Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Račius 08-Mehmeti Krasniqi-01
Račius 08-Mehmeti Krasniqi-01
Kosovo
Armend Mehmeti and Memli Sh. Krasniqi
Initial contacts between Islam and Albanian people can be found before
the Ottoman conquest of Albanian lands. In the pre-Ottoman age Albanian
lands had been visited by tradesmen, military forces or other representatives
of Oriental-Islamic world. However, based on historical sources, there is no
doubt that commencement of Islamization of Albanians in the shape of a
historical process is related to the deployment of Ottoman rule into Albanian
lands.1 Through the establishment of Ottoman rule, Islam gradually spread out
into Albanian lands; this was a phenomenon caused by interaction of several
elements of various characters: political, economic, cultural and religious.
In order to understand better the success of Islam in Albanian lands one
should take into consideration the fact that the Ottoman social system basical-
ly was more progressive and more humane than the old Byzantinian, Serbian,
or Latin-Anzune systems, which Albanian people endured through centuries.2
The Ottoman Empire was an Islamic state which recognized the right of other
non-Islamic communities to live within the borders of this empire; those com-
munities had to recognize the Sultan’s authority and to pay a certain tax as a
“protection” under the Sultan’s authority. Therefore, in Albania the Ottoman
conquest was not associated with use of organized and direct force, thus not
aiming to eradicate existing religion (Christianity) and imposing Islam in its
place.3
Furthermore, one has to emphasize the circumstances under which this na-
tion lived. Arberit, as Albanians were named in the Middle Age, lived in a bor-
derland between two Christian religions, between Catholicism and Orthodox
Christianity. Since the year 1054, distinctions between those two religions got
deeper and brutal. This period was marked as a period of anarchy in the field
of Christian religious organization in the Balkans; therefore the Islamization of
Albanians more or less was an estrangement from Christianity, initially against
Greek, Serbian or Bulgarian orthodoxy which aimed at ethnic assimilation of
Albanians.
Distinctions in regard to the beginning of Islamization and the tempo of
its development, in cities of Kosovo and other Albanian regions, are mostly
related to the specific situation in Kosovo on the eve of Ottoman conquest. As
it was known, for a long time Kosovo was under the rule of Serb Tsars and the
Serbian Orthodox Church. The conquest of Kosovo and establishment of the
Ottoman rule eliminated the Serbian feudal class and destroyed the religious
basis of this rule, which was exercised by the Serbian Orthodox Church. These
circumstances facilitated the separation of Kosovo Albanians from the Ortho-
dox religion of Serb invaders and the conversion of Albanians to Islam.4 Con-
version to Islam further separated Albanians from the influence of the Serb or
Greek Orthodox Church (which preached through Slavic or Greek language),
and thus stopped the process of turning of Albanians into Greeks or Slavs
which had been going on for centuries: during the pre-Ottoman age, the Alba-
nians of Kosovo, being a part of the political-religious community shared with
Serbs, were considered “Serbs”. Something similar was to happen later with
Muslim Albanians within the Ottoman Empire being considered “Turks”.5 This
attitude influenced the fortunes of Albanian people negatively, particularly
during the fall of Ottoman Empire when hundreds of thousands of Albanian
people of Islamic religion were evicted under the pretext of eviction of Turks.
The role of mystical orders should be taken into consideration as well when
one analyses the conversion of Albanians to Islam. In fact, Turkish Islam has
always operated on two levels: first, on a formal legal level, a dogmatic state
religion in schools and hierarchy, but secondly, on a popular mystical level as
intuitive mass beliefs, which was expressed through great orders of dervishes.6
Therefore, when Albanian lands fell under Ottoman rule, it was easier for mis-
sionaries of different sects such as Bektashi, Halveti, Rifai, etc., which also
sent their missionaries centuries ago, to appear in Albania and this generated
conversion of local population to Islam. The Bektashi order had more influ-
ence amongst those orders. According to historical sources, the Bektashi order
was spread into the Balkans by early dervishes under the name of Sari Saltuk
and through the missionaries which were sent by the Sejjid Ali Sultan Tekke
in Dimoteka. The relation Bektashi-Janissary was crucial for the presence of
Bektashi followers in the Balkans. As a result of this relation, Bektashi follow-
ers were present in all areas which were first invaded by the Janissary corps.7
Bektashism was the main element related to the spread of Islam amongst
Christian population in the Balkans. Due to a conflict with Islam, Bektashism
showed more tolerance towards Christianity, even having some common
points in religious life. The liberal and eclectic character of Bektashishm
made it very acceptable and attractive for the Balkan peoples, particularly for
Albanians, where the Christian religion co-existed with strong elements of the
pagan heritage of the pre-Christian age. For example, Bektashism was tolerant
of all other religions, paid more importance to the inner and not to the outer
world, did not oblige people to exercise some Islamic practices like praying and
fastening, allowed use of wine, allowed uncovered woman and allowed women
to keep company with men. The efficient propaganda of Bektashi leaders at-
tracted Christians to this mysterious and democratic sect, which, for them was
not so different from Christianity.8 On the other hand, the Ottoman State sup-
ported the activities of dervish orders in order to make local inhabitants be
closer to state administration.
In most Albanian cities, as in other regions of the Balkans, dervish orders
and their tekkes were closely related to economic guilds. Beside the Bektashi,
the Qadiri was another mystical order widely spread in the Albanian lands,
particularly in Kosovo. Both orders played an important role in regard to the
economic life of Albanian cities during the Ottoman age. In fact, both orders
acted as spiritual leader for craftsmen. For centuries, those orders kept under
control and spiritually supported guilds of butter makers, wool makers, hat
makers, etc.9
In regards to their economic or social activity, tekkes mainly did not sepa-
rate people in respect of religion, ethnicity or language, so as a result they were
visited by a wide range of local people. Dervishes, being able to communicate
with all levels of local population, managed to introduce the essential prin-
ciples of Islam to people and, what is more important, to counter prejudices
7 Metin Izeti, Kllapia e Tesavvufit (Shkup: Fakulteti i Shkencave Islame, 2002), 165.
8 Halil Inalxhik, The Ottoman Empire 1300–1600 (Gjilan: Drita e Jetës, 2002), 257.
9 Zija Shkodra, Esnafet Shqiptare xv–xx (Tiranë: Instituti i Historisë, 1973), 274.
against Islam which were initiated by church institutions. If one analyses the
activities of early dervishes, one can see that in the Balkans they were not rep-
resented only by religious activities, but they also cultivated the land and dealt
with art and science. Initially, tekkes were tasked to cultivate land/farming and
to distribute products to poor people. In this way, through charity dervishes
attempted to convey the principles of Islam to people who seldom enjoyed
respect.10
In addition, the dervish orders had an influence in education and the intel-
lectual growth of the population. Tekkes produced many poets and intellectu-
als, while in the second half of the 19th century the Bektashi order became
a leader of the Albanian rebellion against the Ottoman rule. Furthermore,
Bektashi tekkes became a shelter for many political missionaries from Western
Europe, who, under the pretext of being travelers, for many months were
hosted by Bektashis.11
Bektashism was widely spread in the Albanian lands, particularly during the
19th century, when it was finally separated from the military and political elite
of the Ottoman Empire. In fact, following the dissolution of the Janissary corps
in 1826, the Bektashi order had been outlawed and persecuted by the Porte. In
such circumstances, moving away due to persecutions, Bektashism found sup-
port only in the Balkans, especially in lands inhabited by Albanians.12
and humanitarian character. During the 15th century, schools, madrasas and
libraries were opened in all main centres of Dardania; mosques, shrines and
many constructions of Islamic character appeared. During the 16th century,
Islam became the prevailing religion in all Albanian lands.14
During the Great Eastern Crises (1875–1878), the wars of 1876–1878 and
following the Congress of Berlin, the autonomous princedoms of Serbia and
Montenegro gained new lands. Serbia extended its territories gaining four re-
gions: Nish, Pirot, Toplica and Vraja. This period marks the commencement
of European support for Serbian hegemonic politics against Albanian popula-
tion. Muslims residing in those lands were forced to move away. Albanians of
Islamic religion inhabiting regions of Toplica and Vraja were forced to leave
their native lands. Withdrawal of the Ottoman Army from these territories was
followed by displacement of Muslim populations, mostly Albanians, towards
the lands which were still under the Ottoman rule. Being under the pressure
of the Great Powers and being afraid of losing their diplomatic support, Serbia
initiated an action to arrange judicially all religious rights for the remaining
Muslims and the legal status of waqf properties. Therefore, on 3 January 1878,
Serbia promulgated the Interim Law on Administration of Liberated areas
(Article 77), which provided to Muslim believers and to all beliefs recognized
by law the right to exercise religious practices.15
The Constitution of the Serbian Princedom (1869) had recognized the
structure of the Islamic Religious Community in Serbia. According to these
provisions, the Mufti was the Chairman of the Islamic Community with
his seat in Nish. The Mufti was nominated by the Serbian Prince, while the
shaykh al-islam of Istanbul had to confirm this nomination. The role of shaykh
al-islam in this case was a protection measure for Muslims within Christian
states in South-Eastern Europe. This right for the first time was granted to the
Ottoman Empire through the Treaty of Kucuk Kaynarca (1774), since earlier
the O ttoman Empire granted such a right to European powers in regards to
Christian churches.16
During the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 Kosovo was invaded by Serbia and the
Islamic Community found itself in an awkward position. Amongst other
d ifficulties this period represents the cessation of connections with the Islamic
main seat in Istanbul. Thus, one may say that the religious life within the terri-
tories invaded by Serbs was paralyzed. Only the most enthusiastic imams were
working, mostly organizing praying and burial ceremonies for believers. This
situation continued even after the Agreement of Istanbul (March 1914), be-
tween the Ottoman Empire and the Kingdom of Serbia, which guaranteed the
rights of Muslim people within the invaded territories.17 However, its imple-
mentation was only partial and delayed for a long time. Only by the middle of
1914, in Kosovo, did the Muftiate of Prishtina, Prizren and Mitrovica commence
its work but the outbreak of World War One stopped its activity. Under the new
circumstances, when Albanian lands were divided again, the organization of
Islamic religious community was very poor and unconsolidated.18
According to the agreement cited above, the King had to appoint the Grand
Mufti from amongst three candidates nominated by the Muftis. The Shaykh
al-islam of Istanbul handed over the responsibility to the newly appointed
Grand Mufti. From that time, the Grand Mufti had the right to authorize Muf-
tis in Serbia to issue fatwas and to exercise certain tasks, mostly in the field of
Islamic jurisprudence.19
Being uneasy about the large number of Muslim inhabitants within the ter-
ritorially extended Serbian state, who were considered a risk group for national
and state unity, the Serbian state opted for tighter control of the activities of
the Islamic Community as well as its internal organization in appointing Muf-
tis in each city where Muslims lived. In Kosovo, the appointed Muftis were loy-
al to the Serbian state. Muftis were obliged to cooperate with local authorities,
and the government aimed to control all aspects of Muftis’ work. Muftis were
paid from the state budget and the payment of salary would be terminated for
those who were not deemed loyal enough to the Serbian government. By pro-
visions of law, the Islamic Religious Community was not in an equal position
with other religious communities. Its activity was under a strict state control
and mostly revolved around matters of secondary importance for the Muslim
community.20
17 Haki Kasumi, “Gjendja organizative e Bashkësisë Islame te shqiptarët nën okupimin jugo-
sllav 1912–1941” (kumtesë e paraqitur në simpoziumin ndërkombëtar: Feja, Kultura dhe-
Tradita Islame ndër shqiptarë, Prishtinë, 15–17 tetor, 1992).
18 Ibid.
19 Menduh Bamja, “Pozita kushtetuese juridike dhe faktike e Bashkësive Fetare ne ish-
Jugosllavi me vështrim të posaçëm të Bashkësisë Islame” (Prishtine: Kurʾani, 2009), 58.
20 Ibid. 59–60.
The end of the First World War brought about the disintegration of both the
Austro-Hungarian and the Ottoman empires and the creation of new nation
states in the territories formerly controlled by these two empires. After long
and hard negotiations, finally, on 1 December 1918 the Kingdom of Serbs, Cro-
ats and Slovenes was promulgated officially. Beside Serbs, Croats and Slovenes,
this kingdom comprised many other ethnic groups, including Germans and
Hungarians in Vojvodina, Albanians in Kosovo and Macedonia, Rumanians
in Banat, Bosnians, Czechs, Slovaks, Italians, etc.21 The Kingdom continued to
implement the politics of expulsion of Muslims in Kosovo, Bosnia and Herze-
govina, Sandzak and Macedonia. Establishment of military government was
directed to evict Albanians from their lands, therefore the use of force and
massacres aimed at implementation of the expansionist policy of Serbia.
After the First World War the Islamic Religious Community in the Yugo-
slavian Kingdom was organized into two branches: Muslims in Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Croatia and Slovenia were organized under a single Community
presided by rais al-ulema and its seat was situated in Sarajevo, while Muslims
in Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia and Kosovo were organized under another
Community presided over by a Grand Mufti and its seat was situated in Bel-
grade.22 Since 1918, the Islamic Religious Community and other organizations
endeavoured for a religious autonomy and to enjoy equal rights with other re-
ligious communities. Albanian endeavours to restore and consolidate Islamic
institutions within Albanian lands would recur from 1918 onwards as a form of
resistance against the Serbian domination.
In 1919, a proposal was made to reorganize the Islamic Community in the
South (Sandzak, Kosovo and Macedonia) in compliance with the model of
Bosnia and Herzegovina. It was also proposed that employees of the Islamic
Community maintain a pro-state approach. This newly established commu-
nity would be presided over by the rais al-ulema of Sarajevo. The proposed
changes were swiftly implemented.23 Until 1929, the following institutions
of the Islamic Community operated within the ethnic Albanian lands of the
Kingdom: regional and local muftis, waqf assembly, waqf commissions, coun-
cil of imams.24
25 Ibid.
26 Bamja, 108.
27 “Islamska Zajednica Serbije kroz historiju”, Last accessed on 7 March 2011, http://www
.mesihatsandzaka.rs/vijesti/346-islamska-zajednica-srbije-kroz-historiju.html.
28 Kasumi, “Gjendja organizative e Bashkësisë Islame te shqiptarët”.
destroyed and burned. No madrasas operated until 1919, while in 1925, the re-
formed madrasa in Skopje, given the name Major Madrasa of King Alexander,
commenced its work.29 Later on, in 1931, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia decided to
open religious Islamic schools for the Muslim community in Kosovo, mainly
for Albanians, aiming to root out Islamic fanaticism and to prevent reinforce-
ment of national awakening amongst Albanians.30 As a result, in the follow-
ing years many religious Islamic schools for children were opened throughout
Kosovo.
During the Second World War, besides fighting against Fascism, Albanians in
Kosovo and in other parts of Yugoslavia fought also for national liberation and
for this purpose they created independent political, military and administra-
tive structures, which in no way were connected with Serbia. Based on a deci-
sion issued by the Provincial Assembly of Kosovo and Metohija, on 8–10 July
1945, in the shape of a “Resolution on the annexation of Kosovo and Dukagjin
to Federal Serbia”, Kosovo was annexed by Serbia within the federal state of
Yugoslavia.31
Organization of the Islamic Religious Community in the Federal Republic
of Yugoslavia relied on the Constitution of the Islamic Religious Community
which was promulgated by the Supreme Wakf Assembly of Islamic Commu-
nities from the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Macedonia and
Montenegro, in the meeting which was held on 26–27 August 1947. According
to its Constitution, the major bodies of the Islamic Religious Community were
the Supreme Wakf Assembly and the Supreme Islamic Headship presided by
rais al-ulama. Sarajevo was the seat for the supreme authorities. The Wakf As-
sembly headed by Wakf Directory and Ulema-Meclis operated in each republic
where a certain number of Muslims lived, such as in Bosnia and Herzegovina,
Serbia, Macedonia and Montenegro. The Wakf Supreme Assembly was a ma-
jor governing and administrative authority, while the Islamic Supreme Head-
ship was a main educational-religious authority in a certain region; the seats
of those institutions were located in Sarajevo, Pristina, Skopje and Podgorica
(from 1946–93 called Titograd).32
29 Ibid.
30 Haki Kasumi, Bashkesite fetare ne Kosove 1945–1980 (Prishtine: Instituti i Historisë, 1988),
118–119.
31 Bamja, 242.
32 Ibid, 248.
Within the territory of Serbia, including here Kosovo and Metohija, the fol-
lowing institutions operated: Islamic Headship with three members, Wakf Di-
rectorate with 30 members from all territories where Muslims lived; Pristina
was the seat for all mentioned institutions. Administratively, the Islamic Re-
ligious Community was organized in 26 wakf regional councils and 436 be-
lievers’ communities; 8 wakf councils operated outside of Kosovo, namely, in
Belgrade, Nish, Novi Pazar, Sjenica, Priboj, Prijepolje, and Novi Varosh.33
The Islamic Community of Kosovo under Socialist Yugoslavia published
several magazines and journals in the Albanian language, such as Buletini,
EdukataIslame, Takvimi. It also published special editions of translations into
Albanian, for instance, Ilmihali, Mevludi, Jasini-Sherif, etc. Aside from this, the
Bosnian Islamic Community provided Kosovo Muslim believers with the fol-
lowing journals: Glasnik vis ivz, IslamskaMisao, Preporod, etc.34
In addition to the Hanafi School in jurisprudence within Sunni Islam, Mus-
lim believers were also organized in orders of mystical (Sufi) brotherhoods.
During that period, only ten brotherhoods were registered within the territory
of Yugoslavia and they mostly operated in Kosovo, Macedonia and Bosnia and
Herzegovina. The first organization of mystical orders in Socialist Yugosla-
via was established in 1970 and was called “The Federation of Dervishes and
Islamic Orders of Yugoslavia”. In 1978, this organization started publishing an
independent journal entitled hu.35
However, the state attempted to keep the Islamic Community of Yugoslavia
under its tight control. Initially, the state empowered Bosnian Muslim leaders
to disseminate a centralized and homogenous Islam throughout the regions
where Yugoslavia’s non-Slav populations (Albanians, Turkish and Roma) lived.
Centralizing Islam was designed to fit several state goals – the homogenization
of Yugoslav linguistic and cultural identity and weakening of minority com-
munities. Secondly, it aimed to control Kosovo’s complicated and diverse reli-
gious life under the auspices of a single Islamic mechanism that would report
directly to Belgrade. As a result of such purposes, Sufi orders were outlawed
during the 1950s.
None the less, in Kosovo, Sufism could not be suppressed. First, Kosovar Al-
banians, except for the elite assimilated into the Yugoslav Communist hierar-
chy, could not be rid of a suspicion that Communism was merely another form
of Slavic imperialism. Second, Kosovo did not receive the benefits of Yugoslav
economic aid until very late.
33 Ibid. 249.
34 Kasumi, 149.
35 Metin Izeti, Tarikati Bektashian (Tetovë: Çabej: 2001), 75.
During the last decades of the 20th century, Europe faced substantial changes
in the various aspects of national and regional politics. New developments
caused the fall of the Communist system in East European countries. This
generated political, economic and social crises, which were accompanied
by the rise of nationalism. These countries were to face a crisis of transfor-
mation from a closed to a democratic system. Such circumstances in many
ex-Communist countries produced a restoration of rights to exercise religious
beliefs. Ultimately, the system of religious communities was re-established
within these countries. But the situation was more complex in the territories
of the former Socialist Yugoslavia. The fall of the sfry generated new states
during the last decade of the 20th century, and as a result the former unitary
Islamic Community of Yugoslavia was transformed into several independent
Islamic Communities.
The disintegration of Yugoslavia created new circumstances for the Kosovo
Islamic Community to move towards it aims of an administrative indepen-
dence from the Islamic Community of Yugoslavia and to be involved strongly
in social, religious, cultural, educational, scientific and political developments
in all Albanian lands. Since 1993, the Islamic Community of Kosovo operates as
an independent body representing all Muslims living in Kosovo.
According to the local administration of the United Nations Mission in
Kosovo, in the mid-2000s, the number of inhabitants in Kosovo was estimated
to be at two million, of which 88% were ethnic Albanians, 7% Serbs, and 5%
others.36 There are no official statistics about the religious identity of the pop-
ulation but it is commonly held that around 90% of the population of Kosovo
is of Muslim religion, 6% of Orthodox religion, 3% of Catholic religion and 1%
other.37
The Assembly of Kosovo approved the law on religious rights and freedom,
but no law regulating the judicial status of religious communities was intro-
duced. Some Muslim, Catholic and Orthodox holidays, like Eid-Adha, first day
of Ramadan, Eid-al-Fitr, Christian Christmas, Orthodox Christmas, Easters, are
recognized by the state as official holidays.
The Islamic Community of Kosovo (BashkësiaIslame e Kosovës; henceforth
bik) is the largest religious institution in Kosovo. Over 90% of inhabitants in
of the Islamic Community of Kosovo only during the two major feasts of Eid-
Al-Fitr and Eid Al-Adha.
A certain number of traditional Sufi orders, like Helveti, Kadiri, Rufai, Saadi,
Bektashi, Mevlevi, Sinani, operate in Kosovo. Those orders are supervised by
the Council of the Islamic Community. Sheikhs of dervish orders may practise
ceremonies and religious activities if their nomination has been confirmed by
the Headship of the Islamic Community.42 In 1925, the Turkish leader Mustafa
Kemal suppressed all Sufi movements in the Republic of Turkey and as a result
the seat of the Bektashi brotherhood was transferred to Tirana, Albania. Tirana
still remains the main seat for Betashis worldwide. Bektashism in Kosovo has
its seat in Gjakova and is an integrated part of the Bektashi worldwide center.
Furthermore, the political life of Kosovo is enriched by a pro-Islamic party
named Partia e DrejtësisësëKosovës (Justice Party of Kosovo), a small but vocal
conservative party which holds two out of Kosovo’s 120 parliamentary seats.
The party is part of the governing coalition. During the election campaign of
2009, it promised to fight politically for the rights of Muslim believers.
Current Challenges
The first foreign Islamic actors in Kosovo came via an assortment of Islamic
charities, the most important being an umbrella organization of the Saudi
government, the Saudi Joint Commission for the Relief of Kosovo and Chech-
nya (sjcrkc), and its official Kuwaiti counterpart, the Kuwaiti Joint Relief
Committee (kjrc). The sjcrkc has built 98 primary and secondary schools
throughout rural Kosovo. These schools are helping to create a generation of
Albanian Muslims who are deeply intolerant of those whose opinions contra-
dict their religious training.44 The Islamic Endowment Foundation (ief), op-
erating under the umbrella of the sjcrkc, supports over 30 Qurʾan schools in
rural Kosovo. Locals complain that these schools teach pupils little more than
memorization of the Qurʾan.45
Aside from the usual charity activities, the Islamic Relief Worldwide (irw)
offers loan and micro-credit schemes in a bid to extend Islamic influence over
small businessmen and rural communities. By 2004, the irw had handed out
over 500 loans to Kosovar businessmen “based on Islamic principles”. This or-
ganization remains active in Kosovo today, as well as in other Balkan states.46
The influx of various non-governmental organizations into post-war K osovo
brought religious elements which deviated from the practice of traditional
Islam in Kosovo. A report of the us State Department indicates some reported
incidents of violence addressed towards Muslim community, which mostly
derived from a conflict between Islamic groups. The bik continued to report
its concerns about radical Islamic groups, saying that those groups operate
through private houses and are led by individuals living abroad.47 There are
doubts, however, that certain individuals are following this direction of Islam,
but anyway there is a lack of facts from the police or the Islamic Community of
Kosovo. The Kosovo police emphasizes that Kosovo is not endangered by radi-
cal Islamic groups nor by any form of terrorism.48
Major opportunity for foreign Islamic influence came as a result of the
broad participation of many nations (including major Muslim states) in the
interim un Mission in Kosovo (unmik), and the Kosovo Force (kfor) peace-
keeping units authorized by the un Security Council Resolution 1244. Muslim
states like Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, Pakistan, Egypt and Turkey used this oppor-
tunity to develop their own interests in Kosovo. For example, in October 1999
alone, Saudi sponsors donated 200,000 copies of the Qurʾan in Arabic/Alba-
nian translation as part of efforts to promulgate the Kingdom’s official brand
of Islam in the Balkans.49
The Republic of Turkey is giving significant support to Kosovo in all fields,
especially in the field of economy, culture and education. Turks have funded
many social activities and they plan to fund the establishment of a university in
Lipjani city. Not only is Turkey involved in building up Kosovo’s educational in-
frastructure, but many young people from Kosovo are going to Turkey for their
university education. Privately funded scholarships, as well as those provided
by the Turkish government, have made this possible for a growing number of
students. Cultural affinities between the two countries also provide comfort
for students looking for a home away from home. According to the Kosovo
Embassy in Ankara, approximately 1,000 Kosovo students are currently enrolled
in Turkish institutions of higher education.50 In addition to this, the Diyanet of
Turkey has provided stipends to students who went to Turkey for religious edu-
cation. In 2008, at least eight students from Kosovo received grants from the
Diyanet to participate in Qurʾan courses. Furthermore, in September of 2009,
the Diyanet sent “religious consultants” as its representatives in Kosovo.51
Furthermore, foundations of the Gülen Network are active in Kosovo also.
This network is represented by Gylistan Education Centre, and Mehmet Akif
College in Pristina and Prizren. They provide instruction in Albanian, Turkish
and English languages.
The presence of new Islamic organizations has had an impact on Kosovan
society. Lately, some groups exercising new practices of praying have showed
up. Furthermore, some Muslims organized by certain associations are request-
ing teaching of religion in schools, building a new mosque in Prishtina and the
wearing of headscarf into public schools. There also have been instances when
mosques have been occupied by a group of believers who evicted or physi-
cally assaulted the official imam in order to practise a ritual of Islam, which is
49 Ibid.
50 “Kosovo and Turkey build educationalties”, Last accessed on 4 January 2012, http://www
.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/features/setimes/features/2011/06/29/
feature-03.
51 Senol Korkut, “The Diyanet of Turkey and its activities in Eurasia after the Cold War”, Last
accessed on 6 January 2012, http://src-h.slav.hokudai.ac.jp/publictn/acta/28/06Korkut
.pdf.
d ifferent from the traditional Hanafi one practised in Kosovo and in compli-
ance with the regulations of the bik.52
In order to prevent any danger that those Islamic movements may cause,
the Mufti of Kosovo, Mr. Naim Ternava, appealed to security authorities to
check borders, because, as he said, suspect individuals who through religious
activities aim to involve youth in extremist spirit freely enter Kosovo.53
But, on the other hand, some divergences within the bik have showed up
lately. Two imams, one from Podujeva and the other one from Drenas, blamed
the Mufti of Kosovo for misrule and degradation from traditional Islam. They
oppose practising of belief by individuals bearing beards and wearing short
trousers. For this purpose they formed a syndicate, the first one of such a kind
in the region. They emphasized the love of Islam, but they did not like to imi-
tate any nation of the world. They wanted to practise Islam as their prede-
cessors did in the past. Both imams decided to preserve their religion and to
prevent it from any possible degeneration, to fight this phenomenon through
other methods, including through the syndicate they formed recently. As they
declared, the main aim of this syndicate is to improve the negative image that
the bik has and to improve the image of Muslim believers and mosques in
those areas.54
Recently, several public protests of some Islamic groups dissatisfied with
the attitude of Kosovo authorities towards the rights of Muslim believers were
held in Kosovo. They asked to lift the ban on wearing the Muslim headscarf in
the public schools, to introduce the religion into public schools and to build a
large mosque in Pristina. In an international scientific symposium regarding
the introduction of religion into public schools, the Mufti of Kosovo, Mr. Naim
Ternava, in his welcome speech among other things declared:
The bik raised the immediate need to apply the teaching of religion into
public schools of Kosovo. The teaching of religion in public schools will
avoid informal teaching of religion and in this manner our youth will be
preserved from various influences that have nothing in common with the
reality and with our tradition of the past. Also, by this method of educa-
tion of religion, we are going to preserve the Hanafi doctrine of Islamic
jurisprudence, which for 600 years has been the basis of exercising of
Islam in these lands, and which also is known for tolerance, understand-
ing and for rational interpretation of Islam.55
As argued by the Mufti, the Headship of the bik through the introduction of
religion into public schools aims at a rational interpretation of Islam in order
to avoid informal teaching by different groups or movements.
Furthermore, the introduction of religion into public schools in Kosovo has
been one of the hotly debated topics within Kosovan society. There were dif-
ferent voices supporting or refusing introduction of religion into the curricula
of public schools. During August 2011, such a request was even discussed by
the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo, the Assembly rejected the proposal to
introduce religion into public schools.56
Another challenge for the bik is to lift a ban on wearing Muslim the heads-
carf in public schools. Reasoning that Kosovo is a secular state and due to lack
of regulations to explain this matter, several female students have been dis-
missed from schools for wearing a headscarf.57 Such action caused numerous
protests by the Islamic Community. Prohibition of headscarf in public schools
is seen by leaders of the Islamic Community as a violation of human rights
and they hope that this matter will be regulated in an satsifactory manner in
the future.58
Conclusion
55 “Konferenca shkencore mbi mesim besimin ne shkolla publike”, Last accessed on 2 De-
cember 2011, http://albanian.irib.ir/radioislam/artikuj/item/76526-prishtin%C3%AB-kon
ferenca-shkencore-mbi-mesim-besimin-ne-shkollat-publike.
56 “Kuvendi i thote jo fese ne shkolla”, Last accessed on 29 August 2011, http://www.koha.net/
index.php?page=1,13,67662.
57 “U perjashtuan nga shkolla per shkak te shamise”, Last accessed on 26 March 2011, http://www
.davetiislam.com/di/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=831:u-perjashtu
an-nga-shkolla-per-shkak-te-shamise-per-kend-votuan-muslimanet&catid=59:tema-te
-ndryshme&Itemid=175.
58 “Xhabir Hamiti, Religjioni dhe shteti”.