorities and the Church might have played, directly
or indirectly, as institutions mediating in the creation of the altarpiece.

RESULTS or OUTCOMES
Showing the Other
The dark skin, and the animalisation and caricaturisation of the facial features are the
characteristics that identify the Moors in the torment of Saint George. They are all ministers of
the Roman governor Daciano [fig. 2], who ordered St. George to be tortured, except the rider
who is dragging the body of St. George. This depiction of the Moors fails to show an objective
view of the coexistence between the two religions. However, this was a common device used in
altarpiece painting to demonstrate social rejection. In this regard, it is necessary to highlight
Zayyan's costume and the Arabic letters painted on his horse's saddle, because the same costume
is worn by Daciano and the same letters appear on the tunic of the pagan priest [fig. 4].
The outstanding feature of the central image is the bloody battle that is taking place, the Battle
of Puig [fig. 3]. It is the battle that gave rise to the kingdom of Valencia, but apart from this, the
image must have induced strong emotions in those who contemplated it: Christian warriors
ruthlessly piercing the bloody bodies of the Moorish enemy with lances wielded in a diagonal
position; a scene that contrasts with the refinement of the lower central image in which St.
George is killing the dragon in the presence of the princess. However, despite the contrast, there
is a simile between the two images: St. George killing the dragon is an allegory of the religious
combat depicted in the battle scene.

Urban society and the Holy Crusade

At this point, we should ask ouselves whether the people involved in the creation and
observation of these images would understand these historical facts from the perspective of their
own immediate present. The latter was common in the Valencian [6] and European visual
culture of the time [9]. We believe was a very strong relationship with the interreligious conflict
in force at the end of the 14th century and the beginning of the 15th century.
Firstly, crossbowmen and guilds attached to the Centenar de la Ploma may have been involved
in the Holy Crusade against Barbary. At that time, each battleship carried between 20 and 32
crossbowmen, the most highly-paid and numerous group in the fleet. At the same time, certain
guilds, such as blanquers, peraires and shoemakers, financed their own ships to sail to Barbary.
The corredors set up an enrolment table to enlist crossbowmen and soldiers. Craftsmen from
these guilds were registered in the foundational charter of the Centenar de la Ploma (1365).
Secondly, priests encouraged people to join the crusade and this would have disrupted the
peaceful coexistence with the Moors, as various documents would suggest. One of these is
particularly revealing regarding the role played by preachers in this respect: "no deçernent o no
entenent per ventura la intenció del sermonedor, se poria irruir contra los moros d'aqueix
regne, los quals stan sots nostra fe, protecció e salvaduarda" [9].

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Finally, Martin I convened parliament meetings in 1401 in which stricter laws were passed
against the Moors: the death penalty would be applied to any Saracens who proclaimed their
religion in public and the municipal authorities would confiscate their property if they left the
kingdom of Valencia to move to Granada or Barbary.

A providential historical deed

Although James I is recalled above all as a legislator, he is depicted as the warrior king who
conquered the Kingdom of Valencia (pater patriae). This victory was attributed to divine
providence, not only in royal chronicles but also in the altarpiece, since the King is being
escorted by St George in the battle and watched over by the Virgin Mary -to whom James the
Conqueror professed particular devotion- in the image above. Although it is narrated in the
chronicle of San Juan de la Peña (ca. 1340), the appearance of the saint in the Battle of Puig is
in fact a Valencian legend subsequent to the chronicle of James I, El Llibre dels Feits (The
Book of Deeds) (ca. 1270). Therefore, we are dealing with a combination of historical
chronicles and popular hagiography that must have fostered the emergence of a collective anti-
Moorish consciousness.

CONCLUSIONS
Images that speak us about the coexistence between Moors and Christians in Late Medieval Art
have different interpretations. We not only find a fight against the other, but the fact is the
interreligious dispute was highly active in Valencia between 1390 and 1410. Indeed, people that
were involved in the making and vision of the altarpiece lived this dispute. Images demonize
Moors in the scenes of Saint George's life. The great panel of the Battle of Puig depicts the
Moors suffering a violent death as a providential event, a scene that would undoubtedly meet
with the approval and support of some Christian beholders. Thereore, we consider these images
to be related to the fear or hatred of the Moors. The response to the assault and theft of the
consecrated wafers from Torreblanca in 1397 could provide evidence of this if we establish a
link between this event and the scenes from the altarpiece. After the assault on Torreblanca
there was an anti-Moorish reaction and the Valencian authorities approved the Holy Crusade
against Barbary to recover the stolen wafers and as vengeance: "a càstich e punició lur e a
venjança de cristians", the document states. However, the Holy Crusade did not prove
successful and there is historical evidence of a persistent and widespread feeling of fear of
revenge. In fact, there was fear of a conspiracy among all the Mohammedan forces -Granada,
North Africa and native fifth columnists- and it was believed that the Berber pirate attacks could
trigger the revolt "dels moros de la terra". Furthermore, in 1399 a beguine accused Jucef Xupió,
the most powerful Arab merchant in the Moorish quarter of Valencia, of being guilty of aiding
the North Africans in the defeat of the crusade and incited people to burn down his house: "bo
seria que hom metès foch a casa d'en Xipió perquè ell havia portada pòlvora de bombardes a
Bona e havia notifficat en Barberia la anada de l'estol". In this context, we observe a clear anti-
Moorish attitude in the altarpiece: the demonic Moor in St. George’s torment; divine justice
against Daciano and his ministers when St. George is decapitated; and a providential victory in
the Battle of Puig.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This research was supported by a predoctoral fellowship funded by the Generalitat Valenciana
and the European Social Fund. It has benefitted from a research project entitled El gótico
internacional valenciano: el retablo del Centenar de la Ploma y otras obras clave en torno a
ésta, para su estudio, análisis científico y/o identificación de su autoría, financed by the
Generalitat Valenciana.

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