LANDSCAPE

AND
URBAN PLANNING

Landscape and Urban Planning 35 (1996) 193-201

The influence of street lighting improvements on crime, fear and

pedestrian street use, after dark
Kate Painter
Institute oj’Criminology, Cambridge Uniurrsi~, Cambridge, CB3 9DT, UK

Abstract

This paper focuses upon the results of a co-ordinated programme of research designed to evaluate the impact of street
lighting improvements on crime and fear of crime. The street lighting was upgraded in three urban streets and a pedestrian
footpath considered by a multi-agency team to be crime and fear prone. The impact of the street lighting programme was
assessed using attitudinal and behavioural measures, through ‘before’ and ‘after’ surveys of pedestrians. The results provide
convincing evidence that sensitively deployed street lighting can lead to reductions in crime and fear of crime, and increase
pedestrian street use after dark.

Keywords: Street lighting; Crime; Pedestrians

1. Introduction: crime and fear in the dark
Ask most people why they do not venture out
after dark and ‘crime in the streets’ is sure to figure
as a common response. Concern about crime in
urban areas is hardly new but it is realistic. The types
of crime which cause most anxiety are focused in
urban areas especially after dark. Data from the 1992
British Crime Survey show that the majority of
violent crime occurs in public areas between 18.00 h
and midnight (Mayhew et al., 1993). Public reaction
to this unpleasant reality is logical. A substantial
majority of women, elderly people and men avoid
going out after dark simply as a precaution against
the possibility of becoming a victim of crime.
None the less, successive crime surveys have
pointed out that those most fearful are least likely to
be victimised and that even in high crime areas, the
chances of being seriously victimised are still very
low. Evidence that fear of crime is out of proportion
to risk has caused researchers to examine a range of
cues within the environment which arouse anxiety
irrespective of actual risk. It is useful for the purpose
of subsequent discussion to identify the pivotal envi-
ronmental cues that signal to pedestrians they are in
danger of being victimised.
Research suggests that there are three cues which
indicate potential risk and heighten fear for personal
safety: darkness, disorder and finding oneself alone
or in the presence of others who are perceived to be
threatening. Darkness induces a sense of insecurity
because it cuts down visibility and recognition at a
distance. Dark or dimly lit streets create a limitless
source of blindspots, shadows and potential places of
entrapment. Consequently, to the extent that good-
quality street lighting ameliorates one of the root
causes of fear, darkness, it can make a substantial
contribution as a fear reducing strategy.
Research has also shown that crime and fear are
linked to disorderly behaviour in public places. Al-

0169.2046/96/$15.00 Copyright 0 1996 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.

PII SO1 69-2046(96)003 11-8
194 K. Painter/Landtcupe und Urbun Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
though much of this involves little that is criminal in
a serious sense, rowdy youths, drunks or aggressive
street people are a source of worry because they
appear unpredictable, menacing and represent a threat
to personal safety. Pedestrians sense that disorderly
public places are uncontrolled-anything might hap-
pen. Besides, disorderly and drunken incidents do
have the propensity to escalate into more serious
crime (Wilson and Kelling, 1982; Skogan, 1990).
Being alone in a dark street, or in the presence of
others perceived to be threatening, induces fear for
two reasons. First, the absence of other capable
guardians on the street means there is no one who
could come to one’s aid in the event of attack.
Second, a person walking alone will be a much more
attractive target than one who is accompanied. The
cues to a dangerous environment from a normal
pedestrian’s point of view are those of a safe envi-
ronment from the potential offender’s perspective.
The converse is also true. The cues to a safe environ-
ment from the public’s view (good visibility and
recognition, an abundance and varied cross-section
of pedestrians) is one of risk to the offender. Offend-
ers are deterred by the presence of others in highly
visible locations because this increases the possibil-
ity of being interrupted, recognised and apprehended.
Consequently, it follows that one means of creat-
ing safer, well-used urban areas is to design streets
and city centres so that there is a greater density of
pedestrian traffic, a variety of facilities which people
would want to use and clear visibility over long
distances. Within this context, improved lighting is
an immediate means of cost effectively creating a
sense of public safety, enhancing the quality of the
built environment and increasing the number of peo-
ple on the streets after dark. The remainder of the
paper outlines the design and results of a demonstra-
tion project designed to test the feasibility of street
lighting as a crime and fear reducing measure.
2. Project design
The programme consisted of three linked studies,
each of which used a quasi-experimental design and
multi-method approach. It was stripped to the bare
essentials for evaluative purposes. Each of the three
studies was strategy specific, crime specific, time
specific and place specific. The programme was
focused at street level to facilitate the introduction of
lighting improvements in conditions which could be
carefully controlled and monitored throughout the
research period. The aim was to assess the impact of
lighting improvements on crime, disorder and fear.
2.1. Selection of potentially dangerous streets
A multi-agency team made up of the crime pre-
vention officer, local authority officials, lighting en-
gineers and academics visited various sites identified
by the police as poorly lit, fear inducing and poten-
tially hazardous. The three urban streets chosen had
similar characteristics. They were badly lit, clearly
demarcated roads, running through mixed use loca-
tions (connecting commercial, transport, leisure and
shopping facilities), containing on-street parking and
with some pedestrian usage. The streets also dis-
played, to varying degrees, observable signs of envi-
ronmental and social incivilities, such as youths
hanging around, dogs roaming unrestrained, signs of
drunken and disorderly behaviour, litter, graffiti, and
damaged and dilapidated property.
2.2. Description of streets selected
The first project was sited in Edmonton, North
London. It comprised two thoroughfares (a street and
a pedestrian footpath) leading from three high-den-
sity, multi-storey, council-owned tower blocks. The
two routes converged at a point leading under a
railway bridge, thence on to the railway station
entrance, a public telephone box, snooker club, pub-
lic houses, shops and a launderette.
The second project was sited in Tower Hamlets,
an extremely deprived, multi-racial area in the East
End of London. A rail entrance-exit led onto the
street. Property along the street was partly boarded
up but also included high-density, dilapidated, coun-
cil-owned accommodation. The street also connected
the main arterial East End Road at one end with
high-quality, private housing at the other. Located
nearby was a Salvation Army hostel for alcoholics
and the homeless and several public houses. The
street was also used by nurses and night staff as a
route to a large hospital, situated near the main
arterial road.
 K. Painter/ Lutulscupe uml Urhnn Planning 35 (1996) 193-201 195

The third study was located in Hammersmith and
Fulham, an area in West London. The badly lit street
ran from private, rented accommodation through a
sheltered housing complex, inhabited by elderly peo-
ple (65years and older) to a major arterial road,
containing bars, shops, a launderette and late-night
retailing outlets.
2.3. Types of crime included in the study
There are many types of crime in public space
after dark which could potentially be prevented by
street lighting improvements. The focus was upon
street robbery, physical and sexual assaults, theft of
and from cars, vandalism, graffiti, sexual and verbal
harassment, and threatening, drunken and disorderly
behaviour.
2.4. Type and level of lighting installed
The type, level and uniformity of public lighting
and the way it is designed will affect the potential to
reduce crime and fear. If, for example, the level or
uniformity of the lighting is inadequate, or if the
lighting is obscured by trees or shrubbery, then the
potential effectiveness of relighting will be ob-
structed. The improved lighting schemes at each site
were designed to meet British Standard BS5489, Part
3. This lists three categories of lighting levels to
correspond with low, medium and high crime risk
areas. The highest category, 3/ 1, was achieved in all
three exploratory projects. This gives an average
illuminance of 1Olux and a minimum of 5 lux. The
Code of Practice also states a preference for ‘white’
light sources for category 3/ 1. High-pressure sodium
lamps were used to replace the low-pressure sodium
(orange) lamps, which at that time did not even
achieve the minimum standard of 3/3 laid down. In
these circumstances, the lighting improvements made
a significantly noticeable difference to the night-time
environment.
2.5. Survey procedures
On-street pedestrian surveys were undertaken be-
fore and 6 weeks after lighting improvements in each

TOWER HAMMERSMITH
EDMONTON
HAMLETS AND FULHAM

Before After Before After Before After

N =207 N=153 N=143 N=143 N=200 N=200

Street robbery
5 0 2 0 1 0
/physical attack

Theft of/from/

damage to vehicles

Threats

TOTAL ) 21 ) 3 1 18 ) 4 1 2 ) 0

Fig. 1. Crime before and 6 weeks after lighting improvements in Edmonton, Tower Hamlets and Hammersmith and Fulham. Compiled from
Painter (1988), Painter (I 989) and Painter (I 991). N, Sample size.
196 K. Painter/Land.wp und Urban Planning 35 (1996) 193-201

of the three streets and the pedestrian footpath. They
were completed after dark between 17.00h and
23.30h for ten evenings in each pre- and post-test
period. The focus of analysis was the amount of
crime which occurred after dark in the street, 6 weeks
before and 6 weeks after relighting. Pedestrians were
asked about their experience of crime within a 5 min
walk of the interview point, over the previous
12months. They were asked to be specific about
crime which had occurred in the street after dark,
during the 6 week period before the interview. The
lighting was installed in 1 week following the pretest
interviews.
Six weeks after the lighting was installed, pedes-
trians using the same streets were interviewed in
similar circumstances at comparable seasonal times
(i.e. before the change to British Summertime). In
addition, in both pre- and post-test surveys, incidents
were mapped, the number of pedestrians using the
streets was counted and on-site incidents of crime
and disorder were logged. The short 6 week ‘before
and after’ interval of the surveys was to facilitate
control over other environmental influences which
could have confounded the effects of the relighting
programmes. None the less, it was important to
consider whether any positive effects of relighting
could be sustained over a longer period of time. For
this reason, the Hammersmith and Fulham project
also used a 12 month follow-up period to monitor
impact. In addition to pedestrians, elderly people
living alongside the relit street were interviewed on
three occasions: before, 6 weeks after and 12 months

HAMMERSMITH
EDMONTON TOWER HAMLETS
AND FULHAM *

%
INCIDENT
Male Female % Change %Change All Cha

n8e
-
M F \AII
1
Physical
50 28 87 57 -44 -34 49 16 79 58 -67 -27
attack

Threats1
17 10 15 4 -41 -73 -64
pestermg

WOMEN

ONLY
N/A NIA 86 64 N/A -26 NIA NIA 77 60 NIA -22 -69
Sexual

assault

Fig. 2. Percentage fear of attack, at night, by gender. Respondents were asked: ‘Do you worry about the possibility of the following things
happening, at night, when walking through here?’ Table compiled from Painter (1988). Painter (1989) and Painter (1991). a Gender
breakdown not available for this project. All percentages are ‘rounded’ and sample sizes are the same as in Fig. I.
 K. Pointrr/Lundscupe
after the street lighting was upgraded. The findings
of this study are described at the end of the Results
section.
3. Results
3.1. Crime
Incidents of crime and disorder were markedly
reduced in two of the three streets, after lighting
improvements (Fig. 1). After adjusting for difference
in sample size in Edmonton, 21 incidents were re-
duced to four and similar reductions were found in
Tower Hamlets (18 reduced to four). As there were
only two reported incidents in the street in the
Hammersmith pedestrian survey before relighting it
is not possible to state that lighting had any impact
on crime against pedestrians. One finding not shown
in Fig. 1 is that there was a significant drop in crime
and disorder (17 incidents reduced to three) in two
adjacent unlit roads which led into the relit street.
This suggests that lighting improvements had an
unintended, positive impact outside of the study area.
There is increasing evidence that crime prevention
initiatives can have beneficial effects beyond their
main objectives. This effect has been referred to as
‘diffusion of benefits’ (Clarke, 1992; Clarke and
Weisburd, 1994).
Most of the reductions reported relate more to
threatening and disorderly incidents than to crime.
Yet research indicates that social and physical disor-
der is closely correlated with high levels of crime,
fear and neighbourhood decline. One explanation for
the association between disorder, crime and fear is
that if left unchecked, disorderly incidents escalate
Edmonton
II Tower Hamlets
Hammersmith and Fulham
Fig. 3. Percentage noticing lighting improvements,
und Urban Plunnin~ 35 (1996) 193-201 197
into more serious crime (Wilson and Kelling, 1982;
Skogan, 1990). Where street lighting improvements
can lead to a reduction in such incidents they have a
significant contribution to make as a crime control
strategy.
3.2. Fear of crime
Alongside the reduction in crime, there was a
marked reduction in fear of physical attack (Fig. 2)
and a corresponding increase in personal safety,
among men and women in all three streets. To
simplify results, only the reductions in fear after dark
are presented.
Over 90% of pedestrians interviewed in all loca-
tions thought fear of crime in the surrounding area
had decreased. In Edmonton, 62% said they had felt
safer using the street; in Tower Hamlets, 69% felt
safer. Pedestrians were then asked: ‘Why do you feel
safer in this road?’ In Edmonton, 83% attributed this
to the relighting. The figure for Tower Hamlets was
significantly lower (30%). The majority of pedestri-
ans at this site said they felt safer, but did not know
why. This suggests that in some environments, light-
ing improvements might have a subliminal influence
on personal safety even if the improvements have
not been consciously noticed or have been taken for
granted.
3.3. Impact of lighting improvements on women
Coincident with the reduction in women’s fear of
physical and sexual assault, women were far more
likely than men to notice the lighting improvements
in all three locations. Towards the end of the inter-
view, pedestrians were asked whether they had no-
ticed any changes to the street lighting (Fig. 3).
ALL MALE FEMALE
69% 63% 82%
I
61%
I
59%
I
80%
II
79% 76% 84%
by gender. Table compiled from Painter (1988), Painter (I 989) and Painter (1991).
198 K. Puinter/ Landscape und Urbun Planning 35 (1996) 193-201

TOWER HAMMERSMITH AND

EDMONTON
HAMLETS FULHAM

Threatening behaviour 64% 76% 82%

Physical assaults 55% 69% 70%

Sexual assaults 65% 53% 60%

Vandalism 39% 56% 48%

Gangs of youths loitering 9% 26% 23%

Fear of crime 85% 94% 90%

Fig. 4. Percentage of respondents believing problems had decreased in the immediate area, after lighting improvements. Table compiled
from Painter (1988), Painter (1989) and Painter (1991).

BEFORE AFTER % CHANGE

EDMONTON

Relit PEDESTRIAN FOOTPATH

MALE 1888 2832 +50%
FEMALE 1374 2259 +64%

Relit ROAD
MALE 2976 4271 i-44
FEMALE 2477 3598 +45

TOWER HAMLETS

Relit ROAD
MALE 898 1205 +34
FEMALE 524 175 f48

HAMMERSMITH AND FULHAM

Relit ROAD
MALE 547 1098 +101
FEMALE 495 846 f71

Fig. 5. Number of men and women pedestrians before and after lighting improvements. Table compiled from Painter (1988), Painter (1989)
and Painter (1991).
 K. Painter/Lwulscape and Urban Planning 35 (1996) 193-201
The lighting projects provide empirical support
for the proposition that women’s fear of crime is not
simply related to their physical vulnerability, but to
cues and stimuli within the built environment to
which they appear more sensitive than their male
counterparts. After lighting improvements, inter-
viewers noted that women had altered their de-
meanour and the pace at which they walked. They
used the pavement rather than the road, walked
normally rather than ran, and generally appeared
more confident. As one woman commented: ‘People
don’t seem to walk in the middle of the road. People
are more confident since the new lights. It looks less
intimidating.’
3.4. Indirect effects on perceptions of crime and the
environment
Perceptions of specific crime problems in all areas
were positively affected, following the lighting initia-
tives. In each street, respondents thought that as-
saults, threatening behaviour and vandalism had de-
creased (Fig. 4). Perceptions of crime problems are
an important aspect of crime prevention because
attitudes can have a tangible impact on behaviour. If
people believe crime is on the increase in an area
they will use it less often. In turn, this reduces the
amount of informal surveillance and social control,
and opportunities for crime can be increased.
3.5. Impact on night-time street usage
In all three streets and the pedestrian footpath the
number of pedestrians were monitored pre- and
post-test. Fig. 5 presents the results from all three
projects. It is clearly evident that there was a signifi-
cant increase in the number of people using the
streets after the introduction of street lighting. The
projects indicate that lighting improvements can in-
crease pedestrian street use throughout the evening.
This effect has been noted in other lighting projects
implemented over a larger geographical area and
monitored over a 12 month period (Bainbridge and
Painter, 1993; Painter, 1994; Painter, 1995).
3.4. The impact on crime and fear of crime among
elderly residents over 12 months
The pedestrian surveys clearly achieved most of
the stated aims. One limitation was the short time
199
period between the before and after surveys. Conse-
quently, the third project, in Hammersmith and Ful-
ham, included a 12 month follow-up household sur-
vey of elderly people living in the relit street, to
assess whether any positive effects of relighting could
be sustained over a longer period. This survey showed
an immediate and marked reduction in disorder and
incivilities in the relit area. A total of 35 incidents
recorded in the 6 week period before street lighting
improvements were made was reduced to three in the
6 week period after, a reduction which was sustained
over the following 12 month period.
Before lighting improvements, the majority of
elderly residents were afraid to walk approximately
30m from their door to the on-site community cen-
tre. Fearful of crime and disorder, they felt vulnera-
ble and powerless. As one elderly woman put it: ‘I
can no longer exercise any control over the little bit
of garden outside my flat and that includes my front
porch.’
Lighting improvements greatly reduced elderly
people’s concerns and fears about crime. In the
pre-test period six out of ten worried ‘a lot/quite a
lot’ about crime. In the post-test period only two out
of ten worried ‘a lot/quite a lot’. Fears of being
burgled, or robbed or assaulted in the street showed
significant reductions (- 77% and - 65%, respec-
tively). One in three elderly people said they were
more willing to go out after dark and almost half
(44%) thought it had increased their confidence to go
out at night. Lighting also affected perceptions of
crime problems over the 12 month period. Half of all
respondents thought that crime had become less
common in the previous 12 months; 61% thought
fear of crime in the community had decreased and
94% thought that the lighting had made it easier to
recognise people and aesthetically improved the area.
4. Discussion: the mechanisms by which lighting
can work to reduce crime and fear
Though it might seem obvious, from the results
presented above, that good lighting has the potential
to reduce crime and fear, there is a need to discuss
how and in what circumstances this might occur.
Street lighting is a tangible alteration of the built
environment but it does not constitute a physical
barrier to crime. As an environmental crime strategy
200 K. Puinter/Landscupe
it can only be effective if it alters the behaviour and
perceptions of the public, including potential offend-
ers. Street lighting is not a straightforward solution
to crime. Rather it can act as both a psychological
deterrent to offenders and as a catalyst to stimulate
the means to solve crime and disorder through a
variety of mechanisms. What follows is a brief out-
line of the mechanisms through which street lighting
reduced crime, disorder and fear. The most obvious
way in which lighting works to reduce crime and
fear is by increased visibility and recognition over
greater distance. The improved sight lines deter po-
tential offenders by increasing the perceived risks of
offending. Equally, pedestrians feel safer because
they are less at risk of surprise attack and a pivotal
cue to fear, darkness, is alleviated.
In addition, street lighting encourages more inten-
sive use of streets after dark. The increased pedes-
trian density and traffic flow enhances natural
surveillance. This increases the possibility of some-
one coming to one’s aid in the event of attack.
People feel safer because of the ‘safety in numbers’
factor and they have a sense of being ‘watched over’
by the increased number of eyes on the street. From
the offenders’ perspective, increased visibility, natu-
ral surveillance and the proximity of the public
increase the risks of being seen and caught. The
same cues which reduce risks and fears of ordinary
street users increase the perceived risks to offenders.
It is well established that offenders prefer to remain
unseen when they are committing offences and they
are threatened by the close proximity of passers-by
(Mayhew et al., 1979).
Street lighting also improves public confidence.
Renovation of a highly noticeable aspect of the built
environment after dark, combined with changed so-
cial usage of the streets, signals to potential offend-
ers and victims that efforts are being made to im-
prove the physical characteristics of the environment
and this leads to a more positive neighbourhood
image. Just as a neglected poorly lit environment
signals a lack of control and potential danger, so too,
a well-lit, intensely used street sends a non-verbal
message that the area is improving and that there is
potentially more social control, order and surveil-
lance. As a general ‘feel good’ factor is enhanced for
pedestrians, offenders perceive that crime is riskier
here than elsewhere. These overlapping mechanisms,
und Urban Pluming 35 (1996) 193-201
triggered by lighting improvements, reduce exposure
to risk and fears for personal safety.
5. Conclusion
One must acknowledge that there are limits to
what can be achieved by any single strategy. It
cannot be expected that relighting will address crime
and fear problems in all contexts. What works in one
urban street will not necessarily work in another.
What holds true at one time may not hold good at
another. However, it is well known that hot spots of
crime persist in specific areas of towns and cities and
we need to develop explanations for what kinds of
streets and public places lead to a concentration of
crime, especially after dark.
The research findings from the Edmonton, Tower
Hamlets and Hammersmith and Fulham projects pro-
vide consistent evidence that lighting improvements
have a powerful capacity to reduce crime, incivilities
and fear at night. In urban streets and residential
settings they also have the potential to increase
pedestrian street use after dark. The study also illus-
trates the necessity of having a clear conceptual and
methodological approach to evaluation. A badly lit
environment does not, of itself, cause crime. It would
be foolish for policy-makers to believe that all that is
required to reduce crime and fear is to find a badly
lit site and relight it. If lighting is to be effective as a
crime prevention strategy it is important to be clear
about the mechanisms it is expected to induce in a
specific environmental and social setting. It may be
difficult to disentangle which mechanisms are in-
duced with what effects. This is less important than
thinking through in advance of installation how, why
and where it could work. The demonstration project
revealed how street lighting can act as a catalyst to
bring about changes in social behaviour which in
turn contribute to a reduction in crime and disorder.
On a more general point concerning safety in the
streets: one response to the growing crime problem
in town centres has been the increasing reliance on
technological measures and private security guards
as means of surveillance in public space. Some have
argued that CCTV and private security guards are
inadvertently leading us towards a ‘fortress’, ‘big
brother’ society in which civil liberties are under-
mined and fears about crime are worsened. One
 K. Painrrr/Landmqx
unintended side effect of increasing security mea-
sures is that they can send out signals to pedestrians
that they are in a dangerous area. In contrast to such
measures, street lighting is a publicly owned and
community orientated strategy which benefits all sec-
tions of the community. Where it leads to increased
street usage, it enhances natural, informal surveil-
lance and contributes to increased public order and
safety.
It is counter-intuitive to take issue with the propo-
sition that people feel safer in well-lit, well-used
areas. The pedestrians in these surveys gave priority
to better street lighting and more police on foot
patrol as the measures which would do most to
increase safety in the streets. They were not stupid to
think this. They know that streets are safer if they are
well lit, just as they are with more police on foot
patrol. Surely it is the duty of policy-makers to link
public intuition with community safety strategies.
The public should be consulted about crime in their
community and their opinions should be heeded; for
only in this way will public policy connect with,
inform and tackle crime, disorder and fear in urban
streets.
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and Urban Pluming 35 (1996) 193-201 201
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