REASON, RELIGION AND POWER IN IBN AL-MUQAFFAʿ

Author(s): István T. Kristó-Nagy

Source: Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae , September 2009, Vol. 62, No.
3 (September 2009), pp. 285-301
Published by: Akadémiai Kiadó

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 Acta Orientalia Academiae Scientiarum Hung. Volume 62 (3), 285-301 (2009)
DOI: 10.1556/A Orient. 62.2009.3.3

REASON, RELIGION AND POWER

IN IBN AL-MUQAFFAC
Istvân T. Kristö-Nagy

H-1066 Budapest, Teréz krt. 18, Hungary

e-mail: kristonagy@yahoo.com

The goal of my research is to put together front scattered mosaics an intellectual portrait of Ibn al
Muqaffa0, a complex and enigmatic thinker, and a key figure in the transmission of the late antique
héritage to the Arabo-Islamic culture. This article is the third in a sériés. The first, ".La Lumière et
les Ténèbres dans l'œuvre d'lbn al-Muqaffac" (Light and Darkness in Ibn al-Muqaffac) was pub
lished in AOH Vol. 61 (3). In that article, I set out the rationalist and anti-Islamic ideas presented in
works attributed to Ibn al-Muqaffac. The second article, "On the authenticity of al-Adab al-$agïr at
tributed to Ibn al-MuqafFac and the titles of the Kitâb al-âdâb al-kabïr, al-Adab al-f agir, al-Yafïma
and the Polemic against Islam" was published in AOH Yol. 62 (2). This third article compléments
the picture of the rationalist and anti-Islamic Ibn al-Muqaffac that I have presented in the first article
and shows another side of his attitude towards religion. According to the texts quoted here, the ra
tionality of people is not enough to secure the peace of the individual soul, much less the peace of
the state. The welfare of society requires a well functioning state whose cohésion is best ensured by
religion.
The introduction is a short outline of the corrélation between Ibn al-Muqaffa°'s social status
and his attitude towards power, reason and religion. In the first section, I will quote and analyse
some views attributed to him that reveal an unusual but coherent approach towards religion. The
second section will présent his ideas and reasoning that links reason, religion and power. The con
clusion of this article will not end this sériés on Ibn al-Muqaffac, but will be followed by the next
article entitled: "A Self-portrait of a Wise Jackal; Ibn al-Muqaffac's Heroes: the Sage and the Sov
ereign."

Key words: Ibn al-Muqaffac, reason, religion, political thought, Manichaeism, zandaqa, Islam.

0001-6446/5 20.00 © 2009 Akadémiai Kiadô, Budapest

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286 I. T. KRISTÖ-NAGY
Introduction
Ibn al-Muqaffac's Social Status and His Attitude
to Power, Reason and Religion

According to our sources, Ibn al-Muqaffac was murdered with the consent of al-Man
sûr, the second cAbbâsid caliph, some time before dû'l-higga 139/April-May 757,1
about seven years after the troops of the first °Abbâsid caliph, al-Saffah, achieved a
complété victory over the Umayyads (Jumädä II 132/January 750).2 Following the
death of al-Saffah, "the Blood Shedder", his brother, al-Mansûr (whose name means
"he who was made victorious by God") had to eliminate ail opposing parties in order
to establish his power. In this struggle for power, al-Mansûr had to face even his un
cles who became his rivais. Unfortunately for Ibn al-Muqaffa°, who happened to be
the counsellor of one of al-Mansûr's uncles, al-Mansur considered his élimination nec
essary in order to weaken them. The caliph found him too clever to let him survive.3
The son of a functionary of Persian origin, Ibn al-Muqaffac belonged to the so
cial Stratum of the kuttâb, secretaries and advisors of rulers, who formed the political
intelligentsia of the early Islamic society. Because their skills were also needed by
the conquerors, these qualified administrators were in the highest rank among the ma
wâlî, people of non-Arab origin who were subjects of the Islamic Empire. Neverthe
less, they still remained mawâlï and were regarded as "second class Citizens" who
had a similar client or dépendent status as the semi-adopted aliens in an Arabie tribe.4
As the Roman Empire is the first complété synthesis of the achievements of
Mediterranean civilisations, Sasanian Iran had similar import in the Near East during
Late Antiquity. After the Arab conquest, the kuttâb played a key rôle in the survival
and intégration of Sasanian ideas and practices relating to government, the rôle of
courtiers, taxation, and the military into Islamic civilisation.

1 On the reports about Ibn al-Muqaffac's disappearance see Sourdel (1954, pp. 312-323).
The exact date is impossible to establish, but based on Sourdel (1954, p. 320, n. 5), the terminus non
post quem is the above-mentioned date, that of the capturing of cAbd Allah b. AIT by al-Mansûr.
See the next two notes.

2 The commander of the cAbbâsid army was cAbd Allah b. cAlï, one of the uncles of the
fïrst two cAbbâsid caliphs, al-Saffah and al-Mansûr. See S. Moscati's article on Abu 'l-°Abbâs al
Saffah in the EI2, Vol. I, p. 103. Ail the following dates in this article are from the corresponding
articles of the El2.

3 A. Marsham and C. F. Robinson (2007) recently discovered the complété text of the fa
mous amân (safe-conduct) that Ibn al-Muqaffac wrote for cAbd Allah b. Alî, one of al-Mansûr's
uncles, whose revolt against al-Mansur's rule was defeated. The amän was so masterfully written
that al-Mansûr could not have found any stratagem to destroy his uncle if he had signed it. He did
not sign, and his anger against Ibn al-Muqaffac led to the latter's murder.
4 The similarity between the meaning of the Arabie term mawlä and the Latin term cliens is
one of the interesting parallels that reveal the original tribal structure in both the Islamic and the
Roman empires. The Arabie word sayh means an elder, and the rôle of sheikhs is very similar to the
Roman pater familias, father of family. The sheikhs represent their family, clan or tribe in the sûrâ,
counsel which has a similar rôle to that of the Roman senatus, a term derived from senex, meaning
old. The Arabie term murû 'a, whose meaning comprises ail manly virtues, is derived from the same
three radicals as imru ', which means man, as the Latin word virtus is derived from vir, a man.

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 REASON, RELIGION AND POWER IN IBN AL-MUQAFFAC 287

This role is similar to the role played by the clerics in Western Europe who
saved Roman héritage after the conquest by the Germanie peoples. However, the con
querors in Europe embraced the religion of the defeated empire, and as a consé
quence, the administrative offices were held by clerics. Conversely, during the Islamic
conquests, conquerors led their invasions in the name of their new religion. The kut
täb, who were originally non-Arabs and non-Muslims, formed a kind of "secular" in
tellectual élite in a historical period when religion was the only legitimate conscience
of society. In Europe, both the administrative and religious power was in the hands of
the Church, whereas in the Islamic world the intellectuals had no power with which
to compete with their lords. They transmitted the legaey of the old empires to the new
one, but they remained clients of their Arab lords.
Those of Persian origin might have had ambiguous sentiments toward the
Arabs who took the place of the Sasanian aristoeraey. The kuttäb belonged to the van
quished, but as heirs of a glorious civilisation they considered themselves culturally
superior. Nor did they lose their societal funetion as they continued the work they
had done during the old empire. They might even have had the ambition to rise higher
in status by becoming the first spiritual authority and taking the place of the Zoroas
trian clergy who had lost their position.
At first, the intellectuals of non-Arab origin could have been reluctant to adopt
the religion of the conquerors. We notice that Ibn al-Muqaffac, the kätib par excel
lence, tried to undermine the evolving authority of the muhadditün, the men of the
new religion. This resentment of the non-Arab intellectuals was one of the most im
portant reasons why the number of the people who were labelled zanädiqa rose.
Zanädiqa is the plural of zindîq, a term of Pahlavi origin, referring first to Manicheans
and by extension to anyone having Gnostic or other religious ideas considered sus
pect by the majority of Muslims.
I do not see any contradiction in the fact that Ibn al-Muqaffac, considered the
most illustrious kätib, was also regarded as the most notorious zindîq. If he attributed
such particular importance to reason and culture, it is because these formed his only
capital. He had nothing eise. He was born a non-Arab and non-Muslim. Because of
his personal skills he became a dient of the most powerfiil Arabs, yet his ambition
was higher than simply serving them; he had the audacity to promote the values of
his own people and sought to educate his masters and all society. Nevertheless, he
still remained a Persian secretary and a dubious convert without any officiai power or
religious authority in a State ruled by Arabs and Islam. His conversion to Islam and
intégration into the political structure of the Arabo-Islamic empire not only shows his
personal aspiration, but it also offers an example of how non-Arab intellectuals be
came partisans of Islam, since they understood and emphasised the Qurân's vision of
the unity of the entire Muslim Community regardless of the origin of its members.5

' This vision appears in the verses 10 and 13 of the sura 49 of the Qur'an:
The believers are brethren.
Set things right between your brothers and fear God,
so that you may receive mercy.

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288 I. т. KRISTO-NAGY
They played а key role in the fiising of both the vanquished and conquerors' ancient
concepts, which became a new synthesis, that is, the emerging Islamic State.

Religion is a Necessity

In spite of the rationalist and anti-Islamic ideas expressed in some of the writings at
tributed to Ibn alMuqaffa0 and the general opinion of later generations who consid
ered him to be a zirtdiq (see Kristo Nagy 2008), he regarded religion as a necessity.
We read in al-Adab al-sagTr6-.

And he Said: He who believes in anything, even if it be sorcery, is better

than one who does not believe in anything and does not hope for resur
rection. Repentance does not bring anyone to the Fire, and persistence
in committing sins does not bring anyone to Paradise.7

This saying, as well as many of the aphorisms concerning religion in al-Adab

al-sagTr, cannot be found in any other Arabic text, but we read its two sentences sepa
rated in the Denkard VI:

They held this too: One who believes in advocacy for the sake of (his)
soul (has) less evil than one who does not believe at all. (Shaked 1979,
§35)
They held this too: From repentance there is по way to hell. From lack
of repentance there is по way to paradise. This is repentance: one who
is contrite and repentant of a sin committed and who will not commit
that sin again. (Shaked 1979, § 50)

It may be the case that while the sections in the Denkard VI are simply pious
proclamations, the Version of al-Adab alsagir (and Gdwidan hirad) reflects a curi
ous scepticism. In this form, this idea might be Seen as a precursor of Jean PascaFs
"wager" (Pascal 1921, по. 233), but, I think, it lacks PascaFs faith. It is much closer

о people, We have created you male and female

and made you races and tribes
that you may know one another.
The noblest of you in the sight of God is the most god-fearing.

Translation by Jones (2007, p. 476).

On this Vision in the hadit See Ziadeh (1956, p. 508 with n. 25), Salam (1997, p. 174),
Malik(1981,p. 61).
6In this article all titles are mitten in Italic and the titles of Ibn al-Muqaffac's writings in
Italic ‫حم‬/ْ‫هءءحمه‬. On the authenticity ofa/-.4_ alsagTr See Kristo Nagy (2009, pp. 200-213).
As far as I know there is по any edited English or French translation of the al-Adab -/٥
‫ء‬agTr. A French translation with notes and comments will be published in ту forthcoming
monograph, Lapensee dlbn alMuqaffd, collection Disputatio, CNRS, Paris, 2009.
‫اداعم وجري الو ءيشب نمزي ال نمم ريخ اماس ناك نإٍ ءايقدلا نم ءيشب نمؤملا لاقو‬. ‫ىلإ ادحأ فرتلا يدوئ ال‬
‫ئتجلا ىلإ ادحا بونذلا ىلع رارصإلا الو راحم‬.
KurdcAl!(1954,p.2516_18).

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 REASON, RELIGION AND POWER IN IBN AL-MUQAFFAC 289

to Burzawayh's trans-religious thought, which we know through Ibn al-Muqaffac's

translation of the Kattla wa-Dimna:8

Fearing that I might spend ту time going in many confusing vicious

circies, lurching from one thought to another, I decided to avoid anything
or any idea that could harm те. Killing, fighting, harming others, anger,
stealing, betraying, lying, duplicity, and defaming others are abhorrent
actions that must be stopped immediately. So I promised myself never
to hurt anyone, and not to reject the doctrines of the awakening and re
surrection after death, and the punishment and reward expected in the
eternal home.9

Remarkably the modern translator omits what is perhaps the most important
sentence in this passage:

I restricted myself to everything that the intellect10 testifies to be right

eous and the people of all religions agree on.

This Omission seems to show that Burzawayh's trans-religious thought is still

offensive to some.
Ibn alMuqaffac's attitude seems to reveal (or conceal?) similar thoughts
according to an anecdote on Ibn alMuqaffac's conversion to Islam at the hand of his
Arab master, one of the caliph al-Man§ür's uncles, cIsa b. cAlT.

Muhammad b. Qadim the grammarian referring to some of the Hasi

mites told те that cAbd Allah b. al-Muqaffac visited cIsa one night and
Said to him:
-I want to convert to Islam. The love for it suffused ту heart,
and I have Started to hate Zoroastrianism.
[cIsa] Said to him:
- In the morning I will gather ту brothers and some of the illus
trious people to witness your conversion.
0Isä's dinner arrived, and he called him to eat. But [Ibn alMuqaf
fac] abstained from it, so [cIsa] insisted. The food was clean and excel
lent, but [Ibn al-Muqaffa0] only approached it murmuring a Zoroastrian
prayer.

8 For the question of Burzawayh's autobiography and Ibn al-Muqaffac,s religious thought,
seeKristo Nagy(2008,pp. 275-280.)
9 Translation of Sacadeh Jallad (2002, p. 70). The underlined ideas are missing or abridged
in this translation.

.‫اهل ضزممأ الأ تيأر لزحكاو ددرتلا ثنخ اماق‬, ‫زب دنأ لوقلا دهشت ءيق لك ىلع رمنتأ نأو‬, ‫نايدألا لمأ لك فع ؤفتيؤ‬
‫ةنايخلاو ةكرنلاو لتقلاو برضلا نع يدي تففكف‬, ‫بضغلا نع ىفنو‬, ‫دحأل رزشح دف مآلأك لك نعو بنكلا نع يتاملو‬.
‫ناتهبلاو ةبيغلاو سانلا ىذا نع يبلكل‬. ‫ءاتلا نع يجز تنصحو‬, ‫يريغ ام صمنأ الأ يبلق نم تتلاو‬, ‫وأءوص هل بحأ الو‬
‫[ باقعلاو باوثلاو ةمايقلاو باسحلاو ثعلاب بدكا الو‬...]
cAzzam (1973, р. 367 ~п).
See also Cheikho (1986, pp. 4217-434), and for a French translation, See Miquel (1980, § 78).
10 Or in Cheikho's Version ‫" ىقنألا‬the souls" (1986, р. 4218).

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290 I. Т. KRISTO-NAGY
[cIsa] Said to him:
- Are you murmuring, yet you want to convert tomorrow?!
He answered:
-1 would hate to spend the night without religion!
And he converted in the morning.11

We find another Version of this anecdote in Ihn Hallikan's Wafayat aldydn,

but Ihn Hallikan (b. 608/1211, d. 681/1282) refers to a different source, Haytam
b. cAd!(b. ca. 120/738, d. 206/821, 207/822 or 209/824):

Haytam b. cAdr Said: "Ibn alMuqaffa0 went to cIsa b. cAlr and Said to
him: Islam has entered ту heart and I want to embrace Islam with your
assistance.
cIsa Said to him:

- Let it be in the presence of the leaders and illustrious people,

so come tomorrow!
After that, the evening of that day, cIsä's meal was brought to
them and Ibn alMuqaffa0 sat down to eat, murmuring in the habit of the
Magi. cIsa Said to him:
- You are murmuring, and yet you have decided to embrace Is
lam?!
He answered:
-1 would hate to spend a night without religion!
And in the morning, he embraced Islam with his assistance."12

According to this Story, Ibn al-Muqaffac's religion before his conversion to Is

lam would have been Zoroastrianism, since the term Magusiyya means Zoroastrian
ism, the Magi (ül-Magüs) are the Zoroastrians, and the term zamzama (murmuring)
refers to the Zoroastrian prayer (see Sourdel 1954, p. 311, п. 1).
This report teils US that Ibn alMuqaffac's conversion to Islam was more an act
of formality than an act of devotion. It happened after the 0Abbasids rose to power and
after he entered into cIsa b. 0Alfs Service. Hence we have по reason at all to discredit
the many accounts of his anti-Islamic behaviour, as these accounts probably relate to
his deeds before his conversion, even if this conversion was only an official one. It is
also plausible that he wrote his Polemic against Islam before that. Nonetheless, his
Muaradat al-Qur'än must be a late composition, because it refers to the overthrow

‫نيمثاهلا صمب نع يوحلا مئاق ني دمجم ينثدحف‬, ‫عل لاتق اليل سيء رع لخد عئقلا ني يللا دع نا‬: ‫لثل ينإ‬
‫يسوجملا تهركو يبح صلن ماخ ص مالسإلا‬. ‫دل لاقن‬: ‫مإلّا اودهشف سانلا هوجر نم اهدجوو ىتدحا تنج انحصا اذا‬.
‫اعدف ىسيع ءاشع رضحؤ‬، ‫دلكاوملا نحم افظن نكلو هيلع يف عنتماف لكايل‬, ‫دممز ىنع ألا ماعطلا نع نزي "ملف‬.‫ليثف‬: ‫مزتا‬

AlBalMur!(1978,Vo^^ ٢ ‫لاقف ؟ادغ مالسإلا ىلع مناو‬: ‫ركا ينإ‬، ‫نيد ريغ ىلع ادغ نيبآ نا‬, ‫• ءيس حصا املف‬

‫ىرع نب مثيهلا لاق‬: ‫ل لاتق يلع نب سيع ىلإ عفقملا نبا ءاج‬: ‫يلقيف مألّإلا لخد دق‬, ‫ىلدي ىلع ملسأ نأ ييأر‬.
‫سيع ك لاقث‬: ‫ساملا هوجوو داوقلا نم رضحمب كلذ نكبل‬, ‫رضحاف دغلا ناك اذإف‬, ‫مدلا كلذ زب سيع ماعط رضح مث‬. ‫سلجذ‬
‫صسء ك لاقف سرجلا ةداع ىلع ممزتُ لكاي عفقملا نبا‬: ‫لاقف ؟مالسإلا مزع ىلع تنآو ممسزحم‬: ‫دكأ‬، ‫ديل ريغ ىلع تحما دأ‬.

‫ •ْدرءملّ حمأ س‬.(10"1515 .Ibn Hallikan (1968-1972, Vol. II, р

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 REASON, RELIGION AND POWER IN IBN AL-MUQAFFAC 291

ing of the "Syrians" i.e. the Umayyads and their supporters by "those Coming from
East with tents", alluding to the Hurasanian army of the cAbbasids (see van Ess 1981,
pp. 156-158).13
The first scholar who noted the "sceptical and ironic tone" of Ibn alMuqaf
fac's answer to cIsa b. CAIT (recorded by Ibn Hallikan) was F. Gabrieli: 7 risposta
di cui pare indubbio // tono ‫ ه‬scettica ironia, поп implicante nessuna reale intima
adesione al mazdeismo avito (e proprio al mazdeizmo andrebbe applicata la critica
di Burzoe SU coloro che 5، attengono alla « religione deipadri »y (Gabrieli 1932, p.
237, n. 5).
I would add that Ibn alMuqaffac's zeal towards his new religion, Islam, does
not seem to be more serious either. s. D. Goitein, who first noticed the Version at
Al-Baladurl, says: "This Story, which bears the stamp of authenticity, shows - to ту
mind - not so much Ibn al-Muqaffac's religiosity, as his conviction of the only relative
value of any positive religion, a conviction disclosed in the Introduction to Kahla wa
Dimna (Goitein 1949, pp. 131-132, n. 4).
M. Chokr does not see any ambivalence or irony expressed in the Story (Chokr
1993, p. 192, note 39). I do, however, and I think this ambivalence towards religion
is the link between the anti-Islamic and the Islamic stances found in the different
works attributed to Ibn alMuqaffa0.
In his rationalist texts, Ibn alMuqaffac expresses the revolt of an intellectual
against any kind of tyranny sanctified by religion. He saw the universe as a bipolar
continuum between two theoretical extremities, Light and Darkness, reason and the
absence of reason. However, we сап see that this is not in contradiction with his texts
supporting religion. According to them, reason and religion complement each other.
So he writes in al-Adab alsagir.

The distinction between religion and opinion is that religion is preserved

by faith and opinion is confirmed by argument. He who makes religion
an argument makes religion an opinion, and he who makes opinion а
religion Starts to make the rules. And he who makes rules for himself in
religion has по religion. Religion and opinion are similar in some points.
If there were по similarity between them, по distinction would be needed
between them.14

We do not find this passage in the Gawidan hirad, but the above-mentioned quo
tation from Ibn al-Muqaffac's alYaffma by Yiisuf b. cAbd aLBarr15 is a variant of it:

13 This topic will be further developed in ту forthcoming French monograph which will
include a translation of both the Polemic against Islam and the Mu'ära^at al-Qur'än attributed to
Ibn al-Muqaffac. These two texts were also discussed in Kristd Nagy (2008, pp. 272-288.)
14 ‫ لمن‬٢ ‫لمج يتف تمرصح نيدلا لمج ننف تمرشاي نش يأرلا نأر نامبإلاب ملسي نيدلا نأ يأرلاد نيدلا نحم‬
‫هل نيد الف نيدلا دسفنل عرمي وه ناك نمر اعراش راص دقف انيد يارلا لعج نمو ايار نيدلا‬. ‫شاما يف ىارلاو نيدلا بمب لحم‬
‫لصفلا ىلإ اجاتحي مل امههباشت الول‬.
KurdcAl!(1954,р. 2112"15).
15 On the question of the authenticity and the title of this work See Kristo Nagy (2009, pp.
210-211 and 214-216). My forthcoming French monograph will include a translation ofalYatlma.

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292 I. т. KRISTO-NAGY
It is from a chapter of Ibn al-Muqaffac's alYaffma. He Said: By ту
life! Their Statement that religion is fundamentally different from argu
ment is confirmed. They were right. Religion is not argument. If it had
been an argument, it would have been entrusted to people who would
confirm it by their views and conjecture. Everything entrusted to people
is a lost pledge. If the heretics16 are hated, it is because they turn religion
into a view, and this view is neither sure nor final. The view barely Sur
passes the Position of doubt and conjecture and does not reach а po
sition of certainty and confirmation. If one says that he is convinced of
something and knows it for sure, you will never hear him explain it.
I find that по one takes his religion lighter than someone who takes his
view or any other man's view as a decreed religion.17

We find among the aphorisms quoted in al-Adab alsagTr the famous Socratic
idea:

Part of knowledge is knowing what you do not know.18

We read another very interesting thought in al-Adab alsagTr that is not found
yet in any other Arabic source but in the Denkard VI:

A man's religion is never constant, but is always growing or diminishing.19

Ibn al-Muqaffac's writings reflect scepticism towards religion as well as to

wards rationality, but he did not reject either of them. Religion may require blind
faith, but blind faith is necessary since the light of rationality is not strong enough to
guide the people who are blind to it. Religion is not a matter of personal conviction
but public law. Since people's rationality is too weak, they need rules. Religion gives

16‫ ةعدب‬means innovation. Yet, innovation in religion, according to Islam, is a capital crime:
heresy. Therefore the plural of ‫ عدب‬has the meaning of "heresies", so we сап translate ‫ عدبلا لهآ‬as "the
heretics".

‫اوقدصو تشي الصأ ةموصخ نيدلا سيل مهلوقل نإ يرمعلو لاق ناميتيلا يف عنقملأ نبال لمن نمو‬. ‫نيدلا ام‬
‫لهآ ىلع مقن؛امو عاينح ةنيهر سانلا يلإ لوكوم لكو مهنظو مهئارآب هنوتشي سانلا ىلإ الوكوم ناكل هموصخ ناك ولو •ةموصخب‬
‫الو انش نوكي نا خلب ملو اييمه الإ نظلاو كشلا هلزنم يارلا زواجي رثلو متح الو ققث يارلا سيلو ايار نيدلا اودحتا مهنا الإ عدبلا‬
‫يأرو هيآر ذختا نمم هنيدب افافختسا دشآ ادحأ دحآ الف ادكو ادك هنآ يرآ هملعو هنقيتسا دق رمأل لوقي ادحآ نيعماس متسلو اتس‬
‫اصورقم طيد لاحرلا‬.
.(33 .Ibn cAbd al-Barr (1928, Vol. II, р
‫ملم ال امب ملص ال كنأ ملمم نأ ملعلا نمو‬. ٦ 18
K.urdcAli(1954, р. 2512).
A shorter Version of this aphorism сап be found in the öäwidän hirad:
.‫ملعت ال كنأ ملم نأ ملعلا نمو‬
Miskawayh (1952, р. 7420).
Many of the maxims in al-Adab a/-ja|»،r have Greek origin. See Ihsan cAbbas (1977, pp.

.‫امقان امإؤ ايناز امإ لازي ال دكلو اديأ ةدحاو قلاح ىلع ءرملا نيد تتثي ال‬
Kurd СА1Г(1954, р. 269). They held this too: the soul of men never Stands in one place, for lt always
only increases or diminishes. They Said that "increasing" and "diminishing" is this: as long as a man
has the desire of the soul, the soul increases. When he has the desire of the body, the soul diminishes
(Shaked 1979, §213).

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 REASON, RELIGION AND POWER IN IBN ALMUQAFFA0 293

rules which are above anyone's personal opinion. Their soundness ensures the stabil
ity of the State. There must be по reasoning in religion!

Religion is a Politicai Necessity

While the authenticity of all the texts quoted above is dubious in one way or another,
there is по doubt expressed about the authenticity of Ibn al-Muqaffac's Risälaß-'l
Sahaba 'Epistle concerning the Entourage ofthe Caliph' This letter addressed to the
already mentioned caliph, al-Mansür, is a unique document from the first years ofthe
0Abbasid dynasty. It presents a concise politicai program proposed by Ibn al-Muqaf
fac for the building ofthe new State. Nothing could demonstrate his genius better than
the way in which he actualised all the politicai theories and wisdom found in the
ancient works translated by him or expressed in his own treatises. Like a flashlight
aimed at this "turning point" of history (Goitein 1949), this missive illuminates and
provides insight into the development ofthe Islamic State.
While defining the ideological-religious basis of the new regime, Ibn al-Mu
qaffa0 deals with the issue of obedience to the Imam (caliph):

As for Our affirmation that the Imam should not be obeyed when he dis
obeys God, that is one ofthe firm divine obligations and legal sanctions
Over which God has not given authority. If the Imam prohibits prayer,
fasting, and the pilgrimage or forbids the legal sanctions and permits
what God has forbidden, he has по authority to do that.
When we maintain that [on certain points] the Imam should be
obeyed and others should not [we are thinking of] judgments, regula
tions, and Orders which God has left to the discretion of the Imam. [..‫م‬

Неге Ibn alMuqaffa0 gives a precise list of governmental areas in Order to de

fine the Imam's sphere of authority below God and above everyone eise. Still in а
practical perspective, he concludes his argument at a philosophical level linking the
question of power and religion to the question of religion and reason:

These two categories сап only be distinguished from one another by

prooffrom God, Most High and Mighty. God has made the happiness of
man and the proper condition of his life now and in the hereafter [con
sist of] two natural gifts: religion and reason.21

.(94 .20 English translation by Lampe (1986, р

‫اهلع دمأل يللا لعجيرل يتلا يريخلاو ضئارفلا مئازع ض كلذ نإف كلا نيمعم ين مامإلا عالت ال كاب اندارقا اناف‬،‫نأولو 'انامس‬
‫رمآ كلذ يق دل مي مل يللا مزح ام خاباو ذودخلا عنم وا غخلاو مايصلاو ؛ألملا نع ىهن مامإلا‬. ‫ال امم نعامسا مامألل امماجبإ اماق‬
‫ين عاطت‬، ‫ريغ‬، ‫ارعو يتمزأ يللا لمح يذلا رمألاو ريبدتلاو يأرلا يف كلذ ناف‬، ‫[ دنئالا ييئاب‬...]
.(16-17§§ ,1976) Pellat
.(95 .21 English translation by Lampe (1986, р
‫نيدلا نيلح يف مهداعمو مهشاعم حالصو سانلا ماوق لعح يللا نأ كلذو لحر رع يللأ نم نايرجب الإ نارمألا ناذه قرفي نيلل‬
‫لقعلاو‬.
Pellat(1976,§18).
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294 1. т. KRISTO-NAGY
Ibn al-Muqaffac's following train of thoughts is of high interest in the history
of philosophy. God offered rationality to men, but since this rationality is not strong
enough they need God's other most important present, reiigion. Religion does not pre
scribe everything in their lives so that the rationality of men does not become useless.
However, the responsibility to make decisions is given only to the holders of power.
Common people have по other task in governing than:

[...] to make suggestions when consulted, to respond when invited, and

to give sincere advice in secret.22

However по one, not even rulers have right to break the rules of reiigion be
cause their duty is to maintain therm23
The logical construction of the beginning of this passage is similar to the clos
ing Paragraph of the section addressed to rulers (that is Ibn aIMuqaffac's remaining
non-personified Mirrorfor Princes) in the Kitab al-ädäb al-kabTr.

In sum, what the ruler needs in worldly matters are two views: a view
that will strengthen his authority and a view that will make it appear fine
among the people. The former view, of power, is more appropriate to
begin with and the more worthy to be preferred; the other view, of propa
ganda, brings more sweetness and produces more helpers. It is true,
power comes from Propaganda, and Propaganda from power; but things
tend to be ascribed to whatever is grander. 4

In both, we read about two different notions that complement each other. In the
Kitab al-ädäb al-kabTr, Ibn alMuqaffa0 defines "power" and "Propaganda" as two in
terdependent pillars of the State, and this is the same in the case of reiigion and reason
in the quoted Paragraph of the Risalap- '1-Sahäba
Earlier in the same section of the Kitab al-ädäb al-kabTr, Ibn alMuqaffa0
makes it obvious that the main tool of Propaganda which strengthens a ruler's power
is reiigion:

Know that there are three kinds of reign: one of reiigion, one of judi
ciousness, and one of arbitrariness. As for the reign of reiigion, if it ob
serves the reiigion of its people, and if their reiigion is such that it gives

22 English translation by Lampe (1986, pp. 96-97).

.‫[ بيغلا رهظلاب نحصلاو ةوئدلا دمم قساو ةروشملا دمم ةراشإلا الإ ءيق مألا كلذ ىف ساننل سيل‬...]
Pellat(1976, §20).
23 For the whole chapter of Reason and Religion, See Pellat (1976, §§ 18-22), and for an
English translation, See Lampe (1986, pp. 95-97).
24 English translation by van Gelder.

‫سان يف دشني ىأرو يناطلس يوقت يأر نايأر ]ايندلا رمأ نم[ يلاولا هيلإ جاتحي ام عامج‬. ‫امالوأو ةءا ديلاي اهمحأ ةوقلا يأرو‬
‫و دنينلا نم ةوفا نأ عم اناوعأ امهرثكأو هوأل< امهرضحأ نمملا ىأرو ةرثالاب‬1‫■ هلقعأ ىلإ بسني رمآ نكن ةوقلا نم قنيرو‬
Kurd cAlT (1954, р. 543"6).
For a French translation, See Tardy (1993, p. 191, § 32). For a Hungarian translation, See
Klisto Nagy (2005, p. 192, § 32).

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 REASON, RELIGION AND POWER IN IBN AL-MUQAFFAC 295

them what is their due and that it inflicts upon them what they deserve,
this will please them and it will turn the discontent among them into
people who are pleased to conform and submit. As for the reign of judi
ciousness, its rule is Stahle; it will not be free of criticism and discontent,
but the criticism of a lowly person will not be harmful if the judicious
ruler is strong. As for the reign of arbitrariness, it means one hour of play
and an eternity of ruin.25

I think that the majestic use of religious terminology and references to the
Qur'än in the Risälaß-'l-Sahäba do not reflect Ibn al-Muqaffac's true views, but his
intention to accord his letter with the norms of an official document and to win his
reader, the Caliph, Over to his suggestions.26
Ibn al-Muqaffac's reasoning on reason and religion in the Risala fl-4-Sahäba
concludes with a definition of the caliph's power received from God. According to
Ibn al-Muqaffac's opinion expressed here, the right to use his reason is the privilege
of the ruler whose authority is reinforced by his religious leadership.
This concept is very similar to the one found in the Letter ofTansar.

In the beginning of time men enjoyed perfect understanding of the

knowledge of religion and sure steadfastness. Yet it is not to be doubted
that even then, through new happenings in their midst, they had need of
a ruler of understanding; for tili religion is interpreted by understanding
it has по firm foundation.27

The Letter ٠/ Tattsar is a text of Sasanian origin. The original Pahlavi work
was translated into Arabic by Ibn al-Muqaffa0.
Both the Pahlavi and Ibn aIMuqaffac's Arabic versions are lost, but we have
a translation from the Arabic into New Persian by Ibn Isfandiyar. According to
M. Boyce, the origin of the text is a real political letter (see Boyce 1968, pp. 11-22)
written by Tansar, or Tösar (see Boyce 1968, pp. 7-8), who was probably a historical
person (see Boyce 1968, pp. 5-7), the Chief‫م‬،‫ اأجء*ءء‬of the founder of the Sasanian

25 English translation by van Gelder.

‫مهيطعي يذلا وه مهتي ناكو مهنيد هلهأل مائا اذإ هنإف نيدلا كلم اماق 'يوه كلمو مزح كلم و نيد كلم ةثالث كولملا نا ملعا‬
‫موقي هنإف مزحلا كلم امار •ميلستلاو رارقإلا يف يضارلا هلزنمب مهنم طحاملا لزناو كلذ مهضارأ مهيلع يذلا مهب قجليحم مهل يذلا‬
‫طخستلاو نعطلا نم ملسي الو رمألا هب‬. ‫يوقلا مزح عم ليلذلا نعط رصي نلو‬. ‫رهد رامذو ةعاس بعلف ىوهلا كلم اماو‬.
Kurd cAlT (1954, р. 4912 َ‫)ء‬.
Van Gelder is probably right to translate "reign" ‫ كلت‬instead of "king" ‫ كلم‬since only one of
the sources used by Kurd cAlt writes ‫ كولم‬in the first sentence whereas all the others write ‫كلم‬. For а
French translation, See Tardy (1993, p. 188, § 17). For a Hungarian translation, See Kristo Nagy
(2005,P.190, §17).
26 A sample of Ibn al-Muqaffac's chancellery style is his already mentioned amdn filll with
Qur'anic quotes and references. See Marsham-Robinson (2007).
27 English translation by Boyce (1968, p. 37). For the New Persian text, see Minovi (1932,
p. 12). For a French translation, See Darmesteter (1894, p. 517).
28 The herbeds and the mobeds formed the clergy of the Sasanian Iran.

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 296 I. T. KRISTÖ-NAGY
dynasty, the king ArdasTr. His letter to GuSnasp, the king of Pariswär and of Tabari
stän, seems to me in many ways a model for Ibn al-Muqaffac's letter to the caliph.29
But yet again, I consider the submissive posture of Ibn al-Muqaffac's Risäla
fi-'l- Sahäba more a stratagem than a true conviction. We should not forget that Ibn
al-Muqaffac's letter was directly addressed to the caliph al-Mansûr. Ibn al-Muqaffac
wanted his suggestions to be accepted, and he also wanted to survive this audacious
act of advising the sovereign. He could not say what we can induce from his oeuvre:
leaders of the State need advisors who lead them. As we have seen above, these
advisors, like Ibn al-Muqaffac himself, are mentioned as people who have

[...] the right to make suggestions when consulted, to respond when in

vited, and to give sincere advice in secret.30

It is important to stress the fact that, according to Ibn al-Muqaffac's Statement,

no special group, such as the priests or nobles, have the privilège to intervene in the
décisions of the Commander of the Faithful. This right belongs to the people of reason
as we understand from the section of the letter which serves as a captatio benevolen
tiae (see Pellat 1976, § 4).31
Ibn al-Muqaffac clearly despises immoral and useless careerists. Some of the
most ardent passages in his différent texts are written against them.32 Following so
cial Conventions and realities, he recognises the privilèges of the aristocracy. He states
in the Mirror for Princes section of the Kitäb al-ädäb al-kablr.

When examining the affairs of his subjects, the ruler must examine the
needs of the free, noble people among them; let him make an effort to
meet these needs and to quash the oppression they suffer from the lower
class. Let him feel distressed by a noble man who is hungry and a base

29 It is difficult to grasp how much Ibn al-Muqaffac's personality was modelled by the wise
sages of the texts he translated, and how much Ibn al-Muqaffac modelled their personalities. Ibn al
Muqaffac,s "interaction" with his ideal heroes and the question of the relationship between rulers
and their advisors will be the topic of my next article: "A Self-portrait of a Wise Jackal; Ibn al-Mu
qaffac's Heroes: the Sage and the Sovereign".
30 See above, note 22.
31 For the English translation see Lampe (1986, pp. 86-87).
32 See some of these passages in the Risälaß-'l-$ahäba, Pellat (1976, § 47) translated into
English by Lampe (1986, pp. 114-115), in the Kitäb al-ädäb al-kabïr, Kurd cAlî (1954, p. 558"14),
translated into French by Tardy (1993, p. 192, § 35) and translated into Hungarian by Kristô Nagy
(2005, § 35), in the Letter of Tansar, Minovi (1932, pp. 13-14), translated into English by Boyce
(1968, p. 39) and into French by Darmesteter (1894, pp. 519-520), in two chapters interpolated by
Ibn al-Muqaffac into the Kaiila wa-Dimna: in The Fable of the Investigation of Dimna, cAzzäm
(1973, pp. 101-124), Cheikho (1986, pp. 115-142), translated into English by Sacadeh Jallad (2002,
pp. 119-131) and translated into French by Miquel (1980, §§ 250-320), and in The Fable of the
Hermit and his Guest cAzzäm (1973, pp. 297-299), Cheikho (1986, pp. 247-248.), translated into
English by Sacadeh Jallad (2002, pp. 229-230) and translated into French by Miquel (1980, §§
809-816). This topic will be analysed in my article mentioned above (see note 29).

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 REASON, RELIGION AND POWER IN IBN AL-MUQAFFAC 297

man who is sated, for a noble man will be aggressive only when he is
hungry, and a base man only when he is sated.3

In the Risala ß- 4-§ahäba, Ibn alMuqaffa0 speaks about the injustice against
the aristocracy of bis times - the MuhagirQn, the An‫؛؛‬är, Вапй Hasirn, the Qurays34 -
and he dedicates a separate chapter (though а теге one sentence long) to give some
power to the young in the new dynasty:

One of the things of which the Commander of the Faithfid may be re

minded is the young men of his [own] family and the descendants of
0All and al-cAbbas, for among them are men who, if they were pro
vided with important tasks and responsibilities, could discharge certain
tasks and participate actively in Others.36

Nevertheless, it is clear that for Ibn aIMuqaffac, personal merit is much more
important than noble origins. In the Risala fi- 'ISahaba, he mentions the ansdb, people
with inherited noblesse only once (Pellat 1976, § 48), whereas he uses the terms hasab,
acquired noblesse five times (Pellat 1976, §§ 44, 45, 47, and twice in § 49) and the
ahsdb (people possessing this quality) one time further (Pellat 1976, § 48).
In the Mirror for Princes section of the Kitab al-ädäb alkablr Ibn al-Muqaf
fac highlights the importance of the men of religion:

Get to know the religious and virtuous people in every town, village, or
tribe, so that they will be your friends, your assistants, your inner circle,
and your trusted confidants.37

33 English translation by yan Gelder.

‫هعمقلمث مهنم قلفلا نايغئحو اهدس ىف لمعيلف مهتم رارحألا قئاف قيعرلا رومأ نم دقغمبي اميف يلاولا دقفتيل‬. ‫شحرتسيل م‬
‫مش ادآميئللاو ءاح اذإ مشلا لوصي طناق ناعيقلا ميئللاو مئاجلآ مشلا نم‬.
KurdcAli(1954,pp. 5213-53‫)ا‬.
For a French translation, see Tardy (1993, p. 190, §§ 25-26). For a Hungarian translation,
See KristoNagy (2005, p. 191, §§ 25-26).
Pellat (1976, § 47) on the Quray‫ ؛؛‬again in § 48.
35 In the Arabic text we read cAlI. Pellat, as well as Lampe, glossed these names in their trans
lations as cAli [b. Abi Talib] and alcAbbas [b. cAbd alMuttalib]. This seems to be obvious since
cAlIb. Abi Talib was the cousin and sonimlaw of Muhammad, and the Partisans ofhis descendents
often referred to as [‫ ]ىلع ض‬are the Sfa; and a!-cAbbäs b. cAbd alMuttalib was the brother of Muham
mad's father and cÄlrYfather and the ancestor of the new ruling dynasty, the 0Abbasids. However,
I think that Ibn alMuqaffac might be referring to cAlI, the father of the uncles of the caliph al-Man
sür, who were Ibn al-Muqaffac's lords and were also referred to as [‫]ىلع ض‬. In this case, the advice is
more logical: the caliph should take care of the young ofhis fainily, his father's offspring, his
uncles' offspring and the young in the entire 0Abbasid family, in general.
36 English translation by Lampe (1986, pp. 117-118).
‫ساملا ضر ىلمم صل ديبأ ضو يتيب لها ناهف رمأ نينمؤملا ريمأ *ب يندت انمد‬, ‫رومألا ماسجب اوش ول الاحر مهيف نإف‬
‫ىرخأل هدغ اوناكو اهوجو اودس لاومألاو‬.
Pellat (1976, §50).
37 English translation by van Gelder.

.‫كتاقثؤ كناطيؤ كناوعأو كناوخإ مه اونوكيف يلينو تشو ةروك لك يف ةءورملاو نيدلا لهآ فرعا‬
KurdcAlI(1954,p.4510'n).
For a French translation, see Tardy (1993, p. 186, § 7). For a Hungarian translation, see
Kristo Nagy (2005, p. 189, § 7).

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298 I. т. KRISTO-NAGY
However, the manner in which he continues reveals that the main quality of an
advisor is not being religious, but being a man of reason:

Do not make yourself believe that if you ask people's advice you will ap
pear to be in need of other people's opinions. For you do not want an opin
ion to boast of it: you want it in Order to benefit from it. If at the same
time you are thinking of your reputation, then the better of the two kinds
of reputation in the view of virtuous people, is the one that one says: "He
does not form opinions on his own: he consults those with sound views".38
He continues his advice:

If you seek to please all people, you seek what cannot be achieved. How
could the views of people with different opinions ever be in agreement?
Why should you need to please those whose pleasure lies in injustice,
or to approve ofthose who approve of error and brutal ignorance? You
should seek the pleasure of good and intelligent people, and when you
have obtained it you will not need to trouble yourself with anything eise.
Do not allow people who have behaved well towards you to be
humiliated and do not empower others to be insolent to them and to de
nounce them.39

He concludes his recommendations with the following words:

Accustom yourself to enduring those sincere counsellors who disagree

with you, and to swallowing the bitterness of their words and their cen
sure. However, do not make smooth this path except to intelligent, та
ture, and virtuous people, lest some foolish person boldly take advantage
of it when it becomes widely known, or a spiteful person will think light
ofdoing so.40

.38 English translation by van Gelder

‫كريغ يأر ىلإ ةجاحلا كنم زهظ لاجرلا ترشتسا نإ كنأ كعور ىف كئفدقث ال‬. ‫ءدش نكلو عي راختفالل يأرلا دنت تل كنإؤ‬
‫دب عافتنالل‬. ‫وذ ةراثتيا نود ييأرب درغتي ال لامم نأ لضفلا لهأ رس اهلضفأ نيميلا مجأ ناك مدلا ثدرأ كلذ عم كنأ زلر‬

KurdcAir(1954, P. 4625ِ).
For a French translation, See Tardy (1993, p. 186, § 8). For a Hungarian translation, See
Kristo Nagy (2005, p. 189, § 8).
39 English translation by van Gelder.

‫كردت ال ام سمتلت سانلا عيج ضر ستلت نإ كنإ‬. ‫روجلا ءاضر نم يحمر يلإ كتجاح ام و ؟نيفلتخملا يأر كل فقثي فيكو‬
‫كنع عصن كلذ بصئ ىتم كئاف لقعلا يوذو مهنم رايخألا يضر سامتلاب كيلعف ؟قلاهجلاو ةلالضلا هتقفاوم نم ةقفاوم ىلإؤ‬
‫هاوس ام ةنورم‬.
KurdcAlT(1954,p.46710).
For a French translation, See Tardy (1993, p. 186, § 9). For a Hungarian translation, See
Kristo Nagy (2005, p. 189, § 9).
40 English translation by van Gelder.
‫مهلدعو مهلوق ةرارمل خيجتلاو ةحتصنلا يوذ نم كفلاخ نم ىلع ربصلا كنشن دوع‬. ‫كلذ ليبس نلهسئ الو‬. ‫نسلاو لقعلا لهأل الإ‬
‫ىناش هب فختسي وا هيفس هب ىرتجي ام كلذ نم رشتني ألك ةءورملاو‬.
KurdcAlT(1954,p.476'8).

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 REASON, RELIGION AND POWER IN IBN AL-MUQAFFAC 299

By giving all power to the caliph and underlining the importance of the men of
reason, the implicit meaning of Ibn al-Muqaffac words is that a reasonable person, even
if he is only a Persian kätib like himself, has the right and duty to turn to the ruler.
Al-Mansür was one of the most significant rulers in the history of the Islamic
World. He was the founder of Baghdad and the real founder of the new cAbbäsid rule.
Nevertheless, in order to establish his rule and the new dynasty, he had to be and was
a ruthless tyrant. Ibn al-Muqaffac knew all too well that the success of the captatio
benevolentiae at the beginning of his letter was a matter of life or death. This is a per
sonalised Mirror for Princes, an actualised version of this literary genre that Ibn al
Muqaffac introduced into Arabie prose. Hardly any Scholar has realised that this intro
duction is not only an exercise of style, but a key designed to open the heart of the ca
liph to the message of the letter and to its author. If al-Mansür had been as convinced
about Ibn al-Muqaffac's humble loyalty as nearly all the researchers who have studied
this letter are, then Ibn al-Muqaffac would have lived much longer.

Conclusion

Because of his understanding of the nature of power and his description of it, Ibn al
Muqaffa0 can be classified as one of the most eminent authors in the history of univer
sal political thought. However, he did not merely describe political and social behav
iour and deduce général truth from reality. In order to be of practical usefulness to
présent and future societies, he also adapted theory to reality within the given frame
work of the new Islamic empire then under construction. The pragmatic way he linked
philosophy, religion and politics together is important not only for the study of the
Early Islamic period, but also universally significant in the history of philosophy and
religion.
According to Ibn al-Muqaffa°'s oeuvre, religion is first of all an indispensable
political necessity because of the unsatisfactory rationality of men. People have some
intelligence but not enough to live and work together in harmony. Because they do
not have enough reason, they need rules and rulers.41
The role of the ruler, and the rôle of religion are interlinked. The rule of the
ruler is best reinforced by religion. However, because rulers are humans and not always
the most reasonable ones, their power has to be confmed, "constitutionalised", by the
established rules of the State which are confirmed by religion, the same religion that
confirms the power of rulers. "State and religion are twins" (see Shaked 1984). They
ensure the harmony of the différent components of society, and together form the
ffamework of power that men need because people are not intelligent enough to live
without them, following only their reason.

For a French translation, see Tardy (1993, p. 187, § 13). For a Hungarian translation, see
Kristô Nagy (2005, p. 189, § 13).
41 The construction of the State according to Ibn al-Muqaffac's views will be the topic of
another article.

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300 1. T. KRISTÖ-NAGY
Ibn al-Muqaffac's opinion of reason and religion is more sceptical than Ibn
Rusd's (b. 520/1126, d. 595/1198) famous idea of the veritas duplex (see Maroth 1999,
pp. 203-213). As a resuit of Ibn al-Muqaffac's pragmatism, his thought on the politi
cal rôle of the philosopher was less pretentious than that of Plato (b. 428 or 427 ВС
and d. 348 or 347 ВС) and that of al-Fârâbî (b. ca. 872 and d. 950 or 951). However,
he was still more optimistic than Ibn Tufayl (b. in the first decade of the 6th/12th
Century, d. 581/1185-1186). Ibn al-Muqaffac knew that philosophers did not become
rulers, and rulers did not become philosophers. Philosophers have to try to guide rul
ers, and rulers have to try to listen to them. Ibn al-Muqaffac,s views on the relation
ship between these two protagonists of the political stage are the topic of the next ar
ticle of this sériés.

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