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R RC #24
VARC 100: RC#24
Utilitarian models of the state, subordinating individual rights to a calculus of maximum social welfare,
1. The author most likely wrote this passage primarily to
T have long been a de facto orthodoxy among political philosophers. Yet they run counter to the basic liberal (A) outline and defend a contractarian view of justice.
concept of fairness, which deeply characterizes the intuitive American response to injustice, and provide (B) propose an alternative to radical solutions to social problems.
H succor to those who espouse radical solutions to social problems—socialism on the one hand and the new (C) compare the utilitarian and contractarian theories.
E conservatism on the other. Those comfortable with these dogmas should take note of the philosophical (D) resurrect the idea of the social contract.
revival of the once discarded notion of the social contract. This idea receives its fullest exposition in John
2. Which of the following would be classified as the utilitarian way
Rawls's "A Theory of Justice."
of conducting social affairs, as it has been mentioned in the
V passage?
Rather than adopt Rousseau's vision of naturalman—a picture almost impossible to conjure up in the face
E of more recent scientific knowledge—the new contractarians postulate a group of rational men and women
(A) Prohibiting homosexual relationships because they pose a
threat to the social fabric.
R gathered for the purpose of elucidating a concept of justice which will guide their affairs. They further (B) Revoking free access to education in colleges and schools.
assume that these people make their decision behind a veil of ignorance; that is, they are totally ignorant for (C) Making vaccination against a communicable disease
B now of their position in society—their race, their gender, their place in the social order. Yet the principles at mandatory.
A which they arrive will bind them once the veil is lifted. (D) Implementing a progressive taxation system.

L Starting from this original position, it can be logically demonstrated that rational beings would arrive at a
decision ensuring the maximum possible justice and liberty for even the meanest member of society. Thus,
freedom of speech, for example, would be inviolable, whereas the utilitarian could easily justify its
M abridgment for a greater social good. Second, social and economic inequality, which are the inevitable
E result of the lottery of birth, should be arranged such that they inhere in offices and stations in life available
to all and thus are, by consensus, seen to be to everyone's advantage. Injustice, then, is defined as an
N unequal distribution of good things, with liberty being first among them.
T While it can be and has been argued that the blind choosers envisioned by the new contractarians might
O well choose to gamble on the outcome of the social order, such arguments are ultimately lacking in interest.
The point of the contractarian view does not lie in what real people "would" do in an admittedly impossible
R situation. Rather, it is to provide an abstract model that is intuitively satisfactory because, in fact, it
corresponds to the ideas of "fairness" so deeply rooted in the American national psyche.
VARC 100: RC#24
Utilitarian models of the state, subordinating individual rights to a calculus of maximum social welfare,
3. Which of the following is an assumption of the contractarian
T have long been a de facto orthodoxy among political philosophers. Yet they run counter to the basic liberal model, as presented by the author?
concept of fairness, which deeply characterizes the intuitive American response to injustice, and provide (A) The decision makers act before acquiring any place in the
H succor to those who espouse radical solutions to social problems—socialism on the one hand and the new social order.
E conservatism on the other. Those comfortable with these dogmas should take note of the philosophical (B) All members of the contracting group will place a high value
on personal liberty.
revival of the once discarded notion of the social contract. This idea receives its fullest exposition in John
(C) Justice can only be secured by ensuring that all positions in
Rawls's "A Theory of Justice."
the social order have equal power and status.
V Rather than adopt Rousseau's vision of naturalman—a picture almost impossible to conjure up in the face (D) The contracting parties will seek to safeguard their own
E of more recent scientific knowledge—the new contractarians postulate a group of rational men and women
liberties at the expense of the rights of others.

R gathered for the purpose of elucidating a concept of justice which will guide their affairs. They further 4. The author implies that a party to the social contract who
assume that these people make their decision behind a veil of ignorance; that is, they are totally ignorant for "chose to gamble on the outcome of the social order" would
B now of their position in society—their race, their gender, their place in the social order. Yet the principles at select a principle of justice
A which they arrive will bind them once the veil is lifted. (A) allowing an unequal access to liberty and other social goods.
(B) based on the greatest possible equalization of both personal
L Starting from this original position, it can be logically demonstrated that rational beings would arrive at a freedom and material circumstances.
decision ensuring the maximum possible justice and liberty for even the meanest member of society. Thus, (C) that explicitly denied inherent inequalities among the
freedom of speech, for example, would be inviolable, whereas the utilitarian could easily justify its members of society.
M abridgment for a greater social good. Second, social and economic inequality, which are the inevitable (D) that valued the benefit of society in the aggregate over the
freedom of the individual.
result of the lottery of birth, should be arranged such that they inhere in offices and stations in life available
E to all and thus are, by consensus, seen to be to everyone's advantage. Injustice, then, is defined as an
N unequal distribution of good things, with liberty being first among them.
T While it can be and has been argued that the blind choosers envisioned by the new contractarians might
O well choose to gamble on the outcome of the social order, such arguments are ultimately lacking in interest.
The point of the contractarian view does not lie in what real people "would" do in an admittedly impossible
R situation. Rather, it is to provide an abstract model that is intuitively satisfactory because, in fact, it
corresponds to the ideas of "fairness" so deeply rooted in the American national psyche.
VARC 100: RC#24
Utilitarian models of the state, subordinating individual rights to a calculus of maximum social welfare, 5. It can be inferred that the author feels the ideas of John Rawls are
have long been a de facto orthodoxy among political philosophers. Yet they run counter to the basic liberal relevant today because
T concept of fairness, which deeply characterizes the intuitive American response to injustice, and provide (A) they present, in contrast to utilitarianism, an ethically-based
concept of justice.
H succor to those who espouse radical solutions to social problems—socialism on the one hand and the new
(B) they outline a view of justice which results in the maximum
conservatism on the other. Those comfortable with these dogmas should take note of the philosophical
E revival of the once discarded notion of the social contract. This idea receives its fullest exposition in John
possible liberty for all.
(C) utilitarian ideas have led to social philosophies with which the
Rawls's "A Theory of Justice." author disagrees.
(D) new evidence has strengthened the idea of the social contract.
V Rather than adopt Rousseau's vision of naturalman—a picture almost impossible to conjure up in the face
E of more recent scientific knowledge—the new contractarians postulate a group of rational men and women
gathered for the purpose of elucidating a concept of justice which will guide their affairs. They further
R assume that these people make their decision behind a veil of ignorance; that is, they are totally ignorant for
B now of their position in society—their race, their gender, their place in the social order. Yet the principles at
which they arrive will bind them once the veil is lifted.
A
Starting from this original position, it can be logically demonstrated that rational beings would arrive at a
L decision ensuring the maximum possible justice and liberty for even the meanest member of society. Thus,
freedom of speech, for example, would be inviolable, whereas the utilitarian could easily justify its
M abridgment for a greater social good. Second, social and economic inequality, which are the inevitable
result of the lottery of birth, should be arranged such that they inhere in offices and stations in life available
E to all and thus are, by consensus, seen to be to everyone's advantage. Injustice, then, is defined as an
N unequal distribution of good things, with liberty being first among them.

T While it can be and has been argued that the blind choosers envisioned by the new contractarians might
well choose to gamble on the outcome of the social order, such arguments are ultimately lacking in interest.
O The point of the contractarian view does not lie in what real people "would" do in an admittedly impossible
R situation. Rather, it is to provide an abstract model that is intuitively satisfactory because, in fact, it
corresponds to the ideas of "fairness" so deeply rooted in the American national psyche.

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