Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Jen Glaze
Dr. McCleary
Short Essay 6
April 11, 2022
In what ways did the nineteenth-century change material culture? From an archaeological
perspective, a few centuries prior, European settlement brought forth the Historic period and
marked a change in found artifacts. European establishment in the Americas forever changed the
demonstrates a plethora of indigenous pottery pieces, projectile points, and chert (still found
today, of course), but an archaeologist will mark the Historic period based on findings that
demonstrate European arrival. Many of these artifacts include metal pieces, buttons, and varying
glass jars. If we move forward in the timeline, we notice that mid-nineteenth-century material
culture highlights a massive shift in materials due to the industrial revolution. Due to this turning
point, the material culture has a greater focus on mass production and utilization, with the help of
consumerist ideologies. Two works, Ruth Schwartz Cowan’s More Work for Mother and M.M.
Manring’s Slave in a Box, explore the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Both texts look
towards consumerism and industrialization but look further at gender, race, foodways, and social
practices within the kitchen domain. Through these texts, we may further contextualize not just
growing complexities within material culture studies, but also make sense of familiar
Much like exploring parlor culture in the Victorian era, our kitchens also have a cultural
depth. Our modern-day kitchens provide a rich context for the study of gendered material
culture. Per Cowan’s text, the work processes of cooking in kitchens required the labor of people
2
of both sexes; cooking itself may have been defined as women’s work (which it was), but
cooking could not be done without prior preparation of tools and food, and a good deal of that
preparation was defined as men’s work.1 The earlier centuries of America saw more
“self-sufficiency,” which was “often either simply necessary or politically expedient” due to a
lack of well-developed manufacturing and trading systems, as seen in older Western Europe.2 So,
early America witnessed a partnership in housework with men and women both contributing to
chores. Indeed, the industrial revolution and growth in consumer culture caused a rift in
housework. These economic systems became fueled by consumerist natures, which Cowan
addresses: “For it was from the households of the countryside and the cities that young people
and adults went out to work in the factories, and it was those households that their wages were
returned, providing the cash that was traded for goods. Furthermore, it was the demand for those
goods that continued to fuel the economy being formed by those who were organizing the
manufacture of goods.”3
But when do we see “more work for mother?” As men found jobs outside of the home,
say, in manufacturing, women found themselves working the home. In fact, changes in the
household in the first phase of industrialization introduced technology which “altered work
processes so that separate spheres for men and women became not only possible, but desirable.”4
Cowan discusses the concept of convenience seen through “census statistics, articles in women’s
magazines, economic histories, genre paintings, patent records, and the extent of artifacts
themselves” and whether women became more or less busy with housework. She states, “some
female chores disappeared during the century, but almost every [chore] was replaced by other
1
Cowan, Ruth Schwartz. More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the Open Hearth to the
Microwave. (New York: Basic Books, 1985), 24.
2
Cowan, More Work for Mother, 31.
3
Cowan, More Work for Mother, 41.
4
Cowan, More Work for Mother, 69.
3
chores, equally time and energy consuming.”5 This idea of convenience, a direct result of social
expectations of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, almost became a facade. The more
Where does consumerism come into play, specifically regarding gender? We notice one
illustrated advertisement from 1870 detailing a stove with modestly dressed women staring at it.6
Another details a woman with a “churn-type, hand-operated washing machine.”7 One last
housewife stands in front of a new “convertible washing machine and dishwasher.”8 Each
advertisement represents women, for it was women who held the social responsibility to upkeep
the home. An observation that I find interesting is the direct imagery symbolizing gendered
Advertisements carry much weight for consumerist ideology, and it is astounding how
one advertisement, one image, can create a direct relationship with the consumer. The image of
Aunt Jemima, a representation of the mammy figure, carried through the late nineteenth and
twentieth centuries with the assistance of “American literary and historical imagination.”9 Yet,
this figure directly impacted consumers with the mammy as a representation of white guilt over
slavery.10 The “happy, devoted, simple woman who filled ad pages in the early twentieth
century”11 became a symbol for beloved Southern food. However, Manring makes a note which
5
Cowan, More Work for Mother, 65.
6
Cowan, More Work for Mother, c. 1870. Landauer Collection, New York Historical Society.
7
Cowan, More Work for Mother, Courtesy of the New York Historical Society, New York City, Landauer
Collection.
8
Cowan, More Work for Mother, photographer and manufacturer unknown, as prepared by Earl Ludgin &
Co.,Chicago, 1946.
9
M.M. Manring, Slave in a Box: The Strange Career of Aunt Jemima (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press,
1998), 20.
10
Manring, Slave in a Box, 23.
11
Manring, Slave in a Box, 18.
4
impacted my perspective on this advertisement: “She remained in the twentieth century what she
had been in the nineteenth century — a black woman bought and sold.”12
between the product and the package goes beyond mere functionality; to a great extent the
package creates the product’s personality and in turn enables the consumer to establish a
relationship with a stranger: the distant producer of a mass product.”13 This relationship with a
symbol suggests not just the consumer’s relationship with a beloved brand but what the brand
means. Why does one feel so strongly about the brand’s representative? According to Manring,
advertising agencies saw the image of Aunt Jemima and “realized how powerful an image she
was — as an icon of Old South, white leisure.”14 Through Aunt Jemima advertisements, we see
how advertisement companies strive to manipulate an audience through myth and symbolism. In
turn, we witness deeper connotations with the material culture seen through a simple (yet
and consumerist ideologies seen through economic, social, racial, and gendered lenses just
through Cowan and Manring’s two texts. The two centuries create an entirely new sphere of
material culture for historians to sift through. In reflecting on Cowan and Manring’s works, I
consider whether the women represented in Cowan’s More Work for Mother purchased Aunt
Jemima products. I wonder whether they understood the process of historical mythmaking during
the end of the nineteenth century. These two texts give historians plenty to think about, and I
would be interested in seeing further advancements in historical research concerning the material
12
Manring, Slave in a Box, 8.
13
Manring, Slave in a Box, 5.
14
Manring, Slave in a Box, 80.
5
Works Cited
Ruth Schwartz Cowan. More Work for Mother: The Ironies of Household Technology from the
Open Hearth to the Microwave. (New York: Basic Books, 1985).
M.M. Manring, Slave in a Box: The Strange Career of Aunt Jemima (Charlottesville: University
of Virginia Press, 1998), 20.