Between Belonging: Habitus and The Migration Experience

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“Between Belonging”: Habitus and
the migration experience
JOAN MARSHALL
Departmentof Agricultural Economics, McGill University,805 Sherbrooke Street West, Montreal,Quebec, Canada H3A 2K6 (e-mail: marshallj@macdonald.rncgill.ca)
NATALIE FOSTER
Department of Sociology, McGill University, 805 Sherbrooke Street West, Montreal, Quebec, Canada H3A 2K6 (e-mail: nfostel@po-box.mcgill.ca)
This paper explores the impacts of migration both on Cet article analyse les effets de la migration a la fois sur
the small island community of Grand Manan, New la petite communaute insulaire de Grand Manan au
Brunswick, and on the group of Newfoundland families Nouveau-Brunswick et sur les familles qui s’y sont
who have moved there from their homes 1500 km deplacees, depuis Terre-Neuve,a plus de 1500 km de dis-
away: Based upon personal interviews with individuals tance. Base sur des entrevues aupres d‘individus et de
and families, impacts and meanings are examined in familles, il examine le sens et I’effet de la migration en
terms of social networks, community cleavages, and accordant une attention particuliere aux reseaux
intergenerational differences. The complexity of pat- sociaux, aux disparites communautaires et au fosse
terns and the ambiguities experienced by both groups intergenerationnel. On y fair appel au concept d‘habitus
are related to Bourdieu’s concept of ‘habitus’, and its de Bourdieu pour rendre compte de la complexite des
relevance for changing meanings of ‘place’ and ‘com- pratiques propres a chacun des deux groupes et de I’am-
munity‘.ln exploring the changing patterns of social bigui€edu sens qu’ils conferent a leur experience.
relationships and meanings of community, this paper L’analyse contextualisee de la dynamique des relations
highlights issues of social cohesion and tensions asso- sociales et du sens de la communaute met en lumiere
ciated with forging new identities, and examines the des questions liees a la cohesion sociale et aux inevi-
particular impacts upon youth whose sense of belong- tables tensions liees a ces dynamiques. Plus particuliere-
ing is explicitly between homes. The experience of ment, I‘article examine les effets de la migration sur les
migration for those who decide to stay permanently is jeunes dont le sentiment d‘appartenance se definit
shown to be different than for the majority who come precisement entre deux ‘chez soi’. L’experience de la
as seasonal migrants. In the decision to stay through migration chez ceux qui ont decide de s’itablir de facon
the winter or not, crucial factors are both the sense of permanente est bien differente de celle vecue par la
belonging back in Newfoundland and whether or not majorite qui se deplace de facon saisonniere. Le senti-
families have children, whose abilities to forge new ment d‘appartenance a Terre-Neuveet le fait d‘avoir ou
relationships are the everyday concerns for parents. non des enfants (leur capacite de tisser de nouvelles rela-
While the importance of jobs provides the main incen- tions sociales etant un souci permanent pour les parents)
tive to migrate, the difficulties associated with inte- sont des facteurs fondamentaux duns la decision de
grating into new social groups, negotiating new identi- ‘passer I’hiver‘ ou non. Bien que les emplois soient la prin-
ties, and adjusting to different educational require- cipale motivation pour migrev, les dificultes d‘integration
ments pose almost insurmountable challenges for au sein de nouveaux groupes sociaux, le developpement
many families. It is in the details of family lives, values de nouvelles identites, I’adaptation a un nouveau regime
and perceptions, told through their narratives of expe- scolaire sont tres dificiles a surmonter pour de nom-
rience, that we begin to discern the ambiguities and breuses familles. Par I’entremise du recit de leur experi-
fluidity of evolving habitus for both groups. ence, qui revele les details de la vie de famille, des
valeurs et des perceptions individuelles et collectives, il
Key words: Newfoundland, migration, Atlantic est possible de cerner les ambiguites et la fluidite de
Provinces, community, habitus I’habitus changeant des deux groupes.
Mots cles: Terre-Neuve, migration, provinces atlan

tiques, communaute, habitus.
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadlen 46, no 1 (2002) 63-83

0 j Canadian Association of Geographers / CAssociation canadienne des geographes
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64 Joan Marshall and Natalie Foster
@
Introduction emphasizes its situatedness within everyday life, but

also recognizes it as a transforming phenomenon
In their introduction to NowHere, Friedland and that has added to an already dynamic flux of change
Boden (1994) articulate the complexity of under- for Grand Manan. Migration is both implicated in the
standing the changing dynamics of space, time and everyday, taken-for-granted activities of the island,
modernity, especially when we adopt a fixed point and at the same time is a major factor in profound
perspective. They illustrate their problem through changes for social relations of work, church and
the paintings of David Hockney whose art represents school. Beginning in 1991 with the migration of two
the tension between somewhere and everywhere, families, and the more recent influx of approximate-
hence nowhere, by assuming an embodied subject in ly thirty families after 1998, the migration of
motion that is participating in the depiction itself. In Newfoundlanders to Grand Manan has been variable
exploring the meanings and impacts of migration for in its patterns and impacts. While some have made
two island communities that come together in space their homes on the island, others return each winter
and time, we are similarly confronted with the diffi- to Newfoundland; some ’try it for the winter’ but
culties of both grasping and conveying the multilay- decide to return for ‘summers only’ thereafter; and
ered meanings of new forms of social relations in the still others send children home for school and stay
context of different cultural understandings. In this themselves until Christmas. Where they settle on the
paper we describe a small island fishing community island, their choices for family arrangements, and
that is experiencing the confluence of economic their social and work-related activities, show variable
restructuring, changing social relations amongst its patterns of uncertainty and between-ness that affect
historically rooted population, and the most signifi- their perceptions of belonging and their integration
cant in-migration of new residents of its entire 200- into the community. With a small population of 2700,
year old history. For those who are moving to the rooted in a two hundred year history of extraordi-
island of Grand Manan in the Bay of Fundy (see narily low rates of migration, Grand Manan is
Figure I), there are new roles and identities to nego- responding in interesting and sometimes contradic-
tiate; for those who have lived there for generations, tory ways.
the incomers represent change, threat and the possi- We begin by examining the concept of ‘habitus’
bility of new meanings of ‘community’. Perceptions (Bourdieu 1984) as a useful way into the notion of
of ‘place’for the people of Grand Manan are rooted in fields of interaction between two distinctive cul-
a longue duree of family lineages going back to the tures, the people of Grand Manan Island and a
American Revolution, relative isolation from main- group of about one hundred Newfoundlanders who
land institutions because of the ninety minute ferry migrated to the island for work. Issues of identity
crossing, and a reliance on a rich and diverse fishing and the role of historical roots and sense of place
economy that has both provided sustenance and cre- are explored within the framework of symbolic
ated a culture of survival and connection to the sea. interactionism (Mead 1934). Then we discuss the
For the Newfoundlanders, who began arriving in methodology which is ethnographic, reliant upon
1991, the experiences of moving from and to, and of interviews and personal narratives that provide the
being uprooted and wanting to set down new roots, context and existential meaning of the migration
have engendered a collective sense of between-ness. experience. The importance of recognizing and
They feel both ‘at home’ and ‘far away’. As one affirming ambivalence, contradiction and paradox
woman described it, “We still talk about going home; in the lives that form the central focus of our paper
we wish we could let go, but we can’t let go; it’s is made manifest in our ethnographic approach. A
always drawing you back (Interview 2001). Two rural summary review of the migration literature is then
peoples, separated by 1500 km of land and ocean, followed by a brief description of the island of
have come together, and are having to acknowledge Grand Manan, including its history, socio-economic
new meanings of ‘community’ and to negotiate what characteristics, and the importance of its geograph-
‘belonging to place’ means. ic situation. Finally, we draw upon several years of
The research uses ethnographic methods, relying research to provide what can only be an overview of
mainly upon interviews with individuals and families the many meanings, tensions, and conflicts being
that illuminate biographies and personal narratives experienced by these two communities, expressed
of experience. Our conceptualization of migration in their own words. In acknowledging their strug-
The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 46, no 1 (2002)

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"Between Belonging": Habitus and the migration experience 65

Grand Manan Island and Newfoundland
NewYork
Figure 1
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gles, we seek also to provide insights into strengths entirely in the interaction as observed, and we need
and dilemmas that ultimately transform personal to recognize the structural constraints on percep-
identities, communities of meaning and the nature tions (Bottomley 1992, 12). Bourdieu’s concept of
of place. habitus represents a mediating stance between social
positions and practices in which the fluidity of mean-
‘Habitus’, Symbolic lnteractionism and ings can be seen as social products. The processes of
Identity culture are understood as objective relations of
power that are inherently political and that arise out
Migration is very much a process in time that relates of structures that constitute a particular social envi-
to people’s pasts and to their hoped for futures ronment. Habitus is the embodiment of history
(Ogden 1984; Richling 1985; Nelson 1997; Boyle, exemplified in a sense of place that is “literally
Halfacree and Robinson 1998). It is also a process embodied, i.e. written on the body, in language and
explicitly linking social and spatial relations that has in particular ways of being-in-the-world’’ (ibid,, 13).
profound implications for community change. The importance of habitus to an understanding of
Insofar as the entire migration experience is embed- the role of migration in transforming a community,
ded in everyday lives, there will be inevitable ten- relates to its illumination of the relations of contact
sions associated with new relationships and new producing new positions in social and historical
social networks. Migration studies challenge us to space, and incorporating new categories of percep-
understand the processes of changing meanings of tion and appreciation rather than a separation of the
community and place, as well as their inextricable subjective and objective experiences of cultural and
relationship to identity. As has been pointed out, the social change. Implying a dialectical relationship
variety of types of migration (stepwise, return, circu- between structured circumstances and people’s
lation, chain, seasonal) has precluded an all encom- actions and perceptions, habitus demands that we go
passing theoretical formulation of migration theory beyond our most revered dualisms. As Bottomley
(Ogden 2000, 504). But its significance in contribut- (ibid., 123). points out in her discussion of the con-
ing to social and cultural change assures its centrali- cept, habitus “manifests itself in practice, in action
ty in the development of social theory, with particu- and movement, in the way one orients oneself in
lar relevance for understanding sense of place, com- relation to specific social fields.”
munity and identity (McHugh and Mings 1996).While On Grand Manan, two specific examples highlight
migration flows have tended to be seen in relation to this idea. For one Newfoundland teenager (aged sev-
labour markets, there is increasing awareness that enteen) who worked summers in a local restaurant
migration needs more attention not only in terms of while her parents were employed in the fish plant
economic causation but also as a social process and at an aquaculture site, the local youth culture
(Halfacree and Boyle 1998). The move itself express- was not an option. As she said, “I don’t want any part
es a particular worldview, infusing it with meaning as of that scene” (Interview 2001). Her social norms and
“an extremely cultural event” (Fielding 1992), cultural understandings precluded any desire to sit-
through which Bourdieu’s concept of ‘habitus’ (1984) uate herself within new practices that were incom-
becomes central to our examination of the changing patible with her personal history. Between practices
dynamics of community life. and situation is her habitus that mediates the ways in
Habitus is a concept that mediates between objec- which her social world will be transformed. Another
tive and subjective realities, in that it “enables an situation related to the leisure time experience of a
intelligible and necessary relationship to be estab- carpenter whose wife worked in the fish plant. In
lished between practices and a situation, the mean- describing his plans to go hunting, he was disdainful
ing of which is produced by the habitus through cat- of the local habit of setting out apples all summer for
egories of perception and appreciation that are the deer, in preparation for the ‘hunting’ in
themselves produced by an observable social condi- November. “And they call that hunting!”, he
tion” (Bourdieu 1984, 101). One of the critiques of exclaimed, saying that he was going to spend his day
concepts such as society and culture is that they “really hunting” (Interview 2000). Reflected in these
become objectified in order to isolate and under- situations we have a glimpse of values, norms, and
stand their characteristics. Moreover, as Bottomley patterns of behaviour that are different from those of
points out, “the truth of social interaction is never Grand Manan.

“Between Belonging”: Habitus and the migration experience 67
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It is in the everyday, in the taken-for-granted rou- sizes the essentially dynamic nature of identity, and
tines, and in the interpersonal relationships that we that identity is inherently unstable, dependent upon
see the fluidity and significance of habitus. Directly relations of difference. Layers of economic, social
linked to identity and self, habitus reflects the h g u e and political relationships within particular contexts
duree of histories. In situations of in-migration, even of history, migration and mobility create “webs of
when objective criteria of employment, income, edu- significance” (Geertz 1973, 5) and lifeworlds of mean-
cational and environmental histories might suggest ing. During periods of migration, for both the movers
comparable worldviews, the reality of experience and and for the receiving community, identities are nec-
sense-of-place, and the relation between practices essarily being re-negotiated and re-shaped through
and situation (habitus) may produce very different complex networks of social relations and institutions
meanings and categories of perceptions and under- that ultimately define new communities. The ways in
standings. New migrants may generate processes of which new relationships evolve between social struc-
change through which the habitus of communities ture and human agency is “different from place to
becomes altered in ways that are biassed by pre- place and depends crucially on the particular arena
existing conditions. As we attempt to show in this of encounter” (Livingstone 1992, 357).
paper, the embodiment of history that has described While we cannot summarize the extensive litera-
Grand Manan for over 200 years, is being profound- ture on place and community here, several key
ly affected by the sudden influx of Newfoundlanders points need to be made. Agnew (1987) identified
whose lifestyles have been different, yet the same. three specific aspects of place or “locale”, each of
The values and perceptions they bring to Grand which contributes to the mediation between objec-
Manan are shown to be different from those in their tive and subjective experiences: one was the settings
new community, illuminating the significance of within which social relations are constituted; second
habitus as an evolving system of relationships. was location, or the geographical areas that encom-
“Habitus is not determining, but it is a powerful passed the settings; and thirdly, was sense of place,
mediating construct that can predefine what is nec- or local structures of feeling. In examining the
essary or even imaginable” (Bottomley 1992, 123). As dynamic changes associated with restructuring and
we shall show, the unexpectedly distinctive norma- migration, we must inevitably incorporate analysis
tive structures of the two social groups of the implications for meanings of place and the
(Newfoundlanders and Grand Mananers) have creat- iterative relationship between new social networks
ed a dilemma of choice for the incomers. The friend- and the nature of communities themselves.
ly welcome and knowledge of everyone’s business Furthermore, as Massey and others have pointed
that are characteristic of Grand Manan are under- out, a focus on place specificity provides an excel-
pinned by a deep protective code of silence that has lent basis for understanding diversity and difference
impacted directly upon the Newfoundlanders. Even and the inequalities generated by the changes
as existing elements of habitus are in fluid transition, wrought by social and economic restructuring
they effectively mediate the nature of evolving rela- (McHugh and Mings 1996; Massey 1997). Massey’s
tionships. (1997) concept of place as a progressive entity with
Related to Bourdieu’s concept is that of the sym- open boundaries emphasizes the social and cultural
bolic interactionism of George Herbert Mead (1934) heterogeneity of places that are constantly being
that implies a reflexive relationship between struc- reconstructed. Migration exemplifies this dynamic
tured circumstances and people’s actions and per- tension created in the flows of people, not only
ceptions. In the context of renegotiated processes of because of their numbers but more significantly
identity formation and migration flows, the transfor- because of their own sense of belonging, or not, and
mative impacts of new worldviews in the community their personal and collective identities that them-
are shown to be significant to redefining experience selves are in transition.
of habitus on Grand Manan. In Mead’s view, the indi-
vidual acquired an identity by means of self-forma- Methodology
tion within a socially interactive framework of mutu-
al recognition and adaptation represented by the In order to understand the meanings and signifi-
structure of community norms. The notion of cance of migration for Grand Manan and for the
process is especially important because it empha- migrant Newfoundlanders, we rely upon an ethno-

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graphic methodology to draw together “the intersec- cussion that follows, while the home origin, educa-
tion of biographies and history” (Bottomley 1992, tion and employment histories was common to
129). As many have argued, combining ethnographic them all, the stage of life cycle was only partly
techniques with analyses of migration histories homogeneous and was a significant factor in deci-
allows for a rich and more sensitive understanding of sions to stay as permanent residents or to become
the significance of migration movements (Fielding seasonal migrants. The research uncovered a com-
1992; Miles and Crush 1993; Vandsemb 1995). plex variety of experiences and responses to the new
Because habitus manifests itself in practice, in action ‘home’. These various experiences are reflected in
and movement, it needs to be explored using meth- the variable patterns of movement to and from the
ods that can draw out both details and meanings of island, and also their choices for residential loca-
these practices. tions on Grand Manan.
In 1999, the first year of the major influx of
Newfoundlanders, the challenge for the researcher The Migration Literature
was to establish initial contact with the
Newfoundland community. For Grand Mananers, In most countries, migration research, has been dom-
whose average incoming population is fewer than inated by approaches that rely upon a positivist
twenty new residents per year, the sudden influx of behaviourist conceptualization of migration
fifteen families in 1999 and about twenty-five fami- (Halfacree and Boyle 1993). Until the 1970s, there
lies in 2000 represented a new phenomenon. And had been an assumed relationship between the stim-
yet, despite everyone knowing ‘who they were’ by uli of economic incentives and migration to new
reputation or family names, and perhaps where they areas, and a concurrent search for laws that would
lived, islanders did not in fact have any direct contact help in the prediction of policy formulation. In
with them. As a result, initially it was difficult to Canada, concern with the impacts of rural depopula-
arrange for interviews. First contact was established tion and more recent counter-urbanization trends
with a family who had originally arrived on the island has effectively sustained research interest in migra-
in 1991, and moved permanently five years later in tion patterns across rural landscapes (Beale 1977;
1996. Through an islander involved in Scouting, it Parenteau 1981; Hodge and Qadeer 1983; Champion
was learned that the Newfoundland mother had 1990; Keddie and Joseph 1991; Halseth 1999).
served as a volunteer Cub leader, and thereby Halseth (1999) examined the importance of labour
become known to several Grand Mananers. migration for three resource-based communities in
Contacting her by telephone, with an introduction British Columbia, using a household level survey as
from the islander, she agreed to an interview that was his data source. His main finding was that many
especially important because of her links to subse- “came for the work, a conclusion that has been
quent arrivals on Grand Manan. Through her it was shown as especially important for migration within
possible to build up a network of interviewees who nation states (Johnson and Salt 1990; Manson and
represented various patterns of migrating behav- Groop 1996). Labour migration has important impli-
iours (Burgess 1982). cations not only for population change, but also for
Approximately thirty-five interviews, lasting from social networks that become established over dis-
one to two hours each, focused on the reasons for tances, creating social ties which in turn are the basis
their decisions to migrate, their experiences in mov- for the continuation of migration over time. As well,
ing, the patterns of family ties both to their home labour migration of individuals can become family
villages and to others on Grand Manan, their per- migration, with particular relevance for policy plan-
ceptions of the Grand Manan community, and their ning in areas such as health care and education. But
expectations for the future.These were supplement- labour migration has another, deeper level of impor-
ed by another twenty or so impromptu conversa- tance related to the evolution of new social milieux
tions, lasting from ten minutes to an hour. and the transformation of habitus, both of which are
Interviews were also conducted with the manager of the focus of this study.
the fish plant who had been instrumental in bringing A recent broadening of perspective over the past
them to the island, as well as with the school princi- two decades has resulted in migration studies that
pal and teachers, and a cross-section of islanders are somewhat more sensitive to diverse realms of
and local youth.1 As will become apparent in the dis- experience. The shift to a more contextualized

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understanding of the processes of migration has Also focused on the idea of social networks, Boyd
been attributed to two papers by Julian Wolpert (1989) sees the domestic unit as an important com-
(1965, 1966; as cited in Short, 1978). One of the crit- ponent of the migration process. Domestic units are
ical shortcomings in the early literature was the fail- sustenance units and, therefore, have their own
ure to adequately incorporate the notion of human structural characteristics such as the age and sex
agency. Thrift (1986) argues that there is an urgent structure of the family household and the stages of
need to include a recognition of the role of “practical the family life cycle. Two Canadian studies have
consciousness”for human agency which must not be shown the important role of age on both the propen-
reduced to acting as a “cognitive drone”. The “empha- sity to migrate and the spatial patterns that evolve
sis on the stresses - the ‘pushes’and ‘pulls’of the ori- with the migration process (Liaw et a/. 1986;
gin and destination - caused by the environment Rosenberg et a/. 1989). Another Canadian study
neglects the way in which the individual formulates explored lingusitic characteristics of regional pat-
and deals with these stresses...”(Halfacree and Boyle terns, showing that while both English-speaking and
1993, 335). Positivist approaches have neglected the French-speaking groups were “pushed and pulled by
contextual interaction of routines and structured the same basic labour markets”, their spatial patterns
forms of behavior that ”practical consciousness” and diverged in relation to the French composition of
the flow of daily life depend upon. Consequently, each region (Kaplan 1995). As socializing agents,
there has been a lack of concern for the problematic families transmit cultural values and norms which
aspects of migration, notably the role of social net- influence who migrates and why, as well as the
works and institutions within both sending and des- impacts upon the receiving communities. It has been
tination communities, as well as the diversity of the shown, for example, that women are more likely to
experiences and meanings of migration for migrants migrate if their functions in the local economy at
and communities both. home are not seen as essential (Morokvasic 1984).
The process of migration is crucially a social, tem- Therefore, the impact of social constraints, or the
poral and cultural product. Although structural fac- lack of them, may create gender-selectivity in migra-
tors provide the context within which migration tion patterns.
decisions are made (Kitching 1990), the decision to When there is an incompatibility of natural
migrate is also influenced by the existence of and resources, economic viability and population growth,
participation in social networks that themselves are migration may come to dominate social processes
rooted in particular contexts of place. Social net- entirely. Many Newfoundlanders and their families
works based on kinship, friendship and community recognize emigration as a necessity due to unem-
ties mediate between individual actors and larger ployment (or underemployment) and dwindling cash
structural forces. Lomnitz’s (1988) study on the resources (Richling 1985; Gmelch and Gmelch 1995).
social structure of migrants in Mexico City explores King’s (1998) research shows the normalization that
the importance of organizing principles of social can occur, as with the experience of Monserratians
organization as opposed to institutional sets of who exemplified migration as a fully institutional-
relations. Since the social structure of the network ized process in Afro-Carribean societies. In becoming
is not normatively defined, it can take on a range of institutionalized, migration ceased to be just one of
different forms (Gurak and Caces 1992). Since a number of social processes affecting the islands
migrants are in situations where permanent groups and became the main option. Hamilton and Seyfrit’s
and bonds do not necessarily exist, they must cre- (1993)survey of rural Newfoundland high school stu-
ate new networks. Migrants become enmeshed in dents finds that few plan resource-based careers (in
fluid situations in which social relations transcend particular, the new oil project off the east coast of
typical local, geographical and cultural boundaries Newfoundland, Hibernia) and instead intend to leave
(Pohjola 1991). Hence, different types of migrant the province. Their aspirations frequently contrast
networks involve different reasons or “organizing with their parents’ experiences, increasing their incli-
foci” for moving. The increasingly central impor- nations to migrate. Theissen and Davis (1988) note,
tance of migration in everyday life means that a in their study on occupational attachment of fisher-
large number of issues will be entangled in and men, that although four out of five fishermen said
expressed through migration (Halfacree and Boyle they would be fishermen if they had their lives to live
1993, 339). over, only two in five would advise a young person to
The Canadian Geographer / Le Ceographe canadien 46, no 1 (2002)

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enter the fisheries. Sinclair (1990) has proposed ‘out tices and a structuring dynamic of conditions
migration’ as one explanation for the scarcity of uni- (Bourdieu 1984, 170). In two communities coming
versity graduates living in Newfoundland. Although together, there are two processes of habitus that
out-migration sometimes provides a population with must achieve some resolution as an evolving whole.
a ‘safety valve’, its selectivity affects the society left The decision to migrate and the processes of devel-
behind. oping new networks, reflect their own identities, as
While economic considerations may be exclusive- well as shape the receiving community’s conception
ly important in the migration decision, quality-of- of migrants. In the details of church attendance and
life reasons may also have an important role. A vari- the patterns of religious participation, for example,
ety of explanatory factors can be interpreted from a we see evidence of conflicting meanings of ‘belong-
perspective proposed by Berger and Luckmann ing’ that become part of the consciousness of the
(1967), that ‘multiple realities’ exist which distin- newcomers. Even in their newly adopted churches
guish between social categories. Accordingly, the on Grand Manan, the Newfoundlanders feel inse-
motives of migrants who choose to relocate will vary cure in their sense of belonging and comment on
insofar as they have constructed different realities the different perceptions of what religious practice
that lead them to prioritize their opportunities dif- means to Grand Mananers.
ferently, and to reach different conclusions as to Research showing the impacts of incomers upon
goals and destinations. Studies of suburbanization rural communities is disparate and sparse. While
trends have underlined the significance of migration there is consensus that a sudden influx of people will
for those who seek a “better place” and the satisfac- engender hostility (Davies 1989; Jedreij and Nuttall
tion of community lives associated with a rural idyll 19961, the degree to which integration is resisted
(Beesley and Walker 1990).Although social networks varies. The boom and bust cycles that describe many
provide migrants with an adaptive and anchoring northern communities in Canada present a particular
function in receiving societies, the homogenizing context, with extremely high mobility rates, that have
effect of these networks can be problematic socially. particular dynamic relationships (Norris and Pryor
Pohjola (1991) notes that family integration main- 1984). In some areas that have strong colonial ties,
tains cultural and normative continuity when mov- there has been a history of term contracts for pro-
ing from traditional communities to a different cul- fessionals that have dictated the nature of their rela-
tural sphere, which is not to suggest that the ten- tionships to the local populations (Nuttall 1992). In
sions associated with distinctive normative struc- cases such as Greenland, for example, Nuttall (ibid.)
tures are necessarily entirely mitigated by strong shows that the interactions between the Danes and
family units. The clustering of migrants from partic- native Greenlanders are limited, underpinned by the
ular origin regions in distinct communities exempli- knowledge that the Danes will be returning home
fies the channeling and selectivity mechanisms of within a couple of years. Still another study that
migrant networks. However, the operation of explores the impacts of in-migration is the work of
migrant networks varies according to the features of Plaice (1990)who illuminates the ways in which iden-
both the sending and receiving areas, as well as tities and relationships are constantly being negoti-
according to the characteristics of migrants them- ated in terms of the expectations and lifestyles of the
selves (ibid.,1991). different groups. In his investigation of economic
Another area of migration research has explored impacts, Peter Nelson examined the characteristics of
the concept of “rural value orientation” (Richling sources of income for long-term residents as com-
1985). As we shall describe through the interviews, pared to new arrivals. Noting the importance of
for Newfoundlanders and Grand Mananers alike, social networks for connecting into economic oppor-
there are shared feelings of mutual experiences in tunities, Nelson points out that “no analysis exists to
their relationships to the sea. Despite the apparent date examining the income structures of newcomers
similarities, however, subtle but no less significant compared with oldtimers at the micro level” (Nelson
differences in cultures that permeate perceptions 1997, 419).
and meanings of ‘community’are crucial mediators The limited number of studies that have investi-
in the flux of habitus evolution. As noted earlier, the gated the impacts of in-migration upon small rural
construction of conditions of existence occurs with- communities makes this study all the more interest-
in a situation of both historically embedded prac- ing. But it is in documenting the arrival of

Q
Newfoundlanders so early in the migration process, niche activities are important because they provide
and in exploring the nature of the emerging percep- a way of bridging the gap between seasons and they
tions and problems of interactions, that we are able are a means to make up for poor harvests in the
to contribute to a particular understanding of a larger fisheries. They include the gathering of peri-
dynamic “work in progress”, and to explore how winkles, clams, and duke, a tender intertidal sea-
processes of identity formation occur “at the unsta- weed that is harvested by hand during low tide. The
ble point where the unspeakable stories of subjectiv- diversity of these traditional fishery activities has
ity meet the narratives of history, of a culture” (Hall been reflected in the cultural life of the island that
1987, 44). acknowledges the value of flexibility and adaptabil-
ity.
The Setting As Agnew (1987) points out, geographical location,
within which settings structure relationships, is an
Grand Manan, first settled almost 200 years ago by important element in the construction of ‘place’.Both
Loyalists fleeing the American Revolution, has a pop- the historical links to the United States and the
ulation of 2700 whose livelihoods have always Loyalist heritage, and the island situation isolating
depended upon the rich and diverse resources of the Grand Mananers from Canadian mainland institu-
sea. An island in the Bay of Fundy, 90 minutes by tions, have had a profound impact on how the com-
ferry from the mainland, it is 26 km north to south, munity sees the world and the extent to which it has
and 11 km across. Five small villages are aligned been affected by external forces of change (Marshall
along its eastern shore. The fishery has provided the 1999,2001). The inauguration in 1990 of a new ferry,
crucial underpinnings for residents, defining social that almost doubled crossing capacity, was a crucial
relations, the daily and seasonal rhythms of activi- event in island history, both symbolically and practi-
ties, and the very identity of islanders. As with many cally. Practically, it allowed islanders greater ease of
other fishing communities, the nature of the wild access to the mainland, as well as encouraging the
fishery has changed dramatically, especially in the growth of tourism. Symbolically, the larger ferry pro-
past ten years, because of environmental degrada- vided islanders with a stronger sense of connection
tion, declining markets for smoked herring, increas- to the ‘rest of the world‘.
ing demand for shellfish with rising prices, and the Ultimately, the most significant impact of the
imposition of government regulations. Accom- larger boat has been to provide the impetus for the
panying these pressures for change has been the growth of salmon aquaculture, largely through off-
rapid rise of, and increased reliance upon, salmon shore financial interests.3 With the new ferry, eigh-
aquaculture, a high technology industry that is teen-wheeler transport trucks, cement trucks and
directly linked to vertically integrated food compa- paving machinery could now gain access to the
nies and globalized markets. The nature of pro- island. The increased level of off-island invest-
ductive relations on Grand Manan has been irre- ments, and the expansion of aquaculture in partic-
versibly transformed in the past five years. ular, has resulted in increased demands for labour.
Directly related are the complex responses of peo- In the traditional herring fishery as well, especially
ple for whom social and cultural norms and values at the food production end of the process in the
have been deeply rooted in history and under- operation of the fish plant that packs the sardines,
pinned by the church. there is restructuring associated with the large food
Accompanying these changes has been an company that owns the Connor’s plant on the
increase in income disparities within the small com- island.4 The restructuring of Connor’s Brothers fish
munity, exacerbated by the increasingly imperme- packing operations involved the closing of two
able barriers to entry by small-scale or new fishers2 mainland plants. This put pressure on the Grand
While the herring captured in weirs close to shore Manan plant to increase productivity by adding an
or by mobile ‘purse seiners’ requires substantial extra shift, thereby creating more demand for
financial investments (a purse seiner is valued at labour during the twenty weeks of seasonal opera-
over $ 1 million), and the harvest of shellfish simi- tion, from late-May to late-October. The extra shift
larly involves expensive licenses (over $300,000 for was added in 1999, following an active recruiting
boat and license in 2001, according to local fisher- trip to the Twillingate region of Newfoundland by
men), there are also smaller niche activities. These the manager of the Seal Cove plant, David Green, in

0 ~~
January of that year. (Marshall 1999). There has also been a history of
The long histories of Canada’s east coast fishing low levels of out-migration. Even today, in the grad-
communities, their livelihoods tied directly to the uating high school classes, fewer than 50 percent of
vagaries of daily, seasonal and annual environmen- the young people will leave for further studies on
tal change, have been characterized by institution- the mainland (Marshall 2000). Of those who do,
al structures linked more strongly to individual about half will return within two years.5 There is no
entrepreneurship than to large corporate enterpris- question that a sensibility described as insularity is
es. As Sider’s (1986,28) work in Newfoundland linked to the island identity defined in terms of
demonstrates, the central importance of the envi- family roots, historical continuity, and directly
ronment as a resource base that defines the auton- associated with low rates of mobility and migration.
omy of fishing villages was “part of the collective In the 1991 to 1996 period, approximately three
defence of the village against economic and politi- Newfoundland families had migrated to the island,
cal domination”. The environmental resource was all related by marriage, all from the same region of
intimately related to cultural patterns that defined Newfoundland (centred on Comfort Cove and
individual and collective identities. In the telling of extending to the Twillingate area), and usually in a
their stories of their histories in the fisheries and series of trial periods of residency prior to a final
forests of their native province, the commitment. Even these few families were noted in
Newfoundlanders convey a sense of fellowship conversations with islanders as a new phenomenon
with Grand Mananers tied to their shared experi- for Grand Manan (Marshall 1999).Whereas most in-
ences of identities linked to survival by the sea and migration had historically been as individuals
seasonal rhythms dependent upon natural (noted above), the Newfoundlanders were arriving
resources. Having struggled with basic livelihood as young families. Nevertheless, despite three chil-
issues over the past decade, the Newfoundlanders dren enrolled in the school and greater involvement
who have moved to Grand Manan are now con- in a variety of island activities, the impact upon
fronted by the need to explore new identities and Grand Manan was minor prior to 1999. In 1999
to develop new relationships on this small island. there was a dramatic change in numbers, with the
Exploring the details of personal meanings and arrival of approximately fifteen families, some of
perceptions involved in the processes of migration whom stayed through the winter, although most
illuminates the dynamic nature of identity and returned to their homes in Newfoundland for the
changing definitions of community. winter months. In 2000,Connor’s actively encour-
aged even more families to migrate, resulting in the
Migration - Newfoundland and Grand arrival of a total of approximately thirty families
Manan in Context between May and July.6 The patterns of the early
period and after 1998 were quite different. In the
An important characteristic of the demography of period between 1995 and 1998, for the approxi-
Grand Manan is its history of extraordinarily low mately four families the migration was as perma-
rates of mobility. The percentage of ‘movers’ (at nent residents.7 With the active recruitment by
20%) in the five year period between 1986 and 1991 Connor’s in 1999 the pattern of migration became
on Grand Manan, was less than half the national rate more complex, with most families electing to return
(47%), and about two thirds the average of New to Newfoundland each winter, usually after the
Brunswick. It was even lower at 18 percent between plant closed in late October. Some, however, stayed,
1991 and 1996. Of the people on Grand Manan in and for those with children the adjustment has
1991,fewer than 12 percent had moved there (or proven to be particularly difficult, to the extent that
returned after an absence) since 1986,and the net several of the approximately ten families who
flow was positive, increasing by 125 people, or 5 stayed in 2001 are deciding to return in the autumn
percent. Taking births into account, at 15/lOOO, 2001.A few families would send children home in
this indicates that net migration was approximately September with relatives, while the parents stayed
90 people over the five year period, or 18 people until the Connor’s plant closed; and a couple of oth-
per year. Historically, most in-migration has been ers stayed for the first two weeks of lobster season
older couples who come as retirees, or women who (that opens during the second week in November),
marry onto the island as spouses of islanders in order to make the money to pay for the trip

Q
home. In other words, there are variable patterns of is the reason that business owners and managers
migration behaviour, largely determined, in addi- have made recruiting trips to Newfoundland. 9
tion to economic factors, by family structure and Arriving on the island, Newfoundlanders found
the ages of children. Based on school records of much that was familiar; but, as we shall describe,
children registered for classes at the local school, they also found significant differences that have cre-
approximately eight families elected to stay ated tensions for them and a sense of ambivalence
through the winter of 1999-2000. While some of about their longterm residency on Grand Manan.
these consider themselves as “permanent” and Both the process of adapting to their new situation
expressly describe their situation as finding a “new and the responses of Grand Mananers to the new
home”, others continue to vascillate. As one woman arrivals have created a reflexive relationship that is
said. “We’re trying it this year, but if the school changing the meaning of community on Grand
doesn’t work out we’ll leave in October next fall” Manan. This relationship is informed by (a) the dif-
(Interview 2000). Their sense of feeling between ferences in historical experiences, as tied to the fish-
communities, and of struggling with choices ery and other resource-based activities; (b) the simi-
between economic security and social networks of larities of fishery experience, educational and
belonging, was palpable in almost all the inter- income levels; and (c) the strong sense of place and
views, particularly when children and school were history rooted in family lineage that defines Grand
involved. Incomes and job experience for most had Manan culture. In an essay that explored the notion
been tied to the fishery, though a few had worked in of a ’Newfoundland culture’, Overton looked at many
the woods for Abitibi-Consolidated. For both men accounts describing the essential elements of being a
and women, the common problem was an assured Newfoundlander. He summarized the key dimen-
income during at least the summer months that sions as follows:
would allow them enough Employment Insurance to
In all these accounts it is the way of life and the attitudes
keep them off welfare.
and experiences of the rural small producer that form the
In the context of histories in the fishery, there are
core of a distinctive Newfoundland culture. The outport
important differences between the experiences of
is the seat of home-grown Newfoundland culture,
Newfoundlanders and Grand Mananers. Whereas
authentic and popular. It is a culture that has developed
the migrating families have all been devastated by
organically in isolation and it is the environment (espe-
the closure of the cod fishery, and have experienced
cially the sea) that has been one of the key forces which
only limited reprieves in the more recent crab fish-
has moulded the Newfoundland character.
ery, fishers on Grand Manan have been largely pro-
Newfoundland culture unites people across social divi-
tected by the diversity of fish types and capitaliza-
sions based on class, religion, gender and region, etc.
tion required that continue to support the island
(Overton 1988, 11).
economy. In contrast to the devastation of the
ground fish stocks around Newfoundland, some Others have also looked at environmental and
groundfish is still being caught around Grand social factors that have contributed to a ‘culture of
Manan, albeit in much smaller amounts.8 More poverty thesis’ (Sinclair 1990) or to structural fac-
importantly is the variety of other fisheries, notably tors that have led to a ‘depressed periphery’
lobster and scallops, both of which are lucrative (Gidengil 1990).
and, apparently, in reasonably good health. Grand It is not our purpose in this paper to examine
Mananers have quite simply not had to contemplate closely the reasons for evolution of a Newfoundland
‘no income’, nor the possibility of having to migrate culture. It is important, however, to recognize some
in order to find work. The most frequent comment important similarities between the experiences of
in relation to earning an income is: “If someone Grand Manan and that of Newfoundland that are
wants to work, there’s a job!” At the same time, in contributing to a degree of mutual understanding
recent years with the increasing importance of between the two communities. For what is especial-
aquaculture, employers are having difficulty find- ly striking in the interviews with islanders is that
ing workers. Although the minimum wage in New they have quite distinctive responses to the
Brunswick is $5.75/hour, a common complaint on Newfoundland migrants compared to other incom-
Grand Manan is the difficulty of finding someone who ers. As Marshall’s research has shown (Marshall
will work for less than $8.OO/hour. This labour shortage 1999), the divide between ‘insiders’ and ‘outsiders’

Q
in Grand Manan social relations is a fundamental for women who marry men on the mainland not to
characteristic of social networks, institutional cleav- return to the islandlo to follow the jobs of their
ages, and activity participation on the island. Even husbands, rather than the reverse. Lineage and
amongst spouses who have married onto the island, family history have been crucial factors for inte-
after decades there is a sense of being ‘Other’. One gration into the community even after decades of
problem for people who migrate to the island is that residence. One woman, even after more than 20
they have not lived the experiences that create the years living on Grand Manan, described her feeling
‘nebulous threads’ of island culture. They cannot of exclusion. “I took to it like a duck to water”, she
grasp the ‘subterranean level of meaning’ that allows said of her first year. “But then there was a com-
them to truly belong (Cohen 1982, 11).Amongst the plete turnaround ....I sensed a betrayal by the peo-
three main groups of incomers who have defined ple we were socializing with. They were drawing
migration patterns in the past (single women, retired conclusions, thinking they knew my business”. The
couples, and spouses who marry onto the island), insularity of this island culture, naturally protected
there is a notable difference between the lived expe- by time and space, is a significant characteristic of
rience of the first two groups and the third (Marshall its identity. The influx of Newfoundland families,
1999). Migrants are not a homogeneous group. For who themselves have strong traditions and place-
the older people who choose to move to Grand based identities, will impact upon the island, but in
Manan there is an uneasy alliance with native ways quite different from earlier migration histo-
islanders, but it is an alliance nevertheless. This ries.
older group tends to stay together, not to mix with While objective measures such as low educa-
‘true’ islanders. As one said, “Somehow we just grav- tional levels, resource-based employment, and low
itate to each other.” They share understandings to middle incomes characterize both Newfound-
across a broad spectrum of social and cultural activ- landers and Grand Mananers, the apparent accep-
ities, such as book clubs, bird watching, organic gar- tance by islanders of the new families is rooted
dening, and music, that are not part of the island more deeply in their perceptions of shared survival
way of life. For many of these new residents there is skills and endurance. Both communities are rooted
also a feeling of not being welcomed when they vol- in a strong sense of family traditions and the
unteer for various committees, on the Museum importance of lineage in defining identity, and
board, Chamber of Commerce or Rotary Club for both understand the significance of mutual sharing
example. Nevertheless, for the most part the newer in small communities. The less tangible sense of
residents seem to have accepted that there are cer- comradeship rooted in the unpredictability of the
tain positions that will never be ceded to a non- fishery, the long absences of men from home, and
islander. As Bourdieu describes the conditions of the dangers and risks that are part of everyday
existence, habitus linked to lifestyle derives from existence underlie their sense of shared histories.
“not only a structuring structure, which organizes Quite simply, in contrast to most new arrivals from
practices and the perception of practices, but also a the mainland who come a s retirees or even as
structured structure: the principle of division into returnees,ll Grand Mananers realize that these
logical classes which organizes the perception of the newcomers “know what it’s like” to struggle with
social world is itself the product of internalization of the vagaries of the environment. Interestingly,
the division into social classes” (Bourdieu 1984, however, there are also important differences in
170). value orientations and worldviews related to insti-
For those who have married onto the island, tutions of family and church. Instabilities on Grand
experience, social relations and perceptions are Manan linked to broader issues of restructuring
quite different. In the vast majority of cases it is and the relative wealth and availability of employ-
the men who have returned with off-island spous- ment, have contributed to a complex and tragic cul-
es. Grand Manan women who go away to universi- ture of dis-ease that is undermining the traditional
ty tend to marry away and not return to the island strengths provided in the nuclear families, reli-
except for family reunions and special celebra- gious affiliations and strong community norms.
tions. While the reason for the gender split is These traditional strengths, still characteristic of
undoubtedly related to the lack of jobs on the the Newfoundland migrants, are being severely
island for women, it is also related to the tendency undermined on Grand Manan. During times of sig-

Q
nificant change there are inevitable challenges to Between Belonging - the experience
social cohesion (Dodgshon 1998), and on Grand
Manan the restructuring of the past ten years and Resentment and resistance has defined the social
an insular culture that has not developed adaptive relations of Grand Mananers with new residents gen-
strategies for social relations, has had a devastat- erally; whereas with Newfoundlanders the dominant
ing effect on the community. As the interviews response seems to be reluctant admiration and quiet
make clear, for Newfoundlanders who become acceptance. One Newfoundlander described the
enmeshed in the details of living, there are serious reception they had received: “Islanders have been
doubts about the realities of shared worldviews. really good, welcomed us. They’re people like us.
The apparently similar habitus of the They like to carry on and laugh; likes to party”
Newfoundland villages and Grand Manan Island are (Interview August 2000). However, while all
deceptive. Newfoundlanders ‘came for the work‘, their individ-
That Grand Mananers have generally been wel- ual perceptions of the experience have not been
coming to the Newfoundland migrants has a para- either unambiguous or unanimous.
doxical side related to the very elements that Even in the retelling of her story years later, the
Newfoundlanders are beginning to question: that first Newfoundland arrival was tearful in recounting
their individual and collective identities arising out her experiences of arriving on Grand Manan. She
of a longue duree of history, strong sense of family, described her feeling getting off the ferry in 1991,
the central importance of religion, and common feeling as though she had “arrived in a Third World
experiences within the fishery, constitute a stable country”. “What had we come to?” she recalls asking.
basis for constructing new communities of belong- “It was like going back in time.” 12 The arrival of her
ing. The very strong sense of identity amongst family (including her husband and two children) in
Grand Mananers has acted as a protective shield 1991 was followed by several years of instability,
against outsiders, affecting the extent to which it moving to Ontario, going back to Newfoundland, and
was possible for most outsiders to integrate into finally returning to Grand Manan in 1996. In the end,
the everyday structures and spaces of meaning. The the steady work was the deciding factor: Her hus-
response of Grand Mananers to the influx of band “was really happy to be working. Because at
Newfoundlanders both as an event and with respect home it was hard; you couldn’t make ends meet. As
to the people themselves, has been distinctively dif- soon as you‘d start to get ahead, you’d get laid off
ferent to their responses to other incomers. and you went on Unemployment again ....”So here “it
Referring to people from-away who have lived for was a full time pay cheque coming in every week; it
twenty years and more on Grand Manan, a typical was wonderful” (Interview March 2000). In the mean-
comment would be: “They’realways trying to tell us time, her husband’s brother had migrated with his
what to do!” Compare this to the common response family in 1992, soon followed by two other single
when the subject of Newfoundlander migration is brothers in 1993. The support was important: “It was
raised: “Oh, they’re mighty workers!” Whereas in the exciting at first, but it was really lonely. We didn’t
past, arrivals have been viewed with varying know anybody. We were desperately lonely. When he
degrees of tolerance, suspicion and occasionally came home I’d be crying . When the second fam-
.....‘I
hostility, the Newfoundlanders are seen as being ily arrived, she described her feelings: “So now we
more like themselves. Whereas in the past, collec- had family, we’re doing fine...; and they fit in really
tively they could ignore or discount efforts of new well”.
arrivals to integrate into the community, the recent It was not until 1999, however, that most of the
in-migration has distinctly different characteristics new arrivals from Newfoundland became a signifi-
that significantly change their responses and the cant force of transformation in the meaning of com-
potential impacts. As already noted, it is the munity on Grand Manan. With its active recruitment
Newfoundlanders themselves who perceive distinc- of workers for the fish plant, Connor’s effectively
tions, and who are wary of cultural impacts upon initiated a major change in the dynamics of social
their children. Social divisions have become con- relations on the island. The logistical arrangements
sciously negotiable in ways that islanders have that Connor’s organized in providing accommoda-
never before had to confront. tion were themselves factors in the impact of the
migrants on the community. Using land leased from

Q
the plant manager, who also supervised all of the ing debate amongst the small community as to
logistical arrangements such as provision of water whether or not such a term was derogatory. The
and the building of shower and laundry facilities, new name has been unanimously supported. The
the company situated a trailer park three km from Connor’s manager has also provided clear markers
the plant. In 1999 sixteen electrical outlets were delimiting the boundaries of the park, with a low
installed, expanded to twenty five outlets in 2000. wall and several ‘No Trespassing’ signs that seem to
There are several factors that make the trailer park be effective in rerouting the ATV’s.
important in this narrative of meanings and The decision by Connor’s to hire only those who
impacts. One is certainly the fact of the centraliza- agree to migrate as families is yet another aspect of
tion of the migrant workers in one place. A second the migration phenomenon that is having particular
is the symbolism of the accommodation in mobile impacts upon Grand Manan. The rationale for this
trailers, as compared, for example, to apartments. hiring criterion was that “ninety-five percent of sin-
Both of these create a sense of ghetto, of difference, gle people won’t stay: you train them, and they
and of impermanence, all of which denote separa- leave” (Interview March 2000). Of the fifty three
tion from the sense of rooted community lives so people interviewed by the manager in January and
important to Grand Mananers. “I feel sorry for those sixty nine more in March 2000, older couples (ages
people” (living in the trailers), said Newfound- 55-60 years) and parents with children were the
landers who themselves had found accommodation norm for their hirings. The two adults could each
in permanent houses across the island. Thirdly, the work different shifts, allowing for child care by the
location of the trailer park is a crucial element, non-working spouse. Over the five month season a
being three kilometers u p a hill from the village of couple could make $24,000, higher than in
Seal Cove. Not only are the trailers a long walk from Newfoundland where the average hourly rate is
the tiny village, Seal Cove itself is 22 km from the about 60 percent l e s s 3 The higher rates of pay are
busy tourist centre where the ferry lands at North crucial not only for the immediate take-home pay,
Head. Grand Mananers refer to “nothing happening” but also because they affect the winter El payments
in Seal Cove, and say sadly that “Seal Cove is dying”. which are equivalently higher with the Grand
Regardless of islander predictions for the village, it Manan work. Although the Connor’s manager admit-
is indeed the most geographically remote from the ted, “You wouldn’t find me doing it”, he felt that
relatively active centres at North Head and Grand overall the experience was a good one for everyone.
Harbour. Recreational facilities, for example, are He described them as real “home people; but who
centred in Grand Harbour where there is a swim- are sort of gypsies travelling to survive. I commend
ming pool, curling club and the Boys’ and Girls’ them”. He expressed the opinion that their culture
Club, and in North Head where tennis courts and a is one rooted in place, and that they “love the sea-
baseball diamond provide opportunities for casual sonal w o r k because then they can go home. As one
gathering. The location of the trailer park is both young man responded when asked if he missed his
symbolically separate and geographically remote. friends: “Nah; it’s only for four or five months, then
For islanders there is no sense that the people who you’re back home”. For the most part, the manager’s
live there are in any way part of the community. As analysis of their experience was corroborated by
one Newfoundlander said, ”On Sunday afternoons, the Newfoundlanders who unanimously expressed
we are the local tourist attraction”. Another com- appreciation for his efforts in ensuring their accom-
plained that on Saturday nights, “Locals come tear- modation needs were met in the trailer park. What
ing through on their four-wheelers”, ignoring their he did not reflect upon was their broader experi-
carefully tended patches of lawn. In the spring of ence of Grand Manan, especially those who had chil-
2001, a new sign designed by the plant manager dren and elected to stay through the winter.
was installed, clearly defining and naming the
“Comfort Cove Trailer Park, being the village most Those Who Stay: Issues for the School
of the migrants were from. The naming was obvi- and Youth
ously a source of pride, as reflected in the com-
ments of the trailer residents, such as, “It’s nice; Indeed, each year more are choosing to stay. After
feels a bit more like home”. Someone had earlier put their first summer in 1999 working at the fish plant,
up a sign designating it as ‘Newfieville’, engender- and living in a trailer, a few of the migrants decided

Q
to stay over the winter with the prospects of work in prised” at the level of knowledge that was being
the salmon sites. While there is a labour shortage required by the province.
during the summer months when demand for work- The experiences described by the Newfoundland
ers is high at both the fish plant and the salmon sites, children and their parents reflect a rather different
in winter the fish plant is closed and the salmon sites reality. One Newfoundland parent was unequivocal
hire only about one-third the number of people in feeling that her son was ahead of the children on
because the fish require feeding only once a day. Grand Manan in his grade level. When they moved in
However, for those who have acquired reputations as 1996, their son had been in Grade One, and “was
reliable workers, and who are flexible in the types of doing science and geography in Newfoundland. But
jobs they will accept, there are often jobs that pay here, Grade One is the same as kindergarten in
more than they would be able to make back home. As Newfoundland!” The mother went on to express the
a result, gradually some are enrolling their children opinion that, “It’slax here compared to at home. The
in the local school and moving out of the trailer park kids don’t take it seriously here; they’re always mis-
into more permanent accommodation. The impacts behaving. I don’t know how they get away with that.”
upon Grand Manan relate in particular to the school, She described the difficulties her sensitive son had in
the youth social networks, and to perceptions around trying to integrate socially: “The kids called him
the issue of competition for jobs and housing. Each names, like ‘Newfie’. Didn’t I pine for him! Grand
of these four areas have specific tensions associated Manan feels like they’re the only people. They look at
with them that are affecting the social dynamics of Newfoundland as being stupid. In Ontario it was a
Grand Manan. wonderful year ‘cause people are from all over the
Apart from their contribution to the labour mar- world. You don’t stand out.” This perceptive observa-
ket, the most immediate impact upon the island has tion underlines the distinctive experiences involved
been in the school. In March 2000 there were thir- in migration according to the characteristics and his-
teen new children registered, all from tories of migration that define the receiving commu-
Newfoundland, from eight different families. While nity.
in urban Canada one might not notice thirteen new The experience of another family has been some-
students in a school, even if the school had only what different. When their twenty-two year old
400 students as it does on Grand Manan, for the daughter migrated to Grand Manan in the spring of
island, the magnitude of the influx is unprecedent- 1998, she found a job for her father whose choice
ed. For the school, one of the most significant areas in Newfoundland had been to “live on welfare or
of adjustment is related to the perceived abilities of move”. With one of their three children they drove
the children to adapt to new educational require- an old truck, 1500 km to Grand Manan, arriving on
ments and learning environments, and to the social Sunday, July 12. As a mysterious noise progressive-
networks of youth themselves. In discussing the ly got louder all the way from Stephenville, the
seven or eight young people who were in the school mother described getting off the ferry in North
in May-June 1999, a school administrator said that Head, “glad that at least no one knew who we were”,
they tend to be drawn into the ‘bad’ social groups. and arriving at their brother-in-law’s, before the
Some of them do not attend regularly, and, accord- truck finally “died”.The next day her husband start-
ing to a teacher, there is a problem of literacy. In the ed his new job on a salmon site. For the teenage
context of the school environment, the daughter who accompanied them, although leaving
Newfoundland youth are viewed as being transient, Newfoundland was tearfully traumatic, there was a
behind their age levels in abilities, and poorly inte- gradual acceptance of a new life. She found a job in
grated socially. But asked explicitly about the rela- the local bakery that continued through the winter
tive educational requirements of the two systems, a when she was at school, and she settled in for two
Grand Manan school representative acknowledged more years before completing her high school cer-
that perhaps the school had not taken into account tificate. Interviewed in March 2000, she described
the problems for the students of being uprooted the pain of the first couple of months until she met
twice a year, and moving between school systems a friend at school who introduced her into a social
(Interview 2001). She went on to say that when she network. Now, she said, “I’m fine.”l4 When, with
had administered exams from the Newfoundland another Newfoundland teenager, she graduated
system for a senior student, she had been ”sur- from Grand Manan High School with top marks and
~~~~ ~

Q
was awarded three prizes, her mother was justly good.” When asked explicitly about the degree of
proud: “It was her best year ever”. Nevertheless, integration, a teacher in the school described the
indicative of the ongoing redefinitions of ‘home’ Newfoundlanders as being “separate” Asked about
and belonging, just six months earlier she had been bullying, she said that it seems to be more of a
on the verge of returning to Newfoundland for her problem in recent years because it is more “orga-
final year “so that she could graduate with her nized”. An island parent whose children are in the
friends”. In the end she stayed on the island nine to twelve year age range, described a group
“because she realized she had lost touch with most calling themselves the “Intimidators”.As the litera-
of her friends in Newfoundland”. Yet another fami- ture on adolescents makes clear, “Being part of a
ly, who had “tried two winters”, “probably won’t stay group, and deriving one’s identity from the group,
again because it’s too hard on the kids at school”. are among the benefits which young people seek
One parent said that their twelve year old son from associating with others of their own age”
“could never fit in” and was having increasing prob- (Cotterell 1996, 23). The plight of the
lems at school. An added dimension that was men- Newfoundland youth appears to be significant:
tioned as a significant hurdle in staying for the win- denied acceptance, the brunt of bullying, and
ter was the return trip at Christmas, which in 2001, drawn into the marginalized groups, their perfor-
“was awful! ...on the January 6 return trip we wait- mance in school will obviously be affected.
ed seventeen hours on the boat before it left” from Furthermore, the significant role of mobility over
Port aux Basques, because of storms. space that encourages self-affirmation (Massey
Many Grand Mananers seemed to appreciate and 1998), is being denied the Newfoundland youth
sympathize with the problems the Newfoundland whose activity spaces are circumscribed by their
children must have experienced in the annual exclusion from social interaction. Belonging is a
moves back and forth to Grand Manan. At the same major issue for the Newfoundland young people,
time, a common perception is that many of them and the community of Grand Manan has neither rec-
are ’rough’. In interviews with Grand Manan youth, ognized nor acknowledged the problem.
there is disturbing evidence that the complaints of
Newfoundland parents related to their children’s Norms and Identities in Conflict
social problems are valid, and that the difficulty of
being accepted and of integrating, especially for the When originally trying to obtain interviews with
younger children (ages eight to thirteen), may lead Newfoundlanders, one of the difficulties was in
to further problems in the future. While a series of establishing contacts because of their non-integra-
youth interviews conducted in 1999 and 2000 had tion in the community. Even those who have elect-
been designed to explore broad issues related to ed to make their permanent homes on Grand Manan
growing up on the island, one question explicitly are not well known. One local Grand Mananer said,
asked about the social networks of the “We know them by their old, rundown cars.” For this
Newfoundland youth. Some of the young people did community where vehicles are a major source of
not know any of the Newfoundlanders except those status, such a comment says as much about the val-
who were in their classes at school, and most had ues of Grand Mananers as it does about the strug-
very little contact with them. In describing their gles of Newfoundlanders. As Bourdieu pointed out,
social networks in terms of three or four main social the process and formation of habitus is directly
groups (‘Partyers’, ‘Quiet’, ‘Snotty’, ‘Skunks’), with- linked to the everyday, taken-for-granted ways of
out exception the placement of the establishing distinctive identities (Bourdieu 1984).
Newfoundlanders was with the ‘Skunks’ (Marshall For some islanders there is a sense that the new
2000). This group is defined as a small group (about arrivals are taking jobs away from them. While there
eight to twelve) of young Grand Manan teenagers is a consensus that the Newfoundlanders are “work-
who are marginalized from the main activities of ers”, and that they are reliable, some Grand
the popular leaders. Ostracized by the other Mananers express the fear that they might also be
groups, the Newfoundlanders become part of this willing to work for less. One woman wondered
marginal group because no one else is willing to whether they might take jobs away from her chil-
befriend them. One Grand Manan youth acknowl- dren. Another complained that the
edged that: “They hear jokes. It can’t make them feel Newfoundlanders do not know the “rules” for pick-

8
ing d u k e . He described the informal rules that several of the restaurants and summer cottages. On
define a person’s territory when they reach the area the other hand, there are jobs on Grand Manan that
of intertidal rocks to be harvested during the short are deemed to be desirable, usually because of their
period of low water during drain tides: “The perceived association with office as compared to
Newfoundlanders don’t know, and they just come manual work. For many of these there are family
too close. Dulse is being over-picked.’’A common ‘claims’ on specific jobs. Yet another area of dispari-
complaint amongst islanders for the past two years, ty in access to jobs are the informal or non-earned
has been the lower harvests of d u k e . A few sources of income. In other words, whereas a native
islanders seem ready to blame, in part at least, the resident will have networks that allow access to par-
Newfoundlanders. ticular jobs and to the informal economy, such routes
Another area of conflict has been housing. As other will be closed to new arrivals. As one Grand Manan
studies have shown (Davies 1989; Jedreij and Nuttall woman admitted, “Islanders are funny about jobs; if
1996), expressions of hostility towards incomers they don’t know you they aren’t interested in hiring.
who are seen to be appropriating land and housing is Lots of jobs are for family”.
not unusual. While there has been no evidence of the A study by Nelson (1997) shows that migrant pop-
intense violence exhibited elsewhere Uedreij and ulations derive their income from different and more
Nuttall 1996, 169), on Grand Manan there have been limited sources than the native population. On Grand
muted comments placing the blame for the lack of Manan, one of the most important characteristics of
“rents” on the influx of Newfoundlanders. One income generation is its seasonal flexibility and vari-
woman’s rhetorical question, “You have to wonder ety. It is rare for any individual, male or female, to
how they hear about the rents before we do”, was have only one job. They move from hairdressing, to
posed in the context of a place where most homes are babysitting, to book keeping; and from throwing
individually constructed and owned for generations. anchor lines on the ferry, to fishing weirs, to gather-
Unlike the boom and bust cycles described by Norris ing duke. Furthermore, many jobs are understood to
and Pryor (1984) in which oil drilling impacts dra- ‘belong’ to a family. A ferry captain was quietly proud
matically upon housing, such short term effects have when he explained how he had moved to the smaller
been less pronounced on Grand Manan because of ferry so that his son could take over the larger one.
the provision of the trailer park, and where aquacul- Similarly, in replacing a retiring municipal clerk,
ture is seen as a longer term venture. While the sea- despite several applicants who competed for the
sonal nature of tourism provides the possibility for position, it was the clerk’s daughter who eventually
some winter accommodation, during the summer got the job. For the seasonal manual work on the
when the number of Newfoundlanders is at peak, the salmon sites and in the fish plant, Grand Manan wel-
availability of accommodation is also most restrict- comes the new labour market. But, both in relation to
ed. higher paying, permanent positions, and even some
Employment structure is obviously a key area of of the part time and informal activities, there is evi-
change for Grand Manan, related to both the restruc- dence of resistance to outsiders.
turing associated with aquaculture and with the large Yet another area where different norms and val-
increase in the demands for labour. As one site man- ues defining their identities distinguish the two
ager acknowledged, “We could not operate without communities is in their participation in religious
the Newfoundlanders”. For one new site approved in activities. For Grand Mananers, church attendance
May 2001, labour was recruited by telephone for the is a central part of their weekly activities, often
full year. The young family arrived only weeks later involving two services every week. Fifteen active
on the island, staying in the trailer park until more churches, representing nine denominations, reflect
central accommodation could be found. The other a key role for the church in establishing and affirm-
main employer is the Connor’s fish plant, responsible ing community norms. Nevertheless, there is a level
for the original mass recruitment initiative, where of unacknowledged resistance to the dominance of
the night shift that started in 1999 is almost solely Baptist and Wesleyan values, that surfaces in high
dependent upon Newfoundlanders. However, there rates of social dysfunction associated with alco-
are other types of employment that are open to the holism and family breakups.15 At a well-attended
new arrivals. During the tourist season, the availabil- meeting called to find solutions to the drug prob-
ity of the seasonal labour is especially welcome for lem on the island, several Grand Mananers referred

Q
to the tendency for collective denial, and the failure families or couples were staying year-round, renting
of the churches to address the issue (June 2001). houses or trailers, and in two cases buying homes.
Church services themselves are important social Virtually all of them, however, had retained owner-
gatherings, but as the Newfoundlanders describe ship of houses back in Newfoundland.
them, “They don’t seem to be real important. People For the school the impact of the new arrivals has
come and leave without talking to each other. At been especially significant because of the different
home on Sunday evenings we’d be there ’ti1 1O:OO. educational backgrounds, and because the school
Grand Mananers are in and out in an hour. It’s not becomes the arena in which social groups are formed
the same feeling of community”(Interview, October and acceptability is determined. For the parents the
2000). Referring to the alcoholic consumption, strong island culture resonates with known experi-
there is unanimity that “I’ve seen beer at home, but ences of Newfoundland, despite concerns about dis-
never like it is here”. For Newfoundlanders, there is parate values and norms around family life. These
a distinct ambivalence about the sense of shared concerns are experienced as major obstacles for the
values related to family and social networks that are Newfoundland youth whose lives are dynamically
formed through social activities. While, as quoted embedded through the school in the everyday cul-
earlier, “they likes to party”, for Newfoundlanders ture of young teenagers.
with young children in school there is apprehension In the nexus between two cultures, the details of
about the amount of wealth on the island that they which define variations on habitus, there are signif-
see as linked to a culture of extravagant drinking icant tensions that will ultimately transform both
and family breakdown. In their decisions to leave communities. To the extent that the school is a
for the winter, there is not only the ‘pull’ of home, prime arena for the working out of values, norms
but very importantly the ‘push’ of wanting to avoid and expectations, conflicts may be defined as being
intensive exposure to the local youth culture. One institutional in nature, whereas in fact they are
parent was explicit: “Other than the school, I find rooted in different cultural milieux. The habitus of
the people here excellent”. He decried the “racism” Grand Manan that has been sustained over genera-
experienced by his son at school, and complained tions, linked to both an island isolation and family
that taunts such as “stupid stunned Newfies” were lineage but underpinned by a diverse fishery that
common (Interview July 2001). As a result of the dif- has created a sense of invincible security, has gen-
ficulties experienced by the children, the plans are erated very different kinds of networks, modes of
that they will return to Newfoundland in August, familial responsibilities and expectations than
while the parents stay on until the plant closes at those of the migrating Newfoundlanders. They may
the end of October. be seen as two ‘objectivities’, but must be under-
stood as evolving in the context of particular ”cate-
Discussion gories of perception and appreciation” (Bourdieu
1984). The concerns expressed by the
The first family to arrive from Newfoundland in 1991 Newfoundlanders about differences of religious
stayed only a few months, then persevered through practice, the ostracization of the young people, and
a series of moves to Ontario, home, and finally back the culture of drinking and drugs on the island, all
to Grand Manan in 1996. It was only in the following reflect more than a sense of being viewed as ‘Other’.
two years that their lives seemed to show the They in fact recognize that the habitus of their
promise of a community life, said the intrepid moth- homes in Newfoundland, played out in the every-
er of three children. It was only when “the people day practices of particular situations, is different.
started coming” from her native Newfoundland that As Bottomley (1992) argues, while the habitus may
she began to accept the relative permanence of a new not be determining in the ability to achieve a sense
home. The trailer park accommodates those who of belonging, it is a powerful mediating construct.
come for seasonal work for four to five months, while For now, the Newfoundlanders are “between belong-
for those who are undecided about the permanency ing”. The community of Grand Manan, on the other
of their new ‘home’ and particularly those who have hand, is only beginning to become aware of
school age children, the choice has been to rent trail- impending change linked to the new migration
ers closer to activity centres in North Head or Grand experience. For the island, significant passages
Harbour. By the summer 2001, approximately fifteen such as graduating from the High School and awed-

Q
ding between an islander and a Newfoundlander in Division that included two components, herring and salmon aqua-
culture. To date there are only unconfirmed rumours that it has been
the summer of 2000, indicate that longer term bought by a Norwegian company.
changes will occur. While the incomers articulate 5 Interview 1998 with former principal of the Grand Manan High
their experiences with clarity, even as they debate School.
the merits of staying or leaving, to date Grand 6 Many of these families would have been returnees from the previous
Mananers have been largely oblivious to their strug- year.
7 According to my Newfoundlander informants: 1991, a family migrat-
gles. ed for ten months, but did not stay; a brother and his family (with two
The impacts and meanings of the Newfoundland sons) then moved in 1995, as the first permanent resident family;
migration are important, for the Newfoundlanders 1996, the original migrants returned, with two children; 1997, two .
themselves and for Grand Mananers, but no less are single brothers moved to Grand Manan.
8 In the summer of 2000, only two fishers ( as compared to the approx-
they important for Canada. The problematic aspects imately 30 who have licenses) continued to engage in handlining,
of youth integrating into social networks in and out partly due to degraded stocks and partly due to high fuel costs that
of school, of different school systems that are not precluded covering costs in a day's fishing. The offshore draggers
structured to accommodate seasonal migrants, and and gill netters were also down in number, with only two gillnetters
the ghetto-like segregation of the trailer park, all making daily trips throughout the summe months.
9 In 1991 the owner of a large lobster pound on Grand Manan was in
suggest ways in which institutional policies could Newfoundland to arrange a contract for lobsters being shipped to the
lessen the pain of the process. 'Between belonging' is island for 'storage'. It was on this trip that the original families were
a difficult world that has special meanings for young recruited to work in his business. In January 1999 and again in 2000,
families, and for the eventual development of a the manager of the Connor's fish plant spent a week recruiting and
interviewing potential workers who would come to Grand Manan for
transformed 'habitus' for Grand Manan. Currently, the twenty week season that the plant operates. In 2000 he inter-
both communities are NowHere, as they explore the viewed approximately 100 individuals, of whom twenty-six were
mutual tensions of new identities and meanings of signed on. Most recently, in June 2001, the resident manager for
place. Acadian Seaplants (an out-of-province company that harvests rock-
weed on Grand Manan) enquired about recruiting Newfoundland
labour for the summer, and explored the possibility of accommoda-
Acknowledgements tion near one of the wharves.
10 Interviews established this common occurrence. However, one
The authors express appreciation for the helpful critiques of anonymous notable exception was a Grand Manan woman who studied at univer-
reviewers, and for the funding support of the Social Sciences and sity in the United States so that she "couldget away from the island".
Humanities Council of Canada. As well, the prompt and generous help In her words, she was "dismayed' when her American husband dis-
of Christine Earl (cartography) and Anne Gilbert (translation) is much covered that he liked the life of a fisherman and decided that Grand
appreciated. Most especially, however, thanks are extended to the com- Manan would be their home.Unusually, he still lives on the island.
munity of Grand Manan and to the courageous Newfoundlanders for while, recently divorced, she has moved to the mainland.
sharing so many significant details of their lives. 11 Former islanders who had lived away for long periods of five to thir-
ty years, often working in metropolitan areas, and then return, most
often discover that they no longer 'fit in'.
Notes 12 Interview, March 2000
13 According to interviewees, in Newfoundland the average pay in the
In addition to the Newfoundlanders themselves, ongoing interviews
plants was a flat rate of $7.50 per hour, compared to the piece work
occurred with islanders related in part to the issue of recent In-migra-
wage on Grand Manan that began at $10.00 per hour, and allowed
tion. Included in these interviews and conversations were seventeen
some efficient workers to make as much a s $18.00 per hour.
teenagers (ages twelve to twenty-two). a school counsellor, owners of
14 Nonetheless, by Februray 2001 she had returned to Newfoundland.
small businesses (restaurant. machine shop, duke exporting), women
15 RCMP statistics (1999) indicate a significant rise in substance abuse
who volunteer at the school, church women, managers of aquacul-
and spousal violence.
ture sites, fishers, and many others.
The regulatory regime of the Department of Fisheries changed sig-
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Between Belonging: Habitus and The Migration Experience

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15410064, 2002, 1, Downloaded from https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1541-0064.2002.tb00731.x by Universidad Nacional Autonoma, Wiley Online Library on [18/10/2022].

Mots cles: Terre-Neuve, migration, provinces atlan

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Introduction emphasizes its situatedness within everyday life, but

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The Canadian Geographer / Le Ceographe canadien 46, no 1 (2002)

The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 46, no 1 (2002)

Press) LIAW, K-L, KANAROCLOU, P. and MOFFETT, P. 1989 ‘Metropolitan outmigration

The Canadian Geographer / Le Geographe canadien 46, no 1 (2002)

The Canadian Geographer / Le Ceographe canadien 46, no 1 (2002)

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