Sinhale A N D The Patriots

SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
5»
SINHALE A N D T H E
PATRIOTS, 1815-1818
B Y P. E . P I E R I S
DKEANIYAttALA SAMAKASINHA
SRIWARDHANA
Litt. D. (Oamb.)
-<3 <3o803 d3«S«a geSsosstocw
1950
THK (JOLOMUO APOTHECARIES' COMPANY, LIMITED
COLOMBO
I*HtS book IH dedicated to
LAWRENCE NUGAWELA A'JDIKAK
in appreciation
of his help in organising tins administration
of tho Buddhint Temporalities Ordinance
and of his profound Icnowledgu
of (ho pooplo of Sinhale.
" their country , . . may . . , retain its celebrated name
of SinJiala ".
Chiefs' Memorial, 1834.

PREFACE
Tri Sinhala, the Lest Phase, brought the story of the

Sinhalese to the stage of their acceptance of George III as King
in place of Sri Vikrama Raja Sinha; the narrative is continued
in the present work up to the destruction of their ancient Constitu
tion by Sir Robert Brownrigg's Proclamation of 21st November,
1818. Abundant details of the incidents of these crowded three
and a half years, including the last hopeless struggle of bows and
arrows against firearms, have been found in unpublished contem
porary records, and there is no need to suppress them, as avowedly
Dr. John Davy did when he wrote An Account of the Interior
of Ceylon in 1 8 2 1 ; the people of Ceylon are entitled to know
the facts. This book was completed before the country attained
Independence, which has so stimulated pre-occupation with the
possibilities of the Future ; it may serve to direct attention for a
moment to a Past which it would be unwise to ignore.
The help received from many friends will be found acknow

ledged in the Notes ; a special expression of gratitude is due to
L. Nugawela Adikar, the late T. B. Ratvatta Disava, Diyavadana
Nilame of the Dalada Maligava, and G. B. Katugaha Rate Mahat-
maya, for many years Basnayaka Nilame of Ruhunu Maha Katara-
gama Dovalaya ; P. E. P. Deraniyagala, Director of Museums,
Dr. S. Paranavitana, Archaeological Commissioner, and J. H. 0.
Paulusz, Archivist; my sometime colleague Ratnatunga Mudaliyar,
and Justin P. Daraniyagala.
ix
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I Page i
Brownrigg's emotion at his success. March of the Third Division.
A D i s a v a . B a l a k a d u v a . L a k e at Maha Nuvara. Biivelikada. T h e
Vasala, KumaruppS V i t i y a . Arrangements at Maha Nuvara. A t gala.
Badulla. Pioneers from Jafmapatfirn. Custom in selecting a K i n g .
Madura. Privileges of U d u N u v a r a and Yatî Nuvara. The Gaminl. A h a
lSpola. The Manifesto of l o t h January. Proclamation of n t h F e b r u a r y .
Popular expectation about AhalSpola. The distinction, of drums. T h e
R o y a l jewels. Office of Pallegampaha A d i k a r offered to AhalSpola. Sinha
lese custom about rewards. AhalSpola declines money. The Convention
of 2nd March. The Chiefs assemble. Brownrigg's emotions. The proceed
;
ings. T h e people ind fferent. Terms ot the Treaty, Sri. V i k r a m a declared
deposed. The British Ruler accepted as K i n g . Rights of Chiefs and People.
Religious beliefs safeguarded L e g a l provisions. Torture and mutilation.
Jealousy of the Supreme Court. His Majesty's Council in Ceylon. Fostering
Trade, inadequate translation of the Treaty. The Oriels' signatures.
Lit lahunu. Riija Sinha's Throne. The Prince Regent's approval. Brown-
rigg rewarded. D ' O y l y appointed Accredited Agent. Appointments of
Chiefs. The Adikars. Political Divisions of Sinhale. Disapativaru
Satara K o r a l e . The attractions of Saparagamuva, U d u Nuvara and Y a t i
N u v a r a , The K i n g and Custom. Kneeling before the King. Gifts of
elephants and horses. D ' O y l y ' s appointment announced. Mohotâlala
dissatisfied. Maruvaliye Mohundiram. SrT Vikrama's liberal views. Slaves
in Sinhale. T h e S a m g h a meet the Governor. The Dalada G5. Nayakas
appointed. AhalSpola disillusioned. Offices c o n f e r r e d o n him. Maduva
atto. T h e use of foot coverings. Paraveni land. Ah&lepola's contem
plated marriage. R a j a Sinha's rarities. Gifts to the Samgha, The P a t -
tirippuva. T h e Bhikkhus gratified. Use of palanquins. Status of Adikars.
Brownrigg returns to Colombo. D ' O y l y ' s qualifications. Worship of
DSvas. Lawlessness of the soldiery. Rescuing the Maligava treasures.
Ceremonial pollution. Mataka dbiinaya. Sinhalese decorations. Measur
ing time. W h i p crackers. Processional drums. The advent of the DSvas.
D6va sanmukaya. The K a p u ralalfi,. AhalSpola on horseback. Panduru.
A v u r u d u mangalya. BSt diy&ra. Kumarasimha Vanniya. A dhanaya.
The etiquette of meals. The Merit of offering food. The return of the
Danta Dhatu. Malays at KatukelS. T h e procession. A t the Maligava,
Brownrigg's offering. P a h a m pujava. D ' O y l y satisfied.
CHAPTER II Page 53
Organising the administration. Brownrigg dissatisfied with existing
machinery. P a y m e n t s on appointmont t o office. Penum. Bulat surulu.
T r e a t y not generally understood. D ' O y l y defends existing system. Sirit
charitra. Police arrangements. Alleged unrest explained. Brownrigg
asks for more Civil Servants. Sawers appointed to Badulla. His instruc
tions. Military out of hand in U v a . Religious establishments and private
houses plundered. MullSgama Disava. Kat/Ugaha Adikarama, Mattama-
goda Disava. The scandal of Prize Money, Officers censured. Draining
the V5sala tank. U v a villages deserted. Alauvmulla Mudiyanse. A
Disilva's jurisdiction. Divi sVjta. Sawer's anomalous position. Kappiti-
pola's attitude not appreciated. He upholds Custom. His right to Madi
hungam. K i n g ' s revenues from Uva. Coconut gardens. Salt, Absence
xi
xii
of serious crime. Failure to appreciate Sinhalese system. Millava Disava.

The origin of the Moors. Sinhalese indifferent to trade. Madige rajakariya.
Demand for transport. Muttvt Hadji's ambitions. Unrest among the
Moors. The Gon badda of U v a . Mahavalatanna Mohottala, K e l l y ' s
Division. Slaughtering cattle. Mahavalatanna's offer. A Moor headman
suggested. Friendliness of Vellassa villagers. The Chiefs visit Colombo.
Sumptuary customs. The L e v e e and review. The Chiefs at a Ball. Danc
ing. Suspicions about Ahalepola. Suddha p a n at the Maligava. B r o w n -
rigg's opinion of the Chiefs. AhalSpola's weaknesses. His unpopularity
with the Chiefs. Deveni Rajjuruvo. His house watched. His v i e w s to
be obtained. He visits Colombo William Tolfrey. Commissioners meet
Ahalepola. His views on the political situation. Honours desired b y him.
He complains against the Chiefs. He expects r o y a l honours. He needs
palanquin bearers. Panchakakhuda bhanda. His dignity of bearing.
CHAPTER III Page 88

Existing means of communication. Colombo to T r i k u n a malai. Labour
force out of hand. Colombo to Maha Nuvara. Asses for transport. Road
to Saparagamuva. Captain Schneider. Revenue from Sinhale. Proposed
changes. Land Pass D u t y . The Cinnamon monopoly. Financial position
of the Settlements. Judicial functions. W r i g h t appointed to Badulla.
Preserving the L e k a m Miti. Dassanayaka Mohundiram. A Muslim pro
cession. Paper made in Sinhale. K a p u v a t t a A d i k a r . His father in
Batavia. Madige of Satara KoralS. Pusvalla Mohottala. Kapuvatta
as judge. Brownrigg impressed. The Government Gazette. Si'I V i k r a m a
embarks for India. His costume. Vellore. A leopard for the Tower of
London. Dolosvala Mohottala. dissatisfied. K e r sent to Saparagamuva.
His relation to the Disava. Shortage of copper coin. The outlook satis
factory. Brownrigg on tour. The G e m Rent. Haramanis Perera Muda-
liyar. The royal A g a r a . D e v a l a y a claim to Gems. The arcka rent.
Brownrigg's progress. Ukgal Alut Nuvara. Eknaligoda and Mahavalatanna
in favour. Idalgas hlnna. The Disava's salute of guns. Iron deposits.
The Alut Avuruddha. George Bisset. Condition of Badulla. Disorganis
ation in Uva. Raja kariya. Manufacture of saltpetre. Bcigoda Viharaya.
Salt from Palatupana. Kivulegedara Mohottala charged. Road to Maha
Nuvara. Kundasala. The K i n g ' s gardens. Arrack distillery started at
Kundasala. The use of intoxicants. Sinhala dress. Long hair. An
elephant gala. The Governor's position at Maha Nuvara. "The Chiefs'
reports. Inquiries. Gaol delivery. Subsistence of prisoneis. Civil inqui
ries. Mattamagoda. Appointments. Sanctity of royal property. Pali-
pana Disava. Arrangements for judicial work. Address by Brownrigg.
Magisterial work becoming disorganised. Delay in civil suits. Sittu being
abused. Land transfers. Taking forcible possession of disputed lands.
Rankot divala. Manvpitiya's claims. Inquiries as to Customs. Monopolies
discontinued, Arrangements at Maha Nuvara. Sri Vikrama's artistic
tastes. Pata rata kottal badda. Silversmiths of Muddiiva. . Teaching
English in Sinhale. Sawers appointed Revenue Agent. Major Davie's son.
CHAPTER IV Page 128

Ahalepola at Colombo. Millava on changes in the country. Malabars
under suspicion. T a m b y Mudaliyar. Negombo Fort. The Second Maha
Mudaliyar's death. Procedure in criminal inquiries. Kivulegedara's trial.
The Perahara. Contributions to Devtilayas. Undesirable elements at
Maha Nuvara. Eknaligoda's warning. Bhikkhus arrested. Thagama.
A Bhikkhu's meals. The prisoners escape. T w o recaptured but released.
Asana Muhandiram imprisoned at Galle. Kappitipola as State Guest. Kiri
bat patra pfijava. R a t v a t t a and a cinnamon plantation. Some U v a Chiefs.
Internal dissensions among Sinhalese. Espionage. K u m b a l g a m a and the
xiii-
U p a s a k a y a . B h i k k h u s suspected. Madugalla to be tiicd Prou-duie

followed. The charges against him. V a s k a v i . Swearing to e u d n i c r
T h e finding. Responsibility for the sentence. Indeterminate imprison
ment. Rice for the prisoner. Arrangements for his journey. The route:
described. Jafanapatam. Dehigama Nilame, Polvatte Unnanse punished.
T h e AyudhagS. Mahavalatanna and Eknaligoda. North and Christianity.
Brownrigg and the Bible Society. Bathurst and education. The Vidagama
family. D ' O y l y .overworked. Brownrigg criticises the existing system.
B a d a h a l a badda. T a v a l a m transport. Judicial work in arrears. Proposals
discussed. Board of Commissioners set up. G a y as Judicial Commissioner.
Source of his authority. Sawers as Commissioner of Revenue. Collecting
information about Sinhale. Wright appointed to Badulla. Flood at
Badulla. The missing Regalia. Insinuations against AhalSpola. The
R a n K a d u v a and Crown surrendered. They are returned from England.
Observing V a s . K a t t i Mangalya. Nila Maha Y o d a y a . Orakima Muhan
diram. A t t e m p t s to capture him. H e is convicted. Office of Police
Vidhane. Tolfrey's death. Revenue and enforced economy. Brick
making. Need for precautions stressed b y Brownrigg. His low opinion
of-the people. Samuel .Braybrook. T h e Board at work. Currency notes.
R o a d from K a t a r a g a m a towards Badulla. Co-operation of the Chiefs.
Katupurule people. Timber resources. Cinnamon peelers in Sinhale.
Millava's suggestion adopted. AhalSpola unpopular with the Chiefs, H e
entertains British officials. Jurisdiction over the K i n g ' s servants. Collect
i n g information about Sinhale. KivulSgedara escapes from detention.
Inquiry regarding various suspects. Malabars still in the Island. Molligocla
visits Colombo. A rare crystal. Muttettuvagama's high-handedness. The
spread of gambling.
CHAPTER V Page 171

Brownrigg on circuit. Mampitiya Disava. The procession. Gane-
t a n n a and BalanS. Neglected state of Dodanvala DSvalaya. Status of
women in Sinhale. Maha Nuvara. The bazzar, Madugalla released.
AhalSpola applies for office. Asala Keliya. The Perahiira. Acrobatics.
Brownrigg meets the Chiefs. He is satisfied w i t h conditions. He starts for
Trikuna malai. Lawlessness at Maha Nuvara. Drought in Colombo.
Lnsignan appointed K a n d y a n Secretary. Wilson sent to Badulla. Friction
with the military. Kappitipola and K a t u g a h a . Muttu Hadji as Madige
Muhandiram. Elephant slaughter. Reducing the herds. Major Rogers.
Transport of salt. Small-pox and Pattini D e v i y o . Vaccination. Peaceful
Sinhalese of U v a . Absence of theft. Maha K a t a r a g a m a D e v a l a y a . Alav-
mulla. The mysterious stranger. H i s movements watched. Adukku-
D ' O y l y ' s mother's letter. Muttu sent to arrest the stranger. Butava Rate
Rala. Muttu captured and executed. The D e v i y o at Kokagala. Uduvara
Appu's narrative. Wilson at B u t a v a . A Chief's house. Wilson's proceed
ings. Carolus Dias Muhandiram. WilsoA at Katûravela. He is killed
a t I t a n a vatta. His escort retreats. His Appuh&mi's narrative. Mlgaha-
pitiya's version. The Muhandiram tried and executed. A gaman Maligava.
V i r a v i k r a m a Sri Kirti. Alavmulla's narrative. Kataragama Deviyo's
image. Brownrigg returns to Maha Nuvara. Claimant identified as Dore
Svarai. KivulSgedara as Disava of Valapane. Military arrangements. Alu-
pota. Field equipment. Colour Sergeant Calladine's diary. Fire walking.
British uniform unsuitable. A kadavata. Difficulties of the road. Land
leeches. K o t a b o v a . Special clothing issued. Sawers sent to U v a . Dul-
lava driven away. Sinhalese tactics. K n o x ' s description of the terrain.
Macdonald takes" the field. Villages burnt down. Molligoda in Uva.
Badulla threatened. The Lascarin Corps. Martial law proclaimed. R e
wards offered. T a m b y Mudaliyar's advice. Storm in Colombo.
xiv
CHAPTER VI Page 204

Kappitipola with the Prince. Details of his capture. A l l Chiefs
suspected. AhalSpola's oath of loyalty. He considers m o v e m e n t unpre
cedented, Brownrigg analyses the situation. He determines to remodel the
administration. V a d d o . Joao d a Costa. Sinhalese archery. Molligoda
appointed Disava of U v a . The D i s a v a ' s Banner. Unrest spreads. The
nature of the fighting. Policy of ruthlessness. Shortage of porters. John
Kennedy's death. Daniel Dassanayaka. Methods of Conflagration. Sav
age reprisals. More from Calladine's diary. Christmas cheer. Brownrigg's
address to the Chiefs. Proclamation of outlawry. Preparations against
ValapanS. British neglect religious institutions. Brownrigg's offerings
to Kataragama. Attempt to win over the Betme ralala. Proposed super
vision of religious establishments. B o a r d meetings suspended. A l u t Sal
Mangalya. The K i n g ' s hamba. The pursuit of Dore S v a m i . Flooded
rivers. Maclaine's atrocities. Sinhalese and bathing. Molligoda in the
field. Maha Betme Rala. Eknaligoda in Saparagamuva. Estranging the
Moors from the Sinhalese. Moors and land ownership. Espionage orga
nised. Christian de Silva and the V i l b a v a m y t h . Bribing b a c k traitors.
VSragoda Mudiyanse. Outbreak in Dumbara. Madugalla Ga.jana.yaka
Nilame. Hanvalla. A n ambalama. Levalla tota. Raid on H S v a M t a .
Moladanda at Hanguranketa. AUepola Maha Nilame joins the Prince.
Molligoda watched. Increasing severity. Martial law extended. Brown
rigg determined to continue the struggle. Assistance sought from India.
Unrest in Saparagamuva. Ah&lepola's help solicited. Conference with
Chiefs, Brownrigg explains Prince's popularity. Suggested v i e w s of the
Chieis, The place filled b y a K i n g . Popular viewpoint must be altered.
Contemplated changes in administration. Bathurst critical. E v a c u a t i n g
the country considered, Martial law over all SinhalS. Force and Terror the
selected weapons.
CHAPTER VII Page 232

Ahalepola under suspicion. Brownrigg decides to deport him. Re
arrangement in Saparagamuva. The Province to be divided. Chiefs to
be subordinate to the Agent. Judicial arrangements. Revenue the princi
pal object. Chiefs to be paid salaries. Plans for Sat Korale. Ahalepola
removed to Colombo. Failure of attempt to arrest Pilima T a l a v v a . The
K a p u v a t t a scandal. Brownrigg's apology. Ahalepola resentful. Arrange
ments for his custody. T a k i n g the air. Carriages in Colombo. Delft Gate.
His valuables. The Prince Regent's medallion. Complimentary medals.
Sri Vikratna's daughter. AhalSpola's Valauve UnnansG. Slaves in a Quel's
household, Dolosvala releases his slaves, Chiefs' authority over Moors
attacked. Doratiyava Unn&nse. Hostilities intensified. Millava of
Harasiya Pattu aggrieved. Maha N u v a r a in danger. Molligoda summoned
from U v a . Gampola atuva. Military excesses, P a y m e n t for military
rajakariya. Ahiiliyagoda in I'ata Bulatgama. U d a Palata threatened.
British movements checked. Molligoda the Y o u n g e r appointed to Sat
Korale. A Disava's perquisites, P a y i n g a Chief's fine. Walbeoff at
Kurunagala. British propaganda. Mahavalatanna alarmed for his family.
The Vilbava myth developed. Walbeofl's inquiry at Kurunagala. Brown
rigg and the Vilbava Proclamation. Its effects. Brownriggs "well-founded
conjecture ", U d a Gabada NilamS's syllogism. Rewards offered. Pilima
T a l a v v a in Matale. De Latre abandons Nalanda. Hook commanding in
Sat Korale. Walbeoff helpless at Kurunagala. Kurundu Kumbure
Mohottala. Walbeoff ignored by the Disava. He is transferred from
Kurunagala. Eknaligoda and Martial L a w . He is dissatisfied with the
recognition received. The three Mohottfilala, in Saparagamuva. Basna-
y a k a Nilame of Maba Saman D e v a l a y a . History of the DBvtilaya. Con
fusion arising from changes in the Province.
XV
CHAPTER V I I I Page 257

K a p p i t i p o l a as guerrilla leader. Footwear in the tropics. The Emblems
of the Devas. Paranagama blockaded. Nature of the operations. Letter
in the Times. K a p u v a t t a removed to Colombo. British women evacuated
from Maha N u v a r a . Millava D i s a v a arrested. His death. Fighting in
U v a . Taldena Mohottala. Vidanes over Districts. U v a partitioned.
Difficulties of transport. Tenure b y service in the Littoral. The pressgang.
Justice Coke's opinion. Brownrigg irritated. A new Regulation. Cliris-
toffel de Saram. Reinforcements arrive from India. Brownrigg's gratitude.'
Outbreak of sickness. Cure for dysentery. Posts abandoned. Bintanna
A d i k a r a m a . D y s e n t e r y and small-pox. Shortage of gunpowder. Import
of sulphur. Moladanda joins the Prince. Arava and Godamune attacked.
Fraser's system of operations. Coconut cabbage. Godamune Ambalama.
K o h u kumbura trapped. Medal struck in honour of the capture. Soldiers
not executioners. K o h u kumbure's examination. The Upasampadava
ceremony. A B h i k k h u ' s status. Sickness. Bintanna abandoned. Goni-
goda Adikarama. Outposts called in. Hostilities in Sat Korale and Turn-
pane. G a y in T u m p a n e . Harasiya pattuva ravaged. D a v y ' s defence of
Brownrigg. Negociations at A t g a l a . The white flag. A pause in the fight
ing. V a t t u v a ' s information about Kappitipola. The Prince's name m a y
not be uttered. K a p p i t i p o l a short of supplies. Pr-eparations at Diyabatma.
Consecrating the elephant. The Abharana of the Devas. The Prince arrives.
His presentation to the people. The manner of speech. Precautions
against spies. The people presented. A triumphal procession. A review.
The gathering disperses. Godamune attacked. Eknaligoda enlists troops.
Their rumeneration. Cloth w e a v i n g in Ceylon. Muttettuvagama and
Demodara. Mahavalatanna's family sent away. A salt hoard. District
round Balangoda ravaged, Badulla threatened. Sawer's anxiety. Muti-
y a n g a n a V i h a r a y a . Its N a y a k a arrested. Its relics restored. Katugaha
and Taldena under suspicion. The Prince a t Mandara Nuvara. The
Tahanam Mukalana. Reinforcements urgently needed. Renewed appeal
to India. Exterminate t h e ' refractory. Brownrig ill of gout. H e tries
Sinhalese diet. He explains his policy. Giffard advises evacuation.
CHAPTER I X Page
Hook in Sat Korale. Raja Sinha and the Company's lion. Molligoda
joins Flook. Incursion into Matale. A talpat from Pilima Talavva. Indian
troops claim Prize Money. The custom of Prize explained. Petrus Pan-
ditasekera. George Nadoris de Silva. He maligns the Adikfir. Another
incursion. Hook and the Adikfir disagree. Arampala Mohottala. Hook's
opinion of the Moors. The Sat KoralS Madige. Hook favours the Moors.
His exactions. He complains against the Adikar. Bulatsurulu and Fees.
Reward to the A d i k a r being considered. Sickness in the armies. Leech
bites. Cerebral malaria at Batticalo. The cause of malaria. Organising
a Convalescent. Quarter. Diet. Abraham de* Thomas' suggestion. Dis
agreement between the Prince and Kappitipola rumoured. The Prince
sounded about a settlement. The Gooriahs. Their account of the Prince.
Conditions among his followers. The Gooriah VidanS captured. Siya
Pattuve Adikar taken. Pancha STla. Conditions round Badulla. Rahit-
pola Pihana R a l a . Molligoda at Maha Nuvara. Brownrigg advised to
embrace Buddhism. Molligoda disapproves of suggested changes. Uduvela
Mudiyanse. Reinforcements reach Uva. The search for the Prince. His
place of shelter. Maturata ravaged. K e l l y leaves U v a . Many important
surrenders. Proclamation of conditional pardon. Pallegama Duraya taken.
The bond of kinship. Proceedings in Saparagamuva. Samakkattu. Bodi-
maluvS Appuhami captured. The Katuatta. Repression in Sat Korale.
Hook and \ y a u d a Nilame. George Nadoris and the Sangha Raja's palanquin.
He joins in a raid. H a n g i n g the spy. The memory of atrocities. Nadoris
xvi
and cinnamon peelers. His matrimonial schemes. Firearms being sur

rendered. Suggestion to attach Sat K o r a l e t o the Littoral. Mavatagama
Nilame hanged. Brownrigg's disapproval. Bisset's apologia. Hook's
despatches. His outburst. The Sinhalese as an enemy. Need for a stronger
force urged.. A reprimand follows. Raising a local militia. Christian de
Silva's company.
CHAPTER X Page 322

The Nfitha D e v i y o ' s A b h a r a n a . The D a n t a D h a t u a t Hanguranketa.
Difficulty of its identification. Possible deception at its restoration in 1815.
Brownrigg parries inquiry. Lusignan's proposed solution. The t r u t h
about its removal. Tenants at K a l u g o m u v a . G o n a g a m a and Godamuna
attacked. Ferocity of the Malays. Ahalepola under suspicion. His
guards court-martialled. A General Order. A s a n a in close custody. Kap
pitipola at Pasbage. The pursuit. F i g h t at Murute K a n d a . K a p p i t i p o l a
enters Sat Korale. A tada. Scarcity of paper and quills. Golah&la
Mudiyanse. Abuse of Martial L a w checked. Recruiting Malays. Further
reinforcements. Alleged letter from Illangakon to K a p p i t i p o l a . Negocia-
tions with the Prince. Moors leaving Vellassa. Surrenders in U v a . Silver
fanams. Diyakola Muhandiram. Idelgashlnna route infested. Damba-
vinna surrenders. R a m b u k p o t a in favour. Origin of the rising revealed.
No cohesion among the leaders. Taldena under suspicion. Kappitipola's
authority waning. M a t t a m a g o d a Disava. Ekniiligoda's zeal shown b y
depredations. The Perahara season. Necessary paraphernalia. Search
for the Prince. B o o t y secured. Beef for the troops. Mattamagoda
surrenders. Boragalla Mohottala and K a t a r a g a m a officials captured. The
Rahupola family. Fort Macdonald. Encampment at Himbeliattevela.
Negociations with Hapatagama. Eknaligoda in demand. Ruthlessness.
Surrenders continue. Active resistance in U v a ended. The results achieved.
Lusignan on the situation. L e k a m miti of U v a . R e v i s i n g administrative
arrangements. The example of Tippu Sultan. The Littoral watched.
A m p i t i y a and Uduvela. Fresh outbreak of sickness. I m m u n i t y of the
Cafirees. Fighting in Saparagamuva. D ' O y l y in K o t m a l S . Fraser as the
Goddess Terror. Kotmale under control. Fraser impressed b y the scenery.
Bathurst's concern about events. Advises partial withdrawal. Colombo-
Trikunii malai road important. Proclamation of -21st August. The treat
ment of Mattamagoda Disava.
CHAPTER XI Page 349

Proceedings in Sat Korale. S a m a k k a t t u . H o o k ' s civil functions.
Policy advocated b y Sawers. H o o k ' s ferocious methods. Reduction of
agricultural cattle. Literacy among the Sinhalese. Destruction of writings.
Muniments of title lost. T a n k s breached. Propaganda and the V i l b a v a
myth. Sat Korale quiet. Hannasgedara Rala and Pilima T a l a v v a . D ' O y l y
and espionage. Hook communicates with Pilima T a l a v v a . The Prince
near Hanguranketa. Vishnu D e v a l a y a attacked. Coke's death. The
flagstaff at Colombo. Soldiers and short hair. Butuva. captured. He is
employed to search for the Prince. P&deniya V i h a r a y a . Velate Nilame
surrenders. Hook's letter to Pilima T a l a v v a . Rumour of the Prince's
capture. The descendant of the Gods. His movements. Details of the
capture. Royal clothing. Madugalla's excuse to the people. A new
Prince available. British influence suggested. Pilima T a l a v v a ' s share in
the plot. Bathurst informed. Dore Svami's subsequent capture and trial.
The procedure condemned His release ordered. Ceylon Council dis
satisfied William Rough's Minute. Pilima T a l a v v a ' s reply to Hook.
Hook's bombast. Brownrigg's attitude. Action in Dambulla and Matale.
Rumour of a fresh claimant. Matale invaded. Sinhalese recognition of
merit. A spy hanged. AhalSpola's vallauva at Paldcniya. Valhiva Mohof-
xvii
tala surrenders. Nalanda. Rangiri Parabulia. Hook impressed by the

V i h a r a y a . Sinhalese painting. K e l l y enters Matale. Site of Fort
Macdowal. Pursuit continued to Anuradhapura. Dambulla evacuated.
Nikavalla Unnanse. Partial repeal of Martial L a w . The Younger Mrllava's
advice. Affairs in U v a . B u t a v a executed. Breaking the Disava's authority.
The originators of the anti-British movement. KalugalpitiyS Muhandiram
trapped. K i v u l S g e d a r a determined to resist. A n d i y a v a l a wavering.
H a p a t a g a m u v a ' s negociations. Pursuit of KivulSgedara. A talpat from
H a p a t a g a m u v a . D a m b a g a m u v a Mohottala surrenders. Ambagolle Un
nanse captured. Olupaliyave Unnunse. Andiyavala escapes from con
finement Gonigoda as D i s a v a ot Bintanna. Sawers leaves Badulla.
Instructions t o his successor.
CHAPTER XII Page 383

The search for Madugalla. The practice of medicine. Gopala Mudiy-
anse. A sweep across Dumbara. The Gajanayaka NilamS captured.
E k n a l i g o d a ' s " l o c u s t s " . Allepola captured. Various sentences. The
punishment for treason. Allepola's execution. Disposal of his body.
Fate of his wife. The Iriyagamas tried. Beheading a corpse. Hannas-
gedara executed. Kappitipola's family taken. Arrack in Sat Korale.
Sinhalese and drink. K a n d e l o v a Mohottalala surrender. VTra Vaku arrested.
Proceedings in N u v a r a K a l a v i y a . Communications with Pilima Talavva.
Arampala and HSvapola Mohottalas surrender. Arampala executed.
Delvita L e k a m a ' s advice. The future of surrendering Chiefs. A letter
from Kappitipola. Plis conduct examined. He and Pilima T a l a v v a cap
tured". Brownrigg rejoiced. Madugalla captured. The Danta Dhatu
recovered. V a r i y a g a m a UnnansS. Bhikkhus imprisoned. Ihagama seized.
The Relic brought b a c k to Maha Nuvara. Trial of the Chiefs. The sen
tences. Brownrigg's opportunity. Malabar itch. D ' O y l y and the pro
posed changes. T w o schools of thought. Brownrigg explains his scheme.
Curbing the Chiefs' power. Authority to be vested in British. A Military
Member on the Board. The scheme proclaimed. The preamble. Chiefs
subject to British Agents. Honours and precedence. Sinhalese attitude
toward foreigners. The Cult of superiority. K i n g George's portrait. Cer
tain dues abolished. T a x on rice fields. Changed outlook on life. Raja-
kariya to be paid for. The national religion favoured. Flattering the
Bhikkhus. The administration of justice. Moors in Sinhalese villages.
Some Provinces partitioned. Registration of lands ordered. Kataragama
D e v a l a y a lands. Collection of information to be continued. Scheme
explained to the Secretary of State. Molligocla's services recognised.
Batlmrst's early opinions on the principles involved. The scheme adopted
temporarily. D ' O y l y ' s Memorandum on the Constitution. Niti Nighan-
d u v a . Martial Law further modified. Certain arrears of revenue waived.
Possession of firearms. Claims to houses in Maha Nuvara. " The late
arduous s t r u g g l e ' . Brownrigg J e a v e s Maha Nuvara. His reception in
Colombo. No evidence against AhalSpola. Sinhalese dread of banishment.
Grounds ol complaint against AhalSpola. Insinuations repudiated. He
is detained in Colombo. H e dies in Isle of France. Unfounded charges b y
Forbes and Emerson Tennent. The condemned Chiefs at the Maligava.
Kappitipola''! composure. Madugalla claims sanctuary The execution
Disposal o ' the dead. Kappitipola's skull sent to Edinburgh. KivulSgedara
captured and executed. H e is invoked as Punchi Alut Bandara Deviyo.
APPENDICES
Page
A. Some Royal Institutions and Popular Rights . . • • 577
B. The Treaty of 2nd March, 1815 • • 59*
C. The Fifth Article of the Treaty • • 596
D. Some Legal Aspects of the Treaty . . 600
E. The Status of the Supreme Court . . 604
R Some Emoluments of a Disapati . . 607
G. Looting by the Military . . 614
H. Estimated Revenue of Sinhale . . 618
I. Revenues from Uva . . 620
K. Religious Establishments under the Treaty .. . . 623
L. Sinhalese Music . . 625
M. The Position of the Rodiya . . 627
N. The Case of Golahala Nilame . . 629
0. Some Judicial Sentences under the Kings . . 632
P. Kappitipola's Hoitsehold •• 635
Q- The Sat Korale Leaders . . 638
R. Administrative Organisation of Saparagamuva . . 641
S. Some British Rewards and Punishments • • 647
T. Letters of Hardinge Giffard . . 652
U. Weaving and Dyeing • • 657
V. Captain Lockyer's Diary . . 662
W. The Fate of Muddu Svami •• 674
X. Population of Colombo c. 1810 , . 684
V. The New Method of Executing Criminals . . 687
z. The Renegade Benson . . 689
AA. Kataragama Deviyo and the Ritual of Worship . . 696
Authorities Relied On . . . . 702
Index •• 709
xix
Chapter I.
Lieutenant-General Robert Brownrigg, Governor

and Commander-in-Chief over the British Settlements
in Ceylon, staked his prospects in the Public Service
on the result of an act of disobedience when he declared
war on Sri Vikrama Raja Sinha despite Earl Bathurst's
instructions against a policy of territorial expansion.
A success beyond his wildest expectations had attended
the venture and tears flowed unchecked down his
cheeks as he rose at his dinner table on the afternoon
of igth February, 1815, to announce the King's
capture the previous evening by Ahalepola Maha
Nilame's followers from Saparagamuva.
Occupational arrangements were speeded up, for
reducing expenditure would go far to disarm criticism.
The Fifth Division of the Expedition under Major
Mackay of the Third Ceylon Regiment which left
Trikuna Male on 1st February was still on the road,
and Captain Edmund Lockyer in his diary has vividly
described the route it followed. He noted at Gantale
the immense flocks of snipe which showed no fear of
men, the streams gushing out from the two stone " eyes
of the lake," and the distressing variations of tempera
ture, the mercury rising twenty three degrees in eight
hours. A huge tamarind tree {puli mar am in Tamil)
marked the limit of Sinhale and gave its name to the
Kadavata which guarded the approach; from there,
to quote the diary, " the road or pass completely over
hung with jungle and difficult for guns beyond any
description•— even ridiculous to attempt it without
first making a road for them. The howitzer upset
and broke the pole. The artillery men completely
exhausted with exertion. The bullocks knocked up
and frequently laid down, and would not get up with
795—-B
1§ c°5Sto gefcBcEc-ctf
2 SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
•*
twisting their "*ails and keating." Elephants, pea

cocks and other wild*~animals were s'een in abundance
but hardly a villager showed himself, and there was
no display of hostility. AtMinihiriya—nowMinneriya
—the greatly bearded and strikingly intelligent-
looking Disava of Tamankaduva met them dressed
in many folds of white muslin wrapped round the
waist, with an embroidered girdle, a loose full-sleeved
jacket, and an eight-cornered cap embroidered with
gold flowers and surmounted with a gold spray. He
was received with much beating of drums and blowing
of trumpets and before leaving surrendered three kodi-
tuvakku, (the small locally-made cannons) which accom
panied him. On approaching Nalanda signs of the
fighting of twelve years before were visible in hadavatu
with their thorn gates and tree-trunks lying felled
across the track. The next point of interest, Alu
Viharaya, in whose caves the Tri Pitaka was committed
to writing eighty years before the birth of Christ, was
curiously examined with a view to its military possi
bilities; fortunately the wooden doors of only one of
the caves, which, perched high above the track were
reached by stone steps with the help of iron chains,
was found open, and no damage appears to have been
done.
On 16th February the troops stopped at Panna-
gama, where Lockyer, who found the mountain scenery
" grand beyond description," was impressed by the
appearance of the valleys : " they are cultivated to
the very top in paddy fields like amphitheatres which
none can have an idea of without seeing the country "
he wrote. Beyond this the ascent was so steep that
both John Pybus in 1762 and Robert Andrews in
1795 described it as " stupendous " : heavy rain
began to fall, and when the top of Balakaduva Pass
was reached on the 17th, a burly corporal from Glasgow
fell down dead of exhaustion ; the track was impossible
for cattle and baggage carriers, and the men turned
back to Kalalpitiya at the foot of the mountain.
There used to be an easier route by way of Hatamuna
Gala and A t Gala, (the stockade four, miles from

Vatapuluva Tota into which the elephant catchers
of Kirioruva in Matale and Kengalla in Dumbara used
to drive the wild herds), but after Johnston escaped
by this in 1804 the King forbad its use under pain of
death. The dense vegetation concealing it was now
cleared and the men started again on the 25th, bare
footed, across four miles of marshy fields, to reach the
new ascent which also proved so steep and slippery
that the sticks with which they supported themselves
did not save them from many falls. Herds of ele
phants were seen and to their amazement one animal
left its companions and accompanied them all the way
up the Pass ; it was probably one of the decoys which
were allowed to roam at large. The next day they
reached the Mahavili Ganga opposite the bo-tree
close to which Davie's men had been executed: its
great girth is well shown in a contemporary painting
by Lieutenant Lyttleton. The river was in flood;
two days later they crossed it and entered the Capital
through the North Gate which with its massive arch
and side walls of stone resting on impenetrable forest,
stood a quarter of a mile from the main street. The
undertaking had turned out a route march and
Lockyer honestly recorded " the leeches in this march
had drawn more blood than had been shed in all
1
the campaign."
Mack ay was now placed in military charge of

Sinhale, with the main garrison, 510 men, at Maha
Nuvara, as the Capital was popularly known, (its
proper name Senkadagala and the honorific Srivar-
dhana Pura being reserved for formal occasions ; the
Sinhalese did not recognise the name Kandy by which
the Portuguese and other European races after them
called it). Two'one-pounders, two mortars and three
cohorns were considered adequate armament for the
station. The King had dammed up the water of the
stream running through Tingola Kumbura, the marshy
field skirting the town which was the main cause-of
sickness among the English garrison in 1803, thus

forming a lake which he named Kiri Muhuda, Milky-
Sea, thirty feet deep in parts and abounding in fish,
which he delighted to feed with boiled rice. Its
overflow was used to form two smaller reservoirs of
which the higher was destroyed when the heavy rains
of November 1834 swept away its embankments and
raised the level of the river forty three feet at Pera-
deniya. On an islet stood the small kuntfa salava,
pleasure house, poetically named Jala tilaka mandape,
recalling the adornment on a woman's brow.
Round Kiri Muhuda there was a jungle path;
and south of it lay Kotu Goda.Ua,. a steeply rising hill
crowned by a Sinhalese fort where a gun was now
mounted and a guard placed in charge with orders
to fire it twice daily, at 5 a.m. and 8 p.m. On the
north shore, by the gateway leading from the Vasala,
Palace, enclosure into Kumaruppe Viriya, stood
Buvalikada Vasala which the English called the
Queen's or Water Palace ; it had been renovated on
the King's orders and they used its clean and spacious
rooms as a military hospital capable of accommodating
five hundred men. The Vitiya led through the King's
coconut gardens four miles to Kundasala which could
also be reached by a second roacl at a higher level.
Rain had fallen heavily since the 13th and many
officers found quarters within the Vasala precincts,
which consisted of a large square enclosing the inner
residential portion, the entrance being through a
covered gateway across a moat. Molligoda conducted
the English officials over the seemingly endless laby
rinth of detached houses, great and small, with mud
walls in some cases five feet thick, explaining that the
central building occupied the site of the thorny cane
brake within which a hare had found safety from a
pursuingj ackal, the omen which had pointed to this
Java Bhumi as the proper site for the King's abode.
For some time Sri Vikrama had not resided there
and much of it was in a filthy condition, portions
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 5
being still unfinished and others in decay, but the

gilded brass door handles and other similar fittings
were noteworthy; an officer writing from the spot
2
on 14th February doubted if the,y were Sinhalese
work; they probably represented the art of South
Indian craftsmen. This officer, who commanded a
guard, occupied the ground floor of the Pattirippuva—-
The Octagon, the English named it from its shape—
while at the time of his writing Brownrigg was housed
in the room above—" and a very beautiful one it is "
he added.
Lieutenant Lyttleton has preserved some details :
" The gallery or verandah is surrounded with a balus
trade of brass ; the ceiling is beautifully ornamented
with curious paintings; a fringed-work of brass
surrounds the roof and the top is surmounted with
an ornament of plated gold." The bulk of the troops
were close by at Kumaruppe Vitiya, which was reserved
for the Nayakers, the King's relatives, all Sinhalese,
including Bhikkus, being rigidly excluded. Since
bricks, so lavishly employed in constructing dagabas,
were not used for dwelling houses and suitable stone
was not available, their houses were mud-walled and
roofed with flat tiles or straw thatched ; the floors
were daubed with the usual mixture of cowdung and
clay from termite mounds, which provided a clean
warm surface under the inmates' bare feet; Aegidius
Daalmans of iVntwerp noted in 1687 that this was the
• only effective protection known against termites.
The Vitiya started from a narrow bridge on stone
columns 'where the moat entered the lake and the
bathing place of the ladies of the Royal Household
was built on the water's edge, alongside an unfinished
ornamental wall with niches for illuminations.
Engineers were soon busy erecting cantonments
on the airy heights to the west with materials taken
from " the huge piles of useless buildings which form
the Palace." To control the approach from the west
a garrison was stationed at Amunupura, seventy six
miles on the road from Colombo and one and a half

miles from Balane Kadavata where a Sinhalese battery
guarded the Pass. Permanent quarters were begun
3
at the elephant keepers' village of Doragama, from
which there was an extensive view across the country,
for the detachment left on Balakaduva Pass.
The Fourth Division, Murray's, had moved by
way of Matara and Hambantota to Kataragama and
thence to Vallavaya where it established a small fort
and provision depot; then crossing the river by the
Mirihatta ford it occupied Badulla, a town second in
importance to Maha Nuvara alone, where it found
some of the King's vastuva (treasure), a large stock of
rice and salt, and suitable quarters for the troops.
It controlled the approach from the South and two
hundred and seventy men were stationed here under
Major Coxon.
Jaffnapatam also was laid under contribution for
the Expedition and in January its Collector, Thomas
Eden, was instructed to collect porters, a task which
proved more difficult than he- anticipated. " The
inconceivable horror and apprehension they have all
implanted in their minds of Candian campaigns has
vast effect" he reported somewhat ungrammatically.
Most of the coolies, who came from the class of slaves,
had families to provide for and harvest time was close
at hand; but a thousand men, dragged from their
homes amidst heart-rending scenes, were despatched
with a large number of drivers and such cattle, however
ill-nourished, as the old Tamil kingdom could supply.
They were followed by a hundred Pioneers with a
Subedar or Captain, a Jemadar, four Havildars and
four Naiks, and when the coolies were sent back home,
the Pioneers continued in " service with Nitsinga
4
Mudaliyar's son Talaivasinga Mudaliyar as Subedar.
The military dispositions were sufficient against

possible risk from a change in the Sinhalese attitude,
and'.the political situation was. next taken.in hand,
.7
Ahalepola in the Memorial which he addressed in
1827 to the Commissioners of Enquiry sent out from
England, explained the underlying idea of the Sinhalese
Constitution in circumstances such as were represented
to have arisen. Any nation, he said, which found its
Ruler evil in his disposition and harmful in his actions
was entitled by universally recognised custom to
remove him and install another who was endowed with
the spirit of justice ; the responsibility for doing so
lay on the Sabhava of the Pradhana Radalavaru,
Assembly of Principal Chiefs, the members of which
varied according to the importance of the subject
for consideration. Brownrigg was confident that it
could be persuaded to exercise this extreme authority
and remove the King; but it was essential for his
plans that the successor he wanted should be chosen
and that without any appearance of dictation on his
part. The King had no son (his infant daughter
died in 1810) and his kinsfolk, even if otherwise suit
able, were not generally acceptable. The Sinhalese
families tracing descent from Kings had, as a result of
local intermarriages, ceased to belong to the Royal
caste which alone could demand and receive the pros
trations of a subject. In such circumstances the
normal course would be to invite a Prince of the
Race of the Sun from Madura or some other Indian
State, provided he was willing to adhere to the Doctrine
of the Buddha.
Madura, known to the Romans as Regnum
Pandionis, had lost its position as the centre of Dravi-
dian culture which it enjoyed, in the days of Agastiya
when its Sangattar, University Board, was the ultimate
tribunal in matters of scholarship. The Royal family
which supplied Vijayo with his consort was destroyed
by the Moslem invasion, but in 1420 a Hindu Dynasty,
that of the Nayakas, was again established, and
acknowledging the overlordship of Vij ayanagara,
reached its zenith under Tirumala Nayaka (1623-
1662) whose architectural works remain his impressive
memorial. This dynasty in turn ceased to rule in
the middle of the eighteenth century and after a period

of confused struggle for power, in 1801 the country
was placed under the British. The Royal family,
however, continued to exist, for loss of power did not
entail loss of social position, though outside Ceylon
it might not have been recognised as belonging to the
Race of the Sun. Failing such a Continental Prince,
but only as the last resort, a local Chief could be chosen.
There were other restrictions on the Council's autho
rity ; for instance its choice had to be approved by
the inhabitants of Udu Nuvara and Yati Nuvara, who
enjoyed a unique status and among whom was preserv
ed this customary right, probably dating from the
remote past when the Gamini (as the Leader of the
community was styled) was selected by the vote of
all qualified persons ; this would be before the Maury an
abhiseka (a word which may be treated as equivalent
to Anointing) imported from Asoka's Court, invested
the Gamini with the attributes of divinity proper to
5
a Raja.
Views were being exchanged with the Chiefs, and

the delicate negotiations entrusted to the experienced
John D'Oyly, who well understood their psychology,
were resumed on 25th February with his return from
searching for the King; but details of what passed
are not available. Brownrigg without making any
inconvenient promises, had subtly encouraged the
Maha Nilame (the title proper for one who at any time
filled the position of Adikar) to cherish the loftiest
hopes; indeed "Hardinge Giffard, the Advocate Fiscal,
writing to his brother-in-law Croker, Secretary to the
6
Admiralty, described Ahalepola as "the person on
whose account the war was ostensibly undertaken and
who used to call the Governor his Father." Brownrigg
did not exaggerate the obligation when in his Des
patch to the Secretarj/ of State he attributed to him
"the success and in a great degree the origin" of the
Expedition. His powerful influence enabled the in
vaders to occupy Maha Nuvara without losing a man.
A campaign of vilification, depicting Sri Vikrama

as a monster of cruelty and wickedness, and subtle
propaganda, aimed at creating discontent and dis
affection among his subjects, prepared the way for
his Proclamation of ioth January announcing that
the sole object of the Expedition was to uphold British
prestige, deliver the King's subjects from oppression,
and put an end once and for all to the Malabar dynasty;
the prayers of a suffering people forced him to take
extreme steps, he declared, but British arms were
directed against the tyrant alone and would not be
employed against his subjects. Pie promised to main
tain the Chiefs in their dignities, to relieve the people
from oppression, and to safeguard their laws and
religion " w i t h the extension of the blessings resulting
from the establishment of justice, security and peace
which are enjoyed by the most favoured nations
under the safeguard of the British Crown." D'Oyly
himself saw to copies of the Proclamation being
7
posted up as he advanced through Sinhale.
This bombastic rant probably supplied Ahale-
pola's friends with useful catchwords, and possibly
an apolitic and gullible people, never before subjected
to systematic propaganda, were beginning to wonder
whether they were not the victims of tyranny and
ill-usage; but while the Chiefs of Korala Tuna (Three)
and Satara (Four) Korale lent their help to the in
vaders, as they reached these Provinces D'Oyly
studiously kept Ahalepola well in the rear, till on
31st January he complained that " no suitable mea
sures have as yet been adopted nor the charge delivered
to himself."
The first hint of territorial acquisition appeared
in a Proclamation dated n t h February and published
in the Gazette of the rsth, by which these Provinces
and Saparagamuva were "declared integral parts of the
British possessions in the Island of Ceylon." In justi
fication of this Brownrigg wrote to Bathurst on the
25th: "The immediate purpose of the notification was
to remove a doubt understood to be present among the

natives and which seemed in some instances to prevent
the declaration of their sentiments in favour of the
British Government, lest if the army should retire
after they had so committed themselves they should
be left to the fatal and unrelenting vengeance of their
offended Ruler." To remove such doubts he judged
it proper to announce his determination to persevere
in the task he had undertaken "until the legitimate
object of the war shall be accomplished by the deli
verance of the Kandyan People from the Tyranny
of the existing Ruler and by receiving them under the
Parental Protection and permanent Dominion of
His Majesty's Government." But as success seemed
practically assured the pretence that the war was
commenced and waged on any but political grounds
was no longer needed, and he therefore frankly ad
mitted that the latter part of the Proclamation
embodied his " resolution to persevere in the war and
occupy and retain all the Provinces of the Upper
Country."
The Sinhalese regarded the military

demonstration with indifference : Bambaradeniya,
Basnayaka Rala of Ambakka Devalaya, stated before
the Judicial Commissioner on 18th August, 1824 that
when Ahalepola reached Hepannain Udu Nuvara, the
district where his influence was greatest, Chiefs and
people assembled to receive him, as everyone expected
that he would soon mount the throne. But when he
invited them to assist in seizing Sri Vikrama, they
refused pleading that the English had already failed
twice and a third failure would end in the destruction
of their own families: they would join only if the Gods
were first propitiated by large offerings of land and
won over to lay the King under a curse. Ahalepola
reported this to D'Oyly and on his instruction went
the following day with the English Officer to Lanka-
tilaka, where he ascertained what Purappadu lands
were available and distributed them among the
Devalayas of Udu Nuvara, after which the people of

the two Nuvaras prepared to escort him with the
beating of drums. Few marks of distinction were
more coveted ; within the Hatara Gamtota (the four
ferries across the river leading to the Capital,
namely, Gannoruva, Katugastota, Alutgamtota and
Levalla) it was the exclusive privilege of the King;
while outside even an Adikar could not claim it in
another Disava's Province. On arriving at the
river Ahalepola wrote inquiring from D'Oyly, who
had entered Maha Nuvara on the 12th, with what
honours he should follow; the reply was that they
should be such as were customary in the case of an
Adikar. Though bitterly disappointed he could only
acquiesce and on the 13th evening he once again
appeared in Sri Vikrama's Capital, accompanied by
a great concourse, but without drums. Pending fresh
arrangements he instructed the Chiefs to carry out
whatever the British authorities desired.
Alarmed at the lawlessness which was the imme
diate result of the King's removal from Sinhale, Vela-
gedara Appuhami Sattambi, the custodian of the Royal
Abharana, brought the most precious of the articles
with the utmost secrecy and surrendered them to the
Maha Nilame. He had served at the Vasala since his
childhood, and as Kankanama of the Ulpengava
Aramudala where the most valuable jewels and gems
were stored, assisted to pack them when they were
sent away to be concealed, and to a Sinhalese the
ornaments proper to a King were sacro-sanct.
Ahalepola, who perhaps more than any other man
was aware of the popular feeling regarding them,
was delighted ; at his bidding some of the silver heftpu,
caskets, in which they were packed, were opened by
candlelight in an inner room of his house, whereupon
he robed himself in the King's golden upper garment
and placed the Royal headdress on his own head.
The Sattambi was scandalized and indignantly pro
tested, but Ahalepola assured him that in a few days
the British would proclaim him King.
His confidence was ill founded, for the Great

Chiefs had no intention of selecting one of their own
number to fill that lofty position. On the 27th
D'Oyly waited on him with an offer to reappoint him
as Pallegampahe Adikar; this he declined without
hesitation, making it clear that he would accept no
office which was unaccompanied with royal honours ;
the next day he called on Brownrigg and repeated his
decision. On returning home he was followed by
Abraham de Saram Mudaliyar, the Governor's Inter
preter, with a present of a thousand gold pagodas.
He demanded why the money was sent and the
Mudaliyar explained that it was a small immediate
token of appreciation of his services.
Money was rare among the Sinhalese, whose social
scheme was based on service ; in return for his holding
the village blacksmith worked for his fellows free of
charge, on being supplied with iron and charcoal and his
meal (though, as mentioned by Knox, he often took
advantage of the urgency of their need to domineer
over them). The washerman provided like service,
and at harvest time was rewarded with divel, a small
share of the paddy from each field. But they had
a strict scale of values. Gold, brought from
across the seas in exchange for produce, was
highly prized; the quantity available (and this
applied to silver as well) was trifling and significant
of the state of trade. Its use for personal adornment
was almost confined to royal circles and those whom
the King was pleased to honour, as was also the case
with pearls, precious stones and coral. When em
ployed as a royal acknowledgment of meritorious
services, it took the form of a chain or other jewel,
and was the equivalent of an European decoration.
Such a gift was generally accompanied by a sword,
an elephant or horse, and a grant of land. A name of
honour might also be conferred, and this was inscribed
on a pat a tahaduva, a thin strip of gold, which was
fastened on the brow with a silk ribband. Money
however, even in gold, was regarded differently and
it was not employed as recompense for service to the

King. This attitude was carried to an extreme;
when in 1782 some Moors at Gonava attempted to
sell their wares to Robert Boyd, (all whose needs, as
an ambassador and the King's guest, were provided
on the King's account), they were sternly rebuked
by the Mohottiars for the " guilt of accepting any
reward on the King's service." Ahalepola declined
the proferred gift : it was not in the hope of obtaining
such trifles that he had laboured, he said, characteris
ing the gesture by the severe term nicha, contemptible :
were it to become known among the people, he declared,
it would be as great an avanambuva (stain on one's
good name) to himself as to the Government. He
therefore requested the Mudaliyar to take the coins
8
back to the Governor.
An understanding had by now been reached and
at 4 p.m. on the 2nd of March a Convention met
within the precincts of the Vasala in the Mangalya
Mandape, Hall of Ceremonial, popularly called Magul
Maduva; it was here, amidst the carved wooden
columns, that the King was accustomed to attend to
affairs of State and receive foreign ambassadors,
whence it came to be known in English as the Audience
Hall; Narendra Sinha received them at the Dakina
Salava.
In a Minute dated 26th May in reply to the Chief
Justice, Sir Alexander Johnston's, criticism of some
provisions of the Treaty which resulted, Brownrigg
described his emotions on the occasion in the following
words. " I must beg leave to consider myself as
placed on the 2nd of March in the City of Kandy,
negotiating and contracting on His Majesty's behalf
with the Chiefs and people of the Kandyan Country,
deliberating to the best of my ability with heartfelt
zeal and Conscientious purity of Intention, on the
Interests of my Sovereign and my Country, as connec
ted with the Acquisition of a foreign Territory."
No record of the proceedings based on Sinhalese

or unprejudiced sources has been preserved and details
have to be obtained from a narrative published under
Brownrigg's instructions. The Governor who was
accompanied by Ahalepola, received the Great Chiefs,
about twenty in number. The Adikars came preceded
by their kasakarayo who kept cracking their whips
which were ten feet long and made a report like a
musket-shot, till they entered the Maduva: they
alone after the King, were entitled to this distinction.
Molligoda acting as Pallegampaha, introduced the
rest; the dignity of these full-bearded men, their
courtliness and grace of bearing, made a deep impres
sion on the British officers. lieutenant Colonel James
Campbell, who spent many years in Sinhale, was too
late to see them at their best, for he only arrived in
1819; none the less he wrote " I have met few men of
any country who come into or go out of a room with
more grace and ease than they do." After the parties
had exchanged compliments Brownrigg made appre
ciative reference to the help which the English had
received from the Chiefs, who replied 'that it had
given them much pleasure to be of assistance, for they
regarded them as their protectors. Pie expressed his
gratification at these sentiments and while assuring
them of the continuance of that protection, pledged
himself to strive his utmost to secure for them the
blessings which, he declared, were to be enj oyed under
His Britannic Majesty's Government; he further
explained that a document had been prepared em
bodying the terms on which the participation of that
Government was offered for their acceptance and this
he caused to be read out in English and then in Sinha
lese ; if the published narrative is to be trusted, when
the Governor's benevolent intentions were announced,
" it was pleasing to observe in their looks a marked
expression of cordial assent, which was immediately
declared with great earnestness."
The townsfolk who had fled at the approach of
the armies had already returned to their normal
occupations, but Henry Marshall, the Staff Surgeon

who was an eyewitness, noted that even the brave
military displaj?' failed to attract them to the Magul
Macluva, so indifferent were they to the momentous
events which were taking place. But the Chiefs'
followers were there and to them the document was
again read out from the entrance ; after which the
British flag was hoisted and a royal salute fired from
the guns which, dragged up Balane Kanda with much
labour by parbuckling them from tree to tree, were now
parked in the Maha Maluva, the Great Square facing
the Vasala. On the King's orders a trench twelve
feet wide had been dug round this and a rampart of
earth and stones faced with lime mortar constructed
to protect the Vasala and Pattirippuva.
In the evening an official bulletin announced that
" A Public Instrument of Treaty prepared in con
formity to conditions previously agreed on, for
establishing His Majesty's Government in the Kandyan
Provinces, was produced and publicly read in English
and Cingalese and unanimously assented to." The
English version was published in the Gazette prefaced
by a. lurid narrative of the enormities with which
Brownrigg charged the King. This was not included in
what was read to the Chiefs and was intended for
currency among English readers, the resources of the
language being freely drawn upon to render it suffici
ently convincing; it concluded with Brownrigg's
protestation that to be instrumental in restoring such a
dominion as the King's would " tarnish and disgrace "
His Britannic Majesty's arms, and " on these grounds
His Excellency the Governor has acceded to the wishes
of the Chiefs and people of the Kandyan Provinces."
Turning to the Sinhalese version, which alone the
Chiefs understood and is inadequately translated into
English, the Preamble recited that an agreement had
been reached " at the gathering which met within the
Palace in the most excellent City named Senkanda
Saila." The Contracting Parties were the Governor
acting on behalf of the British King and the Prince

Regent on the one part, and on the other'' the Adikaran-
varu with the Disapativaru and other Pradhana
Radalavaru of the Disaval and Rat aval of Sinhale
in the presence of the people here assembled with the
Mohottalala, Koralala, and other Minor Headmen,
on behalf of the Inhabitants of Sinhale." Out of
the twelve Articles which followed the first three
dealt with the charges against the King, his consequent
deposition, the exclusion of his Gotraya (Clan), from
the Throne, and the prohibition against the return of
any of its members to Sinhale. The contribution of
each party, Sinhalese and British, towards bringing
about this state of affairs is thus summed up in the
Minute already quoted . . . ." The Kandyan Chiefs
and People who have made war against their late
King, and declared him deposed, excluding his Family
and the whole Malabar Race for ever from the Throne
—and His Majesty's Government which has also made
war against the King, driven him from his Throne
and Dominions, and which has captured his Person
and still retains him as a Prisoner of War." Though
the facts are incorrectly stated the passage makes
clear the light in which Brownrigg was anxious that
the deposition should be regarded, namely, as the act
of the Sinhalese and executed of their own initiative.
By the fourth Article, the sovereignity of Sinhale
was vested in the British King and was to be exercised
through his Governors and their Accredited Agents,
saving however to the various gradations of Chiefs
lawfully appointed by British authority, the rights
emoluments and powers of their respective offices,
and to the people in general their rights of property
and immunities according to the Customs in force
9
amongst them. Brownrigg in his report to Bathurst
aid emphasis on the fact that it was neither practicable
aor desirable to abolish the authority of the Chiefs.
In their diplomatic negotiations with Europeans
the Sinhalese had always placed the safety of their
religionin the forefront. Brownrigg explaining that the

reverence it commanded was unbounded and mixed
with a strong feeling of jealousy and anxiety for its
future wellbeing, admitted that as the possession of
the country hinged on this, he found it necessary
to quiet all uneasiness by a guarantee couched in the
most unqualified terms—the language employed, he
confessed, was " more emphatical than would have
been my choice." The passage runs thus " T h e reli
gion of Boodhoo, professed by the Chiefs and Inhabi
tants of these Provinces is declared inviolable ; and
its rites, Ministers and places of worship are to be
maintained and protected," The corresponding
Sinhalese can be more accurately rendered as follows :
" The Sasana of Buddha and the Agama of the Devas
in which the Officials and Inhabitants of the aforesaid
Rataval have faith, must be so maintained that they
cannot be broken, and their ceremonies, Sangha,
Vihaxasthana and Devalayas maintained and pro
tected." The omission of all reference to the Devas
10
in the former cannot have been accidental.
The Sixth Article prohibits " Every species of
bodily torture and all mutilation of limb," while the
Sinhalese contemplates " the various bodily tortures
(vada vedana) inflicted by severing limbs." Torture
as known to the penal law of Europe was not practised
among the Sinhalese, who took no pleasure in inflicting
prolonged agony. Here Marshall's significant observa
tion might well be repeated: " When executions
took place in the vicinity of Kandy, scarcely an inha
bitant repaired to the spot to witness the scene,
while perhaps not a European wife of a soldier in the
garrison was absent." It should be remembered that
in various European States no convicted person could
be executed except on his own confession, to obtain
which it was usual to subject him to torture. This,
with breaking on the. wheel and mutilation, had been
introduced by the Dutch Company on the Coast, but
was abolished by a Proclamation of 23rd September
1799, In Hanover it was abolished under George III.
What the Treaty referred to was mutilation of

limbs, a punishment as well known in the West as in
the East. For instance under Sinhalese law robbing
the King's Treasury could be punished by the loss of a
hand, and it is of interest to note that the Alut Nuvara
Inscription of the fifteenth century contains a guaran
tee of the people of Satara Korale against amga hani,
loss of limb. Such punishments had fallen into disuse
for forty years till revived in the case of some of Muddu-
svami's followers who had placed the very existence
of the State in danger. Under the same Law only the
King could pass sentence of death, and accordingly
by the next Article this was replaced by the Governor's^
Warrant based on the report of the Accredited Agent
who' had to be present at all capital trials.
The eighth Article was the corollary to the fourth ;
Civil and Criminal justice and general administration
were to be exercised according to the existing forms
and by the ordinary authorities, but the door was left
open for future changes " when the circumstances
and inclinations of the People may dispose towards
i t " in the saving clause regarding the inherent right
of Government to redress grievances and reform abuses
in all instances whatever, particular or general, where
such interposition shall become necessary. Brown
rigg pointed out that as knowledge of local customs
was very imperfect, no modification should be intro
duced without the most careful inquiry and unques
tionable facts; he deprecated violent changes and
insisted that where necessary, they should be so
introduced as imperceptibly to supersede deep-rooted
prejudices.
The ninth, which was provisional, dealt with
arrangements for administering justice where others
than the people of Sinhale were concerned and among
those subject to military law. Brownrigg whose rela
11
tions with the judiciary at Colombo were not cordial,
expressed his strong conviction that a very long time
would elapse before, any authority not emanating
directly from the executive Government, could be

exercised in the new Territory. The Supreme Court
of Judicature was established in the Settlements by
the Charter of 1801 and the struggle between the
Executive and the Judiciary started early and, at
times, was carried on with much bitterness. The
Chief Justice took precedence immediately after the
Governor and before the Commander of the Forces.
Whoever presided at a judicial proceeding was expected
to be composed and sedate and Hindu practice insisted
that, even if a Rajah, he should be simple in dress and
ornament, so as not to overawe inexperienced suitors.
•The British view was different and the new judges wore
a special costume derived from the cold North but
singularly unsuited to the Tropics, which was intended
to impress the public. The Chief Justice received a salute
of fifteen guns and moved through the country with the
same parade and honours as the Governor, attended
by a Maha -Mudaliyar as Tipstaff and Gate Muhandi-
12
rams carrying the Sword and Mace. Fearing that a
Judiciary of this status would prove a rival likely to
overshadow the Executive in Sinhale, Brownrigg
planned to exclude its jurisdiction altogether. On
the 1st of April this Treaty was brought up for consi
deration by His Majesty's Council, a body created when
the authority over the Settlements originally granted
to the Honourable Company was resumed by the
Crown, the Members being the Governor, the Chief
Justice, the Commander of the Forces, the Chief
Secretary, and two others nominated by the Governor.
The provisions were exhaustively criticised by the
Chief Justice and were subsequently modified by the
Proclamation of 31st May 1816 which laid down that
persons charged with certain classes of offences " can
not be tried by the Supreme Court as at present
established for Ceylon till the Kandyan Provinces
are annexed to or made Dependencies of that Settle
13
ment or Government,"
The three remaining Articles, dealing with certain

temporary Proclamations and the collection and allot
ment of the Revenue, concluded with a promise of
fiscal changes designed to foster trade, as Brownrigg
hoped that the increase of wealth consequent on this
" boon" from the new Sovereign would go far in
14
winning the attachment of the Sinhalese.
The Great Chiefs no doubt understood the impli
cations of the Treaty ; but the Sinhalese version was
embodied in complicated sentences whose elucidation
taxes the skill of the student. Unfamiliar conditions
and foreign sentiments were rendered no easier of
comprehension by the attempt to clothe them in 0
local garb. However ably Abraham de Saram might
have read out the lengthy document—and in his
family ran the tradition of many generations of
similar duties at the Court—few hearing it for the
first time could have carried away more than a vague
impression that a European Monarch in a far away
land had been substituted for the Malabar King who
lived in their midst, but that their religion and Sirit
Charitra, Customary Law, continued unaffected by
the change.
It was some days before the document was signed,
as fair copies in duplicate had to be prepared in the
two languages. The Sinhalese signatories were the
four Maha (Great) and six Sulu (Minor) Disapativaru,
(all of whom received their appointment from Brown
rigg in the interval) as well as Ahalepola whose signa
ture was affixed on the 18th of March. Writing on
paper with a goose quill dipped in ink was an un
familiar task to men who habitually employed a
strip of palm leaf and an iron style. Monaravila,
Galagama and Galagoda, used the Sinhalese script and
the rest Granthe, which has many affinities to both
Sinhalese and Tamil and had no doubt become fashion
15
able under the late Dynasty.
The paragraphs of the Sinhalese version were
numbered with Lit Lakunu, the first thousand of
which Johannes Ruell printed at Amsterdam in 1708

in his Sinhalese Grammar; they were employed, for
instance, in Johannes Philippus Wetzelius' publica
tions from the Company's new press at Colombo in
1738, the Common Prayer book of the Society for the
Propagation of the Gospel in 1820, and the translation
of the Ordinances in 1843 ; but in 1854 the Bible
Society adopted the " Arabic" notation, which origi
nated in -India, for its Sinhalese Bible, and today this
is in common use throughout the country.
Brownrigg, having met the Secretary of State's
injunction against territorial expansion by presenting
him with a Kingdom, sent to the Prince Regent the
throne of gold and silver which was once the royal seat
of Raja Sinha (1628-1687). It was kept at Windsor
Castle and occasionally used for the ceremonial of the
Order of the Garter, till returned to Ceylon in 1934.
In due course he was informed that the Prince Regent
" generally approved of the Convention by which the
country has become annexed to His Majesty's Domi
nions," but declined to adopt the existing Sinhalese
Laws and Courts as forms of the King's Civil Judicature
till detailed information regarding them and the changes
considered necessary was available. There was no
immediate intention of extending the jurisdiction of
the Supreme Court over the new Territory and the
interim arrangements for administering justice were
approved, but the defects of the system were to be
carefully observed and reported. It was not till 9th
January, 1834, that the Supreme Court sat to try cases
in Sinhale.
Brownrigg, who had been appointed a Knight.
Grand Cross in the Order of the Bath on its enlarge
ment in January of the year, was now given a
baronetcy; he recommended a similar distinction
for D'Oyly, urging that such recognition would
" enable me to pay a debt of gratitude to one of the
most deserving, conscientious and able public servants
I have yet found in the course of a long public life."
:22 SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
In spite of influential support the reward was delayed

16
for six years. The Convention was immediately
followed by D'Oyly's appointment as "Accredited
Agent of the British Government in the Kandyan
Provinces under the Proclamation of this. date, and
with the summary and more convenient Appelation
of Resident," to quote the terms of the Governor's
Warrant; the authority thus created " vested him
with full powers to represent and exercise the British
Government in the Interior," Brownrigg explained
to Lord Sheffield in a letter of ioth March. Among
'those who eagerly studied the news from Ceylon
which Brownrigg supplied to the English public was
D'Oyly's aged mother, and on the 18th of August,
1815 she wrote from the pleasant red-brick Rectory
at Buxted where he had been brought up " I hope and
think you will be a blessing to the natives after having
such a tyrant of a King."
On the 3rd Brownrigg received at the Vasala the
five chiefs of the highest rank —Ahalepola, Molligoda,
Kapuvatta, Pilima Talavva, and Kappitipola. This
last was more generally known as Monaravila from his
mother's village in Matale, but his ancestral home was
in the Pata Rata, and in 1614 Quepetipalle in the
Galboda Korale was registered as the paravenia of a
Mudaliyar, in the Tombo which Antao Vaz Ferreira
prepared with the assistance of Alagiyavannaand other
Mohottalas. Ahalepola's hapless wife was his sister;
Pilima Talavva was married to Molligoda's sister,
while Kapuvatta's father was a member of'the Pilima
Talavva family and he generally used that name for
his signature. No doubt the meeting was held in the
large room with hunting and other scenes painted on
the walls, traces of which Werner Hoffmeister noted
in 1844 and may still be detected under the white
wash. The other Chiefs who were waiting outside
next entered and in their presence the Governor
appointed Molligoda and Kapuvatta to be Palle
Gampahe and Uda Gampahe Adikar respectively.
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 23.
From the earliest times the straight staff which the

King carried was the symbol of his authority ; to an
Adikar he delivered the Katupurulu Vevala, a cane
curved at the top and encased in silver, intended to
be borne before him like the European mace. Two
such were now handed to the new Adikars where
upon each retired a few paces and made his obeis
15.
ance.
The appointment of territorial Chiefs followed.
Kanda Uda Rata, buttressed by its mountains, was
divided into seven (originally five) Rataval, including
Udu Nuvara and Yati Nuvara, and round these and
beyond the mountains lay twelve Disavas and Bulat-
gama, all combining to form the Sinhale of the Kings.
The Rataval, small in size, were in charge of Rate
Mahatmayo appointed by the King, who from their
proximity came directly under his supervision. On
the other hand the Disavas, in some cases representing
sub-kingdoms generally administered by members of
the royal family, were very extensive and were divided
into four Maha, Great, and eight Sulu, Lesser, each
under its chief (the Disave adipati, shortened into
Disapati, popularly Disa Ralahami) who enjoyed
semi-royal honours and authority. In the Littoral
the Portuguese, inheriting from Dharmapala, main
tained the office with its original status, sometimes
conferring it on their own nationals, a practice which
the Dutch Company adopted to the final exclusion oi
Sinhalese ; " The Worshipful Dessaves " who figured
in the early years of the British, ceased to function
after the Proclamation of August 1801. A Rate
Mahatmaya's honours were much less than those of a
Disapati, the banner, guns, drums and palanquin
allowed to the latter being denied to him. Customary
procedure was strictly followed in making the new
appointments.
The Disava to which the Ira handa kodiya, the
Banner of the Sun and Moon, was assigned, took
precedence among the Provinces ; Vimala Dharma
Suriya gave it to Matale, Senaratna to Sat Korale

and Raja Sinha to Satara Korale, along with other
tokens of honour, in recognition of the valorous deeds
of its forces in the struggle against the Portuguese.
It had besides its own banner with four tassels adorned
with three varieties of rubies. These colours and
insignia Molligoda surrendered to D'Oyly at Gane-
tanna at n o'clock on the morning of 8th February
when he appeared with his officers escorted by
elephants and the many attendants proper to his rank.
The Mohottalala. of the Province, whose consent was
essential, were summoned within and Pilima Talavva
being brought before them, his selection to be the
Chief was announced. On their expressing their satis
faction with the choice, Brownrigg proceeded to appoint
him by formally delivering the people of the Province
to his charge and him to the charge of the people,
exhorting the latter to perform their Rajakariya (public
services), with zeal and fidelity under his orders. The
new Chief thereupon likewise made his obeisance and
led them out of the hall. Sat Korale, Uva and Matale,
which next took precedence in that order, were
assigned to Molligoda, Kappitipola and Ratvatta
respectively; the last being the brother of the Deva-
madda Disava who was executed with Pilima Talavva
Adikar in 1811 and whose widow was now the wife of
Molligoda the Younger. Kappitipola's appointment
was mainly in recognition of Ahalepola's services.
Uda Gampahe Adikar had next to be provided
for. The gems of Ceylon were familiar to the early
Arabs and have been always greatly prized. The
disintegration of the crystalline rocks of the Archaean
age which form the Island released the precious mine
rals they contained, to be carried down by the water
ways emerging from the mountains and deposited in
the numerous pockets along their channels — &>•> adi
(elephant footprints) is the name for such pockets
among the country folk, who attribute them to the
great beasts which frequented the marshes before
they hardened into stone. The best gems are found

in Saparagamuva, once fourth among the Maha
Disavas and later the first of the Sulu Disavas and
the last Province held by Ahalepola. Its inhabitants
had been punished for supporting him in his treason
able practices and the Province reduced in status by
being sub-divided into three. Its rich soil and luxuri
ant vegetation; its areka, coffee, cardamons and
jaggery : its abundant and well-watered rice fields ;
its iron and precious stones : all combined to render
this remnant of Dharmapala's ill-fated heritage, very
desirable among the Disavas in the Pata Rata.
But beyond these material attractions from the
earliest times an atmosphere of religious veneration,
of which the White Elephant occasionally seen, among
its Mukalan (forests) might also be regarded as an
emblem, surrounded it ; for here is Sri Pada, the Foot
step of the Buddha, impressed " on the summit of
Samanta Kuta, sapphire head-dress of the noble Dame
Sri Lanka in her choice ornaments, rich beds of every
kind of gem : Samanta Kuta, beautiful with rivers and
streams of purest water showering their cool spray,
with mighty forests of clustered trees clothed in their
varied flowers full-blown, sweet-scented, nectar laden."
The description is from the Kuttapitiya Sannas of
Kirti Sri Raja Sinha. It is therefore hardly surprising
that this was the one Province which twelve years
before the puppet Muddu Svami had refused to barter
8
in exchange for British support/ and now the greatly
respected Kapuvatta was appointed Chief over it.
Among the ancient privileges of Udu Nuvara and
Yati Nuvara, first among the Rataval (each was
liable to provide fifty regular soldiers in times of
stress), was the right to be governed by a native of
19
their soil. They had incurred Sri Vikrama's displea
sure and been degraded below their rank, which was
now restored ; through their Liyana Rata, — an officer
appointed by the Rate Mahatmaya and ranking
immediately after him—they indicated their choice
of a Chief and with their consent Mampitiya Kuda

20
Banclara and Pilima Talavva were appointed over the
two Districts. Mampitiya's mother was one of the
four daughters of Kirti Sri Raja Sinha by Mampitiye
Dugganna Unnahe, the Yakada, D5liya (junior Queen)
to whom he was so passionately attached and his
father was a Malabar of the Royal caste, Buvelikada
21
Nayaka Svami. The two Mampitiya brothers and
the younger Molligoda married the three daughters of
Levuke, who was executed in 1803.
The personages selected to continue the admini
stration on the same lines as under Sri Vikrama, well
illustrate the close bond of kinship which held together
the class from which came the Ministers who con
trolled the Sovereign's actions. For political reasons
the King has been represented as a tyrannical despot,
and it was the fact that a decision announced with
his lips could not be varied and even to suggest any
change was tantamount to an act of treason. "Maha
Vasalin yedichcha deyak kavadavat varadinne nata."
(What the Great House has vouchsafed can never fail)
Pusvelle Disava correctly stated in 1811 ; and "His
Majesty's pleasure was a law which no one could
dispute," the Ministers assured Andrews on 28th
September, 1795 ; his utterance represented the
final word, but it was inspired by the Ministers. The
division of responsibility was clearly explained to him ;
they dealt with correspondence with the Governor ; the
King would reply to a letter from the British King.
The constitutional position was well known to the
British authorities, as appears from the writings of
Cordiner and Percival; they were aware that it was the
Ministers who ruled the country, though their
authority was derived from the King, whose existence
was essential to the continuance of all the social grades •
and they also knew that the real " depositories of
supreme power " were " certain fundamental laws and
regulations existing from time immemorial . . . If
the King ventures to encroach upon (them) he was
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 27:
amenable to the justice of his country as well as the,

meanest subject." One incident will serve to illust
rate this hmitation of the King's power. Narendra
Sinha had bestowed on his favourite drummer,
Vissuve Panikkiya, a. jacket, which a member of his
caste was prohibited from wearing. This was brought
to the notice of Rammalaka Maha Nilame, the Adikar,
who tore the jacket off the Panikkiya's back and
imprisoned him, while the Council of Ministers
determined the proper fine for the King's breach of
Sirit Charitra, which on their recommendation he
32
paid into the Maha Vishnu Devalaya. The King
could assume absolute power only in the gravest
emergency, as when the country's safety demanded it.
His orders should be received kneeling and as the
various groups of Mohottalala were summoned
within, they at Ahalepola's bidding went on their
knees while the Principal Chiefs continued to stand ;
loud complaints followed, for the custom was for
every one to kneel, whereas now it was made to appear
that the headmen knelt to their own Chiefs, a gesture
of abasement which only Royalty sprung from Gods,
23
could claim. The Chiefs admitted that they had
erred and the difficulty was smoothed over by an
undertaking to discontinue the practice altogether
for the future.
Other appointments were made, including those
of the Nilamavaru and Lekamala of the Great Depart
ments, the Adikars being consulted in accordance
with the King's practice. It should be noted that
while the jurisdiction of a Disava or Rate Mahatmaya
extended over a defined area, the heads of these
Departments controlled persons scattered over several
Districts according to the nature of their Rajakariya.
The King used to present each new Disava with
a horse and a tusked elephant ; Forbes states that
such an elephant when taken was escorted with
music, so highly was it esteemed. A war-like King
is described by poets as. ''T,ord of our horses and
elephants and men," but in the absence of a local

breed cavalry was never an arm of the Sinhalese fight
ing force. Riding horses had to be obtained from
abroad; transport from Persia and Arabia was difficult
and expensive while the South Indian breed was
poor in quality. During the King's time the British
rigorously controlled the trade in them, as a convenient
means of securing the goodwill of the Ministers ; a
Regulation of 30th January 1815 made the sale of a
horse to one who was not a British subject, punishable
by transportation for seven years. What the King
gave the younger Molligoda were resumed on his defec
tion ; no horse was available locally but he was pro
24
mised one as soon as it could be procured and he
was also given permission to capture an elephant for
himself.
On the 5th D'Oyly and the Chiefs met again at
the Dakina Mandape, the open hall attached to the long
range of buildings which were the apartments of the
palace ladies ; here standing beneath the Sun and
Moon graven in stone under the roof with the golden
fixiial, the King and Queens used to watch the Perahara
and other similar demonstrations. The represent
atives of the remaining Provinces were summoned
in turn and after various appointments were announced
the Chiefs joined the Governor at the Magul Maduva
to listen to the proclamation of D'Oyly's Commission
as Accredited Agent; under this he was empowered
to exercise " All and singular the Powers, Authorities
and Functions vested in such Accredited Agent by
virtue of the said Convention, subject to the Reserva
tions and Limitations thereby agreed and established,
and further subject to such Instructions as may from
time to time be communicated to the said Accredited
Agent by Us or under Our Authority." His salary
was fixed at £2,000 a year and he was also appointed
a Member of His Majesty's Council, which entitled
him to a salute of eleven guns.
British intrigues with the Chiefs of Sat Korale had

resulted in the execution of many leading inhabi
tants, and now nine Mohottalala of the Province were
25
rewarded by grants of land. There was among them
a strong feeling of resentment against Molligoda as
responsible for the severity with which they had been
treated, for the King had mentioned that he ordered
the death sentence on the advice of that Adikax and
Millava (generally known as Godapola Disava from
that town in his Province of Matale which was once
the Nuvara of Raja Sinha's brother Vijayapala).
Deputations from the Mohottalala of Sat Korale and
Saparagamuva waited on D'Oyly and expressed their
preference for Europeans at the head of their Provinces.
Before the recent campaign of vilification Percival
described Sri Vikrama as " b y far the mildest Prince
that has ever hitherto reigned over the Candians"; but
now D'Oyly, loyal to the Governor's policy, assured
the deputation that their sufferings were due not to
any Minister's advice but to the King's own depravity.
Some more days were spent in filling the remain
ing offices in consultation with Ahalepola and the
Adikars and after ascertaining the wishes of the
people of the Rataval. Molligoda was appointed
Maruvaliye Muhand'iram, which vested him with the
control of one of the two groups of fencers who engaged
in single combat for the diversion of the Court ; they
were selected for their skill with sword, shield and
singlestick as well as in the use of the fists; and ten out
of each group were distributed among the districts
to train all who volunteered to be pupils. These
fencing schools, Ilangam, were much in favour with
Ra Siha Deviyo of Sitavaka (1581-1593) and shortly
after his death Garedepure and Ambagala in Kiravali
Pattuva were registered as the paraveni of targemen,
rodd&iros, who had to supply a number of targes and
wooden fencing swords. Their contests, animal fights
and feats of horsemanship were very popular at Court
till the accession of Sri Vikrama, whose scanty leisure
from the business of government was spent in listening

to music and beautifying his capital.
He had in several instances conferred superior
office on men of a lower status than that from which
it was customary to fill such positions, and it was
indicative of his liberal attitude towards all classes
of his subjects that he in 1805 appointed a dtisaya to
be Pattipola Disava, and presented his son with a
gold chain. As in India and many other countries,
where a debtor was unable to meet his obligations the
judge could by a writing deliver him over to the credi
tor to serve him till the claim was satisfied, the creditor
becoming liable to supply him for the period of his
bondage with food and clothing. Sometimes a child
of the debtor would be substituted in his place. To
terminate the bondage the debtor would obtain the
necessary funds from a Viharaya in charity or from a
Devalaya on promise of service, or from the Ara
Mudala by royal favour, or as a last resort by begging
among his neighbours. The relation thus created
has unfortunately been described by the English word
" slavery." In accordance with this custom the
future Disava had when a boy—his name was Appu
Rala—been sold by his mother to Yatavatte Lolcu
Disava for eight pagodas in order to settle a
debt, and by his ability and high character had risen
to be Rate Rala of Bintanna. The sale did not
adversely affect his inherited social status, his right
to acquire and dispose of property, or his competence
to give evidence in a Court of Law.
The indulgence with which men who lost their
freedom were treated is well illustrated by what Knox
had to say regarding Raja Sinha's English prisoners:
" For the King's order was to feed them well only and
to look after them until he pleased to send for them.
This after some time made them to change their
minds, and not to think themselves Slaves any more,
but the Inhabitants of the Land to be their Servants,
in.that they laboured to sustain them."
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 3X
Sir Alexander Johnston, addressing the Grand

Jury in 1813, made the following remarks : " For
three centuries the most civilised nations in the world
had been, from motives the most selfish, deliberately
engaged in reducing, by means the most unjustifiable,
millions of their fellow creatures from a state of free
dom and comparative happiness, to a state of slavery
not less abject than destructive of the human race."
.In contrast with this it is pleasant to note that on 25th
July 1829 "the Commissioners of Enquiry recorded
their opinion that " In no part of the world is slavery
in a milder form then here. Cruelty to a slave is
scarcely known and in general they are treated more
as adopted dependants of the family than menials."
Had other countries been able to accept this attitude,
the world would have been saved a sordid page in the
26
history of human suffering.
The King's attitude had been resented by those
who saw their privileged position threatened, and now
the opportunity was seized to attach them by self
interest to the British side ; this was the less difficult
as those who were reduced to offices more in accord
ance with their status did not openly express their
dissatisfaction and under any circumstances they were
politically negligible.
It was of the first importance to secure the good
will of the Sangha, the Community of Bhikkhus who
wielded great influence throughout the country, and
on 10th March the Governor received the members
of the Malvatta and Asgiriya Vihara with much
flattering ceremony. They arrived early at the Dalada.
Maligava, and at 10 p.m. proceeded to the Magul
Maduva heralded by the Adikars' whips and lighted
by numerous flambeaux. To reach it they went down
the stone steps from the Maligava to the drawbridge
and then up the wider flight leading to the residential
part, noteworthy for the deep tread intended for the
passage of elephants and which the normal human
step could not cover.
D'Oyly and Sutherland met them under the

portico at the north end and led them to where Brown
rigg and his Staff awaited them. The Maduva was
draped above with white cloth which was also spread
under foot; this work was the Rajakariya of the Rada-
badda, which had to find the necessary material, espe
cially to adorn houses intended for the occupation of the
King and Chiefs. In all about ninety Bhikkhus were
present, the Malvatta procession being led by Kobba-
kaduva, who in Vesak of 1810 had been appointed
Nayaka in succession to Moratota, Rajadiraja Sinha's
preceptor, then bed-ridden, and speechless. He was at
this time about eighty years of age (he was admitted
to the Upasampadava in 1753) slight of figure and
about five feet six inches in height; he appeared very
feeble and was supported by a younger Bhikkhu on
either side. DeBiissche, the Governor's Aide-de-Camp,
noted that his robe was of yellow velvet, while several
of the others were in silk. Yatavatta led the Asgiriya
representatives, and the Bhikkhus took their stand
in two long rows. After courteous inquiries regarding
the health of the Nayakas, Brownrigg gave them the
assurance tha,t the protection and security contem
plated in the fifth Article of the Treaty would never
be wanting, whereupon they adjourned to the Dalada
Maligava. While according to the Danta Dhatu a de
gree of veneration without limit, as part of the Buddha's
body, the Sinhalese did not regard it as a source of
supernatural advantages nor attribute to it miracle-
working powers. Out of deference it was enshrined
in an upper story, and the word Maligava, which is
of Draviclian origin, laid emphasis on this feature ;
the term appears not long before to have displaced
the less pompous Dalada Ge, the Home of the Relic,
which Dharmapala employed in the Saunas he gave
the Franciscans on 15th January 1591. The King
was the Custodian of the Relic on behalf of his people ;
the Dalada Ge was his private chapel to which his
subjects had no right of access and formed part of the
Vasala, of which the Four Devalayas were also ad-
juncts. Simple without, it far surpassed the King's

abode in the richness of its interior decoration ; two
gold finials crowned its roof, while only one appeared
over the other.
Here they discussed new appointments, the pro
tection of " Church Property "—to use D'Oyly's
words—and the return of the Dalada Vahanse, which
with the Abharana (Emblems) of the Devas from the
four Devalayas had been removed for safety on the •
British approach. Sri Vikrama had appointed three
Nayakas and three Anu Nayakas at Malvatta not long
before, and it was decided to revert to the old practice
of one Chief ; accordingly on their return to the Magul
Maduva Brownrigg appointed Kobbakaduva—tutor
alike of Sri Vikrama and Ahalepola-to be Nayaka, and
replaced Mavatagama in the like position at Asgiriya,
27
from which the King had removed him. At mid
night the Bhikkhus started to return to their Vihara
escorted by the Adikars and the Band of the Third
Ceylon Regiment, consisting of Caffrees, under a salute
of seven guns from the Maha Maluva. The demon-'
stration was flattering, but members of the Sangha
are men of shrewd judgment; perhaps some of them
remembered the warning in their scriptures that
honours are as fatal to a Bhikkhu as its fruit to a
banana tree, which dies in producing them. " Church "
as applied to eastern religious edifices—Johnston in
his Diary of 13th November 1806 described that at
Tirukovil by the term—has since been superseded by
the Latin word " temple."
Ahalepola in the prime of life—he was forty two
years of age—remained a tragic figure, disillusioned
and disappointed ; so intense was his emotion that the
dignity which characterised him gave way and he wept
as he complained to Brownrigg that after sacrificing
his family and wealth, his friendship to the British
was being rewarded by the taunt that he had aspired
to a throne, and was left without a village : his fields
were lying unsown, his coconut palms were stripped
7 9 5 - 0
•$§ 00253D 6'd&t& gs3«»5S53C«
of fruit, and he had not enough to live upon. Brown

rigg promised to supply all his wants and invited him
to take up his permanent residence at Colombo :
eight n'dli of rice and some currystuffs were enough
for him, re'plied the Maha Nilame (one n'dliya was a
8
man's daily allowance in the King's service).' He
urged that his Mohottalala should be rewarded and
some distinction which would be unique among the
Sinhalese conferred on himself. From his Memorial
it appears that when consulted regarding the distribu
tion of honours and offices he stated that his physical
and material circumstances precluded him from accept
ing office, but he asked for some of the King's sources
of revenue—panduru was the word he used. On
being told that all kingly honours must be reserved for
the Narapati (Chief of Men) of England, he explained
that he did not refer to Regal Glory and Might and
would be content with the Chiefship of the Royal
villages, which was in the King's gift.
Brownrigg promised to recommend that a jewel
led likeness of the Prince Regent should be presented
to him as a token of honour distinguishing him from
all other of his country men, and the recommendation
was later accepted by Bathurst. As Molligoda agreed
that his request about the Royal villages did not
violate Custom, he was appointed Palle Vahala Gabada
Nilame, Chief of the Villages of the Queen's Establish
ment ; the emoluments of this office included lulat
surulu (fees on the appointment of village Vidanes),
the occasional labour of the inhabitants at his Valauva,
and the produce of Malapalu fields. He was besides
created Lekama of the Maduve Gamkara Atto, com
manding the eight companies, each under a Muhandi-
ram, who mounted guard in the mad%i within the
Vasala precincts and constituted the nearest approach
to a standing army in the Kingdom. In 1810 the
men wore a distinctive dress including a cap and red
jacket. When originally raised by Kirti Sri Raja
Sinha during the Dutch war, they were remunerated
by payment in money, padi, for which lands, gam,

were later substituted in the case of some on grounds
of economy : hence the name Gamkara. Those
continuing under the original arrangement formed the
Padikara Peruva, which was now disbanded. Ahale
pola was at a later date further appointed Kuruve
Lekama of Kengalla, Chief of the Department which
captured elephants in Dumbara, a position once
occupied by Migastanna Adikar. He was also pro
mised an Act under the Colonial Seal conferring on
him precedence as the Chief of the highest rank, with
the privilege of sitting on the Governor's right hand
and wearing slippers in his presence ; this last when
granted by a King meant more to a Sinhalese than a
like privilege in respect of his hat did to a Grandee
of Spain, among whom it was considered " A preroga
tive so illustrious in itself and so admirable in its
effects, that it alone suffices to stamp its peculiar
29
character on the dignity of the Grandee."
But the gift which a Sinhalese valued above any
other was that of land to be held in paravenia (which
might be taken as equivalent to fee simple), and
Ahalepola asked for such a grant. Villages assigned
to his Mohottalala for their maintenance while in
office were later thus confirmed on them, along with
honours without precedent, but his request continued
unnoticed, and he was bitterly "hurt by the slight.
Recalling this lack of gratitude he declared that his
reward was not some fresh advantage but rather the
destruction of what was already his : it was as if fire
had fallen from heaven where the lightning had
30
struck. He informed the Governor that he intended
to marry Pilima Talavva's elder sister, Migastanna's
widow, in Vesak, and was offered 5,000 pagodas to
wards the expenses. Hesitating to repeat the former
rebuff he told D'Oyly that he would ask for the money
if needed, and it would be more convenient to receive
it on visiting Colombo after the wedding. Finally it
was sent to him but remained untouched,.. and/later
came again into English hands with the seals on the

bags intact. He handed over to Brownrigg the King's
jewels which had been brought to him, including
rarities collected by Raja Sinha such as the vairodi
(catseye) one and a half inches across ; a gold mounted
daksina vrtha sankhaya (right spiralled chank shell);
and the ear of paddy intermixed with pearls found in
a field at Handaganava in Bintanna; these were sold
at King's Auction Rooms in Covent Garden on 13th
31
June 1820.
As D'Oyly was satisfied that everything was
working satisfactorily and that the Governor's presence
was no longer essential, arrangements were made for
his departure and ceremonious leave-takings followed.
The King used to send provisions daily from the Maha
Gabadava, Royal Store, to the two Colleges of Bhik
khus, for not only was giving to the Sangha a sure means
of acquiring merit but the food ensured their goodwill
towards the giver; the custom, Brownrigg assured
32
them, would continue unchanged. Further at the
Adikars' suggestion he gifted to them Menik Kum-
bura at Yativavala which, given by Raja Adiraja
Sinha in 1795 to Moratota, had reverted to the Gaba
dava. Owing to the elevation of the Pattirippuva
and its proximity to the shrine of the Relic, Brownrigg's
occupation of it as his quarters was most distasteful
to the Sinhalese. When in 1800 Pilima Talavva
Pallegampaha Adikar came to meetGeneralMacdowall,
he was indignant at some officers watching his proces
sion from a height: as he represented a Raja before
whom all should prostrate themselves no one must
be placed on a higher level than he. This was in
conformity with the rule strictly enforced at Maha
Nuvara that when the King was abroad no one should
appear in the houses bordering the streets, which in
consequence of erosion lay twelve feet or more below
the house level; the occupants therefore were obliged
to remain within behind closed doors. Colour Sergeant
Calladine, an eyewitness, has recorded in his diary that
Sri Vikrama, brought a captive to Colombo Fort,
refused to enter it till the people standing on the

rampart under which he had to pass were ordered
away, for he could not permit anyone's feet to be
above his head. For the same reason he would not
drive out in Brownrigg's chariot with the coachman,
Jonathan Fudge by name, in the box.
In order to allay the dissatisfaction Brownrigg
diplomatically presented the Pattirippuva to the
Shrine for the use of the Bhikkhus. They were
highly gratified and Kobbakaduva on their behalf
assured him that for the favour he showed to the
Sasana, the Devas who were its Guardians would
always extend their protection over him as well. (In
1836 Lieutenant, de Butts wrote " The Pateripooa
is now degraded into a military prison"). It was
customary for the King on similar occasions to address
his panivida (command) to the Sangha, he reminded
Brownrigg, who thereupon exhorted them to be
assiduous in preaching Bana, (the Buddha's word),
and fostering the spread of learning among their
countrymen. There was no other organization res
ponsible for education and no professional teaching
class; the village boy wishing to learn letters could do so
from a Bhikkhu at the nearest Pansala free of pecuni
ary charge, for learning should not be sold, but there
was no provision for teaching girls.
Already social customs to which a conservative
people attached much importance were being ignored.
For instance the use of a palanquin or horse within the
Hatara Gamtota was a royal privilege ; even a Disapati
on his way to his Province was not permitted to enter
his palanquin till he was across the river, and the
Ambassador Boyd had to leave his horse behind at
Nalanda. The people in general took as much inter
est in this subject as the privileged classes, and when
in November 1810 the Basnayaka of the Saman
Devalaya of Saparagamuva appeared at Batugedara
in a palanquin, they showed their anger at his un
authorized act by breaking it in pieces, while the
Disava inflicted a heavy fine as well. Now the

Mohottalala, hearing that there was much laxity re
garding this in the Settlements, expressed their fears
about the possible infringement of custom by unquali
fied persons from there, and were assured that
this would not be permitted.
The Adikars on their public appearances were
entitled to the utmost deference, everyone standing
aside for their trains and saluting with a deep obei
sance, while the housedoors were closed as at the
King's approach. But the English soldiers and camp
followers did not make way for them and interrupted the
hasakavayo who led the procession, acts of impropriety
which if committed by a Sinhalese would have entailed
swift and severe punishment. The incensed Adikars
complained to Brownrigg who promised to issue orders
for enforcing due respect being shown to them, and
invited the Great -Chiefs to visit Colombo as State
Guests.
At 5-30 a.m. on 20th March he started in his
palanquin under a salute of guns and escorted by the
Disavas through whose Provinces he had to travel,
in imitation of the King who never appeared in public
except in state ; four Nilamavaru appointed to offices
of the Household which existed under the King,
accompanied him to be permanently attached to his
Establishment at Colombo, where he was received
with enthusiasm, the success of his diplomacy (if
not his military exploits), being signalized by " the
Royal Standard of Kandy being hoisted under the
33
British Union," according to the report in the
Gazette: as Bathurst remarked about the troops,
the Expedition did not " afford any opportunity for
the display of their more splendid military qualities."
It was the good fortune of the English that John
D'Oyly, now forty one years of age, was available to
represent them at this juncture. The life they led
was not such as to stimulate their somewhat lethargic
faculties or to arouse in them an intellectual appre.cia-
tion of their surroundings ; the plain-spoken Hardinge

Giffard wrote in his Diary ; . " Soon after I arrived
in this Island in 1810 I arranged a plan of a literary
society to combine a public library with an association
for scientific pursuits, but gaming was the fashion and
no one regarded me but as a visionary. I then set
out proposals for a library alone and I was laughed
at for my pains. In 1812 when General Brownrigg
and his brother-in-law, Mr. Bisset, a clergyman, came
out, and the fashion changed, I urged my plan and
General Brownrigg adopted it and made it his own,"
(incidentally taking all the credit to himself, as Giffard
states elsewhere). Indeed the eight years since the
cession of the Dutch Company's Settlements in 1796
had produced only one Englishman, Andrew Armour,
who had mastered the Sinhalese language, and North's
advertisement of 1802 refusing to receive petitions
not drawn in English significantly indicated his
countrymen's general attitude. An excellent training
at Cambridge qualified D'Oyly to understand Sin
halese culture and appreciate their point of view ;
he had thrown himself with enthusiasm into this new
field of study, absorbing knowledge from everyone who
had it to impart. While stationed at Matara from
1802 to 1805 he came into intimate contact with the
ambitious KaratotaDhammarama of Veragampita, who
had resided at Falmadulla in charge of Sri Pada till
displaced by Moratota. The English treated Karatota
with much consideration as a likely agent for destroy
ing the King's influence among the Sinhalese in the
South and he enjoyed a great reputation for scholar
ship. D'Oyly's predilection was viewed with little
sympathy by his fellows and on 2nd March 1810 Sir
J ames Mackintosh sorrowfully recorded in his diary that
34
he had " almost become a native in his habits of life."
He knew that the Sinhalese, however indifferent to
35
political changes, were full of anxiety about their
religion. For ethical guidance they looked to the
Buddha's teaching which laid stress not on matters of
doctrine but on conduct becoming honest men; but the
wellbeing of the world was the concern of the Devas

who had their Devalayas at the Capital as Protectors of
the Kingdom and Guardians of the Dharma: the sover
eignity of Sinhale could not be divorced from the
presence of the Danta Dhatu and the Balma (Over
36
seeing) of the Devas. With much tact he set about
arranging for the return of the sacred objects but the
Bhikkhus were, both nervous and suspicious. The
soldiers had got out of hand and robberies were so
frequent that on 15th. March a General Order was
issued " intended to prevent the alarming possibility
of those predatory practices from which invading
troops are so hard to be restrained.'" The Bhikkhus
were apprehensive that the Relic itself might be seized
and carried away or the Alatti women who waved the
chamara on either side of it, maltreated, and freely
expressed their, view that a Sinhalese King was es
sential for the security of religion. Under any cir
cumstances the Relic could not be brought back till
the Maligava was refitted with everything needed for
the daily ritual of worship. The gold vessels, jewelled
ornaments, and other objects of special value had been
removed to one of its villages, Pitigoda in Dumbara,
close to Kimbulgantota, the ferry leadingfrom Heva.ha.ta
to Vendaruva, where Captain Mutaliph's men who
were searching for the King's vastuva, seized them
37
and mixed them with the latter.
Proceedings for their restoration were com
menced, but the members of the Army Prize
Committee who were the judges insisted on strict proof
of title and it was found not easy to satisfy a Court
so strongly interested in the result. There was much
wrangling and the fight was keenest over a chain, the
choicest among Kirti Sri Raja Sinha's many offerings
to the Shrine, weighing with its Bird pendant three and
half pounds ; Mackay however, who was less interested
in its beauty than its desirability as Prize, exaggerated
when he declared "it is impossible to form any estimate
of its value here ; intrinsically it is certainly worth two
of the celebrated Pitt diamond." Brownrigg was
forced to interfere and decide in favour of the Maligava,

but the inquiry dragged on till at length he ordered
the loan of the vessels on the Adikars' written under
taking to return them within ten days if demanded,
particulars being obtained from the Lekam mitiya
(register) in charge of Aladeniya Kariyakaranna.
They were responsible for celebrations of this nature
and began their arrangements ; but the date fixed had
to be postponed at the last moment to the 7th of
April because a bull died within the precincts of one
of the Devalayas ; for death brings pollution, and
so strictly was ceremonial purity enforced that a
tenant of Malgammana, the village which supplied
the Maligava and four Devalayas with jasmine flowers
for the daily offerings, was degraded and deprived of
his holding because he had touched a corpse. In this
instance the purificatory ceremonies occupied a
38
week.
Meanwhile Ahalepola was holding a Mataka
Danaya in memory of the members of his family who
had been executed. During several days he provided
meals for twenty Bhikkhus who were escorted to his
house with much ceremony, for Buddhists are taught
that weeping, lamentation and sorrow cannot benefit
the dead, but alms will profit them (as brimming rivers
fill the seas) and secure their re-birth in the world
of gods or men. The Maligava was now decorated
with ramba toran (arches formed of entire banana trees
with their bunches of fruit and green leaves but
stripped of the outer bark), festoons of ivory-coloured
tender coconut leaves, and fragrant areka flowers,
an exquisite introduction to the magnificence of the
small sanctuary. Everything was ready when on the
last evening word was brought that the Dalada was
still so far away that it could not possibly arrive at
the ridkata, the fortunate moment fixed by the astrolo
gers, who measured time by the p'd tdtiya, the Indian
ghari, a metal bowl with a fine perforation at the base
which when placed in a vessel of water, filled and
sank to the bottom in the sixtieth part of a day,
making a pay a of twenty four minutes. In everyday

life a Sinhalese judged the time by the length of his
shadow in the sunlight. Watches were almost
unknown even among the Chiefs though Ahalepola
probably had with him one in a gold case made
for presenting to the King, which showed the -thirty
pay a in Sinhalese numerals. Variagama, who was in
closer touch with Colombo than most of the other
Chiefs, had also owned one which he lost by entrusting
it to a man of Kalutara for repairs. Pa Suttre, hour
machine, was the name given to a clock.
The Devas however were already at Gannoruva
and the next morning Molligoda set out to receive
them heralded by his kasakarayo. Their whips
were supplied by the Kinnara Badda, now in charge
39
of Madugalla, Uda Gabada. Nilame, ; this small "
and humble group supplied mats for the Royal Stores,
plaited reed articles for the kitchen, and palm leaves
for writing on. There are few incidents in the social,
religious, or political life of the Sinhalese where the •
beravaya (drummer) is not essential, but it is in religious
ceremonial that his contribution is the largest. The
note of his tammattama at the pujdva in some Viharaya
heard over many miles in the hill country, possesses
much of the feeling of the human voice and fits in
perfect harmony with the setting of alternating hamlet
and forest-covered mountain, where the clang of a
metal bell would be discordant and unrestful. It
is difficult to conceive a device better calculated to
quicken the emotions of a multitude assembled for
a common purpose than the throb of a number of
these played in unison. The best sheepskins for
covering them were obtained from Colombo. The men
of the Department formed the Maha Badda and were
under a Nilame, the title proper to officers appointed
by the King and enjoying the right to appear before
him at the Magul Maduva. Ihagama now filled the
post and those of his men whose rajakariya was to
serve at public functions were marshalled in the
procession, while from Velata a company of British

troops with its band provided a guard of honour.
The Disapati varu, with the headmen, kcdi
(banners) and sinharama (drums) of their Provinces,
and the Lekamala. of the great Departments, led the
way, followed b y the Golden Bow of the Natha Deviyo
within a ranhilige (a cupola on four gilt pillars ;
Sri Vikrama had presented one to each of the four
Devalayas) carried by an elephant supported by a
smaller one on each side attended by the Basnayaka
40
Nilame, Halangoda, and other officials. The emb
lems of Vishnu, Kataragama and Pattini followed in
that order with the proper Basnayaka Nilamevaru
—Levuke, Gonigoda and Muddanepola—and after
them the ran doli (palanquins) conveying the consorts
of the Devas and the sacred vessels, with attendants
and Alatti women. The procession advanced by
Katukale and Mulgampola to Hapugaha Kadavata
where the Resident j oined the Adikars and other Chiefs.
At last it reached the Maha Maluva and the elephants
passing through the two archways amidst the coconut
palms and aged bo gas round the Natha Devalaya,
halted opposite their respective shrines.
Belief in the Divinity of the King, perhaps the
earliest of religious faiths, was with the Sinhalese a
living force permeating the entire political constitu
tion. The godship resulting from his abhiseka called
into being an etiquette to regulate the relations bet
ween the god-among-men, the Nara Deviyo, and his
subjects; his name like the Manchu Emperor's might
not be uttered and he was referred to as Maha Vasala
(Great House) which was also the meaning of the
Egyptian title Pharaoh : to touch or breathe on him
was sacrilege ; from him they expected justice and
protection, yielding him their homage in return.
" It will not be a sin to address as Gods Kings of my
lineage " wrote Raja Sinha on 5th September 1652
to the Dutch Company's Governor at Galle. " When
they gave me the rule of this my empire, they gave
me together with it the title of God of the Country."

General Stuart, writing to Raja Adb.ira.ja Sinha on
22nd June 1796, addressed him as "God of the Island
of Ceylon" and Cordiner pointed out that the King
after his election was treated as a divinity.
The Natha Devalaya, built of stone in the manner
of a Hindu Shrine, but crowned with a dome shaped
after the Buddhist stupa, was the oldest historical
building in Maha Nuvara. It dated back to the
fourteenth century, when Mahayana Buddhism had
obtained a strong hold over the Island; for Natha
can be identified with the Bodhisathva Avalokites-
vara. Lithic records establish the fact that Senkada-
gala was the centre of his cult before it attained politi
cal importance as a capital. Vishnu was identified
with the Sinhalese Upulvan, to whose charge it was
devoutly believed Sekraya had entrusted the protec
tion of the Buddha Sasana. The chief centre of his
worship was at Devi Nuvara in the extreme south,
whence it was transferred to Alut Nuvara in Satara
Korale, the devalaya there being described in the
Portuguese Tombo of 1614 as Naraina's (the God
being also known as Narayana). During the warfare
which followed the deaths of Ra Siha Deviyo and
Dharmapaia his Abharana were removed for safety
to Maha Nuvara, where the Danta Dhatu also was
brought from its temporary home at Delgamuva in
Kuruviti Korale. When Knox watched the Perahara
the God was still known as Alut Nuvara Deviyo, and
the endowments of the older institution appear to have
been amalgamated with those of the new.
The open space stretching from the Vahalkada,
gateway, of the King's residence to those of the
Natha Deviyo and Vishnu Deviyo was held in peculiar
41
veneration : it was the Deva Sanhinda on which
the three protecting Devivaru could together blend
their vision from where they rested. There the Chiefs
grouped themselves in due order till the report of a
kodi iuvakku announced the n'dkata. The Kapu ralala
were waiting ; they had abstained from all impure

food for several days, bathed in water in which sandal,
turmeric, and lime juice were mixed, and dressed them
selves in white cotton, the emblem of purity, discard
ing everything of leather, for that was tainted with
death. Their faces were veiled with a mukavadam
patiya, a narrow band of white muslin fastened over
the mouth. Receiving the Abharana on bulat leaves
with their hands wrapped in muslin, they moved
swiftly, placing each step on the ground with meticulous
care to avoid any ill-omened slip, and bore them within
the sanctuaries, while the guns in the Maha Maluva
were fired in salute. None else entered, for ritual was
their exclusive concern, and even the Basnayaka
Nilame, responsible for a Devalaya's temporal affairs,
might not interfere.
Ahalepola did not join in the procession ; the day
before he mentioned to D'Oyly that a sore foot made
walking difficult, but while the concourse moved on he
followed on horseback as the King had been accustom
ed to do. D'Oyly stopped and sent to ascertain if
he wished to join them, and received the reply that
the Maha Nilame could not go with that Tail.®
Immediately before the N'dkata he sent word inquiring
whether he could return home as he was indisposed
and had no duties to perform, and was informed that
there was no objection to his doing so. The Chiefs
expressed strong resentment and complained to
D'Oyly of his violation of Custom.
The next evening at the Maligava D'Oyly dis
tributed the panduru (offerings) customarily sent to
the Four Devalayas; they were prepared with scrupul
ous purity and he personally handed each bundle to
the Appuhamilla whose duty it was to carry them to
their destinations. He took the opportunity to assure
the Kapu ralala that the British would protect the
religion of Buddha and of the Devas and asked them
to pray for the favour of the latter on the British and
all other inhabitants of the Island. They replied that
Sekraya had placed the country under Vishnu's protec

tion and as their Chiefs told them that the British
Government now ruled it, they would continue to fulfil
their obligations and pray for the welfare and pros
perity of all the inhabitants ; but to enable them to
do so they must be certain of British support, which
D'Oyly assured them they would receive. The pan-
duru were then removed under viyantattu (canopies
borne by four men) with mutukuda (parasols), two
chiefs being delegated to make the offering at each
Devalaya.
The Avurudu Mangalya (New Year Festival),
the chief social festival of the Sinhalese, was drawing
near and the Maligava and Dakina Mandape were
again decorated for the occasion under the Adikars'
directions. Healing is an attribute of Avalokitesvara
and D'Oyly joined them at the Natha Devalaya where
the Betge Muhandiram, Chief over the King's Physi
cians and Medical Stores, with thirty men of his
Department, sorted drugs and leaves for the Bit
Diyara (medicinal water) which was prepared with
minute observance of ritual. The decoction was
poured into small earthen pots, the mouth of each
being covered with a banana leaf over which a piece
of cloth was spread and secured by a band sealed with
wax provided by the Hangidiyas of Hapuvida in
Matale, a branch of the Smiths of Satara KSrale, who
were under Allepola. Two of the pots were sent the
next morning with much ceremony to each place of
worship and six on an earthen platter to the Resident.
On the n t h all met again at the Magul Maduva ;
two silver vessels containing respectively bet diyara
and pure water were placed on a table spread with
white linen and two wax candles were arranged to
wards the rising sun. A kondagam (tassel) which the
Hannali (who stitched the King's clothes) had made
the previous evening from kohomba leaves and cloth,
was suspended from above. As the hevisi from Natha
Devalaya announced the nakata, Ahalepola stepped
under it on a piyum (lotus) of kolom leaves and cloth.
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 4?
Facing East and dipping a finger of the right hand in

the bet diyara he anointed his right forehead and
temple and then washed the parts with the fresh water,
the rest of the Great Chiefs in turn following his
example. The Festival continued till the 14th of the
month.
From the nature of their clothes the average
Sinhalese man and woman had little need of the tailor
and Hannah were few in number ; they can be identi
fied as the alfaiates who figure occasionally in the
Portuguese Tombo ; one gave yearly a large bolster,
travesseiro, worth half a larin to Akaragane Kumari-
hami, while another at the Devalaya village of Holom-
buva supplied a cushion, almofada, of red cloth stuffed
with cotton. Ambakumbura in Paranaktiru Korale
was the paravenia of two of these men.
A picturesque figure, Kumarasinha Vanniya,
(Nagara Vanniya in English documents) now arrived ;
his family was considered to have almost a hereditary
right over the Nuvara Vava district, and the Vanni
Unnahe.like a Disava Mohottala, attended to the duties
of the Disava of Nuvara Kalavaya when absent from
the Province. His father, who was executed in 1805,
left two wives with children by each, and in spite of
several inquiries during the King's time disputes about
the rights of the two families still continued between
him and his brother Vannisinha, otherwise Kuda, Mudi-
yanse, who appealed to the English for a final decision.
He was a refugee in Manar at the time of the Expedition
and by a talpat written in Tamil and signed Suriyakula
Kumarasinha Vanniya, he warned the Collector that
according to rumour the Chiefs were planning to entice
43
them into difficult country and then fall upon them.
The Prize Court was still busy with the Maligava
claims and on the 13th D'Oyly entertained the
Bhikkhus attending the inquiry to a Danaya, their
one solid meal for the day eaten in the forenoon.
Paymaster C. Marriott's Accounts furnish details of
what was provided daily for Sri Vikrama's kitchen in
3
C ^ c£>«3ss gife»$s!)3(%c$
his exile. The list includes mutton, pork, chicken,

eggs, milk, butter, ghi, curd, and salt fish ; various
kinds of rice and gram ; numerous condiments ; many
vegetables, bananas, tender coconuts, pine apples,
jak, oranges, citrons (Jambola?) dried dates and
kaju nuts ; candy, sugar, jaggery, honey and some
wheat. His subjects lived very simply and a substan
tial householder's normal food consisted of boiled rice
and vegetables cooked with little art but chosen with
much knowledge of their virtues which are now recog
nised as vitamins. M'dllun, finely shredded green leaves
seasoned with condiments and gently heated,were a
palatable and nourishing accompaniment, which the
poorest could afford and the wealthiest enjoyed.
Meat would be represented by occasional wild game,
a tenant being obliged to give his landlord the gan
gate, which was the hind and foreleg of every deer
and boar killed in his holding, and dried venison
from the Vadi Rata. Goats did not thrive in the wet
regions, pigs were not common, and only outcastes
ate beef. Sea fish salted, dried or pickled, brought
by tavalams, was in great demand, but with the sea
board in foreign hands few had the opportunity of
eating it fresh. It is worth noting that fifteen families
of Karavo at Negumbo supplied Ra Siha Deviyo's
kitchen at Sltavaka daily with fresh fish which they
carried in pingos by relays, receiving their meals while
at work. Ten fishers, Pescadores, of Bolgoda rendered
a like service to Dharmapala, for whom two Durayas
and nine Pescadores of the gabadagama of Deltara in
Salpiti Korale supplied also twelve large fish every
month. Among the people in general there was a
strong feeling against killing the fish in rivers and
streams.
44
D'Oyly's dhunaya, consisting of four varieties of
rice, thirty one curries and twelve kinds of avulpat, cakes,
for which last the Kottaha Lekama was responsible,
was prepared at the Vasala in the best manner known

there. In the King's time such a meal would have
been served in the original Magul Maduva which stood
by the side of the later building, but the Pattirippuva
was used on this occasion. The guests, after washing
their mouths and right hands (which alone are employ
ed in eating) sat down on mats spread on the ground ;
benches and roughly made tables were provided at the
Palace when ambassadors were entertained ; to com
mence eating while any remained unserved would be
a breach of good manners and silence must be main
tained during the meal. The curries were tasted
separately each on a fresh banana leaf with a freshhelp-
ing of rice, and the usual drink was water. This was
poured into the mouth from the spout of a Kendiya
held a little above the face level, for the insanitary
habit of drinking out of a vessel which another's hps
had touched was viewed with repugnance. The
kendiya was filled from the base and by an ingenious
device could only be emptied through the spout.
When the eating was concluded the teeth and hands
were carefully washed after which a metal stand was
handed round with the essential bulat leaves (called
d'dh'dt when offered to a Bhikkhu) of which Knox
wrote " When I came to India I used to eat it with
delight." As Kobbakaduva could not attend owing
to his poor health a portion was sent to him at his
Pansala. At the conclusion of such a dhanaya a lead
ing guest addressing the assembly reminds them that
the merit of offering food is great, for it is food which
brings colour to the face, comfort and strength to body
and mind, and increase of years to life. The Bhik
khus thereupon give expression to their gratitude to
their host:—May he be born in the six realms of the
Devas : when reborn among men may he obtain all
desirable possessions. . . gardens and fields, gold and
raiment, pleasant food and drink and well-being like
that of a Prince of the Line of Maha Sammata : May
•60 SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
he behold the Maitri Buddha and by giving ear to his

teaching, be brought into the way which leads to
Nirvana.
The delay over the Relic was due not only to
the nervousness of the Bhikkhus but also to friction
between them and the Chiefs; Kobbakaduva complain
ed that they were assuming dresses and privileges for
which there was no warrant, and that though he
was entitled to be consulted in all matters affecting
the Dalada, the new Maligava Diyavadana Nilame,
Kapuvatta, was acting without reference to him.
D'Oyly had to remind the latter that such an omis
sion was improper. By this time the Relic had been
brought from Pusulpitiya, amidst the fastnesses of
Kotmale, to Hindagala, both Viharagam belonging
to the Padaviya (See) of Malvatta, the appointments
to their Viharayas being in the gift of the Nayaka
Unnanse. At last on Sunday the 24th of April it
started on the last stage of its journey over a road
purified and sprinkled with white sand, a task towards
which the Malays at Katukale and the Sinhalese
from the Settlements also contributed their labour.
This Colony of Malays included many from the
British army who had entered the King's service ;
when Asana Mohundiram and the others implicated
in Pilima Talavva's conspiracy fled back to the Coast,
their vacant holdings were given by the Nayakers to
Moormen. In March 1813 the risk of allowing the
remaining Malays to correspond freely with their
friends in British territory was considered and by the
King's orders their Captain, Kuppen, selected all the
suspects, who with_their families, were sent outside
the limits of Sinhale, money for their expenses on the
road being supplied to them.
There must have been many among the specta
tors who as children had watched Kirti Sri Raj a Sinha
with imposing ceremonial transfer the Relic to the
new Dalada ge which he had built. In a procession
elephants contribute a note of dignity which is not

easily rivalled; the Gajanayaka Nilame, Chief over
the people of the Elephant Stables Department,
(a highly honourable office now held by the elder
Madugalla) provided the animals for ceremonials like
45
this, and a number of tusked elephants led the van.
The Nayaka Unnanse came behind them with a
hundred and fifty Bhikkhus, an image, sixty banners,
musicians, dancers, Pallegampaha with his whips and
two hundred headmen, jingals, Sinhalese drums, and
the regimental music. Five other tusked elephants,
walking abreast, came next; the centre one, with
tusks encased in gilt sheaths, carried the Dalada,
and on the other four rode attendants with mutu kuda
and chdmara, insignia of the highest honour. Behind
these walked Udu Gampaha (the Diya vadana Nilame)
with his whips and headmen, accompanied by the
Resident, and followed by six more elephants carrying
images. No Sinhalese who could afford to leave his
home would fail to attend on an occasion like this and
the crowd which completed the procession was enor
mous. A t the end of it all Ahalepola once again
appeared on horseback, still pleading his inability to
walk.
Salvos were fired from Kdoituvakku and artillery
on reaching the Maligava, and at the ridkata fixed by
the King's favourite astrologer, Pananvala Ganitaya
of Tibbotumulla, attendants with mukaiddam pati
lowered the Dalada from the elephant's back and
carried it within over the drawbridge. Chiefs and
Bhikkhus followed and D'Oyly was invited within
the sanctuary, for the exclusiveness of Devalaya ritual
did not attend the bodily Relic of the very human
Teacher. Removing his shoes he entered and at the
shrine announced that he had an offering to make on
behalf of their new King's representative. His hands
46
were laved in the Suddha pan (purified water)
used by those ministering at the shrine, and in the
47
Governor's name he offered a musical clock which
had been brought out in Maitland's time as a present
to Sri Vikrama.
A pahan pujdva (Offering of Lights) followed,
the square in front of the Vasala being decorated
with innumerable lighted wicks, pan pili, in coconut
shells or small clay lamps fed with coconut oil, and
pdya hevisi sabda pujdva (the Offering of Music)
48
continued without cessation till the following noon.
That night with deep relief D'Oyly wrote to
Brownrigg " We have this day obtained the surest
proof of the confidence of the Kandyan nation and
their Acquiescence in the Dominion of the British
49
Government."
Chapter II.
The new territory was not annexed to the. Settle

ments but constituted a separate entity and business
was organised accordingly. Since D'Oyly on being
appointed Chief Translator in 1805 took over from
the Maha Mudaliyar the correspondence with the
Court, he kept his records apart from the Chief Secre
tary's ; that arrangement was continued and a new
post of Secretary for the Kandyan Provinces created
and entrusted to James Sutherland—a Scotsman once
practising as an Attorney in Madras and at this time
Secretary for the Law Department. Two Assistants
with a suitable staff were added to the Residency
while a small Committee drafted an independent
system of Accounts. Colombo was the main avenue
of communication with all parts of Sinhale and the
Collector there, W. H. Kerr, who had been largely
responsible for the transport arrangements of the
Expedition, was in charge of the tappal, mail, which
runners conveyed eighty-four miles to the Residence
by way of Kurunagala within forty-eight hours.
Originally Headmen provided them as a gratuitous
service due to Government but by an order of 14th
December, 1805, remuneration was promised in the
case of the more remote districts. Kerr had much
to do with Sat Korale and Tun Korale as well and
was appointed Kandyan Agent at Colombo in addi
tion to his other duties, with an increase of salary.
The Sinhalese, absorbed in producing food for
their families, showed as little interest in the change
of sovereignty as when on 29th May, 1597, at the
Convention of Malvana they accepted Philip of
1
Spain as successor to Dharmapala. The Chiefs
appeared quite friendly but Brownrigg, a professional
soldier accustomed to the rigidity and promptness of
military administration, found much to criticise in
the mariner in which they discharged their duties.

In accordance with custom and on the Adikars' advice
the Disavas continued to reside at Maha Nuvara,
with the result that the charge of their Provinces
was left to an unduly large extent with the Disave
Mohottalala appointed by them who ranked im
mediately aiter them. Disorganisation was soon evi
dent and unrest was reported from Uva and Vellassa.
The Chiefs were responsible for providing the stores
needed in the King's service, erecting public buildings
and maintaining the mammavat (roads), but the requisi
tions made on them to satisfy military exigencies were
very different from what the existing organisation was
intended to meet and resulted in complaints of delay
and indifference which were hardly just.
Under the system (which resembled what was
termed pakka in South India) an Officer in charge
of a District and responsible for the revenue at which
it was assessed, paid a fixed sum to the Ruler as tribute
and kept the excess collected for himself, appointing
all his subordinates each of whom paid a fixed sum on
nomination. Brownrigg had little knowledge and
less appreciation of the practice; no doubt he was
strongly influenced by the views of those who in his
own country were waging war on the shameful traffic
in Parliamentary seats with its attendant scandals
of the sale of public offices, and was unable to dissoci
ate a money payment which was a condition of an
appointment, from the idea of corruption. Fortu
nately D'Oyly was better informed and explained to
the Governor what the custom was, in the following
Minute : —
" All the offices under the Disava are supposed
to be annual and at the commencement of the New
Year new Persons are nominated or the former officers
reappointed. There are fixed sums of money which
according to custom are payable to the Disavas
upon each appointment but it frequently occurred
under the late Government that the appointments
were purchased from the Disavas by larger sums than
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS &5
authorised by Custom. These fixed legal payments,

which are in fact annual tributes paid by the People
(for these officers receive in their turn Proportional
tribute from their Inferiors) must of course be con
tinued, but I have enjoined all the Chiefs to receive
on no account more than the fixed amount, nor to
allow the officers under them to do so. I have required
also and I hope shortly to lay before Your Excellency
a statement of the sums payable for the several
offices according to ancient Custom. I hear there
was such a list among the Treasury olas which is not
2
now to be found."
It did not contemplate the sale of appointments;
the payments were a well-regulated liability, and the
natural corollary to the privilege which the appointee
would enjoy of receiving various fixed dues. The
Collectors in the Settlements received a commission
of two per cent, of their total collections. Brownrigg
similarly failed to understand the system of •penum,
a word unfortunately treated as equivalent to the
English term " present." He was probably unaware
that according to the etiquette of India and Ceylon,
on proper occasions a superior should not be
approached with empty hands, the " present" being
in fact conveyed with an amount of display propor
tioned to the status of the party tendering it. Camp
bell has recorded how when acting in a judicial
capacity, both the parties to a case would bring him
" some of the finest fruits they could procure, accord
ing to the custom of the country; which I received
from them in proof of my intention to act fairly
and impartially." This was quite different from
secret bribery, which no doubt was as common as in
other parts of the world. But a Bulat Surula, as it
was called, given for the purpose of obtaining the ful
filment of one's desire, could be reclaimed where that
object was not attained ; the position clearly appears
in the record of the proceedings which took place on
21st December 1816 before the Judicial Commissioner
whose appointment will be mentioned later.
Court: Then the land was given by your

father as a Boulat Soorooloo in an
other cause and as by the Custom
of the Country Boulat Soorooloos
are returned when the person who
gives them does not gain his suit,
you claim the lands back as you
did not gain your cause ?
Answer: Exactly so ; such is always the
custom.
It was also mentioned before the same Tribunal on
25th March 1817 that Makandura Mohottala had
transferred Ganegoda to Dumbara Migastanna Adikar
when Disava of Saparagamuva as a bulat surula for the
office of Basnayaka Rala, which was in due course
conferred on him ; the Adikar later gave the village to
the Nayaka of Malvatta Viharaya. Litigation follow
ed and the matter came before the King who confirmed
the arrangement on the ground that no money had
been paid as Bulat Surulla.
The Chiefs had their own difficulties ; the people
were accustomed to a King who lived amongst them
and watched over their interests and to whom they
could appeal for justice by prostrating themselves
when he appeared at his window, or striking the
gantare (bell) hanging near the Natha Devalaya oppo
site the Vaialliye Linda, well of water. He was the
essential symbol of their national identity ; the Father
of his people, severe, but just and impartial;
responsible for the maintenance of their inherited*
Sirit Charitra, on which their happiness and evenness
of life depended and beyond which they had no
ambitions. Kingship was the one stable factor in
their political outlook, and it was therefore incumbent
on them to provide what was necessary for its main
tenance. Without Kingship the picture faded away ;
the British supplied nothing to take its place and the
immediate result was an unwillingness to pay revenues
or tender services intended for the King. No attempt
had. been made to bring home to the people at large

the nature of the change created by the Treaty. In
a Minute of 29th April D'Oyly pointed out that
beyond doubt the people had little understanding of
what had occurred ; the terms of the Treaty should
be widely published throughout the country, together
with a summons to the Sinhalese " to perform their
obligatory services and pay the Royal dues and Reve
nue to His Majesty the King of Great Britain according
to established Institutions and lawful Customs, and
further in their respective ranks and situations to
yield obedience to the Adikars, Disavas, and all other
Chiefs who have been lawfully appointed over them
by authority of the British Government." They were
unaware who had undertaken the responsibility of
acting as the Country's representatives in the momen
tous transaction, and he continued " I think it further
important that they should see the signatures of all
their Principal Chiefs subscribed to it and know that
without the violation of solemn faith they can attempt
nothing hereafter derogatory to the supremacy of the
British Government."
On the 1st of May Brownrigg approved of his
proposals. He erred when he did not pause to reflect
that practices which under the watchful eyes of a
King with unlimited power to remove officials who
abused their position had for so long satisfied Sinha
lese needs could not be altogether evil, and that any
system however seemingly excellent was liable to
break down in the absence of supervision. The
remedy which suggested itself to him was to increase
the Establishment of British officials by stationing
Civilians in the Provinces, and in a Minute of 28th
April he set out what he considered the existing de
fects and formulated his proposals for remedying them.
But D'Oyly was cautious and refused to be hurried
into ill-considered decisions. When on the 6th of
March he wrote acknowledging his appointment as
Accredited Agent, he added My best exertions shall
never be wanting in the Attempt to establish His

Majesty's Government upon its surest Basis, in the
Affections of the Kandyan Nation ." It is no dis
credit to the English in general to say that they did
not feel they had anything in common with the
Sinhalese, and very few would have appreciated his
sentiments.
In a well-reasoned reply he discussed the Gover
nor's suggestions. Brownrigg had criticised the polic
ing of Maha Nuvara. Good order among the Sinhalese
was not the result of fear, and did not depend on the
backing of a standing army or a semi-military police;
public opinion was sufficient to enforce the observance
of the sirit charitra which regulated the actions of
respectable men, and their breach drew on the offender
the censure of his community. The Adikars were
responsible for the maintenance of order in the Capital
which for the purpose was divided into two by the
street Svarna Kalyana Vithiya. Each maintained a
small staff to patrol the streets of bis half at nine
3
o'clock at night, sounding a metal hekanda (appa
rently a gong) as described by Pybus in 1762. Any
one found loitering about after that was liable to be
locked up in the maha hit age (great house of detention)
in charge of the r'dkavallo (guards). The practice, it
will be noted, closely resembled what was prescribed
for the Patrols in the Pettah of Colombo by the
Regulation 14 of 1806. At one time under Sri Vik
rama all natives of the Pata Rata. Disavas (namely the
Korala Tuna, Satara and Sat Korales, and Sapara-
gamuwa) as well as all Moors were obliged to leave the
town at sunset and withdraw beyond Katukale
Kadavata, only returning after sunrise. These simple
arrangements were effective enotigh while the King
was in his Vasala and the population numbered three
thousand at most; but fresh problems arose with the
presence of the military and their numerous followers
drawn from the most lawless elements in the Settle
ments.
There had recently been three cases of arson,

but that was hardly sufficient reason for charging the
Adikars with incompetence or radically changing
existing arrangements, argued D'Oyly, who advised
strengthening the patrols by attaching a couple of
soldiers to each. He considered the allegations grossly
exaggerated, though it would be a miracle if serious
unsettlement did not follow the recent revolutionary
change. The agitation in Vellassa originated in the
alarm caused by the troops, and confidence would
speedily follow their withdrawal and the restoration of
what they had plundered. The Disavas responsible
for order within their Provinces were hampered by
their enforced absence which was being immediately
terminated. The King's treasures, he pointed out,
had been dispersed for security through nearly every
village, concealed in public and private buildings,
caves and fores.ts, or buried underground; there was
consequently every incentive to plunder and robbery
but before long the excitement would subside and the
people return to their normal occupations. None the
less, whatever the effect of the Disavas' presence,
occasional visits by Civilians to investigate wrongs and
gather information were undoubtedly desirable and
two out of his three Assistants could attend to this,
but he was strongly opposed to any permanent increase
of personnel, for he was convinced the revenue would
not be able to bear the additional charge for many
years to come. Brownrigg replied that the expense
would be well repaid by the resulting gain in knowledge
and advised Bathurst to send two Civil servants of
maturer years than was usual, if possible with special
training for their future work. As a knowledge of
Sinhalese was essential he suggested that Louis de
Saram, the Second Maha Mudaliyar's, son, then being
educated in England at the public expense, might
return with them and teach them the rudiments of
4
the language during the voyage.
Samuel Sawers, Collector of Batticalo—where

5
his wife died on the second of the previous October —
was preparing to start for Maha Nuvara as First Assist
ant to the Resident when he received a letter dated
22nd April, instructing him to proceed to Badulla
by way of Kataragama in the capacity of " Accredited
Agent of the British Government in the Province of
Ouva during the absence of Mr. D'Oyly thence."
His salary was fixed at £1,000. There was difficulty
in finding a qualified Interpreter but finally David
de Alwis Mohundiram was selected and left Kalutara
6
on 22nd May, to meet him at Hambantota, at this
time a penal settlement for convicted prisoners.
A situation demanding much tact awaited Sawers,
for no one quite understood how the substitution of
a foreign King affected the Chiefs' status. Repre
sentations were made to Brownrigg at Ruvanaila
while on his way back to Colombo that the Mohot-
talala. were in doubt as to whether they would be
acting correctly in carrying out their Disava's orders
without the Resident's sanction, and the people were
in similar doubt about the Mohottalala's orders, and
he made it clear that " the ordinary gradations of
7
command remained unchanged." Now in his Secret
and Confidential Instructions he directed Sawers to
support the Disava in his official duties and open a
regular channel for bringing causes of complaint to
the Resident's notice : his main object should be to
win the people's confidence while acting in open
communication and concurrence with the Disava
and Headmen, to whom all proper attentions, honours
and marks of respect were to be scrupulously paid.
In view of his ability, experience—he had served for
ten years as Collector and Magistrate in various parts
of the Settlements - conciliatory manners and prud
ence, Brownrigg thought that he would be able to
restore order and confidence and see that the burden
of public service did not fall too heavily on people who
had voluntarily accepted British authority.
All was not well in Uva. The Fourth Division

had got out of hand and, greedy for prize, detachments
had overrun it in all directions, treating it like some
enemy country: oppression, violence and alarm were the
result, as Brownrigg complained. By his Proclamation
of i i t h February 1815 he had promised that "Priests
of all religions, their places of worship, and the effects
of their Churches, will be held sacred/' Accepting
the assurance with simple faith, the people made no
attempt to conceal what belonged to their places of
worship ; consternation and then terror followed when
they found the military tying the attendants to trees,
maltreating them, and plundering everything on which
they could lay hands. Valuables from the Ruhunu
Maha Kataragama Devalaya. (Dutu Gemunu had
built a place of worship at this site) had been removed
for safety to Horabokka, a village dedicated by Raja
Sinha, and these were robbed on 18th March by a
detachment under the Malay Captain Buncoos of the
First Ceylon Regiment sent for the purpose by Captain
Wheeler from Vallavaya. Happily the Mahayana
ninth century figures, fifty feet and more in height,
carved in high relief on the rocks of Buduruve gala
eight miles beyond the military post, escaped his
notice.
Bogoda Viharaya (still approached by the roofed
wooden bridge of this period) and Alia Viharaya,
were also plundered. The Kataragama Devalaya
at Badulla was held in great veneration ; the original
building was burnt down by Constantino de Sa in
1630, and his destruction with his army at Vallavaya
which followed, considerably enhanced the reputation
of the shrine, which was restored and re-endowed by
Raja Sinha on a scale of magnificence. The images
within it were now defaced and the elephants belonging
to it seized. Houses of private individuals like Tal-
dena and Godagedara Mohottala were not spared.
Mullegama, once Disava of Valapane, was the King's
Disava of Navayodum Korale at the time of the
Expedition and he supported the British; hisindigna-
tion therefore was bitter when the troops plundered

his house at Viyaluva in Valapane and took away
some of his most treasured possessions, gifts from the
King, such as the elephant given him for restoring
Buvalikacla Vasala and the horse he received when
sent to suppress Ahalepola's rebellion. A second
horse belonging to him was also taken ; this had been
offered by Ahalepola to the Saman Deviyo at Sapara-
gamuva in the hope of securing that deity's blessing
for his traitorous enterprise ; on his flight to Colombo
it was confiscated for the Gabadava and also given to
Mullegama. The horses were later sold at Badulla
as prize.
In the case of Katugaha Adikarama, another
victim, though it was suggested that he exaggerated
his losses, yet in view of his extensive influence subs
tantial reparation was advised " as a matter of political
expediency, to conciliate him to our interests." Matta-
magoda Disava at Hatkinda learning that a maraud
ing party was approaching, concealed his family and
property in a cave, where they were traced ; his wife
escaped with some faithful servants but the valuables
were lost. He pressed for compensation and sent in
a detailed inventory valuing them at rix-dollars
16,099.8, (a document of importance for the light
it sheds on the domestic economy of a Chief of wealth.)
What he lamented most was the loss of two copper
Sannas received from Sri Vikrama; Sawers recovered
these from an officer and returned them, with the
convenient suggestion that the plundering by the
English had been preceded by looting on the part
8
of Sinhalese.
Brownrigg displayed less firmness than was desir
able in handling this ugly phase, and following Lord
Wellesley's example at Seringapatarn he authorised an
interim distribution of Prize money. Bathurst how
ever expressed strong disapprobation : and his remarks
show clearly in what light he regarded the Treaty
9
with the Sinhalese.
" It (Seringapatam) was not like the Kingdom of

Kandy transferred to British Dominion by a Conven
tion, or surrendered by a people who hailed the British
Army as their deliverers from oppression, but was taken
by storm after an obstinate resistance. Such a case
cannot form a precedent for the appropriation of
Booty which was neither acquired in the field nor in
defended Fortresses, but which fell into the power of
the Army in consequence of a pacific Convention.
The present indeed is, I believe, the first instance in
which Booty so acquired has been appropriated to the
use of the Captors without the Royal Permission signi
fied." He pointed out that the Army was diverted
by the Prize Agents from military duties to search
for booty " a n d this without reference to the will of
the Commander in Chief, without regard (because
perhaps without knowledge) of the stipulations
entered into with the conquered people." The cap
tured property of the King's enemies vested solely in
the Crown and any claim on behalf of the captors
could only arise from its grant. He severely condemn
ed the steps taken by the Prize Agents to increase
seizures and admonished them of " the great regret
with which His Royal Highness must contemplate a
line of conduct so utterly at variance with military
subordination, and with the character they had acquired
in the previous operations of the War." And he
conveyed to the members of the Prize Committee
" His Royal Highness' marked disapprobation of their
10
proceedings."
Perhaps the draining of the tank on the hill behind
the Vasala at Maha Nuvara by cutting its embank
ment was not unconnected with this hunt for Prize.
Knox recorded the belief current in his time that much
treasure lay concealed in its depths and his book was
familiar to some of the English officials and was quoted
by Brownrigg himself. On 20th July a Reference
was 'addressed to the Resident advising him to replace
the bank as it was desirable to have the tank refilled
with the first rains.
Sawer's entry into Uva was depressing; the four

months of hot dry weather had begun in May and
abandoned villages marked his route, for the inhabi
tants who had removed their families into the forest
refused to return. To a Sinhalese of the better class
handurukama (family honour) was more precious
than life ; as Percival observed " their chief glory is
to keep their high blood uncontaminated " and the
soldiers had acquired so vile a reputation that they
would not expose their women to any risk." How
great was the panic appears from a letter which
Sawers wrote to D'Oyly on the 19th June from
Badulla. " In the course of my journey from Attulah
to this place I did everything in my power to conciliate
the few people of Alupota and Passara' whom I saw,
but I found matters in the same state at those places
and in every village and hamlet that I passed, as I
described them to be at Katteragama, Bootel and
Attula. The majority of people are still in the jungle,
the villages are quite in ruins, and the few people who
are to be seen showed a degree of indifference to the
entreaties I made use of to prevail upon them to bring
back their families and their neighbours to their former
habitations, beyond what can well be conceived."
He took over from Major Hardy, Commissary of the
Interior, the heavy duties of military supply." An
inquiry was opened at Hambantota about the Katara
gama Devalaya outrage and Alauvmulle Mudiyanse,
the Maha Betme. Rala responsible for the administra
tion of its temporalities, was summoned to give evi
dence ; hut he had concealed himself in fear and was
not to be found at his village near Buttala. The
inquiry was continued in Colombo and finally compen
sation was ordered, which raised the question of the
party entitled to receive it. The Disava appointed the
Betme Rala and Kappitipola who was now in his
Province, claiming to have replaced the articles
required for the festival in Asala maha (August)
demanded that payment should be made to himself,
13
in the presence of the Devalaya officials. Buncoos
was later tried by Court martial and punished.
There was serious risk of a conflict of authority
between him and the Agent, for under the Treaty a
Disava's powers were safeguarded without diminution.
Besides being responsible for the Revenue at which
his Province was assessed and the performance of the
Rajakariya to which the inhabitants were liable, he
exercised the highest judicial authority except in the
case of the villages and people subject to the Great
Departments. He controlled the armed forces avail
able for defence and saw to the maintenance of peace,
order and established Custom. Pie initiated new pub
lic works, kept the travel routes and irrigation canals
in proper condition,' and organised the capture of
elephants for tire King. He supervised the adminis
tration of Viharayas and Devalayas which had a royal
foundation, and the performance of the festivals
connected with them. Moreover he attended-to' the
moral welfare of • the people by arranging Pinkamas
and Pirit Bana ; this latter was intended to bring good
fortune and keep away disease, fear and sorrow, and at
least twenty four Bhikkhus were needed for the cere
mony, which consisted in reading the Pirit book with
out intermission for seven days and nights. A maduva
in several stages was generally built for the occasion.
On the evening of the seventh day a devalaya talpat
or written invitation was sent in procession to a
Devalaya inviting the Devas also to attend. There
upon a Kapurala would return with the procession
and after announcing the Deva's presence he • would
invoke a blessing. The Disava. when he was present
usually sat in the maduva on a mat which was spread
for him. Ordeal as a means of obtaining a decision
in legal disputes has been practised in most parts of
the world and in this Island the method chiefly favour
ed was that by hot oil. The procedure was surrounded
with much ritual and could be initiated only on a
divi sittu, a written direction from the Chief having
795—rj
authority, this being the Disava within his Province

14
and an Adikar within the Uda Rata.
The people could not understand Sawers' ano
malous position and Kappitipola punished some head
men for rendering honours to him. Brownrigg
appreciating the delicacy of the situation, pointed out
that the Agent's Commission had not been brought
properly to their notice and suggested that this
should be done with formal ceremonial and an official
title in Sinhalese provided for him, with appropriate
terms of respect to be used in addressing him ; to omit
such honorifics is an act of discourtesy, while their
correct application needs the fine discrimination of
a well-bred man. He also instructed D'Oyly to draw
the Disava's attention to the precedence to which
Sawers was entitled as " a high officer of Government
entrusted with the local representation of His Majesty's
15
interests."
Kappitipola's views regarding the change of
Government were far from flattering and he was
giving expression to them with a degree of frankness
which was not tactful, as when he told David de Alwis
that a Sinhalese King being essential for the country's
well-being, Ahalepola would shortly be raised to that
position and the British authority terminated. Ahale
pola revealed at a later date that the Chiefs at a secret
assembly had already reached agreement on the first
point, thereby correctly voicing the sentiments of
the people. Some of the Customs which it was
Kappitipola's duty to uphold were viewed by the
English not only without sympathy but even with
repugnance. For instance where a woman of good
birth associated with a man of low caste, the honour
of her family could be maintained only by putting
her to death ; this extreme severity had been for
bidden by the Kings, and the milder punishment of
consigning her as a Crown slave to the Atuva at Gam-
pola substituted (though in Saparagamuva the original
penalty was said to have been inflicted within the
memory of men then living). In Uva where some

people severely punished a kinswoman for disgracing
her relatives by permitting her daughter to become a
Malay Officer's mistress, Kappitipola upheld their
action and this, quite unfairly, was made a ground for
16
strong representations against him.
He was entitled to madi hungan, transit duties
at Idalgashinna kadavata at the rate of eight pice
on each pingo of tobacco and onions taken from Uva
to Saparagamuva, a pingo being what a man carried
suspended at the two ends of a resilient lath placed
on his shoulder ; these constituted the chief articles
of trade between the two Provinces. The Littoral'
received its onions from Bombay. Now the Sapara
gamuva people, no doubt encouraged by the favour
with which they were regarded for assisting the British,
refused to pay the duty and broke down the kadavata,
whereupon the Disava, who was liable to pay a fixed
yearly tribute to the Aramuclala out of the collections,
15
laid a total embargo on the traffic. ' This assertion
of authority was disconcerting to the Agent, while the
impatience and often unreasonableness of military
officers, whose men were quartered in flimsy straw-
thatched buildings, were not conducive to the smooth
18
working of the administrative machine.
Sawers starting on his main task of collecting the
King's dues, was soon involved in a mass of seemingly
inextricable detail. Coconuts were not plentiful in
U v a ; even in Saparagamuva a plantation of 2,000
trees, like Alapata's Balibat tota near Batugedara,
was exceptional. Its oil, generally obtained by boiling
the grated nut with water (the supply being too small
for employing the South India chekku, stone mill)
was a luxury to most of the people, who used what was
obtained from kekuna and other oil-yielding ntits by
pressing them in a cane bag with a wooden lever ;
to collect and extract oil from these latter was the
td rdjakariya due to the King from Uva. His five
coconut gardens at Badulla supplied his Gabadava
with oil, but the troops had stripped the trees of fruit
and branches so that they would yield nothing for
many months. Sawers therefore recommended that
.the flowers of six hundred trees which were found
19
suitable should be tapped for distilling arrack.
There was distress owing to the scarcity of salt,
the need for which among human beings is greatest
among those living in a hot climate on a predominantly
vegetarian diet. Uva drew her supplies from the
levayas (natural salt pans) near Hambantota and their
control had been the object of every European race
with designs upon the country. Influential people
hoarded it for its high value, while in parts of the pro
vince moneyless villagers were said not to have seen
it for four or five years. Kappitipola's announce
ment that the Agent intended to open a salt bazaar
at Badulla was therefore received with delight and
went far to make that official's existence generally
20
known.
The Sinhalese tradition of peacefulness and orderly
life was not yet interrupted ; violent crime was so rare
that up to the 26th September only two cases of
homicide were reported in the Province, one by traders
from the Settlements, and the other resulting from an
21
intrigue with a woman. Premeditated murder in
volving the punishment of death was almost unknown
under Sri Vikrama and a middle-aged informant
22
familiar with the Court told Dr. John D a v y (who
arriving in the Island in 1816 remained there for
four years) that he only recalled five cases during his
lifetime, but infanticide, whether as the result of pover
ty or superstition, was not uncommon, and a Proclama
tion of 25th September 1821 declared that such killing
of a child was punishable as murder and that no plea
of custom would be admitted.
It was the misfortune of the Sinhalese that the
new Administration possessed no one competent to
study and understand the system they had created,
with a view to avoiding ill-considered innovations
which have tended so much to degrade the character

of the race. The principle of justice among the
Sinhalese was not reprisal against the offender but
redress of the economic consequence of his misdeed ;
the British had greater faith in the lash, and regarding
its use by Magistrates, Hardinge Giffard wrote to
Brownrigg on 3rd August 1814 " b y some of them this
horrid punishment has been publicly inflicted on
women." (He suggested shaving the head as a sub
stitute). Charles Marshall, Puisne Justice, in the
course of a short criminal Sessions held at Matara in
1830, sentenced thirty four persons to receive a total
0 1
5>35° lashes in addition to long terms of imprison
ment: Their penal law was notorious for its sangui
nary atrocities ; Blackstone enumerated one hundred
and sixty offences which in his time were punishable
with death in England, and the number had increased
to two hundred by the end of the century. In 1785
ninety six persons were hanged at the Old Bailey alone.
Sawers' sphere of duty included Vellassa and
Bint anna over which Millava had been placed in
charge. This Disava was perhaps the most striking
figure among the Chiefs who signed the Treaty for his
distinction of bearing, his graceful long white beard,
and his height, which surpassed that of every other
of Sri Vikrama's Ministers. He enjoyed a reputation
for scholarship and knowledge of Court precedent,
with which his intellectual face and bright vivacious
23
eyes were in keeping. Molligoda placed much
confidence in him but Ahalepola disliked him and this
perhaps accounted for his not receiving a Province of
greater importance. He found himself faced by a
difficult problem in Vellassa, where a large proportion
of the inhabitants consisted of Moors —a term which,
originally applied to those of Moslem religion who
overran South-west Europe from North Africa, was
extended by the Dutch and English in the. East to
all who professed Islam without distinction of race,
in place of the earlier terms Saracen and Turk.
Moslem influence which entered India from the

North-West hardly affected Ceylon ; on the other
hand the mariners of Arabia and Persia who controlled
the traffic of the Indian Ocean for several centuries
before the Portuguese reached those waters, main
tained an intimate connection with the Island. In
1801 Jonathan Duncan recorded the talk which he
found common on the Malabar Coast about Dervishes
from Arabia travelling through the port of Cranganore
to worship Adam's Footprint in Ceylon during the
Prophet's lifetime. A Cufic inscription of the Chris
tian year 848 was found at Colombo, and the Takkiya,
shrine, of Sheik Ashareth at Kachchi malai in
Beruwala (in 1810 a little building overshadowed
by four coconut trees) lays claim to a history of a
thousand years. Both in the Island and on the
West Coast of India these strangers were allowed to
have their own settlements at the sea ports, and their
numbers steadily increased as a result of association
with native women and the conversion of those who
hoped to better their condition by adopting the new
faith. A steady trickle from the Indian settlements
into Ceylon followed and was viewed with much
anxiety by the Portuguese and the Dutch, who hated
their religion and feared their capacity for trade, but
from time to time colonies of them were permitted by
the Kings to settle in Sinhale.
The last years of the thirteenth century saw
India south of the Vindayas being invaded by the
Muslim armies of the Emperor at Delhi, which in
1294 captured and sacked Devagiri, the wealthy
capital of the powerful Yadavas. The tradition
accepted at the Sinhalese Court seems to he connected
with this Southward thrust ; it is to the effect that
in the year of Buddha 1824 (A.C. 1281) when Sarvag-
na Pandita Parakrama Ba.hu reigned at Dambadeniya :
an armed host under Kader Shah attempted a land

ing from the Choromandel Coast: the attempt failed
and those who were unable to withdraw were permitted
to settle in the country. As Paradesi, foreigners.
they held no service lands and in return for the privi

lege of residence were obliged to provide gratuitous
transport with their cattle, being placed under the
Madige Badde Nilame for the purpose.
This tradition, probably identical with that men
tioned by Fernao de Queiroz, refers to one colony out
of many. Their quarter at Negombo, Rua dos Mouros
in Portuguese, was in Ra Siha Deviyo's time the
King's property, for the occupation of which they paid
an annual rent to the Treasury. The large colony
at Alutgama paid that King sixty larins as tuppotti
panam, " for the possession of some gardens, and for
their persons, the privilege of residing in the port and
carrying on transactions with merchandise, by buying
and selling." Tn 1614 there were a few in Atulugam
Korale owning gardens, probably the descendants of
those who in the middle of the previous century had
come from India to fight for Mayadunna. At the
ports they had their own headmen, just like the
Chetties and Paravas, who formed the other trading
communities. Socially they ranked as one of the
five classes known as Nayide, and in complimentary
conversation would be addressed by the same term of
Gurunnahe, he who teaches, as was applied to the
Achari, blacksmiths, and Vaduvo, carpenters : Ra
Siha Deviyo's Master Carpenter for his port of Alut
gama was Mitudu Guruny, with fields at Kotapitiya.
The prohibition against owing land was strictly
enforced in the Littoral till relaxed by a Resolution of
3rd February 1747.
The Sinhalese were not interested in trade and
produced little which was in demand outside. It is
significant as illustrating the economic condition of the
Sinhalese, that the annual presents from the Hollanders
to the King besides European stuffs from Lyons and
muslins from India, included mirrors, small knives,
packets of needles, boxes of pins, pairs of scissors,
needle cases, tortoise shell combs, tinder boxes and
children's toys. Surplus stocks of grain served as
the general medium of barter for imported goods

like cloth and salt ; in addition there was also a
limited quantity of coffee, jaggery and cardamoms
(for which last there was an increasing demand from
European brewers) by the sale of which money could
be obtained ; in this respect the Provinces were better
off than the Kanda Uda Rata, though in 1796 coffee
was found growing luxuriantly and wild round Ganno-
ruva. The trade in arecanuts was a royal monopoly ;
the gems were not exploited by the King, and the
possibilities of cinnamon, which grew wild., could not
be developed owing to foreign trade interests. It
must be remembered that the Dutch Company guarded
its monopoly rights so jealously that trading in cinna
mon was punishable with death, while the lesser punish
ment of severe corporal punishment awaited those who
dealt in cardamons, areca, pepper and coffee. Dairy pro
duce like buffalo ghi, as well as wild honey and wax,
could always be sold. In the absence of metals (except
iron, of which the outturn however was barely sufficient
for local requirements), there were no industrial arts
round which trade could grow. Where the villager
built his own house (and even the great possessed
no furniture save a few cots, boxes and stools) there
was no room for a professional class of carpenters,
though craftsmen from the Settlements were making
their way inland attracted by the timber forests of
Saparagamuva and Tun Korale. Such trade as existed
was the monopoly of the Moors on which Malabars
were encroaching. The main wealth of the Moors
of Vellassa consisted of cattle which found abundant
pasture in its grassy plains ; trains of their tavalan,
pack oxen, each with a wooden or metal gong, sokod'e,
hung round the neck, used to travel long distances
over the wild and narrow tracks conveying their loads
in madi, bags, slung across their backs. The training
of these animals in the adjoining districts of Batticalo
was in the hands of the Boeiros, the Portuguese term
by which they were known to the Dutch Company, over
whom was a Cangany assisted by a number of Mohun-
SINHALEgAND THE PATRIOTS 73
dirams. Jacob Burnand, after ten years' experience,

found that they required " careful watching. . . for
they are rather a rough and obstinate sort of people
who ought sometimes to be treated with rigour."
Seventy years later they were still at work transporting
the produce of English-owned plantations.
Their intimate knowledge of the country made
them invaluable guides for the British forces, since it
was very rarely that Sinhalese could be persuaded to
undertake such treacherous work against men of their
own race. They were always recognised as a potential
source of danger and more than once the King had
found it desirable to evacuate them from entire dis
tricts, as from Dumbara after Pilima Talavva's con
spiracy. They were obliged to furnish a fixed quantity
of salt and karavddu (dried and salted fish) so important
in the villagers' diet as a source of calcium, and esteem
ed a worthy present for an Adikar, which they obtained
from the Coast, and they traded inareka on the King's
24
account with money from the Aramudala. This
was the only institution with funds available for
financing trade, charging twenty per cent on advances.
There was very little floating money and the few
professional money lenders, who were Moors and
Malabars, demanded such high rates of interest that
Sri Vikrama was forced to control them by regulation
Ahalepola had 73,000 rix-dollars invested in loans.
In the absence of wheeled traffic, the increasingly
heavy demands for tavalan transport between Batti-
calo, Badulla and Hambantota, which were greatly
in excess of what the Disava could meet, led to strained
relations between him and the Military of which Mtittu, a
Moor from Hambantota who had accompanied Murray's
Division as guide, was quick to take advantage. The
fact that he had accomplished the arduous pilgrimage
to Mecca—thereby earning the designation of Hadji
by which he was commonly known—proved him a
man of daring character, and given him a wider out
look which rendered him impatient of the trammels
he encountered at home. Appreciating the possi

bilities which now presented themselves with the
strong trade instinct of his race, he had been of much
help in collecting provisions for .the troops, and his
success in securing transport raised him so high in
25
the Commandant, Coxon's esteem, that when six-
leading Moors petitioned* for "his appointment as
Vidane over the Madige people of Bakinigahavela,
Malgastalavva, Kotabova and Kanulvela, in spite of
the villagers' many complaints about his high-handed
and lawless acts, he supported their prayer.
Ahalepola was consulted and advised obtaining
the opinion in the first instance of the Disava and
other Chiefs, and Brownrigg finally refused his consent.
Such an appointment, he pointed out, would not only
be an innovation but in the interests of the peace of
the country and the requirements of the inhabitants
in general, should be decisively and publicly vetoed.
Muttu himself was known to Government, he said,
as the subject of numerous complaints ; his presence
in the interior was not founded on any need for his
services in a civil capacity, nor recommended by any
benefit derived from his employment in that line.
The Governor had delegated to the Resident his powers
to remove from the country any person whose presence
might be dangerous to its peace, good order and
tranquility, and he suggested that D'Oyly might
consider the advisability of exercising those powers in
Muttu's case ; but he later agreed to action being
26
delayed till Sawers could express his opinion.
Coxon was indifferent to any but military needs
and by dealing with the Madige people direct soon
created a difficult state of things, for the Moors with
27
unhampered access to the officers began to ignore the
Disava's orders, boasting that they would soon have
a headman of their own ; the situation was not rendered
easier by Coxon intimating to the Chief that any
display of severity on his part would not be appre
28
ciated.
In Uva, where there were no Madige Moors, trans

port was provided by the Gon Badda (Cattle Depart
ment), consisting of certain Sinhalese families, each
in charge of five animals, who fetched salt from
Palatupana, being recompensed by- a small share of
their loads. Originally Sinhalese men bored their
ears, lengthening out the lobes with ornaments, and
the practice which fell out of fashion under Raja
Sinha whose ears were not bored, still survived among
29
men of this Badda, Few of the King's own cattle
could be traced in the Province as the Commissariat
was reported to have slaughtered most of them for
food. Brownrigg had appointed "Mahavalatanna
Mohottala to succeed Dambavinna, otherwise known
as Matipimbiya, as the Chief of this Badda, with the
Gabadagama of Morahala in Kadavatu Korale
for his badavddili (maintenance). This Mohottala
had taken a prominent part in the pro-British agitation
in Saparagamuva, the conspirators acting in com
munication with the Collector of Galle, from where the
Third Division, Kelly's, started. It made its way
through Katuvana and Tambagamuva (names familiar
in the record of the Dutch Company's aggressions)
and encamped at Balangoda on 28th January, the
Saparagamuva Chiefs providing transport and opening
a supply depot at Batugedara, the Capital of the
Province, to which stores could be conveyed by water
from Kalutara. Thanayanvatta where Ahalepola
resided when Disava, and the irrigation dla he com
menced there, are well known. The Division next
moved through Ukgal Alut Nuvara and after some
slight resistance at Ginigat Kanda (the scene of much
fighting in Portuguese times) crossed Idalgashinna
and encamped at Bambahinna somewhat lower down ;
thence it marched unopposed through Moogally Dobod-
dogama in Maturata to Paranagama, the residence
of the Disava of Uva, and on by way of Hanguranketa
to Maha Nuvara.
Mahavalatanna, without local influence, was dis
satisfied with the recognition he received which he
considered inadequate and not in accordance with

the status of his family, but he proved helpful to the
Commissariat. The soldiers whether British, Caffree,
or Malay, looked on beef as a necessary part of their
diet, but, to quote Robert Knox " Beef here may not
be eaten; it is abominable." A Sinhalese regarded
his cattle like the Arab his horse, with strong affection
as forming part of his family, without whose help
rice, on which life depended, could not be grown ;
their milk nourished the infant whom his under-fed
gedara dtto (housewife) was unable to nurse ; and the
idea of selling animals born in his fold for slaughter
was intensely repugnant to him. " They say it does
more for them than father or mother " wrote Johan
Jacob Saar of Nurenberg who visited Ceylon in the
middle of the seventeenth century. " Beef-eating
knave " was a term of foul insult, frequently shouted
at invading Europeans from mountain tops.
The shortage was met by some officers, like
Captain French Gray at Amanapura, by shooting the
30
village cattle. With greater tact the cupidity of
owners was excited by payment in gold (which few
of them had previously seen) and the animals removed
to distant stations under the pretence of transport
work. There was a similar prejudice in Jaffnapatam
and Batticalo but a moderate supply was obtained
from Matara and Chilaw, and the contract butcher,
Johan Martyn Schoekraft, who supplied beef at a
fanam a pound in Colombo, did what he could to assist
though declining the contract in Sinhale. Disease had
greatly reduced stocks in the Settlements and appeals
were sent to India for a breed to replenish the local
strain. Consequently an offer from Mahavalatanna
to provide animals from Saparagamuva at the rate of
a Porto Novo pagoda, one fifth of the amount paid
to the contractor at Maha Nuvara was received with
31
unfeigned satisfaction.
Transport was even more troublesome. Sawers
while at Batticalo had much to do with the Vellassa
Moors, and selected two from a colony which had

fled from Vellassa and settled in Nadu Kadu, to guide
the Seventh Division, Captain Anderson's, to Bintanna
Nagara. They proved so useful that they were
rewarded with grants of land. In July he sent Muttu
to Vellassa to collect a thousand bullocks to fetch salt
33
from Mahagama and more friction resulted, where
upon he recommended conceding the Moors' demand
for a headman of their own. Such an innovation, he
said, might lead to important political advantages,
as they were impatient of the Disava's authority and
Muttu's qualifications were such that his appointment
could be expected to reduce transport difficulties and
stimulate trade. Brownrigg pointed out in a Minute
of 8th November, 1816 that to appoint a Moor, and he
a native of the Maritime Provinces, to what was
essentially a Sinhalese office, might well be regarded
as "an encroachment on the national Rights and
reasonable expectations of Kandyans by birth," and
that justice towards them and considerations of policy
33
militated against such an interference. As for the
people in general their friendliness and peaceful
disposition were so noteworthy that Coxon, flattered
by the interest which a visit to them excited, wrote
3+
on 19th August to the Governor as follows . . .
" At every village in Velassy District, the finest, the
most beautiful fertile country I have ever seen, I was
received not only with attention and hospitality but
with a degree of distinction. The people at every
village came out in crowds to meet me and the Head
men of Kohokombra and Badalagamana even brought
out their wives and children to see me. I have
indeed met with nothing on the whole trip but what
was highly pleasing and gratifying."
The birthday of the new Sovereign— " His Most

Gracious and Most Revered Majesty" as the gentle
imbecile was described in General Orders—was fixed
to be observed on 5th June (the 4th being Sunday)
and though Sinhalese do not regard such an event as
deserving of special notice, some of the Great Chiefs

were expected to attend and the ceremonial to be
observed was anxiously discussed. In the King's
presence everyone appeared barefoot and" Pilima
Talavva wearing sandles when he attended the
Governor on his return from Maha Nuvara had been
35
the subject of comment. The question had now
to be settled whether any Chief other than Ahalepola
should wear slippers (which were generally of leather
or embroidered cloth and turned up at the tip).
The visitors—Ahalepola, the two Molligodas and
Pilima Talavva—of whom only Ahalepola had been
near the sea before, were State Guests. A separate
house was provided for each and adorned with white
cloth (which was kept in store by the Collector of
Colombo, who was responsible for the arrangements)
with arches at the gateways in accordance with their
status ; their retinues, numbering 1,314 souls were
accommodated in temporary madu.
Arriving on 2nd June they were carried within
the Fort in their palanquins heralded by Ahalepola's
36
hevisi and Banner ; the honours with which they
were treated were almost royal, Hardinge Giffard re
marked with some dissatisfaction. A t 1 p.m. on the
5th a royal salute of seventy seven guns, corresponding
in number to the King's age, was fired and a Levee
followed, which they attended, each according to
Sinhalese etiquette being led in by the hand by an
English official; the Members of the Council were
introduced to them and after a brief conversation in
a separate room they withdrew. At 5 o'clock they
witnessed a review on the South Esplanade at which
all the troops in garrison turned out along with the
Ceylon Dragoons, the Corps of Lascarins and six
field pieces. Ahalepola rode down the line mounted
on a fine black Arab charger, no doubt the one belong
ing to Sri Vikrama's stud which was tracked and
captured by his emissaries and for which he had
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS -79
expressed a strong . desire. He was with difficulty,

persuaded to dismount when the feu de joye was fired,
while the others watched from their palanquins. _ A t
the end of the parade the European troops were given
a quart of beer each in which to drink the King's
health, and the rest received the gratuity usual on
37
such occasions.
At night the Chiefs were present at a Ball given
by the Governor at Government House in a specially
built maduva, noting with interest among the decor
ations a transparency depicting Brownrigg, attended
by D'Oyly, Sutherland and his Aide de Camp de
Bussche receiving the. Chiefs, with Molligoda in the
act of signing the Treaty, all explained in a legend
in the two languages. Supper was served at one
o'clock, but though a separate table had been reserved
for them, their social habits forbad them to eat
where beef was eaten. They were trained to under
stand and appreciate dancing performed for the
pleasure of the spectators, and their professional
men-dancers preserved an age-old tradition of high
artistic skill. At a few Devalayas like Saparagamuva
and Ukgal Alut Nuvara there were women who
danced at the festivals and formed a class of their
own, but their art had degenerated since the time
when at Ra Siha Deviyo's Court Alagiyavanna
likened them to the tender mango leaves fluttering
in the breeze. No doubt, the King's Natum Ilangama
(Dancing Establishment) included skilled girl artists
from India, but his predilection for this diversion was
regarded almost as a lapse from regal dignity and few
would have had the opportunity of witnessing their per
formances. The sight of high-placed men and women
amusing themselves by dancing together was a novelty
to the Chiefs but when questioned they replied with
courtesy that they had watched the scene with
38
pleasure.
They were gratified and nattered by their recep
tion ; the two Molligodas left on the n t h escorted by
the Collector's hevapannayo (known as the Atapattu

Lascarins) with their banner and hevisi as far as Naga-
lagam tota, the ancient ferry over the Kalani Ganga
which is still recalled by the anglicised form of its
Portuguese name Passo Grande. Once across the
river the Korale Lascarins took charge, Palle Gampaha
travelling by way of Negombo and Dambadeniya to
39
his Province.
But under this show of friendliness Brownrigg was
very nervous about Ahalepola's suspected designs,
of which he had warned D'Oyly as early as 15th April.
The uneasiness created by his behaviour during the
return of the Abharana was aggravated by what
followed at the Maligava. A strict ritual surrounded
the Danta Dhatu, and at the pujava (offering) of
flowers the officiating Bhikkhu's hands were laved with
suddha pan. In preparing this, cold water was
filtered three times through a conical-shaped perahan
kadaya (cloth strainer) into a clay pot in which scented
and medicinal drugs, including sandal (imported by
the Dutch from Timor and deemed a worthy present
for the King), ddsaman (jasmine) flowers, savdndara
roots and irriveriya stalks were mixed ; the water was
then decanted into a silver pot and carried upstairs
to the Kattuyana Bardnde adjoining the sanctuary.
At the proper moment the pan was transferred into
a golden kendiyavnth. a spout,from which it was poured
on the Bhikkhu's hands before he lifted up the flowers.
No layman was privileged to use the pan save the
King, even Adikars being restricted to the plain water
kept in the Banmde, though on a few rare occasions
it was said to have been sent at the King's request to
great Ministers when very sick. On 24th April it was
poured on D'Oyly's hands (no doubt as representing
the new King). Ahalepola received the same distinc
tion and Brownrigg was convinced that this was
manoeuvred by him in furtherance of his ambitions.
It was whispered about that he had secreted some of
the King's treasures but an inquiry would be a matter
of extreme delicacy. In Brownrigg's judgment it

was in vain to look for entire purity of conduct or
soundness of principle, political or moral, either in
him or perhaps in any of the other Chiefs, for he con
sidered the system in which they were born and brought
up radically corrupt. Besides Ahalepola's excessive
vanity prevented him from admitting that with loss
of office his power had disappeared and it might well
be that the talk of his being made King was kept up
to satisfy this failing. Owing to his undoubted ability
he could be of great use, and when consulted gave his
advice with promptness and apparent candour, and
always showed himself ready to perform anything
which was required from him. The Radalavaru while
conceding his precedence and superiority did not
sympathise with his aspirations ; and the people in.
general, though their devotion to their leaders was
almost an instinct, stopped short of rendering royal
honours.
He would brook no rival where nice distinctions,
which count for much in a small community with
strict sumptuary laws, were concerned. When he
was in Colombo a toppiya (hat) was made for him with
bo pat (bo leaf) ornament (a design seemingly proper
to Royalty) and he was enraged on learning that
Molligoda intended to obtain authority to wear a
similar head-dress ; the unauthorised use of the straw
berry leaf would probably arouse similar indignation
in England. He protested that if any one else were
allowed the same honours as himself, he would prefer
to go away and reside in the English country : he was
willing to serve at the feet of the English but would
be subject to no Sinhalese.
Tie frequently expressed a wish to accompany
Brownrigg to England in order to wait on the* Prince
Regent ; the Governor in consternation was deter
mined not to agree but much tact was needed to avoid
a reply which would cause offence. Molligoda and
Millava questioned his right to join in their judicial
proceedings at the Magul Maduva and suggested that

his presence there was undignified ; he angrily retorted
that he attended the Sabha Mandire at the Governor's
request but if they were banding themselves against
him he would not be responsible for the consequences.
Asked what these would be, he exclaimed that he had
only to raise the cry of Hoo-ooo-ooo, and they would all
be put to death. He was warned against resorting to
violence, at which he passionately exclaimed that he
did not care for life if he was to be exposed to insult.
As D'Oyly was unable to afford him any satisfaction
he discontinued attending the meetings.
Brownrigg was annoyed to find even Aravvavala,
Kunam Maduve Lekama, who was attached to himself,
referring to the Maha Nilame as Deveni Rajjuruvo
40
(Second King). There were persistent rumours
that he was plotting to cut off the garrisons and over
throw the Government and secret orders were issued
to secure his person in case of any outbreak, but Brown
rigg thought that his power and influence, however
great, were not sufficient to make him really dangerous,
while he could hardly fail to realise that his future
41
depended on British favour. Crowning a hill
a hundred feet high on the east side of the lake was
Sri Vikrama's pleasure house overlooking Ahalepola's
residence and large enough to accommodate 150 men;
a detachment of that strength was now quartered
there with two field pieces, and no one could enter or
leave the Maha Nilame's without being observed. He
resented the intrusion and was put off with the excuse
that there was no room for the men below and the
spot was more convenient for firing the morning and
evening gun than the Palace yard, from where appar
ently this was being done. It is not clear when this
incident took place.
In a secret and confidential Minute of 5th August,
Brownrigg directed D'Oyly to elicit Ahalepola's real
views, on the plea that the Governor desired his advice
regarding Kappitipola's attitude ; he would then be
able to speak of the objectionable title of Deveni

Rajjuruvo and the rumours which were current ;
though the Governor did not credit them (as he did
not wish it to be thought that his confidence in the
Maha Nilame was shaken) such talk was disturbing
to the country's peace and could not be allowed and
the Governor preferred to consult him rather than the
Adikars about the action to be taken. The Maha
Nilame could hardly decline to express his opinion
consistently with the character of Adviser which he
adopted, and in the ensuing discussion he might be
led to reveal his secret hopes by making some proposal
indicative of the part he expected to play in future
developments. As Ahalepola left for the Prince
Regent's birthday celebrations at Colombo on 14th
August, D'Oyly could not act on these instructions;
consequently Sutherland and William Tolfrey were
commissioned to do so after the festivities. The latter
came out in 1794 when sixteen years old to join his
father at Calcutta and after serving with the army
crossed in 1805 to Ceylon where he finally succeeded
42
D'Oyly as Chief Translator. They were instructed
to come to some final understanding with the Maha
Nilame by which his royal pretensions whether in
respect of title, dress or demeanour could be suppressed
once for all. The original suggestion of a Colonial
Patent prescribing the honours he was to receive
could be re-opened and some such title as " Chief
Kandyan Counsellor to the British Government"
created to supersede " the most objectionable style
of Dewenee Rajooroo " now universally applied to
him ; this should be capable of compact translation into
Sinhalese and easy utterance, so as to avoid the
temptation to substitute a more summary term
which in its turn might be open to objection. The
title finally agreed on should be published, with an
order that on all occasions he should be named with
43
that addition.
Their first interview was on Sunday the 20th

when they invited his suggestions about the honours
he expected in recognition of his eminent services.
He answered that he had not considered the matter;
having held every rank open to a Chief, what he now
desired was such title and precedence as no Sinhalese
had been granted before or could expect in the future.
The public services he said were being inefficiently per
formed ; they were subject to precise regulations,
whether failing due by the year, season, moon, fifteen
days or week, but theResident's orders were frequently
ignored or evaded by the Chiefs. A Superior Native
Authority was needed to set this right and most of
all to keep the disorderly elements under control, for
that was not being done. That authority should
bear the same relation to the Residency as the Maha
44
Mudaliyar did to His Excellency's Gate, and serve
as the medium through whom all orders were conveyed,
responsible for the due performance of Rajakariya
and the maintenance of discipline among the Chiefs.
This, he continued, called for urgent attention : life
was uncertain and a clear arrangement should be
reached while he was available to supply the inform
ation on which it could be based. He would like some
special Post where it would be his duty to keep the
Resident informed of the Customs and Usages of the
Country and also communicate his orders to the
Adikars.
On being reminded of his previous refusal to accept
office, he explained that he only declined such an
appointment as he had already filled, but not what
was higher in status. He wished to be under the
Government— subordinate to the Resident, but above
all Natives.
They requested him to state his views in writing
to avoid any risk of future Governors misunderstanding
them. He agreed complaining bitterly of the Chiefs,
who ridiculed him for throwing the country into
Revolution and ending as a Vidane : the very rice

he ate was due to the bounty of Government, he said.
A t their second meeting he produced a talpat
list of his services leaving it for the British to deter
mine what honours he should receive ; he did not think
it seemly to suggest them: besides having already
enjoyed every available distinction what was there
for which he could ask. The Adikars were entitled
to titles like Maha Nilame and Maha Mantri, in fact
to everything short of the Royal Titles, and at Maha
Nuvara in conversation with the Governor and Resi
dent he had expressed the hope that he would be
allowed the honours of a King. This naive revelation
of his weakness—though he could not hope for the
kingly power, he craved for the trappings—gave the
opportunity to mention Brownrigg's views about the
current rumours, their unrestful effect on the country,
and the impropriety of any assumption of Royal
dignity when that was solely the right of the King
of England ; the Governor had not understood him
to make such a demand and certainly had given no
assent.
Ahalepola replied that if he had assumed Royal
honours or done anything disrespectful to the King,
that will not be repeated, and asked to be furnished
with details, which was not done ; he denied that there
was unrest, but if they thought otherwise and were
uneasy in consequence, the remedy was to remove him
from the country. Since he no longer had a family,
connections, position, or means of subsistence, he was
willing to go wherever he was directed. He was
reassured about the friendly feelings towards himself
and was again invited to furnish a statement in detail.
That seemed to be needed, he replied : no arrangement
had been made even for palanquin bearers, and he
had to employ Beravayo to do the work. It should
be noted that where the proprietor of a village was
entitled to use such a conveyance, the uliyam service
of carrying it was laid on the humblest class of tenants.
On the 23rd morning they waited on him again,

only to be informed that he could not prepare a state
ment, for there was nothing he had not already enjoyed.
He suggested that he might be employed (with
reference to the Resident) like those confidential
advisers who from time to time were known to have
the King's ear and whom the Adikars themselves
were glad to conciliate and engage to support their
own applications to the King ; there were so many
matters, he said, where personal attention by the
Resident could well be avoided.
That subject, he was reminded, should be discussed
with D'Oyly, but while his titles and honours remained
undefined, there would always be room for doubt
and uneasiness.
Ahalepola replied that he had assumed no titles ;
if he was called Deveni Rajjuruvo, that was a title he
enjoyed long ago and now belonged to the Chief
Adikar and was applied to him by the malice of his
enemies the Chiefs in order to get him into trouble.
(According to tradition Pilima Talavva Adikar was
known by the title.) His dress and equipage were
the same as before ; the Cap he wore was the one in
which he originally appeared in Colombo ; the late
King had allowed him the privilege of using a special
45
palanquin, which he brought away with him in his
flight. He explained that there was a variety of
fashions in dress and equipage, derived successively
from Malabars, Portuguese and Dutch, but the
Pancakakudha Bhdndaya (the exclusively Royal Insig
nia) consisted of —
Hap paliha, .Shield of Chank colour
Mutu Kuda, Pearl Umbrella,
Camara, chowry or yak's tail
Ran kaduva, gold mounted sword, and
Mirivadi Sangala, shoes.
These he said had not been surrendered and their
whereabouts could not be traced ; their recovery was
of the utmost importance, for they must be in the

45
possession of none but the Sovereign Power.
As for a Title and Honours for himself, D'Oyly
should summon the Chiefs along with the High Autho
rities of the Sangha who were customarily consulted
over every great appointment, to the Magul Maduva,
and obtain their advice about the proper reward for
47
his services. . He was only anxious for some villages
to provide palanquin bearers and menial servants,
since he had been reduced to borrowing some of the
latter.
During these long interviews the Maha Nilame
bore himself with an easy dignity which impressed the
Commissioners. The implications of some of their
questions could hardly fail to offend or hurt, but no
emotion interrupted that calm and stately reserve
which distinguished the Radalavaru (Ahalepola was
not unique in this respect) and so impressed the
8
experienced Tulloch/ that what he had to say is
worthy of being repeated here. " After the con
quest of the interior, and in their first intercourse with
men whose manners were so dissimilar, the conduct
of the Kandyan Chieftains, their unconstrained
manners and manly bearing, were the theme of general
admiration, combined with that imperturbable com
mand of countenance, so remarkable a characteristic
of the Asiatic gentleman. In the ballroom, at the
review with the military display so new to them, and
the cannon roaring in their ears for the first time,
nothing took them by surprise."
Chapter III.
Carriage roads appear to have been common when

Kings reigned at Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva
and the centres of activity lay in dry level country;
Forbes in 1835 claimed to be able to trace the road
which once stretched from the former to Samanta
kuta by way of Dambulla ; but at this period metalled
roads and wheeled traffic did not exist in Sinhale
and the mammavat, the main routes, however well
defined, were mere tracks suited for porters and pack
oxen, though Yati Nuvara was better in this respect.
The rank vegetation was always encroaching and the
villagers had to cut it back to the width of one
and half fathoms at regular intervals or when high
officials made a journey. Walking in single file thus
became a necessity and today by force of habit
villagers will follow that practice even on broad
motor roads. On the Sitavaka route a few bridges
were to be found, but none of sufficient strength to
bear the weight of a six-pounder.
The road to connect Trikuna-male with Colombo,
for so long a main object of British policy, was comple
ted as far as Giriulla kadavata at the entrance to Sat
Korale; from there a new trace was surveyed up to
Nalanda avoiding the swampy rice fields of the existing
track. It ran through Kurunagala habage, once the
centre of Kurunagala Korale, a gabadagama reserved
for the Kings of the Island, including six villages with
267 amunams of field as the Mohottiars and Headmen
stated in 1614. Adjoining it was another gabadagama,
Maha Tittavalla, with forty amunams of sowing, then
possessed by Salvador Freire (Pereyra) a resident of
Colombo, who had received it in dowry on his marriage
with Dona Maria de Azavedo, great-grand daughter,
bisneta, of Ra. Siha Deviyo. Kurunagala was now
an insignificant Duraya village; on 23rd February
1815 the Commissioner of Revenue instructed the

Collector at Chilaw to open a salt store there, special
pay being allowed to the employees because of its
evil reputation. Since the track over the Galagedara
and Girihagama Passes debouched from here, it soon
acquired importance as a military post. An overseer,
Van Dort, with two hundred and fifty labourers,
cleared a twelve feet track as far as Ahalepola's village,
when the Maha Nilame complained of their encroach
ing on his land, stealing his coconuts and betel leaves,
and robbing his relatives' fowls; after a long inquiry
Van Dort was cautioned about his future behaviour.
At Dambulla sickness put an end to further work ;
Hardinge Giffard, when Chief Justice, wrote in his
Diary in April 1824 " the Court returned from Trinco-
malee through the Kandy country by the worst
track I have ever envisaged and through the most
forlorn and wretched swamps, forests, mountains and
deserts." In 1831 with the opening of a branch road
to Maha Nuvara by way of Nalanda and Pannagama,
work was resumed and on 20th July 1833 the, comple
tion of a track sixteen feet wide, was announced.
The road from Sitavaka to Iddamalpana had not
improved since Jonville described it in 1800. As
far as Ruvanalla it was intersected by ravines, some
forty feet deep, crossed by ricketty bridges formed of
loosely tied interlacing branches supported on posts.
The wild scenery of mountain and torrents roused Jon-
ville's admiration; the waterfalls, he said, were worthy
of the .brush of Poussin or Salvator Rosa. The track
led through the royal garden Palangomuva vatta on
the banks of the river and an avenue of teak trees
led to the tanayama. Where the avenue commenced
was a large Bo gaha, beneath which was a cubical
stone, which was always kept covered with thorns.
Raja Sinha had once sat on it for a few moments and
in reverence for the memory of the King who made
such a great appeal to the imagination of his subjects
(though represented by Dutch propaganda as a blood-
thirsty tyrant) the thorns were placed so that no one

else should sit there again. Beyond Ruvanalla Jon-
ville found the road " detestable : sometimes it led
over slippery rocks up a steep hill and down again,
sometimes on the bed of a mountain torrent covered
with loose pebbles, and sometimes through a bog.
Occasionally the path was so narrow that the palanquin
could scarcely pass." Every three or four miles there
was an Ambalam formed by four wooden pillars sup
porting a thatched roof and shaded by a large Bo or
Na tree. As the track skirted the base of the moun
tain at Arandora a shrine was seen on the flat top of a
granite rock : consisting of a small dagaba within a
pavilion with delicately carved wooden columns;
from a recess below a stream of clear water gushed out.
At Iddamalpana the Gurugoda Oya has to be crossed ;
and from the branches of the tall trees growing on the
banks a bamboo bridge was hung by stout rattans and
creepers, but there is also a ford.
Boulders and other obstacles were cleared on the
fifty miles from Colombo to Iddamalpana, and an
attempt made to employ donkeys beyond this ; these
animals, probably introduced by Arabs, are found
in sea ports like Kalpitiya and Mannar; and are
regularly used only by wandering Ahikuntakayo,
gipsies, and washermen for conveying their linen ;
five animals were now allotted to a driver and they
were allowed a seer of paddy a day and double that
when on the march ; but they do not thrive in the wet
zone and the experiment was soon given up.
The track to Saparagamuva ran along the left
bank of the Kalu Ganga, down which grain was
conveyed to Kalutara, paying at Anguruvatota
in 1614, according to ancient custom, a duty of four
per cent. On every trip the boatmen sought to secure
the favour of Saman Deviyo, whose Devalaya rose
on the river bank, by offerings or vows. Between
Batugedara, the usual seat of the Disava, and Namba-
pana, the path was intersected by many streams in-
fested with crocodiles and too deep to ford, with banks

so steep that palanquins and horses were out of the
question. They had to be crossed by edandu formed
of single logs or a couple of bambus described as being
1
" as slippery as glass." No doubt this route had
been selected as easily defensible, for Captain Gaulterus
Schneider, the Land Surveyor, the son of a native of
Hesse Casel born in Jaffnapatam in 1772, discovered
in the forests on the opposite bank another trace
largely free from .these drawbacks, which he reported
could with a little trouble be rendered suitable for
the passage of troops and cattle. Schneider's post
was created by the Proclamation of 2nd August 1800.
But the problem which occupied the minds of the
Governor and his advisers was to demonstrate that
Sinhale would yield sufficient revenue to justify its
retention. The King's sources of income consisted
of the presents made by the Great Chiefs on appoint
ment (the Nazzur of India) which were now abolished ;
the ddkum or yearly tribute from the Provinces
(the Adikars themselves paid ddkum on their appoint
ments) ; the Kat Rajakariya, being a land tax paid
in cash and kind ; the produce of the royal gardens,
the rice from the Gabadd gam, villages at the disposal
of the Sovereign; the areka nut monopoly; the
exclusive right to gems ; and the people's Rajakariya,
labour in the service of the State, according to caste,
2
in consideration of the tenure of lands. The under
lying principle was that everything needed for the
essential Royal establishment was provided in kind.
Ahalepola explained to D'Oyly " The things which are
profitable to men are numerous. Of the things accru
ing to the Great Gate at the lowest even plantain leaves
are fixed to be given," referring to tatukola, the leaves
which were spread on the ran mande, gold platter, for
the King's meal. Certain necessities were not produc
ed locally, and it was mainly for these imported goods
that money had to be found.
Brownrigg pointed out that items of revenue such

as these would be inadequately collected and yield
but little, while many changes would be needed to
adapt Rajakaviya performed for a Malabar Prince to
British needs. He regarded with disfavour both the
payments by the Chiefs and the system of monopolies ;
the former, he observed, gave the authority to dispose
of all inferior offices and to levy a variety of what he
considered undefined and oppressive dues, while the
latter for the advantage of securing a small pecuniary
consideration threw the industry of the people and
the produce of the soil under the paralyzing influence
of arbitrary power. He said he had resisted the
desire to start innovations of a general nature in
the provisional Government till the Prince Regent's
pleasure was known ; moreover D'Oyly was opposed
to the abolition of assured revenue in the expectation
of an increase under a system of general duties ;
Brownrigg however, relying on the Customs returns,
argued that relaxing the areka monopoly in Tun Korale
was followed immediately by increased trade and
proposed similar action in Saparagamuva. He also
advocated abolishing the Land Pass Duty levied on
cattle and other merchandise from Sinhale and some
times assessed as high as ten per cent. In this the
Colonial Audit Office supported him, stressing the
unreasonableness of such a high tax on transit from
one district to another, and the inexpediency of thus
impeding communications when the entire Island
3
was under the British Sovereign.
The contemplated establishment of a Naval
Department, at TrikunS male was expected to stimulate
a demand for the produce of the Eastern Provinces.
Cinnamon was a Government monopoly, the entire
collection being sold to the East India Company
under a contract made in England, and by a recent
agreement it was to receive 450,000 lbs. ayear for seven
years, at four shillings and six pence a pound. Its
Agent inspected the spice before embalement and
rejections were sold to Indian merchants on the con

dition that it would not be placed on the European
market. A t this time a wealthy Armenian merchant,
Baboom, was endeavouring to build up a trade in the
4
spice with China and the Eastern Islands.
Kiravali Pattuva was early known for its wild
cinnamon and in 1614 the gabadagam of Doravaka,
Balapane and Algama Dolaha supplied the Portuguese
Senhorios with fifty seven bahars. The British used
to make good any shortage of plantation cinnamon
from forests around Ruvanalla, but this wild bark
which was coarse and thick, lacked flavour and
pungency and was adversely reported upon in England,
while the yearly pruning on the four cultivated lands
ensured a refined quality with a silky texture which
commanded a high price. The year's requirements
had been met from Sinhale, the largest contribution
coming from Saparagamuva, and this gave the planta
tions a much-needed rest.
The financial position of the Settlements was
unsatisfactory, and the Colonial Audit office reported
to the Lords Commissioners of His Majesty's Treasury
that in 1811 a total expenditure of 3,471,252 rix-dollars
had to be balanced against a revenue of 2,928,901
rix-dollars, out of which cinnamon accounted for
512,716. Brownrigg suggested that if the annexation
was regarded with favour, England might help by
bearing the cost of the Expedition, the road to Trikuna
male, the maintenance of State prisoners, the reception
of State guests, the construction of fortifications,
barracks, stores and other public buildings, as well
5
as of the survey of the country. Bathurst replied
that the situation in Europe was so difficult as to render
such assistance impossible : the Colonies must bear
their own burdens and he enjoined the strictest econo
my. As for spending money on fortifications he wrote
" If the late King was enabled in defiance of public
opinion to maintain his power over the Kandyan
people, surely there can be no additional fortifications
9-4 SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
requisite to support the Government of Great Britain,

so much more consonant to the Feelings and Interest
6
of the People Themselves." Such an argument,
based on the premises advanced by Brownrigg him
self, was difficult to controvert.
Under the treaty the administration of justice
was differentiated according to political status ; for
while the late King's subjects continued under their
system administered by their Chiefs, and the Military
under the provisions of the Mutiny Act and Articles
of War, all others were subject to the Magistracy of
the Accredited Agent, murder trials alone being
reserved for a special Commission to be appointed by
the Governor. Henry Wright, the Resident's second
Assistant, was entrusted with " the peculiar duties of
Magistracy of the Town and Environs of Kandy sub
7
ject to the limitations of the Convention " but on
9th December he left to relieve Sawers at Badulla to
enable him to take charge of the Kachcheri, the
Administrative office at Maha Nuvara ; travelling by
way of Madulla in Valapane, a Royal village where
many Malabar families took refuge on the approach
8
of the British, he reached his station in five days.
For efficient administration, Land Registers whose
authority could not be questioned were a prime
necessity; such records under the name of Lekam
miti existed and contained details of every holding
in the country. The Portuguese in the Littoral ad
mitted their importance and their revision of Dharma-
pala's records carried out in their own language may
still be consulted at theBibliotheca Nacional in Lisbon.
The portion dealing with the Disava of Matara was
captured when the Hollanders surrendered that Fort
to Palingupana Rala in March 1761, and Sri Vikrama
recognised its authority and instructed Ahalepola to
act upon it in Saparagamuva. The Dutch Company
continued the work of registration and Brownrigg
now appointed a Translator to the Residency to
catalogue and translate the Sinhalese records, com-
meriting with those in the Resident's charge ai

continuing with those in the custody of the Adikais
Disavas, Lekamas, and all other officers throughout
the country. It was difficult to find qualified natives
of suitable status willing to accept office in Sinhale;
in March Cornelius Dassanayaka Muhandiram had
been appointed D'Oyly's First Translator, and now
his brother Daniel, already Translator to the Kandyan
Office and Muhandiram of the Guard, was selected for
the new post; their grandfather had fled to the Coast
in the time of Narendra Sinha and as Mudaliyar of
Hapitigam Korale rose into prominence by smuggling
the Company's Governor, van Eck, out of Sinhale
9
during the disasters of 1765.
On 12th December an incident occurred signi
ficant of the changes which had already grown. The
army Lascars and Pioneers who were Muslims, with
co-religionists from the Settlements and local Moors,
organised a religious procession at Maha Nuvara, a
privilege never before conceded to those of their faith ;
there was much enthusiasm followed by some acts of
violence, the most serious being when an Asgiriya
Bhikkhu was beaten, his round palm-leaf face-screen
broken to pieces, and ashes thrown in his face. The
Sinhalese resentment at the outrage was intense and
complications were avoided only through the personal
efforts of D'Oyly who, after a careful inquiry, published
an Advertisement declaring that such processions had
never been permitted under the Kings ; they consti
tuted a gross violation of the public peace and would
10
not be allowed in the future.
His many preoccupations did not diminish his
interest in the small crafts of the people ; samples of
a rough paper manufactured in some remote villages
from the bark of a wild tree, and used for cartridges,
were sent for report by the Kandyan Office bookbinder
at Colombo on its possibilities." Sinhalese did not
write on paper, which necessitated quills and ink,
though occasionally European paper was employed
for diplomatic correspondence; D'Oyly specially

recorded that a letter received by him on 13th January
1812 from Variagama Nilame was on China paper ;
this was available in small quantities at the bazaar
where Isah, Thoen's Moorish wife, used to purchase
it for his secret correspondence with Davie, she herself
making the ink from burnt rice.
Queen Charlotte's birthday was celebrated at
Colombo on 18th January 1816 when Kapuvatta"
attended as a State Guest; the more intimate contact
which this afforded Brownrigg went far to destroy
the prejudice, born of ignorance, under which he
laboured, and he wrote to Bathurst describing him as
a man of great religious devotion who was never
charged with corrupt, unjust or oppressive practices :
Saparagamuva he added was fortunate in having him
for Disava. He had served the Kings forty years and
his knowledge of public affairs and the institutions of
the country, was profound. His father —Pilima Talavva,
also Disava of the same Province —Kirti Sri RajaSinha's
Ambassador to Batavia in 1766, died on the return
voyage, and to obtain pin (Merit) for him, the King
ordered a diamond presented to him and surrendered
to the King by the son- then eleven years old—to
be fixed on the forehead of the bird-shaped padakkama
(pendant) which was being fashioned for the outer
karanduva of the Danta Dhatu. His Province had
suffered in the clash between the King's troops and
AhalSpola's supporters and there was friction with
Eknaligoda, who had been rewarded by being appoint
ed to the Satara Korale Madige with two Gabada
gam in Kadavatu Korale —Mad'avala and Maddegama
—for his maintenance.
This small Department, which though generally
under the Disava was sometimes entrusted to a sepa
rate Chief appointed by the King, consisted of six
villages of Karavo migrants from the coast. Each
owner of an amunam of land (except the Gammahes)
furnished one bullock for the King's transport, and
in respect of each animal supplied to the Maha Gaba-

dava a goniya (bag) of salt, and one karavala (salted
and dried fish). They transported grain from^the
Royal villages and traded in arekanuts at Ruvarlalla
on account of the Aramudala, which financed them
with 300 ridi for fhe purpose. With them and subject
to similar duties were included two groups of Moors
with no service holdings but cultivating fields formed
from the lands of others, whence they were named
the Hulanbadda Madige; the Chief of the Badda's
emoluments were similar to those named above
but less in degree, with the produce of Muttettu fields
cultivated free of charge, bulatsurulu on the appoint
ment of headmen, and 50 ridi panduru mil a, contri
buted mainly by the Gammahes, which went to meet
the d'dkum he had to pay the Aramudala. The
Gammahes supplied him and his agents when in their
village with provisions and coconuts and attended on
him when travelling, but they were exempt from
13
madige service with their bullocks.
As there is no reference to these people in the
Portuguese Tombo they must have come since Ra
Siha Deviyo's time ; at that date a Gom badda was
in existence, the herdsmen being in charge of the
King's animals, whether obtained by purchase or cap
ture, the Gabadava supplying their harness and
gunnies ; an animal was valued at five larin and its
furniture at half a larin. There were 230 such animals
in Valagama, Eliagora and Arandora of Beligal
Korale ; 120 in Galboda K5rale, and a few in the other
Korales, all the herdsmen being under one Vidane.
By 1614 the animals had greatly diminished in number.
Throughout the Province was spread the establish
ment which supplied ghi, the chief centre being
Attapitiya which was the paravenia of seven milkmen.
Eknaligoda, who at Colombo was accorded the
precedence of a Lekama in attendance on the Governor,
was involved in a lawsuit with Pusvalle Mohottala,
whom Sri Vikrama had sent with Makandura Mohot-
795—E
tala to assist Molligoda in suppressing AhalSpola's

rebellion. Pus vail e charged him with unlawful con
finement , personal illusage, and seizure of his mother's,
estate, and claimed the restoration of certain lands.
The investigation was a matter of much delicacy from
the issues involved and the status of the parties, and
on Kapuvatta's suggestion it was conducted at the
Kandyan Office in King's House in the presence of
Brownrigg, who was impressed by the ability, tact and
fairness which he displayed: had D'Oyly been
present he might have recalled a passage familiar to
students of Sinhalese which can be rendered into
English thus. . . . " The prosperity of him that
perverteth justice through love, hatred, fear or ignor
ance, shall little by little diminish as the Moon in its
wane. He that taketh the seat of judgment should
not be haughty or vain; he should not let it be seen
that he is pleased with the good or displeased with
the bad, but maintain a balanced poise. That which
is recorded is of greater weight than what is handed
down by word of mouth, wherefore the written rules
are the rather to be followed."
In the absence of professional lawyers, Custom
and Precedent were enshrined in the memory of the
class from which Chiefs were selected, but as families
with accumulated wealth were unknown, while rank,
and generally fortune, could not be passed on, the
only road to power and affluence lay through the
Court; and increasing knowledge of Sri Vikrama's
officials reveals the wisdom and care with which his
selections were made.
Kapuvatta's charm of manner was felt by all
who came in contact with him , and when he left
the Government Gazette published a sonnet in his
1
honour. * This periodical, started by North in 1802,
was described in a Prospectus issued in the form of a
Government Advertisement, as intended to be a Mon
day paper prepared under the Chief Secretary's
direction, containing General Orders, Government
Advertisements, Judicial Notifications, private adver

tisements of sales, shipping notices, domestic occur
rences, " and all other matters that may with
propriety appear as a public Advertisement." The
monthly subscription was two rix-dollars, and before
long its scope was extended to include news of general
interest and literary articles, but these were transferred
in 1832 to the "Colombo Journal " a n d temporarily
resumed two years later.
Kapuvatta's departure was followed on the
afternoon of 24th January by Sri Vikrama's embarka
tion for India on board H.M.S. Cornwall with his
family and attendants, fifty persons in all. He had
occupied a house in the Fort rented at 150 rix-dollars
from the executors of Diedrich Thomas Fretz, (Com-
mandeur at Galle in the Company's service who
died on 27th March 1815), which was furnished for
him at a cost of 7490 rix-dollars, with the addition
of a large glazed almirah of Calamander wood, the
15
most sought after of Ceylon timbers. He was
driven down to the landing place in Brownrigg's
carriage, the Devinvahansela (Queens) following in
palanquins, closely veiled, so that the dense crowd
which had gathered could not see their features.
Details of the King's costume, as recorded in the diary
of Mr. Granville who went in charge of the party, are
of sufficient interest to be repeated here. His trousers,
of satin striped yellow, red, and green, very wide and
drawn close together at the ankles, were adorned
with a row of gold buttons running down from the
hips on either side. A white satin waistcoat embroi
dered with gold flowers formed the upper portion of
the dress : this was edged round the neck with gold,
while the short, widely-puffed sleeves were slashed
after the Spanish fashion and heavily embroidered,
with white lace at the edges. Round the neck was a
wide point-lace ruff and beneath it a tippet of exquisite
lace, starched, hung in a semicircle down his back and
over his shoulders. His head was covered with a
white satin cap in the Sinhalese style with a gem-

studded gold rim, its cone-shaped top surmounted by
a small peak with a gold ornament from which dangled
some fine rubies, sapphires and emeralds. He carried
a white handkerchief in his hand, and red velvet
slippers embroidered with gold and curling up from the
toes, covered the feet. He gave his orders with
calmness and dignity, directing the Mudaliyars in
attendance to help the Ladies into their barge with
the words : '' You are my children; I give you
permission to assist them." He stepped in after them
and was rowed away over the water which by this
time was becoming boisterous.
Vellore, which with its 20,000 inhabitants, ranked
after Madras alone on the Carnatic Coast for size., had
been selected for his future residence, and there he spent
the rest of his life in the Palace within the Fort, which
was once occupied by Futtahliyder, eldest son of Tippu
Sultan. Brownrigg's instructions were to treat him "like
a Prisoner of War, without splendour or honours, but
that he should live in comfort though in perfect retire
16
ment." He died on 30th January 1832, having
survived D'Oyly, Ahalepola, Molligoda and Eknali-
goda ; Brownrigg followed him to the grave a year
later. His full-length portrait may be seen on the
walls of Niyangampaya Viharaya which he re-endowed
in 1804; the painting was re-done in modern times,
when every precaution was taken to guard against any
deviation from the original.
A week later H.M.S. Salsette sailed from
Colombo with a Ceylon leopard for the collection which
had been maintained for centuries in the Tower of
London and at this time was known as the Prince
17
Regent's Menagerie.
Kapuvatta on returning to Saparagamuva dismissed
Dolosvala from his office of Disave Mohottala ; he was
married to Variyagama's sister and was among
Ahalepola's partisans who sought refuge in Colombo ;
he returned when the Expedition was being organised

and summoning the men of the eastern districts forced
the King's Disavas to retire, whereupon he occupied
the approaches to Uva before the British crossed the
frontier, and established himself at Batugedara, where
under Ahalepola's directions a depot was opened to
supply the British at Balangoda. The ala which later
he opened at Batugedara is now in use. As his reward
Dolosvala asked for and received Nivitigala, said to
18
have once been held by his ancestors. He now
joined the malcontents, suggesting that he had lost
his post for failing to satisfy the Adikar's greed for
Bulatsurulu and dada mudal (fines), and complaints
about the administration of the Province soon followed
19
in large numbers. The principal grievance appeared
to be Kapuvatta's determination to enforce old dues
and customs which Ahalepola had relaxed in his bid
for popular favour, while he on his part had much to
say about the refractory temper of the people and their
failure to render the respect and obedience due to his
office.
A difficult situation seemed likely to arise and
Brownrigg sent Kerr from Colombo to make a report,
provided with a Warrant of Agency and an introduc
tion to the Adikar " As the Bearer of His Excellency's
injunctions to the people to submit themselves to
the authority of their Chief, to yield him all proper
and customary respect and to obey his lawful Com
mands and Decrees." In his instructions he was
warned scrupulously to abstain from taking any step
which might be construed as tending to derogate from
the Chief's authority, but he should avail himself of
some public opportunity to expound the liberal prin
ciples guiding the British Government in dealing
with the rights and property of the subject and to make
it clear that the Chiefs also must act in accordance
therewith, while at the same time impressing on the
people that their prosperity and happiness depended
on their reposing confidence in their Chief and yielding
obedience to his commands.
If it became necessary to hold a public inquiry

into any complaint, that should be represented as an
administrative act on the part of the Chief at which
the Agent was present by invitation in order to support
his proceedings. The practice regarding fines com
plained against and the procedure under which
possession of lands appeared to be unreasonably changed
from time to time, should both be investigated. The
shortage of small change in the Island led to much
trouble and in an attempt to reduce the inconvenience
Brownrigg put into circulation a stock of Dutch copper
chatties, arbitrarily fixing the rate of exchange, by a
Regulation of the 15th April, 1815, at twelve to the
fanam of four pice, in place of the former figure of
sixteen. The immediate result was confusion and
more dissatisfaction, to allay which Kerr was authorized
to announce, with the Adikar's concurrence, that in
future where Government dues were concerned the
new rate of three chatties to the pice would be
20
adopted.
On a general survey the results of Brownrigg's
venture on empire building were proving unexpectedly
satisfactory; no signs of discontent were apparent,
the Chiefs mixed freely with the European officials,
and the health of the troops was excellent. On
14th February, the anniversary of the first hoisting
of the British flag at Maha Nuvara was celebrated by
a Ball given at Colombo by four members of the
Governor's personal staff who had taken part in the
expedition ; his toast was drunk with " three times
three ; " so were many others ; the Gazette report
adding " their number was not diminished by
the wines of every description being of an excellent
quality." There was much dancing, and a great
deal of eating... supper at one in the morning, and a
second supper or " a very substantial early breakfast "
at gun fire. Brownrigg, returning thanks, expressed
his conviction that each succeeding year would prove
more and more the value of the new acquisition. But
others viewed matters from a different angle ana on

26th February 1816 Lord Holland complained in the
House of Lords that while the termination of the war
with " the emperor of Candy " was announced, noth
ing was said of the motives which led to i t ; " and
when the result was looked at, which was nothing less
than the subversion of a most ancient empire, and the
exclusion of a most ancient dynasty, he thought some
further information upon the subject ought to be laid
before the House." The Earl of Liverpool gave the
unsatisfactory reply that " it was not the intention of
His Majesty's servants to communicate any further
information upon the subject. . ." Asiaticus writing
in the Asiatic Journal of December 1816 was more
critical. " What may henceforth be the fate of
Ceylon it is difficult to foresee. The Adigars or
hereditary nobility, administering in their own persons
the chief offices of government sanctioned and directed
by a British Governor, has, I believe, no precedent in
any of our Colonies." Such a system if tried in India,
was bound to result in abuse, he said.
On 28th March Brownrigg started on a tour of
Sinhale and two days later was met by Kapuvatta
at Ratnapura, the new military station established
two miles from Batugedara on a hill overlooking the
river. The Province's main sources of revenue were
the Areka monopoly and the Gem akara, a term which
in ancient Hindu J a w included all royal rights over
minerals. Four Akaras of Gems belonged to the
King. The chief of these was Nivitigala with 219
amunams of sowing, and the organisation of this
important village and its numerous hamlets in the
time of Ra Siha Deviyo, appears in the Tombo.
Services in connection with the gemming rank promi
nently, including the provision of rice needed during
the season, which was from December till the end of
April, the pits being sunk in marshes and beds of
streams. Six thousand fanams in silver were paid
yearly to R l Siha Deviyo, while the Vidane of the
Akaras was entitled to the rest of the collection in

money. A thousand measures of rice were sent to
the royal Gabadava and the amount was later doubled
when Anas Rala was the Vidana. In Amduvella
(Amuvala) and Nirialla lived the Brahmins who were
entrusted with the responsible duty of sifting the .
sand for the gems, and in consequence had no other
liability. Denavaka, with 335 amunams, formed the
second Akara and besides rice supplied the Gabadava
with much jaggery and areca ; the King had a coconut
garden of 200 palms and a bulat garden yielding
60,000 leaves which was looked after by a Badahalaya,
who was given a rice field in recompense. Other
names connected with the Akara include Cardodara
Kanda, described as a great forest possessed by a
Portuguese where the Vahumpurayo yearly cleared
henas giving a share to the land lord ; Meda Karavita,
Dolosvala, Habarakada, Dela habage, Yakavalla, and
21
Hiniduma. Haramanis Perera Mudaliyar, appointed
on 14th October 1815 to be Native Agent of the Resi
dency at Saparagamuva, was in charge of both the gem
and areca interests; he had been Mudaliyar of Pasyodun
Korale, like his father and grandfather before him, and
had won North's favour by his "distinguished services,"
particularly in "having seized a ringleader of the
rebels" in 1800; in February 1815 he was placed by
Ahalepola in charge of the Commissariat at Batugedara
where he became so popular that when in April his
transfer elsewhere seemed likely, the Chiefs petitioned
for his retention, urging that " he is very apt and good
in gaining the hearts and giving satisfaction to the
inhabitants and he is well acquainted with our habits."
None the less they were thought to be reluctant to
indicate the location of promising gem deposits and
neither department was yielding the expected profits.
The sale of gems was subject to strict control and
in January 1816 the Mudaliyar arrested an agent
of the Mudaliyar of the Washer caste in Colombo for
purchasing stones and sent him to the Resident. The
Magistrate who tried the case ordered the gems

found on him to be confiscated, but the Governor
directed their return on security being given in double
their value to the effect " that they will not again
traffic in precious stones in the Interior Provinces
otherwise than in conformity to the Laws and Institu
tions of the Kandyan country and to the regulations
established for protecting the exclusive Privilege of
such Traffic to persons acting under the authority of
Government.""
The industry was so speculative that it was not
easy to secure a fair bid for the Gem Rents ; the ten
derers were chiefly Moors who monopolised the cutting
and polishing and did not scruple about putting for
ward a bankrupt as the ostensible purchaser. Since
the exemption of Vihara and Devala lands from the
renter's operations (the Maha Saman Devalaya owned
not less than seventeen villages with a reputation for
gems) materially affected bids, the claim was referred
to the Resident and the Board of Commissioners,
(its creation will be mentioned later), as Brownrigg
was nervous about " giving umbrage by any infringe
ment of customary dues, especially in the case of
religious establishments." They rejected the claim
but recognised that it was customary in opening mines
to offer the result of the first day's search to the
23
Devalaya. Akara existed in parts of Uva as well,
such as Y a t a palata, but were of little value. D'Oyly
was interested in the geological problems connected
with gems and specimens sent by him from time to
time were reported on by Dr. John Kidd, who was in
school with him at Westminster, and appear to have
been deposited in the Ashmolean.
The practice under the King with regard to the
areka monopoly was explained to D'Oyly by his
spies. The rent was sold in September and the
purchaser contracted to pay for an agreed quantity
at a fixed rate (generally the selling price in the
Colombo market), whereupon the Ara Mudala ad-
vanced the money for purchasing the nuts from the

villagers ; who in the absence of all competition
were left very much at the renter's mercy. Transport
expenses were borne by him and when the terms of
his contract were satisfied, he was free to purchase
any available stocks for his exclusive profit. In 1807
the King had rewarded Valandure Mohottala for his
successful efforts to increase the Ara Mudala profits
from this trade in Saparagamuva— kotika velandama—
by a grant of lands on a Sannas.
Brownrigg now for the first time had experience
of the practical difficulty of obtaining accurate informa
tion about the interior economy of the country, the
dues payable to the King and the Chiefs, the perform
ance of Ra.jaka.riya, the complicated system of land
tenure, and the procedure observed in administering
justice. He continued his journey by way of Kutta-
pitiya, once the gama of Simao Pinhao, the Portuguese
husband of Ra Siha Deviyo's daughter Dona Maria
Perera ; in 1614 it contained 160 amunams of sowing
field and was possessed by Luiz Cabral de Faria
Mudaliyar ; the Vahumpurayo, jagreiros, of the village
supplied the banana leaves out of which the soldiers
of the Saparagamuva garrison ate their food. It was
later assigned by Kirti Sri for the maintenance of
Sri Pada. The track rose to 700 feet at Opanayaka
which also had been possessed by the same two who
used to get from the twenty tal trees growing there,
forty talpat a year worth two larin. It climbed on
past Balangoda to the Devalaya of the Kataragama
Deviyo at Ukgal Alut Nuvara, of which Demodera
24
Mohottala was Basnayaka.
The son of Ratmalavinna Mohottala, he used to

write out Ahalepola's judicial decisions when Disava,
and accompanied him on his flight to Colombo. The
Devalaya was said to have been built by YakaRajjuru-
vo who appointed four families to provide dancers,
lands being allotted to them for the purpose. When
the boundary of the Province was altered by Raja
Sinha, some of the lands included in the holdings of

Udagedara Ilangama (Dancers of the Upper house)
fell within Uva and were taken to Horaguna Devalaya,
and the family was prevented from enjoying them.
Later when Kalu Hami danced before Raja Sinha
and he praised her dancing, she represented this griev
ance to him and fresh lands were allotted to make up
for the loss. In addition to these dancers Alut Nuvara
was known for its Kavi karayo, men who danced and
sang while accompanying themselves with the udakki-
ya, the small hour-glass shaped drum. Their descen
dants still dance and sing with much charm, and are
entitled to perform in the verandah of a Chief's house,
while the Yakdesso dance in the courtyard.
On the 25th Brownrigg reached Halpe Kadavata
and three miles further on at the foot of Idalgashinna
pass crossed the stream Kadavatu Kandura which
separated Saparagamuva from Uva. The track for the
sixty miles up to this point had been cleared, and
fariayam, resthouses, built at every stage, by Eknali
goda, now Disave Mohottala, whose attention to his
comforts gave Brownrigg much gratification; Maha
valatanna shared in the praise which he bestowed and
he reported to Bathurst that in their zeal and attach
ment to the British he discerned the solid foundations
25
of a tranquil state of Government.
The ascent of the Pass led over steep rocky hills
either bare or covered with long grass, through Ginigat
Gala, followed by a region of forest trees and again
long grass, till the summit was reached at a height of
4,500 feet above sea level. Originally Saparagamuva
met Uva at this point, but Raja Sinha separated Kan-
dupalla from the former and attached it to the latter
in recognition of the gallantry of the men of Uva who
had destroyed and burnt down the Portuguese camp at
Ginigat Gala. The old connection however was not
forgotten ; a Disava on first arriving to take charge of
his Province was entitled at his boundary to a salute
from the Kodi Tuvakku which accompanied him, and
the Saparagamuva Disava's salute continued to be

fired from this spot. Excellent iron is abundant in
Saparagamuva and the people of the Province as well
as of Kandupalla who were subject to the yakada
ra.jaka.riya, supplied the Maha Gabadava with ingots
of iron and steel. The Yamanno, iron smelters, of
Atakalanpanne sent 2,825 ingots a .year to Ra Siha
26
Deviyo's store. This valuable asset has been strangely
neglected and today the ore is being used for road
metal. Graphite was known to the early Cave Dwel
lers, as proved by recent excavations, but there was
no demand for it. Kandupalla with Kadavatu Korale
constituted the ancient Etarava. Korale of Sapara
gamuva. Beyond Idalgashinna the rhododendron can
be seen in flower ; the grassy hills of Uda Kinda, cons
tituting the highlands of Uva, lay stretched out below,
bare of forest and encircled by mountains ; a further
twenty six miles through Ratkarava and Uda Kumbal-
vala brought Brownrigg on 8th April to Badulla in
Yata Kinda 2,500 feet below.
The Alut Avurudda was close at hand and the
Astrologers prepared the usual N'akat vattoruva indi
cating the lucky hours connected with the festival, and
this was forwarded by Molligoda for the Governor's
information through Sawers, who in his covering letter
unsympathetically remarked " I fear the Adikar is
too much engaged divining the probable contin
gencies of futurity to think of those things that belong
to the present moment, for I can get no answer to a
note I wrote him yesterday about the cattle of the
Pahaladolos pattu of the Seven Korales." The belief
in the potency of a favourable nakata has not dimi
27
nished appreciably since he scoffed. On the 12th,
Good Friday, Brownrigg attended the Christian service
conducted by George Bissett, brother of his second
wife Sophia, a versatile pluralist who could fill simul
taneously such posts as Colonial Chaplain, Principal
of the Colombo School, Superintendent of the Pearl
Fishery, Leper Hospital, Orphan School, and Poor's
Fund, and Private Secretary to the Governor, for

whom he also acted as Publicity Agent.
Badulla occupies the rising ground in the midst
of a valley with large stretches of the King's rice fields,
irrigated by the tortuous Badulu Oya and its feeder
streams. It was in a condition approaching desola
tion ; the house of the principal resident, the elder
Rambukpota Mohottala, had been burnt down, his
garden remained unfenced, and it was with difficulty
that he was persuaded to rebuild in order to set an
28
example to the rest. The people had not recovered
from the terror inspired by the lawless soldiers. Kappiti
pola was still-regarded with suspicion ; Sawers' endea
vours to gather information received scant support
from the headmen who complained that British inter
ference was undermining their authority, and there was
little improvement in the performance of Rajakariya.
Brownrigg came to the conclusion that there was
undoubtedly misunderstanding, fear of innovations
which would adversely affect established customs,
powers and emoluments, and a general state of con
fusion arising from the recent change. The Sinhalese
economy of the public service, he reported, however
systematic, was founded on needs, customs, and exi
gencies so widely different from the new order of things
that it was difficult to obtain any benefit at all propor
tionate to the real magnitude of the assets ; he was in
favour of commuting the services which had now
become useless ; particularly those of the old State
Departments to which large establishments were
attached with lands assigned to a great number of
persons whose posts were now sinecures. An illus
tration was provided by the case of the Vahumpura
people of Lunugala, whose unenvied duty it was every
year to prepare saltpetre from the surface scrapings
of the gloomy cave at Gampaha in Kandu Palla, in
pots supplied by the Badahalayo of Tunkinda; that
service, known as lunu rajakariya, was essential
to the security of the country when a European
ID SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
blockade cut off the Indian supply, but it was no longer

of any consideration and for political reasons should
preferably be terminated. The people concerned pro
tested against any change but after inquiry it was held
that they had occasionally acted in other capacities,
as in carrying the Disava's palanquin, and they were
induced to agree to the substitution of some service
of greater utility to the State as occasion arose.
• Bogoda Viharaya had long possessed lands gifted
by a private party and later according to a well-
recognised practice, included in a Royal Sanhas ;
its right was now being disputed and as jurisdiction
over questions of title founded on a Royal grant was
reserved to the Sovereign power, an investigation was
ordered. An application for the inhabitants to help
themselves at the Palatupana pans to the salt needed
for their consumption, as provided in the Treaty of
1766 between Kirti Sri Raja Sinha and the Hollanders'
29
Company, was refused, since the collection was now
being undertaken on Government account, but Brown
rigg promised to arrange for its sale within the Province
at the same price as in the Settlements, adding the
cost of transport.
Representations against Kivulegedara Mohottala
of Viyaluva which formed a part of Valapane, drew
attention to the Province, the physical characteristics
of which were aptly pictured by Knox in his quaint
philology... " Wallaponahoy— it signifies Fifty holes or
vales, which describe the nature of it, being nothing
but Hills and Valleys." It was assessed at forty regular
soldiers, and the inhabitants of Viyaluva, which
formed a part of it, were subject to the miris rajakariya,
supplying the palace with the red pepper so essential
in the kitchen, and conducive to physical well-being.
The King's authority always rested lightly on its Chiefs,
and when the Mohottala was summoned to appear
before Wright on a charge of murder, he contumaci
ously threw away the citation and refused to comply.
The evidence against him was slender and Brownrigg
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOT m
ordered further proceedings to be discontinued if the
evidence did not appear completely to establish the
charge, but directed him to be cited through the Disava
to appear before the Governor himself at Colombo to
30
answer for his defiance of public authority. Kivule-
gedara disappeared and search for him proved
fruitless, though the peculiarity of his teeth and a lame
31
and distorted ankle rendered identification easy.
The four months of cold weather in Uva were
drawing to a close. Leaving Badulla Brownrigg
proceeded by the rock-encumbered path over Ridipana
Hill, where the vegetation was so dense that the loaded
elephants could not make their way till the branches
overhead were removed, through rice fields to the
sharp descent at the rocky ford of the Badulu Oya,
and then alongside the stream through luxuriant
jungle to Taldena. Puduma Hela, equally rocky,
was next crossed and then through more rice fields to
the Meda Oya, the course of which was followed
through undulating and well inhabited country, with
low jungle on either side, as far as Gonagala. Exten
sive hena clearings were then encountered with their
fences blocking the passage, and once again the Badulu
Oya, here a considerable stream, had to be crossed.
Passing Kalualla Ruppa, through thick forests covering
the base of high mountains, over great rocks and an
extensive marsh, at last.the Uma Oya, both broad and
rapid, with its ford cumbered by boulders and trunks
of trees, was reached. From its left bank stretched
tall thin jungle, difficult for any beast of burden and
impossible for elephants, till the Mahavili Ganga
appeared. Following this many deep and broad
streams which fall into it were crossed, till at Madutta
Gal Potta great rocks again hemmed in the path.
A part of the road up to Belihul Oya was covered with
dense vegetation ; that broad and rapid stream was
crossed at its confluence with the Mahavili, over a
boulder-strewn bed. Beyond Kimbulgan tot a the
road was more open and ran in part through rice fields.
The undulating country was now replaced by rugged

terrain up to Katupatvela kadavata, beyond which
the track continued over uneven ground to the top
of the Pass at Diyabubula, showing some improvement
as far as GSnagama and then making a steep and
rugged descent of two miles through forests into
the Maha Oya. Crossing another stretch of rice
fields, forest through which a loaded bullock but not
an elephant could make its way was again encoun
tered, and one and a half miles further on the open
country and an easy road to Maha Nuvara lay before
35
them..
On the 17th Brownrigg reached Kundasala, where
Narendra Sinha's palace was burnt down in 1804 by
Major Johnston who described it as " a beautiful
building decorated with many rare objects presented
by Portuguese, Dutch and British in turn." The
King's subjects loved that place and sang songs about
his visits. . . " There goes our merry King to Kunda
sala : mark the palace he has built, with floor below
and floor above, and coconut and areka palms laid
out in rows on either bank." Sri Vikrama favoured
the place and had close by on the right bank seven
coconut gardens through which ran the road to Han-
guranketa ; the Uda Gabada Nilame who had charge
of them estimated their yield at 2,500 nuts a month.
Though the fruit was essential in the economy of a
Sinhalese household, it was of little interest to the
British, while arrack was being transported at heavy
costfor the soldiers from the seacoast,where there was a
large population closely allied to the South Indians who
habitually drank tari, (" tarry or toddy " wrote Maria
Graham while at Bombay on 28th May 1809) and
plantations were large ; in 1614 women round Negombo
and Matara distilled arrack which they sold, paying
a certain duty to the Treasury. Toddy when half
fermented, was popular in European houses, and
when fully fermented., was in great demand among the
soldiers, who steeped green capsicums in it to increase
its potency. The villager extracted the sap from the

Kitul palm which grew in abundance in the forests,
and this formed an important article of diet, its special
properties being found to aid resistance to the seasonal
outbreaks of fever ; in places like Gilimale, on the slopes
of Samanala Kanda, which supplied the royal stores
with much jaggery, the produce of the kitul took the
place of rice as the staple diet. (Recently British
armies fighting the Japanese in Burma suffered more
intensely from the absence of sugar than from the
lack of salt).
The religion of the Sinhalese combined with
the general use of their mild stimulant the bulat
leaf (called betel by Europeans from its Tamil name
vettilai) had made them a sober race, and they hardly
conceived the possibility of a woman being drunk.
Knox chose his words happily when he said of them
" Drunkenness they do greatly abhor neither are there
many that do give themselves to it." . Sri Vikrama
set his face sternly against the use of spirits among his
subjects, and he forbad all distillation in the country ;
arrack was however prepared in his Bet Ge for sick
elephants and horses, and making gunpowder. A
certain amount of secret distilling was carried on with
a primitive still made of earthen pots and bambus,
such as the Indian bandaris, toddy drawers, employed :
the spirit thus produced was well spoken of and various
medicinal virtues were ascribed to i t : " which I stilled
myself, and I thinke excell any in other parts of India "
wrote Knox referring to this. A rapid change followed
the King's departure and as early as the 26th of the
previous June D'Oyly had considered it necessary
" to guard the inhabitants against the evil effects
arising from the use of arrack of pernicious qualities
manufactured within the Kandyan Provinces, " and
by a Government Advertisement he gave warning that
the late King's orders were still in force and distillation
except with the written Licence of the Resident,
Adikars or Disavas would be punished by Fine, Impri-
33
sonment, or Corporal Punishment. The state_ of
things in the Army was a scandal: as Brownrigg
pointed out to Giffard, smuggled arrack could be
bought in the Garrisons for five fanams or eight-
pence the. gallon. The emphatic language of his
General Order of ist October 1815 reflected his
anxiety. . .
" It is with deep concern that the Commander of
Forces is compelled publicly to notice in Orders the
continued profligacy of some of the soldiers of the
73rd Regiment whose incorrigible habit of drunkenness
and consequent vices are heaping disgrace on the
character of His Majesty's service and in particular
are stamping infamy on that of their own particular
corps."
Sawers obtained tappers from Colombo and
opened a distillery in one of the King's gardens, a
task in which he received much help from David de
Alwis, (who coming from the main centre of the arrack
industry, Kalutara, had an intimate knowledge of the
subject), and it already nearly met the garrison's
wants. Brownrigg on visiting it appreciatively
recorded that it conferred " a most important benefit
in saving the carriage of this indispensable article
of military supply."
After breakfasting at the Palace as Sawers's guest
he started again and was met by Ahalepola one and
a half miles from Kundasala.. In the tropics nature
demands that the air should have free play on the
human skin,- and clothes hamper efficiency, for
which purpose they are essential in colder regions. All
Sinhalese from the King downwards dressed with the
utmost simplicity at home, a length of cloth being
wound round the waist and the rest of the body left
bare. On ceremonial occasions Chiefs wore a shirt
and jacket worked in gold and copied from the Portu
guese costume of the sixteenth century. The jacket
was left open and the sleeves, fastened at the wrist
with small gold buttons, were tight to above the elbows

and puffed out at the shoulders. About the loins
was a muslin or painted calico cloth falling below the
knee like loose trousers, the length varying according
to the wearer's rank. Several folds were wrapped
round the waist, concealing the lithe bodies under
unwieldy shapes, and here were carried a knife, stylus,
and betel box ; a Chief's sword being intended for war
formed no part of his costume but like his gun was
carried by an attendant; as at the Manchu Emperor's
Court, it wouldnot be broughtinto the Royal presence.
His long hair was tied up in an ella konde, elongated
knot, resembling the " club " fashionable in England
a few years earlier (" pig-tails " were cut off in the
army in 1808) ; it rested low on the neck and did not
interefere with the headdress, which was worn not for
protection but as an indication of rank and varied in
shape and ornament accordingly from the light cap of
white muslin prepared by the village henaya (washer
man) to the ata mulu toppiya (eight cornered hat)
which Sri Vikrama presented to his Adikars. These
were copied from the Portuguese barrete ; a Chief
could not appear before the King bare-headed, and
often when in attendance on him a hulan patjiya
(wind strap) was employed to keep the covering in
place. When walking a person of distinction carried
a long painted cane in the hand ; generally no foot
covering was worn.
The Dutch Company used to send the Kings
from time to time rich European clothes : Johann van
der Behr mentions "one red satin dress after our
fashion, a hat with a plume and a trained parrot"
sent to Raja Sinha on 13th November 1647. Bird
of Paradise plumes were an appreciated gift, but
though Knox (who never saw him) represented him
as wearing them, this primitive system of adornment
with feathers, involving as it did the taking of life,
was never adopted by the Sinhalese. Narendra Sinha
used the white wigs which with the necessary
powder and pomade the Dutch sent him with much

secrecy, as Lewis de Saram recorded. Rich colours
in dress were as popular as they were in England
twenty years earlier and were selected with a true
instinct for what suited the people's complexions and
their brilliant sunlight. Dark blue and the repellent
black were generally confined to the lower social
grades, but a Chief was obliged to wear them when
in disgrace and under detention.
Ahalepola who was short of stature, was dressed
on this occasion with simplicity but with a degree of
elegance which attracted notice, and there was little
parade of attendance ; he greeted Brownrigg with
the grace which was characteristic of him and accom
panied him to where Molligoda and the other Chiefs
were drawn up on the road awaiting his arrival; even
in the Magistrate's Court Ahalepola was still being
described as Deveni Rajjuruvo, and it was clear he
desired to hold himself aloof from them. The Chiefs
formed in procession as was customary on receiving the
King and conducted Brownrigg to Maha Nuvara which
he entered at 2 p.m., after his journey of 190 miles
34
from Colombo.
A royal diversion was staged to welcome him,
when twenty three wild elephants were driven into
the great square and imprisoned in a gala (enclosure)
where two were noosed by a hunter and the rest set
free. On the 16th October 1810 Sri Vikrama watched
a similar display from the recently completed Patti-
rippuva, when men seated on two tall pillars noosed
with madu (lassoos of raw deer hide which the Rhodi
provided) four female elephants out of a herd which was
preserved by the Kuruve people of the Satara Korale
35
for such exhibitions ; these people were generally
placed under a separate Kuruve Lekama appointed
by the King, but sometimes the department was
entrusted to the Disava. The Dumbara elephant
establishment also maintained a herd of half-tame
elephants for enticing passing wild herds to remain

in the neighbourhood of the Atgala.
Brownrigg intended according to the King's
practice to deal with all administrative matters
needing personal attention during his stay at Maha
Nuvara, and he arranged his programme of work in
consultation with D'Oyly. In a Minute of 25th April
he explained that in his presence the representative
character of his Accredited Agent, the Resident, abated,
and he continued only as First Councillor: for the
functions of the King's representative were undivided,
while those of His Majesty's Council were purely deli
berative, the Members having no votes. The position
of the Great Chiefs had to be clarified ; and Brownrigg
ruled that even if they too were regarded as Councillors
(the highest distinction admissible) they would func
tion merely as his Advisers. What he proposed to
hold was an Audience of General Review, in which
r
grievances could be redressed, abuses reformed and

errors on the part of local authorities corrected ; such
being its scope, to describe it as a Sessions of Appeal
was inadequate.
The first item of business was receiving the ad
ministration reports of the Disavas and other Chiefs
of Districts. It was an inflexible rule as Pybus and
Andrews had found, that when the King's business
was discussed everyone present should stand, and
further when the Adikars were standing, no one
except royalty could remain seated. Accordingly
when the Adikars' reports were presented everyone,
led by the Governor, rose to their feet. The Chiefs
of Departments and of the more important religious
establishments followed, after which those who con
stituted the High Court gave an account of their work.
Legal inquiries were then commenced; Brownrigg
waded patiently through them with the Chiefs acting
as Assessors, but lacking expert knowledge of the
rules of evidence and procedure the results achieved
were not commensurate with the labour expended.
Following the English practice of General Gaol

Delivery he next reviewed the cases of the six civil
and criminal prisoners under detention. By custom
on a sentence of imprisonment being pronounced the
convicted person's head-dress, whether cap or cloth,
was removed and could not be resumed till he was set
at liberty; he was then consigned to the Maha hirage
which was in charge of the Adikar's rdkavallo, where
he had to pay a fee on admission and on discharge.
His family was obliged to supply him with food, but
if it failed to do so he was allowed out under guard
to beg for it in the streets. The practice resembled
what prevailed in Europe at the end of the eighteenth
century, though the abuses which John Howard reveal
ed to a horrified world could not arise where things
were on this small scale. Hardship undoubtedly
resulted about food and to obviate this Brownrigg
ordered an allowance of one and a half fanams a day
to be paid out of the revenue for the subsistence of
each prisoner, till effective procedure could be estab
lished for enforcing the relatives' liability. The same
sum was fixed for the maintenance of convicted pri
soners in the Settlements by Regulation 3 of 1819.
Among the Civil inquiries was the contest regard
ing the wealthy estate of the late Devamadda Disava,
36
Ratvatta, between Kappitipola, Ratvatta Disava
and the younger Molligoda who had married the
37
deceased's Mahatmayo. The Nanayakkara Lekama,
Mattamagocla, (whose family claimed kinship with
the Second Maha Mudaliyar's) was suing for a declara
tion of his title to lands in Dehigampal Korale on a
Sannas given by Mayadunna of Sitavaka to his " fifth
38
grandmother." His village adjoined what in 1614
was registered as the paravenia of the Principe Para-
deniya Bandar. The temporalities of several religious
institutions had also to be dealt with. Natha Devalaya
lands had been submerged in forming the lake;
private lands were said to have been erroneously in
cluded in the Sannas inscribed by Sri Vikrama's orders
on the rock at Alut Viharaya sixteen years before ;

and the succession to Degaldoruva Viharaya, given by
the Sannas of 1786 to Moratota Dhammakkanda, had
to- be settled. Many lands confiscated by the Kings
were brought up for consideration and the principle
to be followed in restoring them laid down. Some
important appointments were made and on 25th
April Molligoda and Pilima Talavva exchanged their
Provinces, and an incident connected with this illus
trated the inviolability which was attached to any
thing belonging to the King. Palipana Disava had
collected money in Sat Korale for presentation to Sri
Vikrama at his Karab'dndi Mangalya (marriage festi
val) but owing to political troubles this remained
unused with the Mohottalas who handed it over to
Molligoda when appointed Disava; he now in turn on
quitting office paid over the sum to the authorities
39
at the Cutcherry. .
Palipana's grandmother had accompanied Kirti
Sri Raja Sinha on his visit to Puttalama (apparently
at his Kadu Bandina Mangalya) in the capacity of
Attula Nilame to perform the Alattu ceremony, and
on his return he gave her a Sanhas for Maguru deniya,
Her own daughter as well as her adopted daughter
were both married to the Palipana Disava who went
with Kapuvatta to Batavia in 1768 and like him died
abroad, and his son, also Disava, had possession of
the Sanhas.
The audiences lasted from 24th April till 20th
May when the cases undisposed of were classified into
groups : those in which Government was concerned
were referred to the Resident for disposal by him in
the presence of the Chiefs, and the rest according to
their importance assigned to the Assembly of Chiefs,
the Adikars, and the Local Chiefs respectively. On
the latter date further appointments were announced,
the elder Mampitiya being sent to Udu Nuvara in
place of the Younger, who displaced the younger
Molligoda in Tun Korale, he in turn relieving Amunu-
40
gama in Dumbara and succeeding Ahalepola in the
office of Kengalle Kuruve Lekama.
A lengthy address by Brownrigg brought the pro
ceedings to a close. He frankly admitted that he found
little in the Chiefs' administration which was a material
ground for dissatisfaction, and a great deal for which
they were entitled to commendation. The firsthand
knowledge which he acquired served to disabuse his
mind, and he was astonished to discover a system of a
comprehensive character, with a body of acknowledged
usages regulating the succession of estates and other
principal branches of Civil Jurisdiction. He declared
that the misfortunes from which according to his
information the country had suffered for many years,
were the result not of-the absence of a Rule of Law,
but of the failure to adhere to i t ; accordingly the
leading principles as revealed in the proceedings before
him, were carefully recorded for future guidance.
He went so far as to say that in the course of the many
and varied cases into which he inquired, the Chiefs
associated with him as Assessors had not once
expressed an opinion in which he did not heartily
41
concur. The quality of the justice dispensed by
Sri "Vikrama's judges must have been high to have
elicited that acknowledgement.
The appointment of a Magistrate at Maha Nuvara
to deal with a special class of cases could not fail
to embarrass the Sinhalese officials who continued to
exercise their original functions, but he generally acted
with tact and referred to the latter all cases properly
falling within their jurisdiction. People from the
Settlements however when dissatisfied with the
Adikar's decision frequently attempted to reopen the
dispute before the Magistrate. Ahalepola also occa
sionally gave trouble, for he seemed unable to realise
that he could no longer exercise his former authority.
For instance in January 1816 a claim involving a
large sum of money was laid before him against
Naraina Pulle, a native of Ramesvaram who for twenty

years had resided at Maha Nuvara. Ahalepola
summoned the defendant to appear before him, but
he refused to comply on the plea that only the Magis
trate could entertain the case. Ahalepola caused
him to be arrested and produced and after inquiry
gave judgment against him for the amount claimed ;
the defendant protested that he would take the matter
before the Magistrate, whereupon Ahalepola ordered
that he should be kept in confinement, which was
42
done ; six days later he was released.
With the growth of the Bazzar the existing
Police arrangements proved quite inadequate ; there
was a steady influx of Moorish and other disorderly
characters from the Coast whose addiction to gambling
led to a speedy increase of crime, including house
breaking. The smuggling of arrack proved a remune
rative business in spite of prosecutions, and it was
strongly suspected that_offenders were being protected
by the Adikar's Vidiye Arachchi. A Baz'zar Constable
was accordingly appointed and on 31st January 1816
Sawers in his capacity of Magistrate (he appears to
have worked at both Badulla and Maha Nuvara)
established a Native Patrol to assist the Constable.
It was recruited exclusively from people who had come
from the Settlements and was to govern itself by the
Regulations framed for the Colombo Police. Civil
litigation was fast getting out of hand ; parties would
in the first instance resort to Colombo with their
complaints and these would be referred to the Resident
at whose office they were liable to be held up indefi
nitely. Where land disputes were concerned, the
Sinhalese system was highly unsatisfactory. The
principle that a decision of a competent tribunal given
after trial could not be reopened was not recognised,
with the result that the same dispute would be brought
up again and again as the judges were changed. An
appeal to the King involved absence from home at the
Capital for months, in s o m e cases even years ; further
the appeal had to be brought to the King's notice by

some courtier, whose assistance had to be paid for.
Success therefore was almost as disastrous as failure.
An extract from a Vitti Vattoru, or Statement of
Claim, will illustrate the hardships of the system.
" When the English Government was established
complaint was made to the Disava of Matale, but it
being beyond his power it was laid before the General
(D'Oyly) who referred it to Molligoda Maha Nilame
but he did not hear it. Again complained to the
General. He sent us to the sub-King's (Ahalepola)
Walawa with peons. He did not hear the case. (We)
went to Colombo. The Governor at Colombo heard
this case and wrote to the General to settle it. As
there was no decision an order was given to go to
43
Colombo."
A few practical rules of procedure were therefore
framed, which Brownrigg hoped would reduce the
hardships. The slttu, judicial orders issued by Disavas,
were being abused ; they were intended to deal with
the interim possession of disputed lands and to be
based on summary inquiry, but were being treated
as final decisions on title, thus leading to more disputes
and general confusion. A strong recommendation
was therefore addressed to the Chiefs to confine them
selves in issuing them to the maintenance of a first
possession, and avoid making any order which could
be represented as final except after hearing all the
evidence. Forcible occupation of land on the plea
of title was becoming frequent, and such action was
to be treated as a serious public offence.
No doubt the fact that by Custom a writing was
not essential for the valid transfer of immovable pro
perty served to encourage this unfortunate tendency.
Even when a document was prepared, its execution
was not accompanied by strict formalities. The
grantor would scratch a mark or inscribe a letter on
the palm leaf which was to be used and hand it over
to the writer to fill in the desired particulars ; so long

as this when completed was read over to the grantor
and admitted by him to be correct, his signature was
not needed. Nor were there any witnesses to the
execution, but the document recited that the act was
performed with the knowledge of parties mentioned
therein; such parties need not be present at one
time, provided that the grantor informed them that
the deed was in accordance with his wishes, nor did
they sign the document. Besides, so great was the
regard in which the Sinhalese held nama gama (the
name by which a person was known and the holding
from which it was derived) that anyone selling a land
was entitled at any time to demand its reconveyance
to himself on certain conditions; this right acted as
an incumbrance on the title which seriously affected
the prospect of improvements being carried out.
Brownrigg's admonitions had no effect. Not
only did disputants forcibly remove crops grown by
their opponents, but anyone who considered himself
aggrieved by the act of another would proceed to
seize the latter's cattle and movables. Two cases
illustrate the extent of the evil and the high position
of the offenders. The Rankotdivala family claimed
the gama from which they obtained their name, as
granted to them by the King who lived at Ambulugala
Nuvara, and they had possession for seven generations.
In the time of Kirti Sri Raja Sinha, Rankotdivala
Mahatmayo had successfully maintained her right
before that King, but later Mampitiya Duggana
Unnahe had taken forcible possession, and in view
of her great influence with the King the Mahatmayo
was afraid to make any complaint. Later when the
Mampitiya lands were confiscated by Sri Vikrama,
he gave the lands back to the Rankotdivala family
but Edanduvava Basnayaka Nilame who was related
to the family, now took forcible possession and litiga
tion was pending in December 1816. The other case
is that of Don Simon Appuhami; he was one of those
who had been persuaded by Levuke to leave Hevakam

Korale when the King was at Vak Oya, and he had
been rewarded with the grant of Manel Oluva Panguva
in Beligal Korale, which was taken from the confis
cated Mampitiya properties. When on the arrival
of the English the announcement was made that lands
unjustly confiscated by Sri Vikrama would be restored
to the original owners, Mampitiya Disava proceeded
to take possession and litigation resulted. There was
another complaint against Mampitiya on ist July 1817
that he had gone with seventy men and seized the crop
of a field which he claimed. Legislation became
imperatively necessary and a series of Proclamations
followed: on 5th August 1819 taking forcible possession
was declared an offence punishable with fine and
imprisonment at hard labour : on 28th October 1820
formal documentary transfers of land were made
compulsory ; and on 14th July 1821 the seller's right
to demand a re-transfer was considerably restricted.
Brownrigg obtained from the Chiefs much infor
mation about civil and political institutions of the
country as well as the nature, management and duties
of the various Departments. By a Proclamation he
abolished the Hungan duties levied at the kadavatu
on the boundaries of Sinhale in order to encourage
trade, with the immediate result that while the Govern
ment sacrificed a trifling amount of revenue, the
Disavas lost what to them was an important source of
emolument. Further the monopoly of the trade in
44
areka, wax, cardamoms, coffee and pepper throughout
Sinhale was discontinued, and the possibility in the
case of the Madige of substituting some more advan
tageous service for the liability to trade on behalf of
45
the Maha Gabadava, was considered. Various per
sons whose services called for recognition were
46
rewarded by grants of lands. Orders were given
for firing the morning and evening gun from the
fort at Kotugodaila, called Flag Staff Hill, " from where
it was first fired on the British troops taking posses-
sion of Kandy " to quote the words of the General

Order of 27th April: it is not without interest to note
that several Portuguese and Dutch cannon said to
have been brought from Trikunamale were found
buried in the King's elephant stalls. The Flag Staff
was to be set up within the works of the Citadel on
One Tree Hill from where it was possible to signal
to Atgala.
The land to the North and behind the Palace was
set apart as the garrison garden, to be cultivated for
the use of the troops. Sri Vikrama's appreciation of
the beautiful showed itself in his fondness not only
of music but more especially of architecture ; squared
and fashioned timber and chiselled stone were found
lying scattered round the Vasala in quantities and
these the soldiers were forbidden to destroy, as they
were needed for the public service. There was a well-
organised Department responsible for ornamental work
of this nature. For instance in Satara Korale there
survived the Pata Rata Kottal Badda (the Work
Department of the Rata below the Mountains) which
had come down from Dharmapala's time ; it included
the vaduvo (carpenters) who worked under a mul
achariya (foreman) appointed by the King on the
Disava's recommendation, at the dandu maduva (tim
ber store) ; the ? vaduvo who made and lacquered
bows, spear shafts and the like; liyana vaduvo, turners;
gal vaduvo, stone masons ; mura dchdri, iron smiths ;
badalo, silversmiths ; and atapattu karayo, who did
17
inlay-work with gold, silver and brass.' They formed
the nearest approach to a class of professional artists,
and it was the Court connection which retarded the
extinction of artistic handicrafts. Sri Vikrama de
lighted to supervise the making of gold ornaments for
the royal ladies and he had good taste. Ahalepola
when in Saparagamuva kept a large number of gold
and silversmiths working for him at Batugedara; in the
neighbouring village of Mudduva there still exists a
group of skilled workmen in the precious metals who,
judging from their name, were refugees from the

Royal village of Bellana in Pasyodun Korale. In
the bed of the Kalu Ganga opposite is Manik vala, a
deep hollow which used to be dredged once a year for
gems, after invocations to the controlling deity, Saman
deviyo.
The children of the chief Sinhalese families at
Colombo were trained at the Seminary there for
appointments as confidential Interpreters, and Brown
rigg was anxious to provide similar facilities for
Sinhale. His scheme which was referred to the Resi
dent on 22nd May contemplated a separate Kandyan
Class at the Seminary or a separate educational'
establishment for youths from the Territory. It
would be supervised by the principal Chief for the
time being in attendance at Colombo, and a Bhikkhu
could be attached so as to avoid any apprehension of
interference with their religion. At the start instruc
tion would be confined to general education in the
English language, which was essential to secure their
permanent attachment and to qualify them for efficient
service under the Government " without being super
seded in their rights by the necessity of employing
Interpreters and other Native Officers from the
Settlements on the Sea Coast." He expressed his
fervent hope that a spread of such knowledge would
conduce to greater understanding between the races.
He had reached the conclusion that the burden
of work laid on the Resident was too heavy for one
man and announced that in order to relieve him he
appointed Sawers to be Revenue Agent. His Minute
of 31st May stated that " On the 1st June the collection
of Revenue, the charge of the Government lands,
Cattle and property, with the execution of the Public
Service will devolve on Mr. Sawers as First Assistant,
under the immediate direction and control of Mr.
D'Oyly, and subject to the terms of the Convention
and the Laws Institutions and Customs of the Kandyan
48
Country."
Brownrigg did not forgot Major Davie and ordered

inquiry into his case ; he had been treated with much
consideration by Sri Vikrama but till his death in
1811-12 he was very bitter about the supineness of
his countrymen in restoring him to freedom. So
great was the secrecy enforced in regard to him that
even Millava " eminent amongst his brethren for
intelligence and accuracy" as Brownrigg described
him, could give no help in tracing out his place of
burial. However his son by one of the slave women
given by the King was taken charge of and sent to
the Seminary to be taught letters ; he died while still
49
young.
Chapter IV.
Brownrigg left pleased with the results achieved

and noting with appreciation the improvement in the
Balane Road which made the nine miles from Amunu-
pura to Attapitiya comparatively easy to traverse :
in the King's time a stone wall twelve feet high with
a gateway crossed it at Balane Kadavata. Ahalepola
followed to take part in the King's birthday
celebrations, when he watched the review of troops
from the Governor's phaeton, in which he was driven
by Brownrigg's Aide de Camp, Captain King of the
1
Royal Staff corps. Millava also came; his uprightness
and sense of fair dealing, which had won for him Sri
Vikrama's favour, were as noteworthy as his indepen
dence of mind. "Justice like the Sun ought to shine
equally on all," he once insisted when for political rea
sons the British officials attempted to avoid bringing a
5
party to trial. He and Molligoda took the opportu
nity to visit Kelaniya Viharaya wearing their full dress;
the Adikar remarked that the Disava's vattappuva,
the large ring with a bezel covering three fingers which
formed an essential part of the costume, was not
sufficiently impressive, and sending for his own jewel
box took out two rings, one recently made by Nlravaila
Kiri Naide, which he made him wear. He now
addressed a memorandum to the Governor setting out
an experienced -and level-headed Minister's views on
what the British had so far accomplished. They were
in their second year, and already the revenue system
had become so disorganised that perhaps not a tithe
of the dues payable to Government was being recovered;
crimes of violence were multiplying in alarming
fashion ; judicial authority was being set at defiance,
disputants were taking forcible possession of lands ;
Custom was being flouted; and the weakening of the
respect with which officials responsible for the
administration were regarded, was significantly
indicated by a growing disregard for the hitherto

strictly enforced distinctions of dress, which, he
3
insisted, must be upheld. He no doubt felt as
Brownrigg would have done, had a Lieutenant
masqueraded in his uniform. Tolfrey and Sutherland
who were sent to discuss these questions with him,
reported that his exposition of Custom agreed in the
main with what was recorded in 1769 for Governor
Falk's guidance. Ahalepola supported Millava's views
and earnestly warned the officials that unless they
enforced Custom, on which peace and good order
depended, matters would soon get beyond control.
Brownrigg, accustomed to a state of society which,
with the disappearance of monastery and manor life,
gravitated exclusively round coined money, was not
qualified intellectually to appreciate these views.
Money was as little essential to the dairy life of the
Sinhalese as it was to those who built the Pyramids,
except in certain matters which were the King's
charge. Land was the Public Treasure, held by him
in Trust for the Community, and as such it could not
be sold or surrendered to a foreigner, but its enjoyment
could be obtained by offering the King a dekum in
money. It was usually granted in exchange for
service, it may be military or on works of public utility
or in the supply of food. The social arrangement
depended for its success on everyone doing an assigned
task according to an elaborate division of labour
designed to utilise natural resources- for the common
benefit, any available surplus being diverted to the
Ara Mudala, as in the case of arecanuts. It was
enforced by Custom which by inveterate use had
acquired a great moral force backed by universal
public opinion, on which the King could always rely :
there was little physical power behind him except
what lay in the mass of the people, whose acquiescence
was thus of vital importance. The complicated
system of irrigation and agriculture on which the
Community's existence depended, called for a closely
796—F
knit organization. The capacity to work for a common

end was the condition of success ; Custom prescribed
duties and rewards; and the Chiefs supplied the
disciplined leadership needed to secure efficiency and
keep every man at his task. It was thus that the
Sinhalese built their public works and established a
comparatively cultured society. Brownrigg promised
Millava a horse as a token of his esteem, but ignored
his advice.
On the King's birthday, as recorded in his
diary, a newspaper from Madras brought the news
of the baronetcy conferred on him, but the ensuing
months were full of anxiety. His relations with the
Judiciary continued to be strained and besides he was
waging a feud with the Advocate Fiscal, whose legal
criticism of administrative proposals he resented,
angrily writing on 2nd August 1814 " I must express
my hope that no practice may arise of treating my
measures with derogatory epithets, under any terms
of circumlocution whatever." This did not improve
matters, and on 10th July 1815 John Rodney
wrote " By the Order of His Excellency the Governor
I have to inform you that he insists upon receiving
no more letters from you on any other subject whatever
than Publick business." On 25th June 1816 Mary
Edwards, a married English woman, complained to
the Provincial Judge at Galle against Bombardier Pike,
charging him (to quote Giffard's report to the Supreme
Court) with " a brutal and outrageous assault upon
an European woman in a state of pregnancy which was
followed by the premature birth of her child." The
complicity of high officers was alleged and Brownrigg's
attempt to interfere in the case was resisted by
Giffard, with the result that the tension between the
two became acute.
Some members of Sri Vikrama's clan, among them
K.annu Nayaker, were in the Second Maha Mudaliyar's
charge at Colombo ; others including Konda Svami,
brother of Raja Adiraja's Senior Queen, and Rama
Svami younger brother of Muddu Svami, were in

Negumbo Fort, where three long ranges of buildings
had been diverted from their original purpose of
barracks and cinnamon stores for the occupation of
political refugees and other similar persons. The
only entrance to the fort was over a drawbridge and
through a gateway in the front rampart—which was
of stone, the other three sides being defended by
embankments of sand. • Asana Kapitan was also at
Negumbo living on the four acres of Padilivatta given
him by the English in 1812. Information was now
received that all these were engaged in a conspiracy
4
in which Tamby Mudaliyar, who as Head of the Guides
had rendered much service in the hostilities with the
Sinhalese, was also implicated. So far as this last was
concerned Brownrigg considered the charge " v e r y
incredible," but on 19th June the Sitting Magistrates
5
at Colombo and Negumbo were directed to inquire
into the reports. Though a search of their houses
and an examination of all documents found therein
revealed nothing of an incriminating nature, a strict
control over the Malabars was considered necessary ;
those in Colombo were brought within its Fort and
were joined by those from Negumbo, Kumarasvami
Mudaliyar, Brownrigg's Tamil interpreter, being entrus
ted with the removal of the women and children; shortly
after they were all shipped away to Madras. Some
of those deported in 1815 were found to have returned,
and a Regulation was published on 24th June 1816
imposing the penalty of twelve months imprisonment
for continued residence in the Island or unauthorised
6
return.
On the 26th Louis de Saram, Second Maha
Mudaliyar, died and was buried the next morning in
the family vault under the gallery over the western
doorway of the Dutch Church in Wolvendahl. A
detachment of 92 men from the 73rd Regiment under
a Field Officer with the regimental band escorted the
coffin which was borne by sixteen privates followed
by the Governor and chief officials ; Bisset read the

Church of England service for the dead, after which
three volleys were fired in front of the church. On
the ist July the deceased's nephew, Abraham de
Saram, was appointed to succeed as Second Maha
Mudaliyar and Maha Vidane of Panadura, which in
Sinhalese times always belonged to the King, with the
charge of such of Dharmapala's gabaddgam as still
retained that character, being known as Dispens
villages, from the Portuguese word for gabadava,
despenca.
On the 4th July D'Oyly by a private letter inform
ed Brownrigg that Kivulegedara had surrendered and
was instructed to bring him to trial according to Sin
halese Institutions, the terms of the Act of Convention,
and the Crown Law Officers' opinion received from
7
England. He ascertained that by Custom a charge of
murder should be reported to the King, who then
directed a Court composed of some of the Principal
Chiefs to hold an investigation ; they heard all the
evidence and submitted a detailed record with their
finding on which the King gave his final decision. He
accordingly arranged for an inquiry by the Chiefs
(at which he would be present) and their opinion
would be submitted to the Governor. A Commissioner
Appuhami was sent to Viyaluva to collect evidence
and on the 17th July proceedings commenced before
Dullava, Disava of Valapane, Millava Disava of
Vellassa, Kadigamuva Maha Gabada Nilame, and
Dodanvala ; Udugampaha later was substituted for
Millava who fell ill. The case for the prosecution was
that the man alleged to have been murdered, Kanda-
kapu Ulpota Gammahe, had gone to the Mohottala's
house about a land dispute and was there done to death
and the body disposed of in a stream a furlong away.
A stone with a tough jungle creeper fastened round it
and one human bone were produced as found in a pool,
but there was only one witness of any importance, a
drummer named Suddana. After the hearing D'Oyly
described the evidence as " extremely defective,"

but since there were suspicious circumstances, he
8
ordered a search for further facts.
9
The Perahara at Badulla commenced on the 24th
and the Chief Bhikkhu of Mutiyangana Viharaya and
the Basnayaka of the local Kataragama Devalaya
claimed from Wright the paddy customarily offered
to their establishments and to the Pattini and Linda-
mula Devalayas ; their right was admitted and fourteen
amunam were delivered from the crop of the royal fields
at Aludeniya and Alutvela which were twenty one
amunam in sowing extent. It was customary to give
them in addition the iron for the implements required
to cultivate their own lands, fourteen pounds to the
Viharaya, and twenty eight to the Devalaya. The
royal fields at Ekiriya and Komarika. had also yielded
10
an abundant harvest. The celebrations at Maha
Nuvara were marred by the behaviour of the people
from the Maritime Provinces, generally turbulent ele
ments from districts the inhabitants of which were
traditionally coarse of language and rude of manner,
who were observed watching the Dalada Perahara from
the forbidden high levels above the street. For the
barebodied Sinhalese man to cover his shoulders with
a cloth in the presence of a superior is a serious act of
discourtesy, and they crossed the street in front of the
Perahara thus covered. It is not clear whether their
conduct was due to ignorance of the refinements of
Sinhalese life, or was merely foolish impudence, but
Wilson as Magistrate took a grave view and issued a
notice on 8th August threatening to punish such
behaviour, which was a violation of custom, with
imprisonment.
On 18th July a talpat was received from Eknaiigoda
reporting in guarded language that some Bhikkhus
had sounded him about joining in an attempt to expel
the British; as Major Hardy after an inquiry at Ratna-
pura came to the conclusion that something serious
was on foot, the Resident was warned and the military
posts ordered to be in readiness. Brownrigg writing

to Batlrurst frankly admitted that he trembled at the
possibility of a successful conspiracy, " for neither
strength, determination nor vigilance can be entirely
proof against the snares of diabolical and treacherous
11
cunning." D'Oyly however traced out the Bhikkhus,
three in number, the chief being Ihagama Unnanse,
a twenty-five year old native of Harispattuva who
was educated at Malvatta and was well known to
13
D'Oyly ; they were all arrested on the 31st.
It was subsequently ascertained that Ihagama
had been sent to Colombo in furtherance of a plan to
obtain from Siam a Prince for the Sinhalese Throne,
a step advocated by the conspirators in 1760 and said
to have been twice attempted in Sri Vikrama's time.
Intercourse with that country was frequent since in
1753 Kirti Sri Raja Sinha fetched from there the
Chapter needed to re-establish the Upasampaddva,
13
Admission into the Brotherhood, and Bhikkhus visited
it in quest of religious books no longer to be found in
the Island ; but by 1810 such visits had become rare,
though recently a party of Siamese Bhikkhus had
entered Ceylon without obtaining permission from the
authorities. Ihagama opened communications with
Asana who had always kept in touch with the Chiefs,
and on his advice one of the Princes at Negumbo,.
described as " a fair young man related to the late
King", was selected. Ihagama then returned to Maha
14
Nuvara where he was arrested.
The three prisoners were despatched to Colombo
with an escort of Lascarins, but the party was detained
at Attapitiya, (a gabadagama of the Palle Vahala and
the usual residence of the Satara Korale Disava) as the
Maha Oya could not be forded owing to floods. No
accommodation was available for them within the
military post, and after unsuccessfully applying at
several houses, they went to Beminivatta Valauva,
which belonged to Pilima Talavva. In front of it
was the maduva where strangers were usually lodged,
for it was not customary to admit them within the

homestead. In the maduva entertainments used to
be held at night; it had half-built walls and on festive
occasions would be hung with white cloth and decor
ated with ferns and flowers, illumination being supplied
by brass lamps, each holding several lights. Sri
Vikrama liked glass lamps, and as Marriot, the
Paymaster, reported from Vellore on 17th March 1816,
" He has brought a great quantity of glassware with
him, thirty wall shades I think, besides Lustres and
hanging lamps." (It is not generally known that
English people in Ceylon at this time often used
tumblers or ringer glasses, half filled with water above
which coconut oil was poured : the wick was formed
of cotton twisted round two bits of bamboo tied
crosswise and kept buoyant by cork supports.) The
two caretakers hesitated to admit the party, but on
their taking possession by force, gave them mats to
sit upon.
Under their disciplinary rules Bhikkhus are
restricted to one solid meal in the day, namely, the
ddna at noon, while in the evening they may only take
15
gilampasa , light refreshments like syrups and honey.
Among the permissible viands is included hakuru, the
wholesome brown sugar pi"epared by boiling the liquor
drawn from the flower of the Kitul palm, and allowing
it to set in moulds. The palm was not cultivated
but grew freely in the forest-covered hills, Gabbala
Kanda in Satara Korale, with Indalolugoda Kanda
and Belgoda Kanda in Sat Korale being specially
mentioned in the Portuguese Tombo. The Vahum-
purayo, (locally known as Kande minissu, hillmen, and
to the Portuguese as jagreiros), tapped the flowers;
they and their durayo, headmen, had to deliver a
quantity of the produce to the Gabadava in the form
of large or small slabs, the former being worth a fanam
for two, or the refined and delicate sudu hakuru, white
jaggery. (The words hakuru, jaggery and sugar all
derive from a common Sanskrit source.) Some of this
was brought to the prisoners, who after eating it lay

down, two on cots and the third on a mat spread on the
ground; a Sinhalese cot consisted of a wooden frame on
four feet, the accommodation for repose being provided
by a lacing of rattans, an ideal resting place on a
sultry night. As usual on retiring they intoned Pali
verses of a devotional nature : these generally included
the Metta, bhavana and the Karaniya metta sutta with
its noble sentiments of all-embracing goodwill . . .
Let all creatures be happy and prosperous, let them
be of joyful mind,
All beings that have life, be they feeble or strong,
tall, of mid stature, or short, minute or vast;
Seen or unseen, dwelling afar or near, born or
seeking birth;
Let all creatures be joyful.
Let goodwill without measure prevail throughout
the world, above, below, around ;
As a mother, while her life lasts, watches over her
child, her only child.
(After Childers' translation)
The recital concluded, they appeared to fall asleep ; the
Lascarins lit two fires and lay round them in a circle,
awake, as they protested ; but shortly after midnight it
was found that the Bhikkhus had disappeared in their
robes, leaving behind two parasols and a staff.
A Hue and Cry was raised and before many days
one of them, Poddalgoda, was secured in Uda Palata
16
and sent to Colombo ; where after examination he was
discharged with a present and recommended to D'Oyly
for espionage work as being " a man of shrewd remark
17
and sensible reflexion." The second, Kapuliyadda,
who had discarded his robe, was arrested at the stream
Kandupotava in the remote parts of Valapane, and
18
produced before the Resident on 28th August. When
confronted with Eknaligoda he admitted everything
but as he was of little consequence he was lightly dealt
with; indeed he expressed a desire to embrace
Christianity and stay in Colombo. The leader,

Ihagama, could not be traced ; many years after he
revealed the fact that friends helped him to remain
concealed in a cave till his hair and beard were grown,
when he went to Siyambalangamuva in Sat Korale
and lived there as a villager.
Asana's deportation to Batavia, from where his
family originally came, was ordered and he was removed
under arrest for embarkation at Galle but escaped on
28th July at Ambalangoda, once a gabadagama of
Dharmapala, where in 1810 Mary Graham found
an extensive contraband trade being carried on
with the King's subjects, who brought areca, rice,
and precious stones which they bartered for salt
and similar necessaries. The possibility of his joining
the Sinhalese, among whom he enjoyed a great repu
tation as a soldier, was viewed with apprehension ;
a reward was offered for his arrest and he was captured
19
on 1st August and kept in custody at Galle. The
Dutch Fort was much out of repair, but the trees
planted on either side of the streets, chiefly suriya,
the timber of which was in demand for gun carriages,
gave it an attractive appearance. In its harbour
the vessels bound for Europe used to assemble for
convoy and to load with cinnamon.
On 30th July Kappitipola left Maha Nuvara
for Colombo to attend the Prince Regent's birthday
celebrations as a State Guest. Brownrigg had received
the insignia of the Order of the Bath and on 4th August
he wrote in his diary " went to church and for the first
30
time wore my Star." Kappitipola would have
scrutinised it with interest in view of what was
promised to Ahalepola, though perhaps-puzzled by
the designation of the Order, for the practice known to
him was to recognise distinction by conferring an
honorific name reminiscent of the meritorious actions
of the party to be honoured. He left for his Province
on the 16th and made a progress along the south coast,
accompanied by his hevisi and Banner with the device
of the Hansa (mythical swan), the route followed

being by way of Matara, Katuvana, Alut Nuvara,
Idalgashinna to Badulla." It was the tradition among
the Chiefs to expend a substantial portion of the
incomings from their badavddili in feeding Bhikkhus,
pilgrims and mendicants, and Kappitipola celebrated
his return by a ddna to the Bhikkhus in a maduva
erected for the purpose. He also held a kiri-batpdtra
22
pujava when a portion of the newly reaped harvest of
his fields was brought from the threshing floor and
boiled with the milk squeezed by hand from grated
coconut; this was kiri bat (literally milk rice), a
dish much in favour among all classes ; when cooked it
was served into pair a (bowls) which were conveyed in
procession and offered at the Viharaya.
23
Ratvatta from Matale followed him to Colombo
and was so gratified by his reception that, in order to
assist Brownrigg's efforts to increase revenue, he offered
to open a cinnamon plantation in his Province, where
Pybus had noticed the shrub growing wild: in fact it
attained the size of substantial trees ; his pleasure was
increased by the promise of a horse with permission to
capture an elephant for himself.
On 5th August Mahavalatanna sent an unsigned
talpat said to have been intercepted on its way to
Dolosvala from Uva, purporting to contain the views
of leading people of the Province including Dangomuva,
Katugaha and Katalcalla Mohottalas, Dambavinna
Disava and Peradeniya Lekama. Katugaha was now
Adikaram of Uva, an office held in much esteem as the
appointment to it came from the King himself ; (it was
also found in Matale, Bintanna and Hevahata where
once there had been royal residences and the Katu-
purula organisation still survived). The Adikarama
was Chief over these people and was entitled to be
escorted with whips, which, however, could not be
cracked ; he ranked immediately after the Disava and
24
acted under him in a judicial capacity.
The relations between Mahavalatanna and

Dolosvala were notoriously unfriendly and the latter
denied all knowledge of the document, the genuineness
of which D'Oyfy doubted. To test Dangomuva a
small subterfuge was devised, which resulted in an
indignant demand from him and Katugaha for an
explanation ; their letter, however crudely translated,
is worthy of being preserved. Employing the same
metaphor as Ahalepola in the course of his propaganda
from Colombo, they wrote " Since the establishment
of the English Government we without being exposed
to any danger have reached a degree of coolness like
men who after being scorched by a severe fire are
bathed in cold water. What is now in our minds is
that if the day come when the English Government is
lost, we will go with it where it goes, or we will die with
it if it has to die."
It was impossible to ignore the existence of
dissatisfaction and unrest, but, as D'Oyly pointed out,
Sinhalese dissensions and jealousies were the best
guarantee of security for the British; Kappitipola was
quarrelling with Katugaha, Eknaligoda with Dolosvala,
25
and Mavahalatanna with Muttettuvagama. Sylvester
Douglas Wilson who was helping to reduce judicial
arrears at the Residency, learnt that dissatisfaction
was fast growing and religious ceremonies were being
organised and offerings made at venerated shrines, to
secure divine support for an armed rising, just as
Ra. Siha Deviyo similarly sent fanduru to the chief
Devalayas before laying siege to Colombo in 1587.
His informant was a Muslim named Abdul, for the
Moor was the esuriens Graecttlus of Sinhalese society
and as the result of his environment had developed
into a very efficient spy. It was a Moor who revealed
Moladanda's conspiracy to Kirti Sri Raja Sinha and
been rewarded with some of the conspirator's lands ;
but during that King's warfare with the Dutch Com
pany they had played a treacherous part and were
consequently expelled from several districts. Brownrigg
now organised an extensive system of espionage and

set spies on every leading person. Special attention
26
was directed to Bhikkhus and it was learnt that one
of them, Kumbalagama hy name, had left for-
Amarapura with a native of the place who had long
resided at Maha Nuvara as an Upasakaya (religious
devotee) on the same mission as Ihagama, and that a
27
Prince was expected to arrive in Uva by next Vesak.
The Madras authorities were warned and their Police
arrested the suspects while on their way ; Kumbala
gama died there on 20th February and the Upasaka
Rala, whose name was Sadow Siry Swedon, was
deported to Ceylon with a woman Kalu, said to be his
wife, his daughter Kukoo (Ukku ?) and a servant boy
Baiya; they reached Jaffnapatam by dhoney from
Kodekery on 5th May and were placed under the
supervision of the Sitting Magistrate of Colombo.
A number of Malabars also were arrested, some
within Sinhale, and were detained in the Second
28
Maha'Mudaliyar's custody, but the Bhikkhus were a
more difficult problem. Brownrigg considered them
the real source of mischief and described them as deep
and artful dissemblers by habit and education, versed
in secret counsel, with ample means, numerous agents
and access almost everywhere. In most countries
religious organisations have at different times been
viewed with suspicion for intriguing in politics, and
however prejudiced Brownrigg might have been, it
cannot be doubted that Bhikkhu fears about the future
of their religion brought home to the people the
undesirability of having as King a foreign Prince
living in a distant land and professing a different
religion.
Some chiefs too were implicated, Madugalla, Uda
Gabacla Nilame, most of all, according to Millava's
information; the situation thus created was discussed
by the Resident and the Chiefs who decided to bring
him to a trial, and the Maha Naduva (Great Court)
met at the Magul Maduva on 15th" September to deal
with the case. The Tribunal consisted of the Adikars,

the Disavas of Tun Korale, Valapane and Vellassa,
the Maha Gabada. Nilame, the Maha Lekama and a few
others, sitting according to precedence from right to
29
left. The Resident opened the proceedings by
explaining the necessity for assembling the Court, and
the Chiefs replied that under the circumstances it was
in everyone's interest to hold a full investigation.
He thereupon stated the charges, namely, attempting
to induce the Nayaka Unnanse to remove the Danta
Dhatu from Maha Nuvara, and invoking the
Devas to rid the country of the British and re-establish
a Sinhalese King. Pallegampaha called on Madugalla
to answer each charge, which he did, after which he
was briefly interrogated. Polvatte Unnanse, the Kapu-
ralala, and some laymen next gave evidence : its general
purport was that the accused had sent the Unnanse and
another to the Saman Devalaya at Alut Nuvara in
Bintanna and to the Maha Kataragama Devalaya to
make offerings on his behalf, consisting of two webs of
cloth and a ridi in copper for each Devalaya ; the
emissaries took with them two talpat on which were
inscribed a Pali sloka (verse) in adoration of the
divinity, and Sinhalese verses embodying the prayer.
They placed the offerings at the threshold of each
sanctuary when the contents of the talpat were read
out: at Kataragama the palm leaf was inserted within
the Devalaya roof and left there.
Flat copper tiles for the roof were a favourite

offering from worshippers. The verses referred to were
vas kavi, a well-recognised method of invoking super
3
natural assistance against an enemy ; ° such a kaviya is
in the nature of a mantra, (charm) its efficacy depend
ing on its being prepared at an astrologically favour
able hour with the proper combination of maleficent
sounds. The practice was not unknown to Brownrigg;
on 15th February 1815 a Brahmin of Jaffnapatam
wrote to him from Vannar ponnai offering to capture
the King and secure Sinhale for the British on certain
terms; he proposed to take with him as assistants,

among others, " four necromancers or persons skilled
in magic for the purpose of finding out the place where
the King is absconding and four worshippers of
Candaswamy, the Deity in the temple Catergama, in
order that they may offer prayers daily to that deity to
preserve the people of the British Government from
destruction and to subject the Kandyan country to
British authority."
According to Sinhalese procedure witnesses were
not sworn in Court and in the case of Bhikkhus the
sanction of an oath could not be demanded at all, the
reason for their exemption being that offences of speech
were sternly discountenanced by the Pancha Sila, the
Five Rules of Conduct by which they were bound ; such
offences included not only conscious falsehood but also
violence of language and slanderous talk, for words,
it was insisted, should be so employed as to yield
pleasure and promote harmony. Some of the lay
witnesses were challenged to swear to the truth of their
evidence at the Devalaya and this they proceeded to do
before the Commissioners nominated for the purpose ;
generally the Kovila of Dadimunda Devata Bandara
at the Maha Vishnu Devalaya or the Pattini Devalaya
was the shrine selected. The sanctuary doors were
opened and after the Kapu rala had made invocation
each witness advanced to the threshold and holding
up his hands towards the image of the deity swore to
the truth of the evidence already given by him,
imprecating on himself within a stated time the divine
vengeance if he had knowingly stated what was untrue.
On the charge respecting the Danta Dhatu the
Nayaka Unnanse's testimony was required and the
Maha Gabada Nilame with two others were sent to
him with a written question and his written reply was
brought back and read out. Madugalla himself gave
evidence (which as a Chief he was entitled to do
seated); and at D'Oyly's suggestion a person he men
tioned was summoned and examined. The Chiefs were
then called upon to express their opinion, and each in

turn replied that he considered the charges established,
the Gajanayaka Nilame, (the elder Madugalla) being
excused from giving his finding because of his close
kinship to the accused. They were next asked whether
the acts proved constituted Disloyalty, and if so what
under the Kings would be the penalty ; they answered
that they amounted to Disloyalty and were punishable
by confiscation of property and perhaps even death,
according to the King's discretion.
As the final order rested with the Governor
D'Oyly forwarded the proceedings to him, expressing
his own concurrence in the findings. Brownrigg
inquired what sentence the Chiefs recommended, but
they refused to express an opinion. The Head of the
State is the symbol of Dharma (Law), and by Custom
it is for him to fix the measure of punishment; the
underlying idea of the Sinhalese was that he who had
suffered no injury could not mete out the penalty, and
where an act was harmful to the body politic, the duty
was laid on its chosen Representative and Protector.
He asked what was the correct procedure to follow
in the case of a Chief; they stated that " Under the
King's Government when any powerful Chief is charged
with a crime and after inquiry is convicted, the King
pronounced in his presence and in the presence of the
Chiefs that he is guilty and directed that he be
imprisoned in such a place or subjected to such a
punishment," and advised that the Governor himself
should pronounce judgment and sentence at Colombo
in the presence of the officials there. A further
Sessions was accordingly held at King's House and a
sentence of imprisonment at the Fort of Jaffnapatam
was passed, the term being left indeterminate in
accordance with the custom. The Warrant of Commit
ment recited that Madugalla's actions were "Contrary
to his duty and Allegiance to the British Government
and against the Laws and Institutions of the Kandyan
Provinces." In spite of his prejudices and misconcep-
tions Brownrigg was appreciative of the manner in

which the Chiefs conducted the investigation and
declared that they showed themselves "an upright
and independent jury."
While Madugalla remained at Colombo his
relatives who were aware of the inferior nutritional
quality of the imported rice generally used there, kept
him supplied with his own grain which was brought in
11
pingos, No doubt he had heard much about Jaffna-
patam from Raja Adiraja Sinha's two Ambassadors
who in November 1795 spent some weeks there on
their way to Fort St. George, and on 7th December he
started in a palanquin on his journey of 204 miles
with an armed escort of twelve men. Resthouses
were prepared for his accommodation along the route
where there were no suitable buildings available, and
as the rivers which had to be crossed were likely to be
in flood, the Collectors were instructed to arrange for
his passage. An Arachchi and some servants
accompanied him : his medical attendant was to follow
and an interpreter would be provided.
The Ceylon Almanac for 1819 contains a descrip
tion of the route. After crossing the Kelani Ganga
at Wattala tota a fairly good road led to Negumbo,
where it was replaced by a sandy track, the Goda
Mavata of the Kings, along which the Company used
to be permitted on special application, to send its
elephants to Jaffnapatam for sale to Indian merchants.
Coconut plantations stretched as far as Maha Oya,
but beyond Maravila the country was barren and
almost devoid of inhabitants. Chilaw with its fort
was fifty miles from Colombo ; the next centre of
population was Udupankarai, which supplied much
dried fish to Sinhale, and the smuggling propensities
of whose bold fishermen caused so much trouble to
the Company in Kirti Srl's time. The track then
ran along the left shore of the sheet of water known
as Andipane, and now as Mundel, over a difficult
expanse of peculiarly adhesive blue clay, past
Madurankuli to Puttalam, with its small Dutch

fort; this was the main outlet for the areka, pepper,
cardamoms and coffee of Sinhale, which were here
exchanged for Indian cloth and dried fish, the
trade being in the hands of Moors who maintained a
close connection with their places of origin on the
Continent; the flag,, silver tassels, and chamaras
presented by Narendra Sinha when on his way
to be girt with the Sword at Navatkadu, were
displayed with much pride at their mosque. There
were coconut plantations in the vicinity and salt pans
for the first four miles to Vannatu villu, after which
the track entered a dense forest succeeded by marshy
jungle infested with wild beasts. Pomparippu is 22
miles from Puttalam, and from there going was easier
save when the rains converted the Pomparippu plains
into clayey bogs. The district was given on a sannas
to Navaratna Vanniya in the middle of the fifteenth
century. At Marichchi Katti, 16 miles further on,
the track divided, one branch which ran inland forming
the Elephant Road, while the other lay along the coast
past Kallar Kovil, (much frequented by those
attending the pearl fishery), over difficult rocks
succeeded by sand which was firm under the bearers'
feet, the two meeting at Arippu, 135 miles from
Colombo; five considerable rivers and numerous
streams, all unbridged, had to be crossed in this
distance. The next stage was to Mantota, the ancient
Maha titta, perhaps the earliest centre of trade with
India; the ruins of the port, well known to the
Portuguese, who built a church there, were visible
at this time. From here the track led past Illuppa
Kadavai, Pulvarayankattu and Piinakarai with its
small Dutch fort to Kalmunai; a landscape different
to any Madugalla had previously seen presented itself,
beginning with low elephant-infested jungle and
finishing with stretches of cultivated palmyra.
From Kalmunai there is a passage of three miles
across the sea to Columbuturai, two hours' journey
from Parangi Theru, the neat Portuguese settlement
SINHALE A N D T H E PATRIOTS
outside the Fort of Our Lady of Miracles in Jaffa a-

patam. Within the fort the chief building was the
large church, adjoining which were the Commandant's
house and public offices ; barracks, private houses and
workmen's quarters occupied the bulk of the available
space, and the ramparts provided a pleasant walk.
The orders were to treat Madugalla with consider
ation and occasionally permit him to take the air
on the ramparts under guard. Dehigama, once the
King's Disava of a part of Saparagamuva and appointed
by the British to be Nilame of the Hunu Badda, which
supplied the Gabadava with lime and charcoal,
replaced him in office ; Sri Vikrama had rewarded him
for his courageous conduct during the war of 1804 with
extensive lands in Uva, including what was taken from
the per ally a (rebel), Galagoda Aspantiye Nilame.
Brownrigg did not realise that the Sinhalese
insistently demanded a King of their own, and
had not sufficient knowledge to understand the
significance of what had occurred. Mentioning " the
foolish and superstitious measure of the offering" he
was contemptuous regarding " the dark and blinded
state of credulity in which even the Chiefs were kept
by their religious Teachers, where so weak and
ridiculous a farce would be seriously acted and relied
on." But as it could not be left unnoticed, the others
concerned were placed on trial and convicted but let
off with nominal sentences : Polvatta, the chief among
them, being consigned to detention at Madavala
Viharaya, after ascertaining from the two Chapters
3
what was the proper punishment for a Bhikkhu. *
It was important to know what offensive arms the
people possessed, The King's Ayudha Ge was the
Armoury from which firearms, pikes, swords and
other similar weapons were issued for war and its
records were with the Maha Lekama. According to
Ahalepola the King had 19 cannon, chiefly captured
at Gurubevila in 1761, for gun casting was not
practised by the Sinhalese, except perhaps as an
occasional curiosity. What they did manufacture

were the kodituvakku, of which he had nearly 120
distributed throughout Sinhale. In his store were
about 3,000 muskets, some of local make and some of
Dutch, French and even Portuguese origin, the best
being what had been taken from the British. Most
of the weapons issued in recent years had not been
returned and an Advertisement of the first December
ordered this to be done under threat of punishment for
33
failure to comply.
Early in September Eknaligoda and Maha-
valatanna visited Colombo by way of Hevakam
Korale ; the former by his recent action had risen
still higher in Brownrigg's esteem, who described
him as the one exception to the general rule
of unreliability which applied to the Chiefs. Pie
brought his son of thirteen years, and his nephew, a
grown up young man, to be taught English ; Brownrigg
gladly undertook the charge as a token of his appre
ciation, intending them to be the nucleus for his
Seminary where such young people would receive a
general education calculated, to improve their minds
and talents ; but he hoped for much more than that.
Every European race which came to Ceylon
considered religious conversion a primary duty which
it proceeded to carry out each according to its own
lights. In Britain the Church was still one of the main
pillars supporting the Crown, despite recent happenings
in France, and the tradition in which Frederic North
was brought up can be seen from his Proclamation of
1st December 1799. This directed all Headmen,
schoolmasters and inhabitants within the jurisdiction
of Colombo " to assist, everyone in their offices and
situations, in order that the Christian religion, which
has been planted with so much labour on this Island,
may be cultivated to the Glory of God and for the
salvation of the Immortal Soul." It also warned the
inhabitants " to send their children diligently to
School, to the glory of our most blessed Saviour and
to spread forth his Kingdom." This coming from the

Dispenser of Honours and Emoluments bore speedy
fruit till Viscount Castlereagh refused to countenance
the use of State authority to secure converts. "Such
a system is likely to produce discontent and calculated
to generate hypocrites and external conformists rather
than true believers " he wrote in a Despatch of 12th
September 1808.
Brownrigg, however hampered by his commitments
under the Treaty, was an ardent propagandist in the
cause of Iris religion, on which he spent money freely.
In 1804 William Wilberforce, Zachary Macaulay, and
a few others established in London the British and
Foreign Bible Society, of which he became an
enthusiastic supporter, and started a branch in Ceylon
with himself as President, following on a meeting held
at King's House on 1st August 1812. He now frankly
explained his hopes to Bathurst in the following
letter . . . " The great and much-wished-for change
will I have no doubt follow in due time, and the more
certainly for not being prematurely undertaken, or
directly aimed at. I have reason to believe that this
Nilame would have no objection to have his son and
nephew brought up in the Christian religion, but I
dare not in this early stage of our Government venture
the eclat which such an event would undoubtedly
produce."
Bathurst, who had to form his opinion about
George Ill's new subjects from Brownrigg's des
patches, regarded his designs with sympathy but saw
34
the need for circumspection. He replied " The
Duplicity however of the Kandyan character, aggra
vated as it is by the Despotism to which the nation has
for so long been subjected, will require for some time
to come the exercise of your utmost vigilance and
caution, nor am I aware that the Defects of their
character can be more effectually combated than by
the measures which you propose to adopt of educating
at Kandy such of the principal youths as are desirous
of receiving instruction, and of generally promoting by

every means in your power, the dissemination of a
better system of morals among the mass of the
People." Little however was done, and on 16th
February 1832 a correspondent wrote in the Colombo
Journal over the initials W. G. pointing out that no
provision had been made by Government for teaching
English in Sinhale.
To return to the two visitors : they were brothers,
sons of an Atapattu Nilame of Saparagamuva, and
claimed descent from the family of the hierarch,
Vidagama Terunnanse, to a member of which they
stated Morahala was originally granted by Rukule
Parakrama Bahu, a copper Sanhas being later given
by Raja Sinha to another member, Bellantudave
Appuhami. In a memorandum they set out the family
history and their own services to the British as they
wished it " recorded for the information of future
Governors of Lanka"; they finally asked that Morahala
and the two Gabadagam assigned to Eknaligoda as
badavadili, might be confirmed on them in perpetuity.
Many events were destined to occur before their
35
request was granted. During the recent upheavals
their valuables had been distributed for safety among
several people, Mahavalatanna's at Matara and
Eknaligoda's at Kalutara, and had not yet been
36
restored.
Brownrigg was dissatisfied with the progress made
in organising the administration ; D'Oyly with states
manlike caution would take no important decision
without full knowledge of the attendant circumstances,
but this procedure was too slow for the Governor who
did not hesitate to express his opinion that where
action was concerned the Resident was not proving a
success. Revenue being his main anxiety he
complained that no system had been devised for
effectively checking the collection of the royal dues,
so that the incomes from the royal properties fell far
3>
short of reasonable expectations. Most of the
requirements for public services were supplied from the

Gabadagam, the Chiefship of which (a temporary
command resumable at pleasure) had in the excitement
of acquisition been allotted to Ahalepola and others
without stipulations for securing more efficient
contributions. When labour had to be provided the
Chiefs' orders were found to trickle down with a de
38
gree of deliberation which seriously hindered progress.
As illustrating this he attributed the death of t w o
valuable tusked elephants in the stalls at Maha
Nuvara to the delay in collecting the men responsible
for repairing the roof which was leaking badly during
the heavy rains. When it came to disposing of the
carcases, they had already reached an advanced stage
of decomposition before the outcastes, who. alone
touch dead bodies, could be called together to
bury them.
The roof of the Magul Maduva where once he
lodged (Lockyer dined with him on 27th February
1815 in the K i n g ' s audience room in the Palace) was
also in a state of disrepair and he found that people
from Matale were responsible for one side of it, and
tenants living fifty miles a w a y in U v a for the other.
Under the K i n g five groups from the Badahala B a d d a
(Potters' Department)—one from each of the four
Maha Disavas and K a n d a Uda Rata—attended at
Maha Nuvara in rotation to provide the royal
requirements in pots, tiles and bricks : men of the
caste, which like the Vahumpurayo claimed a Brahmin
origin, were addressed b y the complimentary term
Panditaya, the learned one. But when there was no
longer a king to serve, the arrangement crumbled to
pieces through lack of supervision.
Transport was fast breaking down and in August
1816 Sawers commandeered all the bullocks in
Bintanna and Vellassa to convey the rice collected at
Mandur, to feed the army. Jute goni (a Sanskrit
word) were the containers used, but though effective
on shipboard and in stores, much grain was lost
through the seams as the result of the continuous

jolting, and the moisture retained b y the material
after rain damaged the contents ; Major Johnstone
with his experience preferred the seamless village bags
of non-absorbent bark or reeds.
Very little progress had been made in gathering
knowledge about Customs and Institutions, for there
was no one available qualified to undertake the task.
Judicial work left much room for improvement, and
the laxity which had permitted claimants for the
restitution of confiscated lands to enter into possession
resulted in gravely hampering dispassionate inquiry
into conflicting titles. Wilson had made little
impression on the arrears, since appeals and
serious cases demanding D ' O y l y ' s personal attention
accumulated while he was engaged on more urgent
affairs. Saparagamuva with its involved land tenures
was a difficult problem in spite of the Governor's
Audiences at Maha Nuvara, and cases continued
to be taken to Colombo for disposal b y Kerr as K a n d y a n
Agent. In September he was instructed to visit the
Province and endeavour to reduce the arrears ; where
complaints addressed to the Government were referred
to him b y the Magistrate, he was to collect the material
needed for placing the questions involved before the
Chiefs at Maha Nuvara, with the Governor's
39
direction regarding the principle to be followed.
To remedy this Brownrigg proposed creating a
separate Judicial Department, but D ' O y l y while
admitting that this might lead to improvement,
objected on the ground of expense. Brownrigg could
not deny the force of this but overruled it as the
interests involved were too important to be judged
mainly from the financial standpoint. In a Minute of
23rd August he pointed out that " The Administration
of the K a n d y a n Provinces comprises all the ordinary
Branches of a Political Constitution, all the gradations
of ordained Authority, and every detail of publick
Business which belongs to a complete independent
State. The hope of being able with any justice either

to His Majesty's interests or those of the People to
commit to a single Gentleman however great his
abilities the multifarious occupations of so extensive
and complicated a charge could not be seriously
entertained in Theory nor bear the test of the least
experience." He therefore decided to appoint a
Judicial Commissioner and ordered " that the general
administration of the Colony should be vested in a
Board, preserving however to Mr. D'Oyly the superin
tending authority with a controlling voice in all
measures whatever."
D'Oyly's designation was to be Resident and First
Commissioner and his special Department was General
and Political Business, with the exclusive control of
whatever he judged Political and Secret. A second
Commissioner was placed at the head of the Judicial
Department, and James Gay, the Deputy Secretary
to Government, who had the advantage of speaking
the language of the people, was appointed to the post
with a salary of £2,000. In the instructions of 30th
September framed for his guidance it was carefully
laid down that " The Duty of the British Agent in this
Branch is entirely of a superintending nature."
Sinhalese judicial institutions continued to function
without any interference by British officials ; indeed
in a case heard in Gay's presence on 20th February
1817 the parties had recourse to the ordeal by fire.
The judges who passed sentence continued to be
responsible for it being carried out; on 1st July 1817
when a sentence of flogging with rattans (the number
of strokes being left indeterminate) was passed, the
Chiefs, including Udugampaha and Millava, left the
Magul Maduva to supervise its execution.
Under Article 7 Gay's presence was essential to a
trial on a capital charge. The Instructions continued
" The 8th Clause is in fact the source of British
Jurisdiction and admits of great latitude of supervision
and review, the regular, active and persevering
exercise of which in conciliating modes and without

contravening local customs or offending the prejudices
of the Chiefs or other Classes must ever be deemed a
charge of leading consequence in the Economy of the
Interior Provinces". The Judicial Commissioner was
reminded that the Governor had promised an answer
to every complaint; consequently he could treat
complaints as appeals and thus secure the opportunity
of ascertaining every source of oppression, delay or
40
other abuse.
Sawers, the Third Member of the Board, was
Commissioner of Revenue, charged with the duty of
tracing out, arranging and reducing into systematic
management the different Heads of Revenue, the King's
Lands, and the Public Services. The Secretary of State
was complaining that delay in supplying him with in
formation regarding the country and people was an
insuperable obstacle to improving the judicial and poli
tical institutions ; he had found Brownrigg's report of
his last tour very disappointing in this respect and
in December directed the appointment of a Committee
of the best qualified Civil Servants to collect the
41
material. Under the new scheme the task was laid on
D'Oyly himself, Wright being appointed his First
Assistant and Accredited Agent and Magistrate at
Badulla, and Wilson Second Assistant, Secretary to
the Residency and Magistrate at Maha Nuvara as
42
from ist October 1816. Here it may be mentioned
that a cloud-burst shortly before had caused much
damage round Badulla and one of Wright's earliest
tasks was to collect the people of Udu Kinda Korale
and restore the stone irrigation dam built twenty two
years before by Amunugama Disava which was almost
destroyed when the flooded river rose thirty feet in
43
two hours.
Madugalla's trial gave an added significance to a
matter which for some time had exercised the minds
of Brownrigg and D'Oyly, namely, the disappearance
of the Ran Kaduva, the Sword which was the emblem
of Kingship over Tri Sinhale and was regarded by the

people with a degree of veneration almost amounting
to worship; its safety was the subject of special
arrangement during the British intrigues with Pilima
Talavva Adikax, and its surrender was the first demand
addressed by Eknaligoda to SrT Vikrama after tracking
him to his hiding place. It was ascertained that this
and the Otunna (Crown) had been concealed and
substitutes surrendered in their place, and the political
importance of securing them could not be exaggerated.
Though their removal to Uva was established, nothing
further could be elicited from those entrusted with
them. Ahalepola on visiting Colombo in June was
urged to exert his influence to trace them and expressed
the opinion that they were probably destroyed, adding
that if they were not, he would be able to recover them.
The search continued and Millava produced evidence
to prove that the box containing them was sent for by
Ahalepola and after being kept for a night in his
Valavva at Maha Nuvara, returned to U v a ; it
was discovered soon after but contained nothing of
importance. D'Oyly stated all this very plainly to the
Maha Nilame pointing out that the imputation
against him was discreditable; he protested his
innocence : he too was inquiring, he said, and had
pressed Kappitipola, then in Uva, to take a personal
interest in the matter.
Two talpat from the latter followed and on
2nd November D'Oyly sent word to Brownrigg that
Kappitipola had brought the articles, which he
explained, were in Agala Kumbura Sattambi's charge,
hidden in a cave in the forest between Uva and
44
Kotmale. He earnestly requested that out of
deference to Sinhalese prejudices they should not be
exposed to sale nor exhibited to common persons,
including those Chiefs who under the King were never
admitted to see them ; D'Oyly therefore proposed to
issue a Notification to the effect that these objects,
held in such honour and esteem by the Nation, having
become the property of the King of Great Britain,

would be preserved with the same respect as the
45
Regalia of the British Crown. They were presented
by Brownrigg in person to George IV in 1821 and their
return to the country after more than a century at
Windsor Castle should win for George V and Edward
V I I I who sent them back, the gratitude of all the
peoples of Ceylon. Brownrigg characterised what he
judged to be Ahalepola's share in the business as
" extremely mean and fraudulent", though in consi
deration of his services in placing Sinhale in British
hands he did not advise cancelling the honour which
the Prince Regent had sanctioned.
The tactful D'Oyly was keeping the Sangha in
good humour by observing all customs affecting them.
Once when the Buddha was atVeluvana near Raj agaha,
complaint was made to him that during the wet season
Bhikkhus who travelled about destroyed many small
animals by treading on them, whereupon he instructed
them to enter upon Vassa, the retreat for the rains,
restricting themselves to looking after the Viharaya,
providing food and water for themselves, and observ
ing religious ceremonies. The custom so begun was
continued in the Island though the reason for it did not
exist there. For three months following the Full Moon
of Asala, Bhikkhus would confine themselves within
doors, and this was known as pera (first) vas ; it was
also permissible to commence the term from the full
moon of the following month, Nikini, when it was
called pasu (later) vas. Those observing pera vas
were allowed to keep for themselves all katina chivara,
offerings of robes, which they received, though under
their rules any above a prescribed number belonged
to the Community. At the end of the period D'Oyly
distributed robes to all who had earned the recognition,
as the King used to .do ; the stock of the necessary
material at Maha Nuvara was found insufficient
46
and had to be supplemented from Colombo. Needles
and thread formed a necessary part of the gift.
On the full moon day of II Maha, November, was

celebrated the third of the great festivals, Katti
Mangalya, which was considered essential for the
prosperity of the country. This seems to have been .
introduced from South India, and was observed at
Kovilas and Devalayas ; it was favoured by Raja
Sinha, and under Kirti Sri the Dalada Maligava
began to participate in its observance, but it did not
attract much attention throughout the country in
general. On the occasion oil supplied by the Telkara
Muhandiram of the Maha Gabadava used to be distri
buted from theNatha Devalaya to the Satara Devala
and the Raja Maha Viharayas in the district, being
those of royal foundation; a pahan pujava was
celebrated with great illuminations, and a perahara
from the Maligava circumambulated the Devalayas.
The Merit of this celebration was offered to the Gods,
in order to secure their favour.
In the meantime a romantic figure was attracting
attention on the Southern limit of Sinhale. The
people of the Rada Badda in Mahagam Pattu, once a
part of Panava, proudly claim to be the representatives
of the hero of Gaja Bahu's Indian expedition, whose
name of Nila Maha Yodaya is still familiar to every
Sinhalese child, the King himself being remembered
as Bamba Rajjuruvo; twenty four patunu gam, say
they, constituted the grateful King's reward to the
warrior, and the mother who bore him was remembered
with the gift of the village Ridiyagama. Dontuva, a
member of this family group and a native of Orukima,
had served under Sri Vikrama and been appointed
Vidane of Embilipitiya by the Kodituvakku Nilame
of Saparagamuva for good work during hostilities
with the British; he had since turned brigand and with
a band of active young men was terrorising the country
on either bank of the Valave Ganga, the river which
was the boundary between Sinhale and the Littoral
and also separated Giriva Dolosdas from Mahagam
Pattu. This district had held a very prominent
position and even in 1618 Dolosdas Corla was described

in the Tombo as Corla principal da Dissava de Mature;
its Batgam, once the Gabadagam of the Kings at
Jayavardana Kottai, contained extensive stretches of
rice fields, Uduve Batgama having 120 amunam, while
a further 50 had reverted to marsh ; Kitala Batgama,
with 128 amunam, was the badavedilla of the Matara
Disava, whose Muttettu was of 77 amunams. The
people regarded the salt at the Levayas, now being
collected on Government account, as theirs of right,
and doubtless viewed Dontuva's raids on the Govern
ment stores with secret approval, the plunder being
soon passed on to traders who found a ready market
for it. Wayfarers were said to have been robbed by
him, but the headmen through sympathy or fear,
supplied little information about his movements.
Uruparatta in Kolonna Korale, which along with
Tunkeme he claimed as under his jurisdiction, was the
scene of his latest exploits, and Lieut. Malcolm, the
Agent at Ratnapura, was helpless to check him;
Thomas Ralph Backhouse, the Collector of Mahagam
Pattuva, who was stationed at Hambantota, the mili
tary post for guarding the salt pans of the Pattu, was
instructed on 4th October to make a concerted effort
with the Saparagamuva Chiefs to secure the gang, the
necessary authority being conferred on him by a Com
mission of Accredited Agency as usual where Sinhale
was concerned. His attempts, made in conjunction
with the Kodituvakku Nilame, were unsuccessful and
on 4th November he was ordered back to his station ;
his Interpreter who was found to be in secret communi-
cation with the Mohundiram, was summarily dismissed,
while the latter's property was sequestrated and his
family placed under detention at Hambantota. On 3rd
December Backhouse made a night march of thirty
miles to near Katuvana hoping to surprise him;
Dontuva was not there, but some headmen and Malay
soldiers followed on his trail and succeeded in arresting
him, thus winning a reward of 500 rix-dollars. He was
lodged in the Tower which the British had built at

Hambantota till he was sent to Maha Nuvara for
47
trial before Gay on 31st March. This resulted in his
being found guilty of robbing people of Hunuvala at
Baddegamtota, maintaining an armed force for keeping
Urupaxatta in a. state of terror, levying forced contri
butions from travellers, plundering salt at the
Hambantota Levayas, and abetting the people of
Saparagamuva in robbing the Levayas of Mahagam
Pattu. On 22nd of April he was sentenced to three
year's imprisonment and a fine of one hundred rix-
dollars, which was paid ; he was incarcerated at the
gaol at Maha Nuvara till released by an order on
16th December 1818 on giving security for his future
48
good behaviour.
His son Diyaratne Samarapuli, convicted at the
same time, was once Police Vidane of Oru Kima, an
office created by the Proclamation 6 of 1806 with the
object of checking crime which was reported to be
fast increasing, one such officer being appointed to
each village with large powers to arrest persons and
search houses on suspicion. As remuneration he was
exempted from liability to rajakariya, and received a
tenth of the value of stolen property recovered by his
exertions, where a conviction was secured.
Incidents like these created a general feeling of
uneasiness and Tolfrey made such strong repre
sentations about Chiefs and Bhikkhus plotting against
the British, that the Civil and Military authorities
were warned to be on their guard, till the frequency and
incoherency of his letters to the Governor led to his
sanity being suspected, and he was removed to the
Fort for treatment by Dr. Farrell, the Deputy Inspector
of Hospitals. There he developed violent symptoms
and proceedings in lunacy were commenced on 26th
December; the Commissioners appointed by the
Supreme Court—Robert Boyd and Colonel Kerr—
reporting that he " betrayed constant symptoms of
complete derangement of intellect, such as conceiving
himself to be at one time Christ crucified, at another

King of Ceylon, at another a Lion." He became
extremely violent and died on 4th January 1817, when
Brownrigg announced that his excessive literary
labours had brought on " a morbid affection of the
brain." He left some literary works, mostly unfinished,
among them a translation of the Bible into Pali
intended for Bhikkhus and a surprisingly good library
for the time, with several Sinhalese manuscripts.
He had been fond of music and his Estate, which was
substantial, included an organ by Flight and Robson
(valued at 7,000 rix-dollars), a pianoforte, several
violins and 'cellos and a good selection of pieces. He
appears to have lived luxuriously and in his two
cellars were found beer, port, sherry and ninety two
49
dozen bottles of Madeira.
The financial position did not improve and the
50
estimated revenue was so disappointing that Bathurst
ordered all expenses to be cut down to the minimum,
even though the result was indefinitely to postpone
admittedly urgent improvements; the only exception
allowed was on communications, for these would reduce
the cost of transport and provisions. Captain King
was still busy on the fort at Attapitiya which was to
command the ford across the Maha Oya ; suitable clay
was available but the Sinhalese living near had little
skill in making bricks and tiles and experienced
workmen were obtained from Colombo (where the
Dutch Company had long maintained a brick kiln, the
Pannebakkerie) and placed under a brickmaker from
England who was discovered. Schneider had not
completed the cantonments at Ratnapura but in view
of Bathurst's orders, work on fortifications and public
buildings, except of the most essential nature, was
stopped. Brownrigg reported his opinion that military
stations in the Interior were imperative, for the British
could not expect the unquestioning obedience which
the Sinhalese had rendered to their own King; their
jnherent prejudices were only dormant and might
blaze up again as the result of introducing civil reforms,

reclaiming the Chiefs, priests and people from habits
militating against British authority, or even
attempting to win them over by indulgence. What
ever policy was adopted the Hand of Power, he said,
must be stretched out over the people, at all times
prepared to strike, and defensive works were essential
for the safety of troops stationed at a distance, against
". the insidious and unforeseen attacks of a people
proverbially treacherous and equally cruel."
Brownrigg, whose intercourse with the people of
Sinhale was limited to conversation with a few Chiefs
through the medium of an Interpreter, was not
qualified to express a general opinion on their character
and his pompous clap-trap is entitled to notice only
on account of its mischievous propaganda value.
Akin to it is what his admirer Bennett (with no personal
experience of SinhalS) had to say : " The principal
features of the Kandyans were merely human
imitations of their own indigenous leopard-treachery
and ferocity, as circumstances might give them an
opportunity of profiting by the one or of gratifying
their vengeance by the other." Samuel Braybrooke,
who took part in the Expedition and afterwards served
in Uva, Lieutenant Colonel of the Ceylon Rifle Regi
ment, expressed a different view before the Special
Committee of Parliament in June 1850, after thirty-
seven years experience of the Island. To the question
" Are they a warlike or docile race of people, " he
replied " They are not warlike by any means. They
are an extremely timid race of people, very easily kept
in order by a very small party of military, particularly
by the Malays." A little later he declared " I have
seen a great deal of the world, and I have no hesitation
in saying that they are the happiest race in the world."
(5667 and 6004).
Brownrigg's desire to spread the knowledge of
English received welcome recognition when in January
Devarakkhita Unnanse, pupil of Kumbukkaduve
Unnanse of Danduvallegane Viharaya in Beligal Korale,

applied to be instructed in it at public expense, an
application which he viewed with favour. He sent a
glowing report of the progress of the country. The
Board of Commissioners was working smoothly and
well; it held three sittings a week and the circumstances
arising from the peculiarities of the country were fully
and freely discussed and immediate reports with a
statement of the work done, forwarded to him.
D'Oyly's presiding authority was never trenched upon;
Gay, with his clear and penetrating judgment, sound
general views and conciliatory manners, was reducing
the accumulations of» legal work. Sawers was
unexpectedly successful in organising the country's
resources and the villagers had gained so much
confidence that they voluntarily brought their surplus
grain for sale to the garrisons and accepted British
52
notes in payment, so that it was no longer necessary
to impress for transport purposes cattle engaged on
cultivation ; Maha Nuvara and the dependent posts
were amply provisioned as the result and the system
was being followed in Badulla where salt was welcomed
in exchange.
The remoteness and inaccessibility of this last
station caused anxiety, for in an emergency its
maintenance would not be easy. The plans for a road
to connect it were dropped as a measure of
retrenchment, and instead 200 Malays of the First
Ceylon Regiment were set to clear a track by the
shortest route from Palatupana, (where in September'
1813 Major Willerman had established in the midst
of a forest haunted by wild beasts, a post for guarding
the most important of the Levayas, and protecting
53
communications with Batticalo through Panava,
the foundation stone of which was laid by Brownrigg;)
the track was to run through Kataragama and Buttala
to the Pass of Alupata at the foot of the Uva mountains
18 miles from Badulla, and it was hoped to render it
54
possible for wheeled traffic. Nevertheless, continued
795—G
Brownrigg, prophetically as it proved, it would be

rashly sanguine to judge from existing circumstances
that some serious crisis would never arise, and it would
be unjustifiably supine not to make provision against
the possibility of its occurrence.
The Chiefs, he said, were maintaining a constant
and active co-operation, and there were all the signs of
55
a regular and active Government ; Ahalepola was
consulted in determining the payments to be made to
headmen out of the Gabadagam in Sat Korale, and
when coconut trees had to be allotted to the Viharaya
at Peradeniya from the royal gardens. The Panivida
karayo of the Katupurulle were the. royal messengers
who day and night had to be in attendance at the
Vasala and the Adikars' houses ; each carried as his
symbol of authority his veval ayudhaya, a cane with a
curved top, and at every house where he halted while
on duty (except a Chief's) a stool covered with white
cloth was provided on which it rested during his stay.
It was also the instrument with which Adikars, and
they alone, could order offenders to be chastised.
Pallegampaha now sent one of these men, carrying
his cane with the curved end uppermost, to accompany
the Resident's Lascarins when on duty, as a public
warrant for their acts. It was he who had to call upon
Kobbakaduva Basnayaka Nilame to explain his failure
to supply men from the Devalaya villages to bake
the tiles which were needed. Udugampaha had to
send the Badahalayo to assist the potters from
Colombo; as he was responsible for the Alutgamtota
ferry, it was for him to ascertain why the tappal was
6
delayed there.' The Disavas continued to issue orders
to the Madige people and saw to the tracks and
watercourses in their Provinces being kept clear of
obstructions. The important timber resources
remained unexploited owing to transport difficulties,
for logs had either to be carried on men's shoulders or
dragged by main force through the dense forests where
they were felled, the Disavas providing the labour.
The position of the cinnamon trade was being

seriously considered ; North in a " private " letter to
Lord Mornington, dated 26th October 1798, had
summed up his policy thus :
" By the Dutch laws every tree of cinnamon which
grew by chance in the ground of an individual became
immediately the property of the State and was put
under the care of the Chalias . . . They may enter the
garden of any person where there is a cinnamon tree,
at all times ; they alone may peel i t ; and if the
Proprietor destroys the tree or otherwise disposes of it,
the punishment I believe is capital. These vexatious
and oppressive laws it is my intention to preserve in
full force/'
The scandals which existed under the Company
therefore continued and in May-June 1814 P. G. de
Vos, Sitting Magistrate at Jaela, reported that he had
tried 26 cinnamon cases and that forty others were
pending, with this comment . . . " Cases which upon
the whole will appear to be very triffel and that the
Destruction of the few Cinnamon plants for the most
part happened unintended when grown amongst or
covered by the thick jungle at the time the owners
cleared their Chenas or grounds for cultivation."
The supply from the forests of Sinhale was
increasing but the incursions of rough and turbulent
peelers from the Settlements among peaceful and
conservative villagers led to much irritation and
well-founded complaints, even when the King's
permission had to be obtained before they crossed the
border ; now that they were the employees of the ruling
Power, their insolence did not diminish, and in May,
1816, two thousand of them were working through the
country from Ruvanalla , to Ratnapura. In the
Littoral it was the custom from time to time to attach
to the Mahabadda members of other castes in order to
ensure the collection of the quantity needed; the
Portuguese Tombo mentions that Ra Siha Deviyo
did so with the people of Girikola in Pasyodun Korale.
When consequent on the settlement of 1644 the

bulk of the villages where the peelers lived were
assigned to the Hollanders, Dom Felippe Masca-
renhas persuaded the Paduvo in Portuguese territory,
to undertake this rajakariya, says Joao Fubeiro.
Now Millava suggested that as the menial services of
certain tenants had ceased to be of practical benefit,
cinnamon peeling might well be substituted. The
people concerned were those of the Vidana gam
(villages under the order of Vidanes) ; of the At Bage,
who supplied fodder to the elephants ; of the As bage,
with like duties in respect of the King's horses (the
royal stables and the people attached thereto being in
charge of the Aspantiye Muhandiram Nilame) ; and
finally of the Sudu harak pantiya, the King's herd of
white cattle imported from the Continent (also under
a Muhandiram Nilame) which was by now so reduced
in number that two men were considered sufficient to
attend to it. The advice was adopted; the elephants
were entrusted to the Kuruve people of the Disavas, but
at Ahalepola's request one of the Asbage villages was
retained for his domestic service. The At Bage village
of Gabbala, in Dumbara, which was under the younger
Molligoda as Kuruve Lekama of Kengalla, proud of its
claim to be the first of the King's Panna dura
(grasscutter) villages, resented the threatened loss of
its prestige, and strongly protested against the change.
One result of the introduction of these men had not
been foreseen; taking no interest in their new duties,
they were indifferent as to the fate of the bushes from
which the bark was collected and hacked them about
so recklessly that many were destroyed or rendered
unproductive for several years. Further, they often
failed to distinguish between the many varieties
of the plant, and as only the finest was in demand in
the European market, much sorting had to be done
before shipment. But the Vidane Maha Durayo of
the Asbage and Atbage in Harispattuva planted
cinnamon and were rewarded in 1830 by temporary

57
grants of land.
Ahalepola's relations with the Chiefs had worsened.
He lived in much state, with four horses in his stables :
a great change since 4th August 1796, when Andrews
on his way to Maha Nuvara was refused permission
to take his charger beyond Attapitiya. He also had
recently purchased and brought from Colombo a one-
horse chaise, such as had never been seen at the Capital;
he was proud of his table of calamander wood from the
rain forests of Sinha Raja Adaviya, where alone it is
found, which was made for him when in Saparagamuva
and had accompanied him on his flight to Colombo.
This timber was in demand outside Ceylon and a
duty of 50% ad valorem was levied on its export.
Every day he was carried in his palanquin to the
Resident's apartments at the Vasala; six whip
crackers, brass trumpets and drums preceded him
creating a great din, and twenty or thirty men armed
with pikes, swords and muskets kept the people from
r
approaching too close, w hile immediately in front of
the palanquin two palm leaf umbrellas were borne,
one on each side. Recognising the important position
which eating together occupied in the social life of
Europeans, however little in accord with Eastern
customs, he invited the Resident and Chief officials at
Maha Nuvara, about forty in number, to dinner,
fetching from Colombo wines and other dainties, with
the best cooks to be found there. The guests
suspecting a plot came with concealed arms, smuggling
a Malay bugler among the servants whom as usual
each brought to wait on him, and posting outside an
European guard, nominally in honour of the Resident
as he returned home. Ahalepola in an Adikar's full
dress received them in the ante-room where D'Oyly
introduced them individually to him : there is no
mention of his sprinkling them with rose water. Their
apprehensions were not lessened by the sight of about
two hundred armed men in the Mada Midula:
(probably Maduve Atto under their host's command :)

but they sat down to the meal at seven o'clock without
any untoward incident. Ahalepola did not eat with
them, but he and the two Adikars sat on chairs behind
the Resident, and proposed the toasts, all three having-
their glasses filled with champagne, which was provided
in abundance : Lockyer who left an account of the
dinner, does not state that they tasted it. The guests-
retired at ten o'clock. In the arrangements of the
meal the Maha Nilame seems to have followed the-
Colombo practice when a Sinhalese official entertained
the Governor.
This ostentation doubtless roused the Chiefs''
jealousy and he complained that in order to
humiliate him in the people's eyes they were-
maliciously spreading the report that he had eaten
beef (an abominable offence) while at Colombo and that
his power was now limited to his Valavva. He had.
not reconciled himself to his loss of executive authority.
By custom where a sentence of whipping is passed by
judicial authority, (and only the King and Adikars
could order chastisement with a cane, the Disavas
employing ipal, switches) the culprit was laid out on
the ground with his face downwards, his arms and legs-
were pressed down by men treading on them, and the
strokes laid on the back and shoulders ; only people of
the lowest status and slaves were fastened to a post or
tree to receive the punishment. He had arbitrarily
caused a Goivanse man to be bound and flogged, and
this was regarded as an inexcusable insult which
excited strong resentment. More serious still the
victim was one of the King's Veda ralas (medical
attendants), and even an Adikar had no authority to
inflict punishment on a King's servant, if it be only by
ordering his headdress to be taken from him, except
in the case of the humble menials such as those who
fetched water and firewood. The Chiefs met at the
Magul Maduva on 7th April and discussed the
incident, when Molligoda recalled the case of the
Uda Gabada Nilame, Dehigama, who while attending

on the King as Kunam Maduve Lekama, struck one
of the royal bearers with his hand, and the King was
so displeased at the impetuous act that he sent him
8
back to his village in disgrace/
On 14th December 1816 Bathurst was pressing
for information about Sinhale and in June 1817 it was
reported that D'Oyly's own compilation, which
was general in scope, was well advanced ; Gay was
examining the principles of legal business, and Sawers
the possibilities of improving living conditions and
extending agriculture. The Committee ordered by
Bathurst was now appointed to prepare the ground
for a report under two heads. The first was intended
to discuss the best form of Political Government
under the sub-heads :
a. Condition, powers and remuneration of Chiefs ;
b. Collection or commutation of revenue;
c. Exaction or commutation of service ;
d. The English language;
e. Improving the condition of the People.
The second was concerned with the best means of
administering justice under the sub-heads
a. Civil and criminal;
b. Existing jurisdiction of prescriptive antiquity;
59
c. Persons, whether Kandyan or others.
In the interval Kivulegedara's interrupted trial
was resumed on 12th December 1816 before Kapuvatta,
the Disavas of Matale and Valapane, Maha Gabada
Nilame, and Vedikkara Lekama, when Suddana
retracted his previous evidence. Though Gay was of
opinion that there was no case against the accused,
the inquiry was again postponed to enable the
Chiefs to examine Hapatagamuva Mohottala who was
mentioned as instigating the charge. Suddana was
committed to prison for perjury and Kivulegedara
continued under detention from which he effected his

escape, whereupon in February the Governor
sanctioned the offer of a reward of 100 rix-dollars for
60
his re-arrest.
D'Oyly's system of espionage was efficient and on.
26th February 1817 he forwarded a report about a
young Malabar who had been robed as a Bhikkhu and
was under observation. The First Maha Mudaliyar,
61
Don David Illangakon, who resided at Matara, learnt
from inquiry that he was Sinna Svami, twenty-one
years of age, who had accompanied the Queens of Raja
Adiraja Sinha from Madura and received maintenance
from the Court till during an agitation against the
Malabars in Sri Vikrama's time, he went to Uva and
63
from there to the sea coast. There were also sus
picions about Malhami Bandara of Itanavatta in
Devamadda who claimed descent from the Choliyan
Royal family through Mudukondaman Maha Vasala,
63
who was assassinated; he too had taken the robe and
withdrawn into Bintanna where he was arrested by
the Adikarama as being the King's relative, but D'Oyly
64
after investigation discharged him. Ahalepola had
drawn attention to the fact that some Malabars
whose expulsion was provided for in the Treaty, had
never left and others had returned ; one of these,
known as Udayax, who had the Governor's warrant to
reside at any place in the Settlements, was prosecuted
for visiting Maha Nuvara and on 2nd July sentenced
to six months in jail at hard labour on the public
works, the severity of the punishment reflecting the
growing nervousness of the authorities.
In June Pallegampaha again visited Colombo for
the King's birthday, travelling by way of Tittaval
mankada (near Rada. vadunna, where Satara Korale
65
meetsSiyane andHapitigamK5rales) and Mudungoda.
The abnormal always made a strong appeal to the
Sinhalese and a sugandi (amethyst) crystal found in
Udu Nuvara was brought to D'Oyly as a precious
rarity, for imprisoned within it could be seen a drop of

water; it was forwarded to Colombo for disposal.
A similar crystal was in the collection he sent
to England, where four years later such liquid
inclusions were investigated at the British Museum
66
by Davy's brother, Sir Humphrey. Amethyst crystals
were not rare and an illicit trade in them and in
fiunakkan (moonstone) led to the frequent prosecution
67
of Moor tradesmen before the Magistrate.
The Chiefs of Saparagamuva, at a distance from
the Capital, were showing themselves self-willed and
impatient of restraint. Muttettuvagama Atapattu
Rala was claiming a land, and his opponent made the
journey to Saparagamuva Devalaya to lodge his
complaint before Kapuvatta ; on his way back
Muttettuvagama met him with about thirty men and
arrested, bound and beat him, for giving him so much
trouble about the land. An investigation followed
and Muttettuvagama was sentenced to imprisonment
in a Katupurula village till he made restitution
of what he had taken from the complainant. As soon
as the sentence was pronounced the Mohottala's cap
was taken off his head and he was delivered to the
68
custody of a Katupurula Arachchi.
Besides religious observances there was little to
break the monotony of village life, and gaming for
money was no doubt as popular mong the Sinhalese as
with any other race ; in the absence of large aggre
gations of population it did little harm, though for
instance Vijaya Pala, Raja Sinha's brother, used to be
robbed at dice of large sums by the Portuguese
prisoners whom he treated as intimates. As early
as ioth November 1643 the Dutch Company forbade
gambling in the limited area it then controlled but in
the course of time licensed gambling dens and cockpits
were permitted throughout its territory; the British
following them suppressed all unlicensed premises,
prohibited gambling in public streets and open
verandahs, and limited the licences for Colombo to
three, with the condition that the houses closed at

09
sunset. In Sinhale the presence of the Malays at
Katukale led to so noticeable an increase in gambling'
that Sri Vikrama prohibited it under a penalty of
chastisement and imprisonment, but the growing
bazaar at Maha Nuvara attracted professionals,
from all parts, who found a patron in Eknaligoda.
The curtain concealing this underworld was slightly
lifted when on 27th June 1817 a complaint was made
before the Magistrate; the evidence revealed that
gaming had been carried on through the night at the
Nilame's house, and a Moor was said to have been
cheated of a considerable amount by using marked
cards ; the games played were described by the names
ajuta (still recognised locally) and Thirty One : it was
explained that in the former by playing at four fanams,
the winnings would be twenty fanams in a hand, while
in the latter the play was for four rix-dollars the hand.
Chapter V.
On the 5th of August 1817 Brownrigg started

again for Maha Nuvara travelling by way of Avisaha-
1
vella, the military post till recently miscalled Sitavaka
after Ra Siha Deviyo's capital which lay across the
Sitavaka Ganga ; there was a tanayama at each place
for the convenience of missions from either side of
the frontier. The next halt was at Ruvanalla, where
in the King's time a toll of three Sattali or eighteen
pice, was levied on every pad a boat and timber raft.
2
The observant Cornishman Davy (who had been
studying Ceylon reptiles and analysing snake-stones
.and bezoars from Johnston's collection) accompanied
the Governor as medical ofhcer and noted that the
coconut trees of the King's uyan vatu, gardens, were
markedly inferior to those near the Coast. Of these
Vatu, Petangoda Uyana was where Ra Siha Deviyo
met with the accident which led to his death ; subse
quently the Portuguese rented it out and applied the
income for the maintenance of the Mother Church in
Colombo. Another, Palangomuva vatta, was used by
the Kings for detaining convicted prisoners. Mac-
dowall's army with its heavy guns was encamped here
in 1800 during his absence on his mission to the King,
and Jonville recorded that at the time the produce of
the land was being taken by a religious establishment.
Under a Bo gaha Jonville was shown, a cubical block
of stone on which Ra Siha Deviyo used to rest; it was
kept covered with thorns to prevent its use by lesser
men. Mampitiya, the young and handsome Disava of
Tun Korale, here waited on the Governor in full dress ;
he was invited to. sit down in a chair and was served
with tea, after which he offered the customary presents,
consisting of fruit, eggs and confectionery, arranged
in vatti, trays of bambu or reeds, which were laid out
on the ground. Trays of metal and even of wood
were almost unknown in private families and Lewis
de Saram mentions a present of jaggery being brought

to the Company's Ambassador on 13th February
1732 on two bandes'a, the Portuguese word for trays ;
at Court a silver tray was generally provided on which
the Company's yearly letter was offered by the
Ambassador to the King.
The old road, traversed so often by Portuguese
armies, ran to Iddamalpana and continued as a
rugged and mountainous path through Arandara and
Hettimulla to the ford at Attapitiya. Brownrigg's
procession was led by tusked elephants with swinging
bells and an escort of mounted dragoons ; he and his
wife were borne in tom-johns — comfortable arm-chairs
with hoods, each with four bearers ; these were much
cooler than the heavy palanquins, which were im
possible on the track, with the further advantage that
the passenger could observe the surrounding country
by drawing back the front and side curtains. Im
mediately behind rode officers and more dragoons.
According to custom the Disava followed at some
distance in a procession of his own, riding on a horse
with gay furniture and bells round its neck ; this was
led by two grooms and he sat on a pad without stirrups,
while round him and behind came his officers and
attendants, with his Banner and smaller flags, vadana
talatii to protect him from rain and Auvatu to screen
him from the rays of the sun ; a great retinue on foot,,
finishing with the servants and baggage carriers,
combined to form a characteristic picture in the wild
mountain setting.
After crossing the Maha Oya the path led to
Gane Tanna where there was a permanent gala into
which the Kuruve people of Satara Korale used to
drive wild elephants for noosing ; then four miles up
Balane Pass, through vegetation of astonishing
luxuriance, by ascents which were almost perpendi
cular in parts and very dangerous in wet weather even
on foot, because of the polished boulders encumbering
the track ; it had probably not changed, except
perhaps for the worse, since de Saram traversed it in

January 1732. From Amunupura the Pata Rata,
country below the mountains, could be seen stretching
out to the sea. Yati Nuvara was next entered. . .
" Yeatenoor, than which a more beautiful can't well
be fancied" wrote Lieut. Mahony, the Diarist of
Andrew's embassy, on 4th August 1796, and Pilima
Talavva, the Rate Mahatmaya, appeared to greet the
Governor, again with sandals on his feet. The road
then led past Dcdanvala Devalaya, where in 1638
Raja Sinha had offered his sword and headdress of
gold as a thank offering to the Divinity who had
vouchsafed to him a resounding victory over the
Portuguese enemy ; the approach was by an avenue
a quarter of a mile long and sixty feet wide of Na trees,
whose dense foliage, sombre and cold, created an
atmosphere singularly in accord with the traditions of
the place. The tree was regarded by the Sinhalese
with feelings approaching reverence ; though its
original home was probably among the rain forests of
Assam, its Sanskrit name—naga kesara, Naga's hair—
is found in various forms as far east as Bali. The
name was proper to the product for which it was
most widely known, the hairlike filaments of the
stamens which carry its delicate scent; these when
dried were in much demand for medicine and more for
social festivities, as for scattering on the bridal bed.
Indians in Vedic times prayed to the iNagas for off
spring, and they do so still. Its extremely hard timbei -
ironwood, the Englishman calls it—is used by the
Sinhalese only in religious edifices. De Saram recorded
that it was customary for the Company's ambassador
to alight from his conveyance and walk while passing
Balane Kadavata and this Devalaya.
Three miles further Brownrigg crossed the river

at Gannoruva and was met by the Chiefs, each with
the insignia and retinue of his rank ; the ceremonial
proper to receiving the King was observed and the
roadway over which he was taken in procession was
174 • SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
decorated throughout. Throngs had gathered to

witness the sight and mixed with the grave bearded
men were many women, their long black hair parted
in the middle and tied in a knot behind : a novelty
to Europeans accustomed to the female seclusion of
India, for they moved among the men with a total
absence of embarrassment. This was doubtless the
result of the privileges which they enjoyed under the
Custom of their country, for, unlike English women,
besides having many divorce facilities, they were
entitled to own separate property and were not liable
to be locked up or sold in open market by their
3
husbands. A Collective Bench of the Supreme
Court held in 1858 that an English woman domiciled in
Sinhale acquired the status of a Sinhalese wife and was
therefore competent to hold and deal with property
independently of her husband, free from his control,
and not subject to his debts and liabilities, a right
which she did not enjoy in her native country. It
was not till 1886 that this statement of the law was
overruled.
The road from Gannoruva has been described by
de Saram and Mahony, and the bridge formed by a
stone slab eighteen feet long and eight feet broad
mentioned by the latter is probably the Bogambara
palama, bridge, of the former ; for half a mile the
road ran through rice fields and five military posts,
generally in charge of Malays, defended the approach
to Maha Nuvara. Andrews in 1795 correctly spoke
of the Capital as N agar a, and Davy has described it
as he saw it on this visit ; its fluctuating population,
never exceeding three thousand, lived in clay houses
with thatched roofs, tiles being reserved for Chiefs.
(At a later date thatched roofs were forbidden as from
1st January 1828). Though the Adikars were res
ponsible for the beauty and cleanliness of the place,
there was a general aspect of neglect, for the British
had pulled down much and added little except houses
for the Governor and the Commandant, and a prison
whose imposing proportions when contrasted with

the King's modest maha hira ge puzzled the Sinhalese.
The upkeep of religious edifices was also the
Adikars' responsibility but the result of British in
difference was already apparent, though Brownrigg
noted signs of increasing prosperity in the bazzar, the
centre of trade which he thought not inferior to that of
Colombo and where two hundred Moors, keen business
men, .had established themselves. In his address to
the Chiefs at his first Audience, on the Prince Regent's
birthday, the 12th of August, he announced that in
honour of the occasion he discharged Madugalla from
further detention, expressing his hope that such
clemency would obviate the need for future examples
of severity, and secure the allegiance and duty of the
Chiefs by sentiments of voluntary and sincere attach
ment. Madugalla was brought back from Jaffna-
4
patam by way of Colombo in a palanquin.
Much time was spent on complicated civil dis
putes, which showed no tendency to diminish in
number, and then the question of new appointments
was taken up. Ahalepola, weary of his self-imposed
inactivity, created an embarrassing situation by
expressing a desire to be reappointed Pallegampahe
Adikar. Molligoda and Kapuvatta had rendered
excellent service and any change which could be
interpreted as a reflection on them, was most
undesirable. Moreover, though there was no specific
suggestion of disloyalty on AhalSpola's part, his affect
ing royal honours had caused so much disquietude
that the prospect of his being vested with the extreme
powers of the Adikar could only be regarded with
alarm. As Brownrigg pointed out, in that high office
it would be a matter of the utmost difficulty to chal
lenge his actions, while he would control means not
only for baffling accusation but even for undermining
Government with its own resources. D'Oyly, while
less influenced by such fears, fully agreed that the
existing officers should not be removed ; and Ahale-
pola's request was courteously evaded. An order was

made restoring Levuke's confiscated lands to his three
daughters, in acknowledgment of their husbands'
loyalty, but the necessary documents could not be
prepared owing to Brownrigg's departure for Trinco-
male and the unrest which followed.
Brownrigg's visit was well timed, for the 12th
was also the opening day of the Asala keliya, (so-called
from its commencing on the New Moon of the month
Asala), the Hindu observance which constituted the
greatest religious festival of the Sinhalese, among
whom it was popularly known as Perahara. As
Tibbotuvave Nayaka Unnanse explained in his con
tinuation of the Mahavamsa, " all the people regarded
these rejoicings in honour of Natha, Vishnu and other
Gods, as being conducive to prosperity." It attracted
to the Capital most of the inhabitants of the Rataval
and many from the Disavas. Each Devalaya kept
the festival to the honour of the Deva worshipped
there ; at Maha Nuvara the processions of the Four
Devaiayas, which their officers and tenants were
bound to attend, combined at a certain stage and
were finally joined by one from the Maligava, as
arranged by Kirti Sri Raja Sinha to mollify the
Siamese Bhikkhus who were scandalised at this
glorification of Hindu deities. The Natha Deviyo
was associated after Knox's time.
On the 19th Millava submitted to the Governor
an account of the festival and its observance under
the Kings. For fifteen days the processions continued
with increasing splendour, culminating in a grand out
burst on the last night. The . Gajanayaka Nilame
with the royal elephants led the combined procession,
followed by the Kodituvakku Lekama with his guns,
and the Disavas with their insignia and attendants
in order of precedence ; next came the procession of
the religious establishments, the Dalada being re
presented by a karanduva and the Devivaru by their
Abharana. The .Rate Mahatmayas of the Kanda
Uda Rata and the Lekamas of the Great Departments

accompanied by their retimres brought up the rear.
On the. last five days the ceremony concluded with
the four Kapuralala reciting the Mangola ashta, a hymn
of thanksgiving and praise to the Devivani, coupled
with an invocation for their blessing on the King ;
this originally took place at the Magul Maduva, but
on the removal of Sri "Vikrama, the Natha Devalaya
was substituted.
The festival ended with the diya k'dpima, when
the Kapuralala at the auspicious moment cleft the
water of the Mahavili Ganga at Gatambe with their
ceremonial swords and filled the ran kendi (gold
pitchers) with the water : these were taken back to
the Devalayas in the ran doli, to be preserved till the
next celebration.
From the spectacular point of view the celebration
would be difficult to surpass. The numbers engaged
in it were impressive and the perfect order maintained
by the populace without the intervention of any police
organisation was noteworthy; details from an eye
witness were published in the Government Gazette
of 13th September and Davy commented on the
entire absence of drunkenness. Brownrigg and Iris
wife watched from the Dakina malum, adjoining the
portion of the Vasala where Gay resided. Every day
acrobatic and other performers kept the waiting crowds
amused till the procession started; women probably
from India danced on the tight rope without balancing
1
poles, " springing from the rope to a height not less
than six or eight feet " as the account says (perhaps
referring to the height from the ground); groups of
men dancers vied with each other to uphold the honour
of their teachers ; while champions with foils and
shields displayed their flexibility of wrist and pliability
5
of body.
At the conclusion the Governor met the Chiefs
at the Magul Maduva where after exchanging compli-
• ments a Mohottala addressed him, making reference to
178 SINHALE 'AND THE PATRIOTS
the unusual general prosperity of the country

which, courtier-like, he attributed to Brownrigg's
Merit. Some minor ceremonies, intended to secure
the spiritual welfare of all who had participated in
the celebration, whether officials, attendants or ele
phants, followed in the form of dances, named Balibat,
Valliyakun, and Garayakun natfma; the Gammahela
who danced the first were acknowledged as the de
scendants of settlers from India, while Yakdesso of
the Beravaya caste performed the others.
Brownrigg was delighted with everything he saw
and heard ; his policy of acquisition appeared to have
justified itself, everyone seemed contented, and the
prospects for the future were very bright. On the
25th September, before starting for Trikuna Male,
he wrote to Bathurst " The Chiefs are eager to manifest
their attachment to Government and to recommend
themselves by their zeal, and the people as far as I
can learn are satisfied, pursuing their . occupations
with that industry which evidences a confidence of
enjoying the fruits of their labour, to which I believe
6
they have hitherto been strangers."
But if the country at large presented an aspect of
increased peacefulness, the same cannot be said of
the Capital where lawlessness was spreading to
such an extent that on 13th October Mavatagama
Nayaka Unnanse appeared before Gay with several
Bhikkhus and complained that the previous night
thieves had broken into his Viharaya through the
roof, and stolen the caskets, relics, and other articles
of worship.
Sutherland was in poor health and now returned
7
to England where he died the following year ; on 1st
December George Lusignan, who as a boy of thirteen
had come out with North, succeeded him at the
Kandyan office. He had been appointed Collector
of Jaffnapatam when quite young and the subsequent
financial scandals seriously jeopardised his position
in the public service ; it was however averred that he
had been the victim of unscrupulous subordinates and

he had since not only rehabilitated his reputation but
also developed into a shrewd judge of character. His
letters to friends have been traced and supply infor
mation of much value about events of the period with
which this book is concerned.
At Badulla Wilson succeeded Wright in January
1817 ; of more mature years than was usual in such
appointments, tactful and calm, he had the advantage
of a training at the Paymaster General's Office in
8
London as well as under D'Oyly, and he was soon
doing good work in organising the revenue of the
Province, though the death of his young wife on 24th
May was a heavy blow.
It was now the season of oppressive heat which
precedes the arrival of the north-east monsoon, and
what Brownrigg escaped by his absence from Colombo
appears from a letter which Granville wrote from
there to Gay on the 26th. " A great deal of rain has
fallen within the last two days which has made us all
young again and given fresh vigour to the soil. We
also find that it has considerably changed the quality
of the atmosphere. The Lake which we were in
expectation of becoming soon perfectly dry is near
two feet higher than it was a week ago. Our next
grievance is the want of bread. I hope my next
letter will enable me to say that even this evil has
been dissipated by an arrival of wheat from Bengal."
.From the beginning there had been friction bet
ween Civil and Military Officers and after some
unseemly incidents at Matara the Governor by a
Minute of 22nd July 1805 had pointed out that " where
harmony does not exist there is little chance of the
power delegated by Government either to the Civil
Servants or to the Military Officers being executed
with credit to themselves or advantage to the public."
He added that " any exertion of individual authority
on the part of a Civil Servant to counteract the orders
of the Military Officers, or any irritating correspond-
ence with a view to the redress of a supposed grievance

is strictly forbid, and will be considered by His
Excellency as a direct disobedience to his orders."
Wilson found himself hampered by the Military
authorities who regarded Badulla merely as a garrison
station, and when a civil officer came his jurisdiction
was not recognised ; the consequent misunderstand
ing, leading to personal hostility between him and the
Commandant, Major Macdonald, had an unfortunate
effect on the Sinhalese till Brownrigg by a Minute of
ist May 1817 defined their separate spheres of activity.
Katugaha Mohottala, placed the previous August
in charge of the Royal villages of Uva, was very
helpful in a minute investigation of the dues from
the Vadi Rata, the yields from the gardens and fields
in Akkiriya arid Komarika, the working of the Dalu-
mura (betel) Rajakariya and the distribution of what
the villagers had to deliver from the plantations of
9
Passara , for all of which a large organisation existed.
But Kappitipola disliked him and particularly resented
the Gabadagam people addressing him as Nilame ;
the title was proper to an officer appointed by the
10
King, and Katugaha had no right to employ it.
Probably the fact that he was the only official in the
Province acting directly under the British authorities
uncontrolled by the Disava, had much to do with
this attitude, and Wilson advised the Resident to
11
confer a special title of honour on him.
The need of transport had at last got the better
of Brownrigg's scruples and he appointed Muttu to be
12
Mohundiram over the Madige in Vellassa , with the
immediate result of encouraging an unfortunate
attitude among the Moors. When a Lascarin was
sent from Badulla with orders for the Mohundiram to
collect buffaloes to fetch salt from Hambantota,
the other Moors who heard the message remarked
impertinently that the Fiscal— a term borrowed from
the Dutch Company's administration which they
applied to the Agent—could send the Lascarin in his
13
fine hat and uniform to collect chickens, but if
he wanted their cattle, he must pay for them. Such
an attitude was unheard of, and Wilson sent a stern
warning that disrespect of the kind — not only towards
the Agent but the Governor as well - if repeated would
14
entail severe punishment.
Before long representations were made to the
Judicial Commissioner that buffaloes belonging to
Viharayas were being forcibly removed by the Kcta-
bova Madige on the plea of Government service.
Muttu was also entrusted with the cultivation of the
Royal fields at Dehiattevela, which gave him a further
excuse for requisitioning labour and buffaloes from
the villagers, who resented his interference; but Wilson
had so much confidence in him that he even requested
Millava to hand over to his charge two fine' elephant
tusks, the property of the Crown, which were with
him.
The Sinhalese drew a strong distinction between
an at a, the tusked male, and the aliya, which had only
rudimentary tusks, and the royal rights with
regard to elephants were what had survived from the
days of Dharmapala. The Portuguese Foral contained
a section dealing with " the Vidane of the Hunters,
Cornacas, and Panicaes of the royal elephants"
commencing thus " All the said royal elephants
which are those with tusks now or in the future to be
found in the Island belong to His Majesty and are
royal property which no one may capture or possess,
as was the practice in the time of the heathen Kings."
It set out the Portuguese King's Alvara of 3rd January
1612 affirming the royal title to the " elephants in
the Island of Ceylon," and providing for the main
tenance of the connected department in the same
manner as under the Sinhalese Kings, with the neces
sary staff of hunters. It explained that the Hunt was
one of the main sources of revenue and one from which
the Royal Fazenda, Treasury, obtained a great profit ;
and went on to state that these same Hunters of the
King were accustomed to hunt for aleas de cargo, that

is, tuskless animals employed for transport purposes.
These latter were not described as royal property,
though in an Alvara of 8th June 1645 Dom Philippe
Mascarenhas claimed all captured elephants and alias
as King's property just like the cinnamon. It would
appear that the title to wild aleas was not different
from that to wild buffaloes or deer, but at the
same time they would be captured only for the King's
service, as private parties had no use for them. An
ata. presented to a Disapati on appointment had to
be surrendered at the expiry of his term of office, and
Joao Ribeiro knew that even a gold chain given in
acknowledgement of some achievement, could only
be retained for life. The rule in the time of Sri Vi
krama appears to have been the same... the dta alone
was royal property, the aliya ranked with other wild
ts
beasts. All female elephants were dlinna.
To slaughter a royal elephant, as an offence against
the King's property, ranked among the most heinous
crimes and was punishable by whipping through the
streets of Maha Nuvara. The severity of this law
was however relaxed in the remote Provinces, where
the Kuruve Lekama's authority was less felt. For
instance in Nuvara Kalaviya, Tamankaduva, and
Bintanna, the Vaddo killed the animals as they
pleased and either bartered the tusks or presented them
to the Chief, from whom they received gifts in return ;
in the first of these a stranger killing an animal was*
entitled to the upper tusk as the body lay on the
ground, the lower being the perquisite of the villagers.
The Chief generally retained the tusks delivered to
him, sending any of exceptional size or beauty to the
Maha Vasala, and sometimes to a religious establish
ment. As for aliyas, no one killed them for amusement
but only in defence of property, as they were a serious
danger to cultivation. D' Oyly has recorded the account
of an eye witness who watched elephants being
captured at Attapitiya in October 1810 ; twenty men
were sent to secure the selected animals from a herd

of twenty enclosed in the gala, each taking as his only
weapon, whether for offence or defence, a pointed stake
six feet long. They chased the animals till they got
the opportunity to slip a noose round the foot of one,
and the rope was passed on to two tame elephants
accompanying them, behind which they could take
shelter if the wild beasts turned on them. On the
occasion described, one of the tame animals was itself
attacked and the rider fell down but escaped between
its legs. After six selected animals were noosed the
rest were set free. The fearlessness and skill displayed
by the trappers were remarkable.
The British failed to appreciate the importance
of elephants whether from the point of view of trans
port or trade, and the connected departments were
abolished or rendered ineffective after a career of two
thousand years. They probably were in active oper
ation when the earliest Ptolemy Maps depicted the
Elephant's feeding ground. The establishment main
tained at Colombo under the Kuruve Mudaliyar in
connection with the public works, was reduced by
1881 to five animals. The clever and eccentric artist
Samuel Daniell used to paint the animals with a skill
which filled the villagers with admiration ; he died in
December 1811, and his brother William's painting of
the Dead Elephant, exhibited at the Royal Academy
in 1827, was based on his sketches. Regulation 2
of 1828 prohibited under heavy penalties the capture
of wild elephants except for Government use, and
they soon were a menace to the defenceless villagers.
The Regulation was cancelled in 1831 and Simon
Casie Chitty wrote in 1838 " Elephant shooting has
lately become a favourite sport in Ceylon and many
are annually destroyed by Europeans who engage in
it." The psychological influence of the old Hindu
law—" Whoever kills an elephant shall be put to death"
says Kautilya's Arthasastra—had completely passed
away. Safe and easy destruction by firearms replaced
the trapper's craft; one military officer, Major Rogers,

had by 1838 slaughtered ,1,300 elephants, including
sixty with tusks, and continued his career till himself
killed by lightning in 1845. As a result of such
treatment tusked animals, which were the subject of
a regular trade in Portuguese and Dutch times, have
become a rare curiosity.
Muttu's financial transactions were not always
above suspicion, as when he collected sums advanced
to the Vellassa Moors in the King's time for trading
16
in areka but failed to render proper accounts.
Transport between Batticalo and Badulla was im
proved, and he was pressed to fetch the Hambantota
salt before the monsoon commenced. Small-pox
broke out in Bintanna and he was ordered to accom
pany Wilson on a tour of the affected districts- a
formidable task in the prevailing intense heat.
Before the age of scientific investigation, pestilences
were generally attributed to some supernatural cause,
and when in 1832 " a grievous disease, heretofore un
known in these Islands," ravaged the British Isles,
King William IV with the advice of the Privy Council,
commanded that 21st May should be observed
throughout his realms as a public day of humiliation
and fasting" in order to obtain pardon for our sins and
in the most devout and solemn manner send up our
prayers and supplication to the Divine Majesty for
averting those heavy judgments which our manifold
provocations have most justly deserved." The Sin
halese believed that Pattini Deviyo was responsible
for small-pox ; she was Kannakai, the heroine of the
Tamil poem Silappadikaram, whose terrible revenge
for the unjust execution of her husband Kovalan
(Palanga the Sinhalese called him) by the Pandyan
King was the destruction of Madura by fire. In the
absence of any effective treatment for the pestilence
the Sinhalese sought protection in supplications ad
dressed to her, accompanied by ritual games — am
keliya and pol gahima - in which the inhabitants of a
village, divided into two factions, contested in her

honour by tugging at interlocked "horns" made from
the tough roots of trees, and hurling thick-shelled
coconuts which the opponent sought to split in its
career with the blow of another held in his two hands.
Dwelling houses and their surroundings were scrupul
ously cleaned and all refuse destroyed by fire.
Inoculation, or "ingrafting" as it was called, known
for ages in China and India, was a common practice
in Turkey where the operation, usually performed
there by an old woman, consisted of pricking a vein
with a large needle steeped in the virus. It was
introduced into England in 1717 by Lady Mary
Wortley Montagu and was perfected in 1798 by
Edward Jenner as the present system of vaccination.
This was tried in Ceylon at Trikuna male on n t h
August 1802 and proved so successful that the Settle
ments were almost clear of the disease, thus protecting
Sinhale against infection from outside ; it is note
worthy as marking the receptive nature of Kappiti-
pola's mind that he had himself and the members of
17
his family subjected to this novel treatment.
Nevertheless in view of communications with India,
where the disease was endemic, it could not be
altogether excluded and an outbreak was followed
by terrible results ; on the occurrence of a case the
villagers abandoned their homes and took shelter
in the forest, segregating the patient in a manner
which involved much suffering if not death.
Round Badulla the peace and order characteristic
of Sinhalese village life continued uninterrupted.
Judged by results the administration of criminal justice
was surprisingly effective, and the rarity of serious
crime was as noteworthy as the moderation of the
18
penalties inflicted. What Knox wrote in the
seventeenth century still held good : " O f all vices,
they are least addicted to stealing, which they do
exceedingly hate and abhor ; so that there are but few
robberies committed among them." Indeed Wilson
had no locks for his house and cash box : the sequel
was not unnatural, and on ath October he reported
that his store was entered into and 366 rix-dollars
stolen—not by a Sinhalese but by the Sentry on duty
and another soldier.
Maha Kataragama Devalaya already mentioned,
situated on the Manik Ganga not far from where the
limits of Uva approach closest to the sea, was perhaps
the most awe-compelling shrine in the Island ; for
here from remote ages was worshipped the six-headed,
twelve armed Kanda Kumaxaya, otherwise Mahasena
Divyaraja, Adhipati (lord) of the Ruhunu R a t a - the
hero-god whose standard bore the device of a cock,
and whose gorgeous vehicle was the full tailed Peacock.
Kataragama, say the Hindus, is his favourite abode ;
in this A g e - t h e Kali Yuga—his authority extends
10
over the entire world.
The fever-haunted forest concealing his Devalaya
20
had saved it from marauding Portuguese, but the
buildings were unimpressive and almost mean, for
Sri Vikrama, while sending panduru, had not shown
21
much interest in it. The Maha Betme, however,
who owned much property at his village Attula, had
spent freely from his private means on its maintenance.
At his death he expressed a wish that his wealth should
go to the King rather than to his nearest kinsman, his
sister's son, iVlavumulle Punchi Rala, and therefore
when hostilities broke out the villagers hid everything
they could find in the forest where the British seized
it. Major Coxon, writing to Wilson from Attula on
12th August 1815, graphically described the unattrac-
tiveness of the place : " I have literally escaped from
the grave. Misery and Disease have established their
Head Quarters at Kattregam. Badulla is to that
place as a fine cool October eve in England to a well-
22
heated oven."
The festival which yearly draws large crowds
of many religions from the Continent as well as from
all parts of the Island, had come to an end when eight

Bhikkhus arrived and were received by the Maha
Betme, Kabilitte Rala. They were said to have
travelled by way of Colombo, Galle and Pandi Kulam,
and their leader, generally addressed as Nayaka
Hamuduruvo, was a comparatively young man, his
companions including the youthful Hin Hamu
23
duruvo, believed to be his son. They were treated
with much respect by the Kapuralala (twelve of
whom, each serving for a month at a time, were
attached to the establishment) and other Devalaya
officers, but no Chief or Bhikkhu was reported to have
come to meet them. Something of grave significance
occurred, the true facts of which cannot be ascertained ;
but according to what Udugama Unnanse, D'Oyly's
trusted spy, learnt in February 1818, the stranger
announced that the God had appointed him to be
King, and demanded the sword and gold cloth offered
by Raja Sinha, and they were surrendered to him. The
party left after three weeks, with some Devalaya
officers, and made their way over the scorched plains
of Talava thirty miles to Buttala, a notoriously
unhealthy place where convicted prisoners were sent
as to a lingering death. Vague rumours were already
spreading fast and crowds came to wait on the leader ;
and thirteen Nindagam Ralala provided the adukku
(cooked provisions) usual in the case of a Nayaka
Unnanse though the Disava had sent no such orders.
Besides the Ambalam no facilities were provided
for travellers, who had to take their own food and
cooking utensils. (In the Settlements resthouses were
replacing them, and though little more than thatched
huts they supplied a roof overhead and postholders
at Tappal stations were instructed to keep a stock of
essentials for sale). Consequently the right to be
furnished with adukku was a valued privilege and
generally reserved for high officials. The absence of
inns was no great hardship to the generality of people,
for a Sinhalese would do a clay's journey on foot
without spending money, taking with him his bat mula,

cooked rice wrapped in a kolapata, the impervious
expanded base by which an areca branch embraces
the trunk.
On n t h September the Tappal brought D'Oyly
a letter from his mother dated " March ye 28th
1817, 20 Grand Parade, Brighton " in reply to one
he wrote on 25th January which reached England
a week before ; unorthodox in grammar and spelling
and devoid of punctuation, it was full of a mother's
solicitude for the absent son and his future in life.
D'Oyly was still a bachelor and she wrote " I think
you must know whether you design to stay many
more years there if you do I cannot help wishing you
to Marry as there must be many, agreeable English
young ladies at Colombo who you could Marry as I
think you would he more happy than living by yourself
or could not you come to England for one year and
carry a wife back if you mean to stay many more
years at Ceylon."
From Buttala the stranger went on to Poobary,
which belonged to Pilima Talavva, where Kivule-
gedara received him, and he exchanged his yellow
sivura for a white and a coloured cloth, a fine shawl,
and a red turban embroidered with gold which Kivule-
gedara produced; Dore" Svami observed at a later
date that the turban was unlike any he had seen
before, and different from what the King used to
wear. But D'Oyly was vigilant, and realising that
something unusual was developing sent another spy,
a Moor named Tukutchi, who in the King's time had
been a Viclane in Vellassa, to obtain news. He started
in the guise of a cloth dealer, which would make him
welcome in every village house, and Hadji helped him
with transport bulls, but he failed to reach the
stranger's place of concealment. He found the people
excited and a tense atmosphere everywhere, for they
believed that Dore Svami had come among them,
and he was satisfied that the stranger was Dore
Svarni the son of Kalu Nayaker brother-in-law of

Kirti Sri Raja Sinha. The Prince meanwhile had
reached Koka. Gala, six miles beyond Kehelulla, the
austere mountain springing out of the dense vegetation
of Bintanna, where Vaddo meet to dance in honour
of their deity, Gale Yakkha. To that spot many
leading people were summoned, and among those who
attended was Maha Badulugama Rate Rala of Uva,
who was met by Kivulegedara. There the Prince
proclaimed that the Kataragama Deviyo had given
him the Kingdom which foreigners had seized, and
that he was the third in descent from Raja Sinha,
imprecating on himself the God's vengeance if what he
stated was untrue. The Rate Rala was convinced,
and prostrated himself before him in allegiance, being
among the first to do so, the. Prince appointing
Kivulegedara to be Valapane Disava.
Following on a report by Wilson on n t h October,
D'Oyly directed him to interview the stranger in person,
but on learning that he was out of reach he sent officers
to secure him. Entering Vellassa they were joined
by Muttu whom Wilson had despatched with some
Moors on the same errand, and together they proceeded
to Dankumbura in Bintanna. Flere Muttu learnt that
the stranger was at Kehelulla eight miles to the north,
with a guard of 200 armed Vaddo ; as this was a
stronger force than he was prepared to meet, he turned
back to Vinavalla where he encountered some men
armed with clubs, four of whom he arrested and sent
on to Badulla while the rest ran away. A little further
on he was confronted by a party from the nearby
village of Bakinigaha with bows and arrows, led by
Butava Rate Rala, a member of one of the families
which generally filled the post of Madige Mohundiram,
whose resentment at what they not unreasonably
considered an attack on their status was accentuated
b y Muttu's arrogant claim to the same honours as his
predecessors. A Rate rala, appointed only in Provinces
like Vellassa and Bintanna, had the same status as a
Korala, an officer who in a Korale corresponded to

24
the Disave Mohottala of a Province. After a sharp
fight, in which Butava was seriously wounded, Muttu
was captured, bound and removed to Koka. Gala three
days after Maha Badulugama Rala arrived; there he
25
was sentenced to death by the Deviyo, by which
exalted honorific with its suggestion of Divinity proper
to members of the Royal family, the stranger was
20
already known through that wild country.
A further account of the incident was given by
Uduvara Madduma Appu of Yatakinda to Gay on
roth December 1817 when charged with arresting and
taking Hadji before " t h e Malabar Pretender " and
aiding and assisting in his murder. He claimed
to have accompanied Ahalepola on his flight to
Colombo, where he supplied D'Oyly with a list of
Gabadagam, and had gone to visit some relatives
at Poobary in Vellassa when he was forced to join
Butava; meeting Hadji coming from Malgas Talauva
they tried to seize him and ten of their number were
wounded by one of Hadji's men with a sword. Their
second attempt, near Butava's father's house, proved
successful and Hadji was removed the same evening by
eight people, among them Butava's brother, Butava
Mohundiram, to Hapola Kadavata, where the track
to Bintanna crosses the Oya of that name. Hadji's
brother (whose name appears in a letter by Gay as
Siek Mohammed Kuppe Tamby) escaped and later
recognised and denounced the speaker when he
appeared before Macclonald at Meddegama, whereupon
he was arrested. It might be mentioned here that
Muttu left two orphan children who were provided for
by the British Government.
Tukutchi Vidane escaped to Badulla and warned
Wilson, who got the news on the 12th, that he should
not go without a strong guard, and he started on the
lathwithtwenty Malay and Caffree soldiers under Lieu
tenant Newman ; he travelled along the usual route to
Batticalo by way of Alupota where the track
divided, one branch running south to Atale and

Buttala, while he went on by Dehikinda to Vinavalla,
reaching the village from which Butava took his name
27
on the next evening. A Chief's house was usually
built of mud on a low terrace and consisted of a series
of courts presenting in front a dead wall with one
narrow entrance ; outside of Maha Nuvara to cover
the roof with tiles was a privilege confined to Principal
Chiefs and such others as received the King's permission,
and this was extended by a Proclamation of ioth
December 181S to all persons appointed to office under
the Governor's signature ; it was always conceded
to religious edifices, The rooms opened into the
Ana messar'e, an inner verandah running round the
m'dda midula, which is an enclosed area with a well in the
centre planted with flowering shrubs. The rooms were
tiny ; the careful Jonville has given the dimensions of
what the British mission occupied at Sitavaka in 1800
as eight feet by ten, and Pilima Talavva's room as
six or seven feet square : their only opening was a door
so small that within there was not sufficient light to read
by : from 9 a.m. till 3 p.m. the Adikar and British Agent
talked by artificial light. The Sanctuary of Maha
Kataragama Devalaya is only 11 feet by 18. These
rooms had no windows : the Portuguese word janela
applied to them, points to a comparatively recent
origin. The. Sinhalese kavula was little more than a
smoke vent. " The King alone has the privilege of
a window, but others may have a little hole about six
inches through which one can hardly pass one's head "
wrote Jonville: Dassanayaka Mohundiram made a
like comment about windows at Maha Nuvara when
writing to the Missionary Harvard, on 23rd October
1815.
What Maria Graham said in 1809 of the Indian
carpenter, that "Almost everything is done with a
chissel and an axe," applied equally to the Sinhalese.
As a rule doors were formed of single planks obtained
by splitting a tree with iron, wedges and smoothing
the. balks with adzes, for planes were unknown and

saws very rare. They were not fastened to the side
posts of the frame but were kept in place by knobs
fitting into sockets above and below. Walls were
bare, a Chief's room being hung with white, cloth ;
furniture was limited to a few rattan couches for sitting
and sleeping upon and roughly made chests contain
ing clothing and articles of value. The Portuguese
Tombo shows a striking absence of carpenters ; in the
Satara Korale there were only thirteen, the majority
of whom had received holdings from Pinto. Included
in the number was a Moor carpenter who for sixty
years had resided at Tulhiriya, and there was another
like him at Akvatta ; these were probably settlers from
Mayadunna's days. Carpenters were entirely wanting
in Sat Korale and nearly so in Saparagamuva, the
number of blacksmiths and potters being in striking
contrast to this. So great was the prevailing lack of
skill in the craft that Ahalepola obtained artisans
from Moratuwa to make some calamander boxes in
Saparagamuva. In December 1816 an office table
for Gay had to be sent up from Colombo by coolies
at a cost of 36 rix-dollars ; it contained six drawers
and was made by a certain Mr. Phoebus who was paid
95 rix-dollars ; two rix-dollars worth of mats were used
for packing the sections.
Butava's house, hemmed in by forest on three
sides, could be seen from a distance and in the front
yard a crowd with the usual rustic weapons was
collected. Leaving his escort a quarter of a mile
away, Wilson walked up with his Interpreter, Carolus
28
Dias Mohundiram, and two Lascarins, and demand
ed to see Butava.. who sent back the reply that he had
no wish to see him as a friend and did not fear to
meet him as a foe. He thereupon gave a prearranged
signal with his handkerchief to Newman who hurried
up with the soldiers when the Sinhalese disappeared
in the forest after discharging a few arrows. He
failed to arrest the Rate Rala hut passed the night,

unmolested in the village.
In the morning he pushed on to Katturuvalla
where another crowd ' with similar weapons had
gathered, and objected to his approaching; thinking
they were intimidated by the presence of the soldiers-
he ordered them out of sight and removing his jacket,
to show that he was unarmed, went up attended as
before. For quarter of an hour he addressed them,
explaining who he was and urging them to return
quietly to their homes; but the Sinhalese were disillu
sioned ; the armed forces they had admitted within
their country because they claimed to come as deli
verers, were showing themselves in a different guise.
They retorted that they had no wish to see him
friend : the British had failed to treat them with the
same consideration as their late King and they were
not prepared to obey their orders any longer ; they
had given him a hearing and now requested him
to depart without further delay.
An appeal to force was out of the question and
fearing that the country which he had crossed might
have risen up behind him, he started by another route
for Badulla, reaching the Pattini Devalaya at Itana-
vatta, five miles from Kotabova, which Raja Sinha
29
had built, at three in the afternoon. Here he fell
behind ordering the soldiers to march on and fifteen
minutes later Dias joined them explaining that Wilson
was at a stream. Newman turned back to look for
him and was soon met by two terror-stricken attend
ants who shouted out that Wilson and a Lascarin were
killed. He hurried with his men towards the Devalaya
and after dispersing with a few shots a crowd which
had gathered, began to search for the Agent, when
the Lascarin who was said to have been killed appeared
with two arrow wounds and pointed out where Wilson
fell; but though they searched as long as there was
30
light they failed to discoiêr his body. Newman
therefore retreated to Palvatta taking with him
795—H
the injured man who died on the way ; at one point

an attack was launched on them during which the
Mohundiram and seven others disappeared within
the forest, hut they shook off the assailants and
pressed on, worried by arrows which made no sound
to reveal where they came from, till they reached the
Mada Oya ford after which all display of hostility
ended.
It was found difficult to ascertain the true facts of
this unfortunate affair, for the Appuhami who accom
panied Wilson and was the main source of information
31
was considered untrustworthy. According to him
as the Agent was washing his face and hands near the
Dev3,laya a crowd began to collect and when he
beckoned to them with his handkerchief about forty
people drew near, while the Appuhami watched from
-under a tree a quarter of a mile away ; some conversa
tion followed and next he saw bows bent and Wilson
falling, whereupon he himself ran to give the alarm.
Later he was captured and taken before Deviyo
Raja and there in front of the house he saw Wilson's
head with arrow wounds ; his own life was spared
because of his reputed skill in medicine and he had the
opportunity of speaking with the Prince till later on
he was sent away to another village from where he
•escaped to Badulla.
More reliable information was obtained a year
later when on 22nd October, 181S Migahapitiya Gunetti
Rala was produced before Sawers at Badulla. He
admitted that it was he. who invited Wilson to a con
ference and that while they were engaged in talk four
people in the crowd shot their arrows at Wilson : he
protested that he neither intended nor ordered any
display of violence, and all the circumstances indicate
that the Agent had no reason to anticipate danger to
himself: what sudden incident led to the tragedy will
never be known. Realising that matters were taking
a serious turn Wilson started to run, and that was the
signal for everyone who could to discharge an arrow
at him : nearly fifty embedded themselves in his body

and after a hundred yards he fell on the ground.
Migahapitiya claimed as his own a bolt which, strange
to say, pierced the skull above the eye. The dead
body was dragged away into the forest—where the
bones were subsequently found by Lieutenant Colonel
Kelly—while the head was cut off and carried to
Deviyo Raja, who rewarded Migahapitiya with a
33
gift of the field where the unhappy man fell. Mar
shall says that at a later date the skull was brought to
Sawers by some villagers and had two arrow wounds.
As for the Mohundiram.'s party, once hidden in
the forest they cast away their clothes except a strip
of cotton cloth apiece, and in the guise of mudstained
peasants returning from the rice fields, tramped to
Komarika where they were arrested and taken to a
large house surrounded by huts filled with armed men.
Only the King could pass sentence in a case of treason,
and the Mohundiram was tried according to the
recognised procedure. The drawing back of a curtain
revealed Deviyo Raja seated by a small window,
as was the King's custom at Maha Nuvara; Kivule-
gedara, as Valapane Disava, stood outside and con
veyed his questions to the prisoner. The examination
ended, the accused was led a short distance away, but
within sight of the window, and stretched out on the
ground. His long hair was then cut. off and he was
put to death by blows on the breast (a hammer was
said to have been employed : there was no such
practice and probably a dagger was meant) after which
his head was severed from the body. The Vidane who
was with them was also sentenced to death, while
the "rest, save the Appuhami, were marched away,-
These details were obtained some weeks after the
event from a boy belonging to the party who was
sentenced to be put in the stocks from which he
33
succeeded in escaping.
The house mentioned by the informant was

probably the temporary residence constructed for
the Prince at Asma Liyadda near Itana vatta ; such

a gaman maligava (circuit palace) prepared for Sri
Vikrama in 1815, was described by D'Oyly as " con
taining many apartments united, built with Mud
Walls,"white-washed and thatched with straw." Here
about a week after Wilson's death the Prince assumed
the name Viravikrama Sri Kirti and appointed the
Household officials whom Court etiquette rendered
necessary, such as the Gabada Nilame, and the
Mohundirams of the Bet Ge, Satapena Ge (Bed
Chamber) and Ran Ayudha Maduva, (the chamber
in which a King's arms were stored).
34
Alavvmulla Maha Betme Rala, whose valuable
evidence has been preserved, has given an account
of what happened when he himself appeared there
for the first time ; he prostrated himself in silence
before the Prince who demanded an explanation of his
failure to obey the summons sent to him at Katara
gama. Slightly raising his body and resting on his
arms and elbows, he pleaded that the order as well
as two others alleged to have been forwarded, never
reached him. The Prince replied that his neglect
deserved to be punished with death, but for the
Dalada Vahanse's sake he pardoned him and appointed
him Maha Betme Rala ; he ordered him to go back to
the Devalaya and place in safe concealment the images
of Kataragama Hamuduruvo and his Consort Valli-
amma—made of solid gold and each a cubit in height—
together with the rest of the treasures, and to return
35
with the Bulat surulla proper on his appointment.
The Prince, said Alavvmulla, was dressed very simply
in the manner of a Great Chief, with no jacket but with
30
a large white turban which concealed his hair.
Ahalepola had returned from Trikuna Male and
Brownrigg was already a day's journey on his way
back when on 21st October D'Oyly's report arrived ;
hie anxiety was great for the worst that he had dreaded
seemed imminent, but as he hurried through Taman-
kaduva, Matale and Dumbara to reach Maha Nuvara
-on .the 26th, he found no excitement and the villagers

busy with their normal occupations. Ahalepola
who was being kept informed of what was happen
ing by Kappitipola, met him twice while on the
road and told him that he knew the Claimant well: he
was Dore Svami, brother-in-law of Raja Adhiraja
37
Sinha. Millava's deputy in Bintanna, Gonigoda
Adikarama, on receiving a summons to appear before
the Prince under threat of condign punishment, escaped
to his Chief at Maha Nuvara with a copy of Deviyo
Raja's proclamation of himself as King. According
to the tradition in his family, Ra, Siha Deviyo about the
Saka year 1,500 vested it with the duty and privilege
of supervising Mahiyangana Viharaya, the shrine where
was preserved the Kesa Dhatu, the Hair Relic of the
Buddha—built at a pre-Sinhalese centre of govern
ment.
Brownrigg wasted no time in making his dis
positions. Vellassa and Valapane ranged themselves
under Kivulegedara, and every soldier that could be
spared was rushed out in an attempt to isolate the
Provinces from where unrest was reported. Colonel
Kelly, the Commandant in Sinhale, himself took the
held, and garrisons from Maha Nuvara occupied the
strategic posts which could be reached from there.
Men of the 73rd and First Ceylon Regiments were
ordered from Hambantota by way of Buttala to
Alupota, eighty miles away and seventeen from
Badulla. A garrison here, at an elevation of eight
hundred feet on the foothills overlooking the coastal
plain stretching to the South and East, would control
the steep pass on the road from Passara to the Low
Country, which was guarded by a strong Kadavata.
They were eq-uipped "for actual service" with thirty-
five rounds of ball cartridge and three good flints each
and the Pioneers carried further supplies. The bag
gage included a few one-pole tents, camp kettles,
and canvass cloths, each four feet eight inches in
length and painted over, which were arranged
outside the men's packs : these last were prepared

locally in place of the " Willerman " and were intended
for sleeping upon. Each man further had a comly,
or rough blanket, canteen, and a Malay knife, a Euro
pean being allowed two extra pairs of shoes. A t
Palatupana, 24 miles from Hambantota, they received
four days rations of rice and salt-fish—half a pound
a day a man—and some salt. A piece of one inch
English rope, thirty fathoms long, was included
38
among the stores.
Calladine who was in the detachment from
Bafticalo has preserved in his Journal many details
39
of interest. Starting on 29th October, it was con
veyed by water thirty miles to Mandur on the western
shore of the lagoon, where every August crowds witness
the marvel of barefooted men walking through fire
in honour of the maiden Dropattai, whose long stresses
they believe served as their carpet over the glowing
embers. Six miles further on the weight of the
knapsacks proved so exhausting in the fierce sunshine
that half their contents, including shirts, trousers
and shoes, were thrown away. Major Johnston writ
ing in 1810 about his Ceylon experiences (with special
reference to the year 1804) emphatically condemned
the uniform and accoutrements of the British soldier
as unsuitable for fighting in the Tropics.
A night rendered miserable by swarms of mos-
quitos followed, and in the morning after crossing the
large bank forming the limit of Sinhale, they entered a
forest by a track which hardly permitted of three men
walking abreast, with undergrowth so dense that it was
impossible to step outside ; this ran for a distance
of ten miles. The Naval Aar was crossed without
opposition ; on the further bank was a kadavata,
the katu pdldlla of which Calladine aptly described
as a cockspur gate which is made of a thorny tree
having very long and strong prickles, hence its name."
Generally the thorns were nearly four inches long and
the branches were plaited together on supports to
form a mat which was then swung from a beam resting

on two stout posts of sufficient height to permit of an
elephant's passage. Beyond, lay many miles of open
country interspersed with woods till next the.Pattipola
Aar was reached ; this the men crossed with their
bundles on their heads, but to transport the stores which
300 bullocks carried was not an easy matter. A
xope was secured at some height above the water and
fastened to trees on the banks and on this the bags
were slung and hauled across by a second rope, a
task which occupied many hours.
The Sinhalese were watching unseen and an
'Occasional arrow kept the soldiers on the alert. Wild
life was abundant, herds of elephants and deer passed
•close by, and the myriads of leeches which appeared
from all directions proved a terrible pest; so many
.streams had to be crossed barefoot that shoes and
gaiters were discarded except in thorny jungle, and
very soon the men's legs were streaming with blood.
The relief was great when the clang of elephant bells
revealed the proximity of the Sinhalese who had been
sent from Maha Nuvara and who now accompanied
them to Kotabova, seventy-two miles from Batticalo,
which was found abandoned by all except the Moors ;
this was to be the military headquarters for Vellassa.
Luxuries could not be expected here, and as some
solace a flannel shirt and a pair of worsted socks were
issued to each man, for which he was charged three
rix-dollars and six fanams respectively; it was im
pressed on them that these, obtained from England
with much trouble, could not be replaced and the
charge represented the prime cost excluding carriage:
they and the cloth trousers were not to be worn on the
march but only after exposure to rain. They were
further warned against adding to the weight of their
packs and a General Order of 17th November empha
sized that " The arrangement of necessities and neat
ness and compactness of a Soldier's Pack well placed
•on the Shoulder Blades, instead of hanging against
his loins, should occupy the unceasing attention and

emulation of officers to bring to perfection among
their men." A field hospital for the sick from Bin
tanna and Vellassa was opened at Hanvalla.
Sawers, who knew the Uva Chiefs well, took Wil
son's place, reaching Badulla on the 27th of October.
The two Adikars exercised a general jurisdiction over
the whole of Sinhale which was divided between them
for the purpose, and among other Provinces Uva,.
Vellassa and Bintanna were under Pallegampaha;.
though he was sick he accompanied Millava to Bintanna
where too a garrison was sent, while Kappitipola
proceeded to Badulla, and Dulvava (who had suc
ceeded Kobbakaduva) went to Valapane. Kivule
gedara however was already controlling this last
Province and on his orders the inhabitants drove
Dulvava away, tore into shreds his Banner with the
device of the Mayura. (peacock), destroyed the Tappal
establishment at Madula, killing the three Caffrees-
who were carrying the mails to Maha Nuvara, and
closed the kadavatu.
It was now War, such war as the Sinhalese planned
in Parakrama Bahu's days, when they said to each
other " Save the wilderness there is for us no other
protection. In every way our land is furnished with
mountain wildernesses and the like. Therefore at
all inaccessible places let us throw up many entrench
ments, make all the well-known highways impassable,,
prepare many secret paths, and when our land has
been made impassable let us gather ourselves together
and open battle" (after Geiger's Tr.) For three-
hundred years they had followed these tactics to
ward off European aggression, nature compensating,
them for their paucity of numbers and lack of fire
arms. Knox's description of their country still held
good. " This Kingdom of Conde U d a is strongly
fortified by Nature. For whichway soever you enter
into it, you must ascend vast and high mountains-
and descend little or nothing. Tke ways are many
but very narrow, so that but one can go abreast. The

Hills are covered with Wood and great Rocks, so that
tis scarce possible to get up anywhere only in the
paths, in all which there are gates made of Thorns,
the one at the bottom the other at the top of the Hills."
Of Valapane his quaint philology has created a
singularly accurate picture '' Wallaponahoy— it signi -
fi.es Fifty holes or vales, which describe the nature of
it, being nothing but Hills and Valleys." Steep and
rugged footpaths formed the means of communication
with Uva by which the long straggling lines of coolies
had to carry all the stores, and to protect the convoys
was a heavy task.
The immediate need however was to strike a
decisive blow in Vellassa, and with this in view four
detachments moving from Maha Nuvara, Badulla
and, Bintanna met OK. the 31st at Hausanvella, close
to the scene of Wilson's death. Major Macdonald
was in chief command and the manoeuvre was carried
out with the loss of only one man, who was shot when
Kivulegedara's house was burnt down. The Deviyo
Raja's Proclamation on palm leaf, wrapped in white
linen as was proper with royal missives, was found
suspended from a tree, while a human head fixed
on a post and a dead body swinging from a tree,
significantly hinted the fate which awaited the. man
who went ottu balanda {to spy), if detected.
Encircling the fruitful plain where the army
encamped lay many peaceful villages ; everyone of
them was burnt to the ground and the cattle, grain
and other property of the inhabitants plundered or
destroyed. Macdonald had some doubt as to the
propriety of such measures, for in his report he added
" This act of severity I trust will not be disapproved
of, considering the horrid act of barbarity committed
on that party (Wilson's) by the people of those
40
villages." Brownrigg however had no scruples;
in a Despatch he expressed the gratification which
he felt and he continued " This terrible sight appeared
to dismay the natives; they ceased to shout or

skirmish at a distance and only ventured upon the-
skirts of the plain to gaze in silence upon the flames
which consumed their habitations. They seemed to-
be horror struck at the rapidity and undaunted
courage with which our troops had advanced upon
them ; they had no time to remove any part of their
property; they saw the hopelessness of their cause-
41
and were reduced to despair."
On the first of November Molligoda and Millava
joined Macdonald with more troops from Bintanna ;
they had encountered no opposition during their
march of twenty-nine miles, crowds appearing before
the Adikar to claim protection from him. The Prince
was reported to be only two miles away but the
soldiers sent to surprise him were only in time to see
his temporary residence in flames. Several other
attempts proved equally unsuccessful, whether as
the result of wrong information or the Prince's admir
able system of guards. In spite of the military
pronouncement that the uprising in Vellassa was as
good as crushed, Sawers was very uneasy, fearing
an attack on Badulla by the combined forces of Uva,
Vellassa and Valapane ; he reported that the fort
was strong and well stocked with provisions, but
urged that every man available should be sent there
42
immediately. Troops were soon converging on the
disturbed districts in an attempt to close all exits ;.
seven hundred and twenty-seven .soldiers, European
and Asiatic, were already at the spot, besides gun
Lascars and Pioneers, and another thousand were
close at hand, skeleton garrisons being left at the
coast stations in order to make up • this number :
further the five Lascarin corps raised in 1815 were
re-assembled, the men being supplied with a cap and
jacket each and armed, some with cut-down muskets
and some with spears, and employed to release the
43
soldier guards at Kachcheris, Courts and jails.
.SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 203
By a Proclamation dated ist November Brown

rigg announced that he had issued orders to officers
commanding His Majesty's forces to punish all persons
"acting, aiding, or in any manner assisting in the
rebellion which now exists within the Provinces of
Oowa, Walapona, Wellasse and Bintanna. .. according
to Martial Law either by death or otherwise, as to
44
them shall seem right and expedient."
D'Oyly had previous experience of Martial Law ;
as Judge of the Provincial Court of Matara he was one
of the Commissioners appointed on 25th August
1802 to administer it when Sri Vikrama's men invaded
the Province. Five days later he further proclaimed
that Dore Svami, one of the persons of the Malabar
Caste for whose expulsion from the country provision
had been made in the Treaty, had returned and
assumed Kingly power; to assist him or accept office
under him was declared an offence punishable with
death, and a reward of 2,000 rix-dollars was offered
for his arrest, and 500 rix-dollars for the apprehension
of Kivulegedara Mohottala, Butava Rate Rala, or any
other person accepting office from him. Dore Svami
was well known to the Court officials and was perhaps
the most popular of the Malabar Princes. Tt appears
from a memoir about Tamby Mudaliyar published
in the Gazette, shortly after his death in 1830, that he
urged the unwisdom of mentioning the name Dore
Svami in the Proclamation ; with his long experience
of espionage under the Dutch and the British, he
realised that to admit his princely birth was to supply
the disaffected with a rallying point, as he would be
qualified to be King over the Sinhalese. His advice
was not followed and Brownrigg's belated attempts
to escape the consequences of his error and to control
the dreadful results of the power which he delegated
to the military officers, will appear later on. A
'severe storm on the 7th which destroyed many sailing
vessels and forty dhonies at Colombo, synchronised
with the appearance of the Proclamation.
Chapter V I .
Kappitipola was acting with vigour and left

Badulla to supervise the work outside, after suspending
Katugaha and declining to replace him in spite of
Sawers' appeals. On 2nd November the latter was
engaged in preparing his report when word arrived
that at five o'clock the previous evening the Disava
was captured by Vaddo at Alupota ; in adding this
unwelcome item to his letter the Agent continued " We
are impressed with the idea that the Rebellion is
almost general and we are therefore under the greatest
apprehension for Your Excellency's safety."
Long afterwards Alauvmulla revealed what were
probably the true facts of the momentous incident :
Kappitipola while on his way, hearing that a crowd
had collected, pushed forward on his horse, unarmed,
and unexpectedly found himself surrounded. On
his demanding an explanation Kattamber Rala (as
the name appears in the record) answered " Our
country has been in darkness, but like the Sun that
brings light and shines upon all things, a King is risen
up. If you will be faithful to him, come to us ; if
you continue unfaithful, we shall slay you and take
your head to the Deviyo." Resistance was out of
the question and he went with his captors, followed
by his Mohottalala, to be welcomed by the Prince
who appointed him Pallegampahe Adikar. The leader
of the raid was probably Kohu Kumbura, who, as
can be inferred from Ahalepola's Memorial, had the
sobriquet of Katta (Wily) Korala, which is probably
concealed in Kattamber Rala.
The news spread consternation, for if the circum
stances were such as to cast doubt on Kappitipola's'
good faith, then all the great families, closely related
to each other and continually strengthening their
bonds of kinship by marriages, were suspect. Both

D'Oyly and Sawers refused to impute treachery to-
him, and, as will appear in the course of this narrative,,
abduction was frequently employed to secure influen
tial supporters. Moreover Butava and Kohu Kum-
bura, who were in a position to have correct knowledge,,
declared positively when they were under no tempt
ation to misrepresent facts, that before his capture
1
Kappitipola had no dealings with Dore Svami.
Ahalepola professed such horror at the possibility
of treachery that he declared he could not show his
face before Brownrigg, but he went to D'Oyly with
an image of Buddha and swore on it in confirmation
of his fidelity to the British King. He also brought
his wife from his home in Matale to remain as a hostage
at Maha Nuvara, sending Kappitipola's family to
join her : it had been usual for the Disava himself to
stay at the Maha Nilame's Nivasa, the term which
Ahalepola applied to his residence at the Capital.
Questioned as to the action the Kings would have
taken in circumstances such as had arisen, he replied
that rebellion in a Province was never a manifestation
of disloyalty against the Ruler but only a means of
drawing his attention to misgovernnient on the part
of a Disava. So effectively were Kings controlled
by Custom that oppression had never given rise to-
such feelings of inarticulate resentment and sense
of wrong as, for instance, had resulted in the upheaval
of revolutionary France. In case of any popular
agitation being brought to the King's notice, the Maha
Vasala would order an inquiry and dismiss the Chief
if found to be in the wrong or uphold his authority
if the grievance were trivial. The present outbreak
was without precedent in his experience, for he was
informed that Chiefs were daily joining the movement
and urging the people to do the same, and he had never
before heard of a kar'dlla in which Chiefs and people
combined to set up a King of their own. As no Chiefs
were at hand with whom to discuss this phenomenon,

he could not advise on the proper course to adopt,
hut recommended consulting the Nayaka Bhikkhus
as he had known the Kings to do on occasions of
2
special gravity.
D'Oyly replied that the Bhikkhus were expected
at night and invited him also to attend, which he
did ; they were kept waiting till two in the morning
when D'Oyly came out of a room and, "announcing
that the people were rising close to Maha Nuvara,
dismissed them without any discussion.
Ahalepola's understanding of his countrymen
was unsurpassed; he knew that their social and
economic organization had brought into being a
patriotism which was fervent but marred by the fatal
defect of parochialism ; each Province was indifferent
to the concerns of the rest, and only some intense
emotion could rouse a national feeling. He was
quick to recognise that such a change had occurred
and that the available wisdom of the country should
join and take counsel on this new situation and its
cause. The advice was proper from an Adikar to his
King, but was not such as Brownrigg was likely to
adopt, though Kappitipola's defection meant that
his Province would espouse the Prince's cause. He
was in a pitiful state of hesitation and doubt, not
knowing how far he could rely on the Chiefs whom
he had so successfully debauched from their allegiance
to their King. His dealings left him with a low opi
nion of their morality and he unbosomed himself to
Bathurst as follows : " I am sorry to say my convic
tion is that they are almost without exception, syste
matically treacherous. They value themselves upon
their duplicity and skill in every kind of politic decep
tion and it would be in defiance of the constant warning
given by themselves if I were ever implicitly to rely
upon the good faith of a single Chief. This sentiment
of unusual suspicion and distrust may seem harsh,
but it is justified by their whole history, by recent
experience, and by their own decided opinion of one

another." Possibly with the arrogance of profound
ignorance he sincerely believed that the Sinhalese had.
no solid standards of right and wrong.
Discussing the more important Chiefs individually,
he did not feel confident even about Ahalepola, whom
he described as first in power and most aspiring in
ambition, but with his tragic experience he was not
likely to do homage again to a Malabar. Molligoda
came next and filled the place of highest political
consideration ; fortunately the enmity between him
and Ahalepola was so bitter that the two could be
trusted never to act cordially together. No reliance
could be placed on general professions of friendship
and devotion, and protracted operations (which might
well be anticipated) would undoubtedly sap allegi
ance. Some striking initial success alone would
keep the majority on their side, and where the Chiefs
led the people with the unquestioning loyalty which
distinguished them, would follow to a man. He was
determined, he said, with the return of peace once
for all to remove these sources of danger to the peaceful
administration of the country, by remodelling the
entire system and introducing such.changes as would,
3
ensure permanent tranquility.
So far unrest was confined to four Provinces and
the Commissariat experienced no difficulty in purchas
ing rice and the cinnamon peelers continued to bring
full loads from the forests. The capture of the Prince
and Kappitipola would end the trouble and with this
object the strategic points indicated by Molligoda.
and Millava were guarded and information collected
from villagers and prisoners. Vellassa is nearly a
thousand square miles in extent, and there the Prince's
chief adherents were the Vaddo, who always ranked
among the most loyal and trusted servants of the
King ; probably they had not forgotten that they had
fought in Parakrama Bahu's armies with distinction.
Joao da Costa, an Arachchi of Raja Sinha's Atapattu,

who died in 1676-77 after holding high office under
the Dutch Company, has left in the pages of Francois
Valentyn an account of his experiences with them in
4
1640.
According to Brownrigg's information their home
was the wilds of Vellassa and Bintanna and they
could supply 2,000 men. Generally speaking they
maintained life by exploiting the wild resources of
nature, but a few groups had reached the stage of
producing food when settled existence became a
possibility, for they cultivated small patches of land
with yams and grain (but not rice) and had huts
constructed of boughs. Others led a nomadic life,
remaining at a spot only so long as the neighbourhood
yielded sufficient game and honey for their food.
Others still were reported to be so wild that they were
arborial in their habits and shunned any association
with those even slightly more advanced than them
selves.
The Sinhalese had a high tradition of skill in
archery and their armies included men trained to hit
their target by a flash of lightning or to sever a sus
pended hair, while the name Sadda vidda recalled the
feat of shooting a quarry by sound. The Vaddo
preserved much of this skill; their arrow heads, shaped
like a na leaf three inches long, were fixed on shafts
of light wood two and a half feet in length. For
elephants they employed blades of fourteen inches,
and Forbes in 1832 found one such piercing a tusked
elephant's heart. Hoffmeister saw a Vadda sending
his bolt at the first attempt through an Englishman's
hat set up sixty paces away. They do not appear at
any time to have had recourse to poisoned arrows.
Under the Kings they paid a tribute of dried deer
flesh, wax and honey, obtaining in return from the
Maha Gabadava much more than its value in cloth
and salt. Natural conditions in Vellassa have always
been recognised as peculiarly suited to bees, five varie-
ties of which, varying in size from the tiny kaneiya

to the ferocious debara, hornet, provided honey,
though the debara's is coarse and in little demand.
Uva now became the main field of operations,
Pallegampaha himself being appointed in Kappitipola's
place and arriving on the 16th with a military guard
'Commanded by Macdonald. The Atapattu people,
who held the first rank in a Province, were entrusted
with the custody of its Banner, which they kept,
along with the Lekam miti and Mura Ayudha, at the
maduva where they mounted guard in front of the
Disava's valauva ; on public occasions one of their
number carried it with their Arachchis, the Peramune
raiala, in immediate attendance, and they were
entitled to precede everyone else in the assembly.
They regarded their charge with the utmost pride,
-and when Sawers demanded the surrender to himself
of the Banner of Uva, with its device of the Hansa
(Swan), he was met by a curt refusal ; they did not
admit the right of this English official to issue orders
to them ; but on Molligoda's appearance as their new
Disava the Mohottalala hastened to acknowledge
5
his authority and hand the Banner to him.
Kappitipola was active in the South and South-
East of the Province and several detachments were
engaged in searching for him. Kelly took over the
•command on 7th November and placed forty men
in the Maha Kataragama Devalaya. Pilima Talavva,
appointed to Valapane with a garrison at Pannala,
could do little to restore order or maintain com
munications. Dore Svami was expected in Viyaluva
but an attempt to surprise him on 8th December
near Kivulegedara on the left bank of the Badulu
Oya, failed, though two palanquins with some insignia
were seized, while forces were hurried from Badulla,
Gonamale and Hausanvela to close all approaches.
Brownrigg knew enough of the history of the
Sinhalese to realise that a foreign army could not hope
to subdue the country without the co-operation of the-

natives themselves. As he pointed out, the enemy
abandoned their villages and disappeared amidst
the wilds, from where though rarely seen, they made
their presence felt at every steep pass and narrow
track: Disease and Hunger had ever been their
allies and they were content to wait till these rendered
invaders an easy prey. No one but a local guide-
could show the way to their places of concealment.
" They will not stop to be defeated" he complained,
" They desert their houses and fly into the jungle."'
In view of such tactics he announced the counter
measures he proposed. " There is no resource left
but to burn and lay waste the property of the headmen,
their leaders. Revolting as such rigorous measures
are to my heart they are the only means left to reduce
the refractory to submission." Perhaps to console
his feelings he suggested that at some future date
compensation could be paid for the losses inflicted.
His seemingly frank exposition of his plans was so
worded as to conceal from, the authorities in England
their ruthlessness in practice ; at no time was the
destruction confined to the property of headmen or
leaders, as will appear in the course of this narrative.
The posts at Madula, Tibbotugoda and Pannala
proved ineffective to control the passage across
Valapane ; the recurring floods of the many streams-
running down the parallel valleys into the Mahaveli
Ganga, especially the Uma Oya.. were a serious impedi
ment to transport ; and the attempt to meet the-
shortage of porters by raising their load from forty
to fifty pounds, immediately increased desertions,
whereupon the original weight was restored by a
General Order of 2Qth December and their pay raised
from eight to ten rix-dollars a month with a seer of rice
and a little salt daily. Heavier loads were carried
slung from a bambu resting on the shoulders of two-
men.
On the 9th December a crowd armed with bows

attacked a convoy of provisions escorted by Malay and
•Caffree soldiers, in the forest near Tibbotugoda, and
(to quote Brownrigg's words) " it is to be feared they
all fell a sacrifice to the brutal cruelty of the Rebels."
The soldiers resisted till their amunition was exhausted
6
and then everyone ran. John Kennedy, an Assistant
Surgeon in the First Ceylon Regiment who was with
the party, was struck down with a club and killed ;
for the mugura, club, ranking next to the stone alone
for antiquity as a weapon of war, had been restored
in the struggle against firearms to the position it held
in Parakrama Bahu's days. Another victim was
Daniel Dasanayaka. who had returned with Brownrigg
from Trikunamale : he was shot through the neck
with an arrow. The facts were announced in the
Gazette but that did not prevent the Wesleyan Mis-'
.sionary William Martyn Harvard, who knew Dasa
nayaka, from publishing the following astonishing
t a l e . . . " Overpowered by numbers and conducted
to the Pretender, that wretched outlaw ordered the
English officer to be immediately hanged on an adja
cent tree ; while a still more cruel fate was reserved
for Mr. Dasanayake ; after the most bitter reproaches
and abuse he was mutilated and tortured, till death
7
released him from his tormentors." This deserves
to rank along with the stories about Sri Vikrama's
atrocities.
Reprisals followed swiftly ; Andavala Mohottala
was considered responsible for this disaster and his
house near Tibbotugoda with all his property was
•destroyed, the buildings in the neighbourhood burnt
and the fruit trees round them cut down. Eighty
bullock loads of paddy were looted from Gamagedara
Rate Rala's barn near Ahapola. Five men were
killed and the houses of six headmen burnt at Madulla.
Fifty people, including women and children, were
tracked to a cave where twenty were killed and the
houses of the neighbouring headmen razed to the
ground. The Vidane of Komarika, in which village

Wilson's Interpreter was seized, was arrested and
sent to Badulla to be dealt with. A man found with
arms was executed under a bo tree where Kennedy
was said to have fallen. Pattipola Rate Rala and his
family were captured while asleep in a cave ; Uda
Madure Mohottala's residence with its extensive paddy
stores was burnt ; and to punish the sniping which
followed, the buffalos grazing in the fields were
slaughtered. Such incidents—henceforth distressingly
frequent—illustrate the " method of conflagration "
8
(to adopt a term from the Gazette narrative) which
was followed.
No Sinhalese record of these events exists and the
historian has to glean his facts from cautiously worded
despatches of officials who felt themselves on trial,
illuminated by an occasional private letter. Davy,
the Governor's friend and admirer, mentions how the
country was overrun by " small detachments who
were authorized to put to death all who made opposi
tion or were found with arms in their hands." No-
doubt Brownrigg's instructions were interpreted by
his officers in a liberal spirit. The simplicity and
effectiveness of Court Martial methods can be judged
from the case of the Rate Rala and another person
who were charged at Badulla with complicity in the
death of a soldier at Idalgashinna. They admitted
being present but pleaded that they attended by order
of their Chief, whom they had to obey, while the men
were put to death by the public executioners, Rodi.
They were found guilty and executed, Bisset arguing
in the Gazette in justification of the sentence that
" T h e y confessed their crime, inasmuch as they
admitted they were present."
Calladine at Kotabova sheds a still more lurid
light on events, and even making allowance for the
exaggeration not unnatural to one of his status, yet
his evidence has the advantage of being firsthand.
" At this time " he wrote, " there was seldom a day
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 213-
passed but we had parties out scouring the country

for a distance round, burning all they came across and
shooting those they could not take prisoners." His
pride in the performances of himself and his fellows
rendered him lyrical, and one verse composed while
on sentry duty enshrines his sentiments. It is as.
follows :
" But British courage still prevailing
Soon we made our foes to fly,
And, their villages assailing,
Caused some hundreds for to die.
See their villages a-burning,
And their temples soon laid low.
This the wretches get for joining
With the jungle rebel foe."
Such descriptions recall what a Sinhalese eye-witness--
sang about the Portuguese raids two hundreds before,
and the following is from the Pavangi Hatane, a
translation of which has appeared elsewhere :—-
" And thus they went and raged in havoc
through the country round
And many a sacred shrine and pleasant
home were consumed in the devouring
flame,
While many a fertile land of fruit and flower,,
mango and plaintain, jak and areka,
betel and coconut, was ravaged by this-
destroying host.
Our gentle herds of kine were slain to fill the-
maw of devouring ogres, and many a
wanton deed they wrought,
As when long ago the cruel Damalu came to
our land and sacked our city Anura
Pura."
The casualties among the Sinhalese cannot be
known ; but those of the British for the four months
were less than could be fairly expected in a petty'
skirmish during normal warfare.
In spite of anxieties Christmas tide was not

forgotten ; and D'Oyly sent to his mother and the
other members of his family a pipe of Madeira wine,
well ripened by its voyage to the East and back. The
Prince Regent had ordered " a collection of seeds of
the choicest Plants produced in the Island of Ceylon " to
be made for the Emperor of Austria ; and Alexander
Moon, who was in charge of the Botanic Gardens in
Colombo, despatched them in December with a
duplicate set of 217 varieties for the Royal Garden
at Kew addressed to Sir Joseph Banks, the gouty
9
autocrat of the Royal Society,; but "The Kandyan
war grows more furious everyday '' wrote Hardinge
Giffard on the 12th of the month. On the following
day twenty men from the garrison at Maha Katara
gama DevSlaya surrounded the house of Idalgama
Mohottala at midnight and captured all his family,
with the result that to save them the Mohottala him
self surrendered.
On the first of January 1818 Brownrigg accom
panied by D'Oyly met at the Magul Maduva the
Chiefs who were in the Capital headed by Ahalepola
and Kapuwatta since Molligoda and several others
were absent in their .Provinces. Speaking at length
through the interpretation of Abraham, de Saram,
he expressed his disappointment that any native
of Sinhale should have been wicked and base enough
to plunge his country into the horrors of war in an
attempt to place on the Throne a member of the
family of the late Malabar King, from whose insup
portable tyranny and oppression the British had
rescued it, warning them that Great Britain would
never relinquish a sovereignity acquired by the
voluntary act of the Chiefs and people. A Proclama
tion was then read declaring nineteen of the dis
affected leaders to be rebels, outlaws, and enemies
of His Britannic Majesty's Government ; whose lives
•were accordingly forfeit and their property confiscated.
The list was headed by Kappitipola, and included
Godagedara Adikarama, two Betme Ralala of Katara

gama, Kivulegedara, Kohu Kumbura and Butava.
Their lands, it was announced, would be distributed
as rewards among those who continued loyal.
Resuming his address, he characterised the rebel
lion as an act of gross ingratitude in view of the benefits
which, he asserted, the British had conferred on the
country ; he was convinced that the people's adherence
was only secured by the terror which their Chiefs in
spired. (It is unquestionable that in the process of
converting the peaceful villager into a fighting man
Kappitipola employed as much severity as is found
necessary today to enforce conscription.) Everyone
who assisted to seize the traitors could be assured of
honours and promotion ; humanity alone had so far
restrained him from making full use of the force
available to him, " but " he concluded boastfully " I
have the power without your assistance, to put this
rebellion down and I will put it down." The Chiefs
listened with courtly gravity but offered no formal
10
reply.
The threat from Valapane, neglected during the
pre-occupations in Uva and Vellassa, was daily grow
ing more formidable and Brownrigg contemplated
drastic action, but, nervously aware that some day he
might be called upon to render his account, he began
preparing the ground in advance, assisted by Bisset.
The Gazette of 3rd January contained a seemingly
frank admission that the measures hitherto adopted
were " far more severe than would be justified or even
heard without horror in England, " and representing
him as most unwillingly compelled to have recourse
to the same measures against Valapane, which was
described as " a small Province perverted by a petty
Headman, and so situated between Kandy and Badulla
as at any time to be overrun by an irresistible force."
Less violent methods of influencing the Sinhalese'
were not overlooked. He had undertaken a solemn
trust to maintain and protect their religion, with the

knowledge that to them as to other superior Eastern
races, religion was an integral part of everyday life ,
such feelings were relevant factors which no Ruler of
insight and imagination would ignore; but till now he
had neglected his obligations in this respect. The
people remembered that not many years before Sri
Vikrama appointed Hantia Nilame to inquire into and
report on all cases affecting the lands of Asgiri Viharaya;
but Brownrigg had set up no machinery to take the place
•of the royal supervision over those who disbursed
the revenue allotted to religious establishments or
were responsible for the upkeep of the edifices. He
now realised with a start that the people were stirred
to the depths by their belief that Kataragama Deviyo
was championing Dore Svami's cause.
Throughout the world visions are of great moment
in affairs of religion ; Molligoda had a vision and in
accordance with its interpretation Brownrigg gave
him cloth and money to be offered at Kataragama,
following this up with a tusked elephant and a horse,
the latter obtained from Ahalepola under promise
of replacing it, which was never done. They were
sent from Maha Nuvara to Badulla in charge of a
Mohundiram with a request to the Adikar to have them
conducted to the Devalaya with proper ceremonial
when a suitable opportunity presented itself ; this
however never took place; the elephant died at
Badulla of falharoga (diseased feet, the cure of which
is troublesome and tedious), while the horse was
removed after six months to Hambantota. As for
the bundle of cloth, when shortly after this the people
•of the Devalaya village of Badulla joined the Prince,
the Kapurala took it away with him ; he failed to
bring it back on his return in August and was called
upon to deposit its value, thirty rix-dollars, pending
11
Brownrigg's decision in his case.
Besides propitiating the Deity he also made
advances to the Devalaya officials ; learning from the
Chiefs that the Kabalitta and Vettiyavala families

formerly held the office of Betme, he decided with the
Adikar's approval to appoint their leading membc-
Maha and Kuda. Betme and directed them to appe
before Molligoda with the people of the Devalaya
villages ; the office of Kapu Rala being of less im
portance politically, any suitable Brahmin approved
by Sawers and the Adikar could be selected to fill it.
The nominees showed no eagerness to accept the
honour, and while they were being approached through
12
the Chief of Panava, Jasinha Brahmana was placed
in temporary charge.
In a Minute of 21st January addressed to the
Board Brownrigg pointed out that though the ad
ministration of religious establishments urgently called
for attention, no efficient system of control could
be devised till accurate information regarding their
lands, income and essential expenditure was collected,
when it would be possible to decide what help if any
was needed for the maintenance of the buildings.
He questioned the practical efficiency of the existing
arrangement under which certain tenants were res
ponsible for structural upkeep and recommended
the commutation of these services for a cash payment;.
while the creation of a reserve fund and an audit
which would command respect, must also be kept in
13
view. But no immediate action could be taken
as the Board did not meet from 8th January till
28th September owing to more pressing demands on
the Members' time. Effective supervision of the
temporalities was not established till the Ordinance 19.
of 1931 was brought into operation.
Besides sending offerings to Kataragama, cere
monies which had a popular appeal were now
punctiliously observed.' The Alut Sal Mangalya,
Festival of the New Rice, the last great festival of
the Sinhalese year, with its special appeal to a people-
whose existence depended on the successful cultivation
of the grain, commenced on 29th January. The
•238 SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
Maha Gabadava and Maligava officials went from the

Maha Maluva with the usual ceremonial to the King's
.keta, stretch of fields, at Gurudeniya, which supplied
the fragrant hamba, rice, used in the kitchen of the
Vasala and Devalayas. They returned the next
•evening with some of this rice, being met by Udu-
gampha and other Chiefs outside Maha Nuvara, and
escorted to the Maligava, where the distribution to the
Devilayas was made. On the third day the portion
which by custom had to be laid before the King, with
selected vegetables, was sent to the Governor, and the
•celebration concluded the following day with much
14
firing of jingals.
But the gravity of the situation did not diminish.
The Prince was most elusive and on 7th January
Macdonald, learning he was at Ikiriya, hurried from
Passara in the hope of surprising him; heavy rain
.aggravated the difficulties of a normally very difficult
track; after crossing the flooded Mada Oya, or Logal
•Oya as it is also known, twice in the course of four
miles, an exhausting tramp of another league brought
the men once more to its bank. The water continued
to rise, and only a few got across with the aid of a
rope before darkness stopped further operations.
Morning revealed an increased level of water ; but by
•cutting down a tree to serve as an edanda all reached
the further bank by nine o'clock, to be faced by the
Oya again eight hours later, with no sign of the flood
abating. After a miserable night at early dawn they
attempted to construct another edanda ; the first tree
broke in two in the fall, the second was swirled away
by the current, and the third- sank in the stream and
could not be used. Fortunately a large elephant was
found and the men crossed on its back without acci
dent, to discover on arriving at their objective empty'
houses, though a stock of rice in some measure consoled
15
them for the disappointment.
_ Dambagala was raided from Madagamvela, and
again there were only empty buildings to burn down.
Blankenberg while searching for Kivulegedara in

Viyaluva, was shot in the arm on his way back from
bayonetting seven men. Lieut. J. Maclaine of the
73rd Regiment was notorious for his ferocity ; and
Braybrooke, at this time Assistant Commissary Gene
ral at Badulla, made this reference to him before
the Select Committee of Parhament. " During the
rebellion of 1818 there were several unauthorised
acts committed by officers upon men who were taken
prisoners. Men were put to death by the orders of
the individual officers who had taken them prisoners,
without trial. In the Province where I was serving
at the time there was one officer who used to have
men hung up while he was at his breakfast, and
retribution rapidly followed. . . This officer was shot
a few days afterwards by the Kandyans." On the
13th of the month Maclaine while marching with
thirty men from Alupota to Buttala was struck in
the mouth by a bullet and killed. All the paths were
found obstructed by felling trees and an occasional
arrow proved that the invisible enemy was close at
hand. Macdonald, accompanied by Molligoda, started
from Buttala to make an intensive search of the
country, visiting Horabokka, Polvatta, Ulvita, and
Randeniya, with only an occasional show of resist
ance and reaching PHnapahuva on the 20th, but the
results were negligible.
During this exhausting work Molligoda's yielding
to a favourite indulgence of his countrymen nearly
involved him in disaster. " No one, man or woman,
will omit to wash the body in the morning, however
cold it may be. They will, not touch food till they
have washed " wrote Francisco Pelsaert in 1626 about
the people of India, and his words apply to the Sinha
lese as well. Men and women returning from their
day's labour, stop as a matter of course to bathe in
the open at one of the shallow wells, kept scrupulously
clean, which they pass. A t the Vasala the bath 'was
a very elaborate business; lime juice was used for
the head with arrepper and Cheeyakka ; castor, linseed

and coconut oil, with powdered mun, patcherie rice,
and Ulundu, for the body; and saffron, musk, attar,
•camphor and other scented stuffs completed the pro-
•cess. The Portuguese early learnt the habit but the
rest of Europe was slow to follow, and more frequently
than not bathing was connected with unsavoury
-associations as the luxury of the dissipated and
wealthy. It was possible in 1814 for a Grand Duchess
to remark of the Emperor of Austria, who was being
considered as a desirable husband, "Well, I can have
him washed." Davy (a Fellow of the Royal Society
.and Doctor of Medicine) thought that a daily bath was
•conducive to his countrymen's health in Ceylon,
but that " perhaps rubbing the skin with a wet rough
towel is generally preferable to immersion in water."
He was in favour of the frequent change of linen,
which many members of the profession condemned
as a dangerous practice. Campbell in 1819 noted
that such Sinhalese as took domestic service under
Europeans, bathed at least once a day.
A mountain stream had tempted Molligoda, who
stopped his palanquin and entered the water, when
he was fired at and two attendants standing near were
badly injured ; while the palanquin which Sawers
had lent to him as better suited to the prevailing incle
ment weather than his own, was so riddled with bullets
16
that it was abandoned as beyond repair.
Some satisfaction was derived by looting the
Maha Betme Rala's house where twenty-five jingals
and other arms were found, but as appears from a
statement he made long afterwards, he was with the
Prince at Monara Gala in Maha Vadi Rata, where for
failure to bring his daium he was kept in detention for
eight days, when he was released on paying 25 gold
Pagodas and 50 silver rupees. The energetic Eknali
goda (he was thirty-four years of age) who was very
busy in Vellassa, was sent to Saparagamuva to join
17
Dolosvala in mustering the armed men of that Province
•for tracking refugees and discovering concealed stores

•of grain ; not only did the English need the food, but
18
the Sinhalese had to be starved into submission.
The Adikar had proceeded by the Bambaragama
Pass while Macdonald struck southwards to Vallavaya
and thence by way of Kirivanagama to Velangashinna
near the top of Haputale Pass, Captain Buncoos (who
had once robbed the Kataragama Deviyo's property)
being shot and killed on the road. Kelly now joined
Macdonald and on 3rd February Eknaligoda and
Dolosvala arrived with three hundred men. Gratified
b y their promptitude Brownrigg sent to each Mohottala
a gift of 300 rix-dollars for necessary expenses, with
19
a promise of four hundred more for their men;
and also decided to present a horse to Molligoda in
30
appreciation of his help. Macdonald was soon able
to report that he had collected enough grain to feed
all his troops for ten months.
Reversing his former policy, in an effort to
•estrange the Vellassa Moors from the Sinhalese,
Brownrigg announced that " i f they continue their
zealous and faithful services to Government, they
•shall enjoy the Immunity of being placed under
Headmen of their own Caste and of exercising their
religion in their own villages at one or more places of
worship to be fixed by Government, understanding
however that this does not extend to Public Proces
sions and other Parades which are at present per
21
mitted in no other parts of the Kandyan Provinces."
He followed this up by appointing a Colombo Moor
to be Chief over the Moors of Vellassa and Bintanna
with the title of Mohundiram.
In spite of these blandishments he was far from
being well disposed towards them. The Dutch Com
pany's Regulation of 1747 permitting them to own
lands had specially prohibited the exercise of the
right within the Fort and Pettah of Colombo, but they
had purchased lands in the Fishers' quarter, at Bank-
shall, and two streets adjacent to the Lake, and
were attempting to penetrate into other parts as welL

He therefore by a Proclamation of 2nd June 1817
announced that the original prohibition would in
future be strictly enforced and that all purchases made
by them in breach of the Regulation were mill and
void. This in turn was repealed by the Regulation
of 5th May 1832.
D'Oyly was responsible for espionage, which he
organised on the lines adopted against Sri Vikrama.
A hlraluva (as a Bhikkhu who had laid aside his.
sivura, robe, is called) was revested and sent to entrap
the Prince into Matara on the pretext that Illangakon
22
and the people there would join him. A certain
Christian de Silva was employed to spy on his move
ments, and narrowly escaped being treated as an
enemy when he fell in with a British raiding party in
Viyaluva ; he asserted that he had been in contact
with Dore Svami, and had identified him by a scar
under his right jaw as another hlraluva whom he had
known at Devundara under the name Vilbava and
was said to have come from Dadalla near Galle. A t
the time Christian knew him, this hlraluva was living
with a wife, whom Christian described as belonging
to " the Mudaliyar family in whom was vested the
charge of the Devundara Temple, and hence called
23
Basnaike." (The Tombo states that the Vidane of
Devundara was known as Bannaka; he received
huvandiram from the numerous inhabitants whose
villages were subject to the Devalaya, and whose
services were by 1615 diverted to the Portuguese
establishment at Matara. The office was continued
under the Dutch Company). Hook at Madulla did
not believe his story and five months later triumphantly
pointed out that it was well established that he was
never near the Prince's headquarters. Speaking with
his accustomed frankness he declared " De Sylva is
a regular humbug, to use the vulgar phrase. We
must not allow these selfish fellows to get the better
24
of us." Dadalla, it should be noted, had come into
prominence as the centre of the Amarapura sect of

Bhikkhus which was started in 1802 and attracted
members of the Brotherhood from Sinhale even in
Sri Vikrama's time.
Seducing the Prince's followers occasionally-
resulted in embarrassing situations ; Coxon promised
Veragoda Mudiyanse the Province which he demanded
as the price of his treachery, and Brownrigg while
unwillingly confirming this, subject to proof that
his family had claims to so exalted a position, minuted
that it was " altogether irreconcileable with British
principles not only to exempt from punishment but
to remunerate by the highest Honour to which he
<;an aspire, an active and persevering Rebel who to
•earn his Reward will have distinguished himself by a
35
-double act of Treachery."
Unrest was reported from Dumbara (assessed
under the King at 300 soldiers), where Madugalla's
influence was predominant ; he was summoned to
Maha Nuvara and when he failed to appear the worst
was anticipated. The younger Molligoda who was
Rate Mahatmaya of the District, was absent, and as
.a temporary measure Madugalla's un'cle, the Gaja
Nayaka Nilame, was placed in charge, in the hope
26
that this would pacify the inhabitants ; but attacks
• on convoys continued and there was fighting round
Hanvaila. Here convicted prisoners used to be placed
in the custody of certain villagers who were responsible
for their food. It was approached through thick
forests over steep mountains, and owing to its in
accessibility two of Sri Vikrama's queens, his mother,
.and much treasure had been sent there for safety at
the time of the Expedition. There was a good tiled
dwelling house with fertile fields, and a large atitva,
barn, for storing the grain, as well as a devalaya and
an ambalama : a very necessary provision in a country
without village inns. Jonville in 1800 noticed them
.at intervals of three miles on the road from Sitavaka,
..almost always under a Bo or Na tree, and James
Holman in 1830 saw them at short stages on most of

the travel routes, generally where paths diverged; often
one was erected in fulfilment of a sick man's vow after
regaining health. In the wilder parts it would be raised
on stone foundations eight or ten feet above the
ground, as a precaution against elephants. The roof,
resting on four wooden pillars, was thatched, and there
were a few rude benches and clay pots kept filled with
water. It served as the village hall where the Gam Sa-
bhava (Council of Village Elders) disposed of land dis
putes and complaints of petty offences, subject to
review by the Disava, whose courthouse was a like build
ing. Much of the Chief's time was devoted to such
duties and the paternal attitude generally adopted made
a deep impression on Tulloch. ' I t s u i t e d Brownrigg
to ascribe the villagers' singular devotion and unfalter
ing obedience, to irresistible compulsion, but Tulloch
showed a more intelligent understanding of psychology
when he concluded his comment with the following
words. . . " and in return there was loyalty and devo
tion to their chiefs amongst their followers that none
but such as came into close contact with them could
form an idea of."
Men were sent from Bintanna and Teldeniya to-

meet the threat to Hanvalla. A guard was posted
at Levalla (the river could be forded at Atvala padiya)
and a guard house built to command the passage, the
use of the ferry being confined to maintaining army
communications with Dumbara, and the raft employ
ed secured to the bank with an iron chain. The
Eastern Heights overlooking Maha Nuvara were also
cleared of forest as a precautionary measure On the
night of 12th February the Valapane people entered
HevShata and carried off the Rate Mahatmaya Dodan-
vala, and his father, who were sleeping in their home
at Udadeniya. Macdonald's despatches from Badulla
were intercepted and the escorting Caffrees bludgeoned
to death, though the Lascarin and the cooly carrying
them were allowed to go free. Moladanda, late
Maha Lekama, was sent in Dodanvala's place, with

instructions to take up his residence at Hanguranketa.
where a garrison was stationed. The palace there
had been burnt down during a plundering raid, but
its noted Pattini and Maha Vishnu Devalayas still
27
remained in fair order. From this centre many
attacks were made on the Sinhalese who were collect
ing in the neighbourhood. On the 20th Allepola
Maha Nilame, the greatly respected late Adikar of
Sri Vikrama, disappeared from Maha Nuvara; the
British had conferred on him the coveted appoint
ments of Mohundiram of the Satapena Ge and
Atapattu Murapola, and Lekama of the Ran Ayuda
Mandape (Chief over the attendants in the King's
Bed Chamber, the Guards within the palace, and the
Hall of the Golden Arms.".. The Guards at the Palace
Gates were under the Vahalkada Mohundiram), posts
by custom reserved for Adikars, as involving immedi
ate and continuous attendance on the King; but he
chose to throw in his' lot with Dore Svami; he was
proclaimed an outlaw and a reward of a thousand
rix-dollars offered for his arrest.
There were disturbing rumours from Satara Korale
and an outbreak would point to connivance on the
part of its Disava, Pallegampaha Adikar; suspicion
was being cast on his brother as well, and while
D'Oyly was protesting to the former that he had full
confidence in his authority and influence to maintain
peace, Sawers received secret instructions to watch him
28
closely and arrest him if necessary. Increasing unrest
was met by increasing severity ; wherever signs of
hostility were reported, the troops were let loose on
measures of repression which were of a monotonous
sameness. . .houses burnt, stores looted, women and
children seized, and occasionally a few men captured
or killed. To record these in anything approa'ching
fullness is of little profit; their immediate result was
negligible and there was no indication that the spirit
of the Sinhalese was crushed.
795—1
On 18th February Martial Law was extended

over Dumbara and Hevahata, but the forces, now
increased to 3,78.8 men, were insufficient to meet the
demands made on them. As Brownrigg pointed out,
to withdraw from posts already occupied was tant
amount to abandoning the districts they were intended
to overawe, while it was problematical how much
longer the remainder would continue on the British
side. His anxiety was to avoid creating the impression
that he despaired of ultimate success and he was not
prepared, he said, to sacrifice territory of such great •
potentialities which enhanced the value of the Settle
ments. He expressed his determination to hold all
the Provinces till forced by sickness among the troops
or some untoward disaster to adopt a different course,
and he appealed to the authorities at Chennapatnam,
which the British called Madras, to assist him with
2,000 fighting men and 4,000 pioneers and coolies,
explaining that even cattle transport was impossible
in the Hinterland where only porters could be em
ployed. The local supply he said was quite inadequate
and to impress men from the Littoral would seriously
affect essential food cultivation; while impressed
25
coolies deserted at every opportunity.
Eknaligoda had accompanied the British from
Alupota and Buttala to search for the Prince in the
30
caves of Maragala Kanda in Buttala Vadi Rata,
but the expedition only secured the wives and children
of some fighting men, who were welcome as a means
of forcing the males into surrender. Kappitipola
retaliated by a raid into Saparagamuva and Eknali
goda was hurriedly recalled there. Unrest was
spreading in Kadavatu and Mada Korales of that
Province, and there was some fighting near Alut
Nuvara. Mahavalatanna was casting doubt on the
good faith of Dolosvala, Delvala Nilame and Delgoda,
31
once Ahalepola's trusted supporter. Though no
other Great Chief had openly declared for Dore Svami,
there was hardly a personage of any importance against
whom secret charges were not being laid, often from

malice or to pay off a private grudge. Brownrigg
not unnaturally was bewildered, and declared " it
is impossible for me to give to any the confidence
necessary to allow of that unbounded exercise of influ
ence which conduced to the capture of the late
King in 1815." He had therefore abstained from
appealing to Ahalepola to take action in the British
interest, but since Molligcda could not be spared
from Uva he was forced to ask for his assistance in
Dumbara and Hevahata. He expressed his readiness
to start immediately with his Maduve andAsbage
people, but there was some delay as D'Oyly desired
to accompany him and therefore the Atbage people
had to be collected to provide porters and an escort.
He stipulated for no reward, trustfully remarking that
he was aware of the British Government's liberality.
On bis suggestion Chiefs and Bhikkhus were
summoned and asked whether they had any grievances
to complain of or were aware of cases of oppression.
They gave the expected reply, that while under the
King their lives were never safe and several had
suffered, that was no longer the case ; as for oppression,
the people's rajakariya, formerly continuous and
severe, was now hardly felt as a burden. In comment
ing to Bathurst on such gratifying sentiments, Brown
rigg offered his own explanation of the undoubted
attraction which Dore Svami's claims exercised on
the people's minds and their indifference towards the
British. The root cause of the present trouble he said
was the Chiefs' anxiety that the spread of liberal
British ideas and an improvement in the economic
condition of the masses would undermine and finally
destroy their own privileged position, which would
gain a fresh lease of life with the restoration of
Sinhalese sovereignty.
Having adopted a policy in defiance of his in
structions, he was driven to repression in order to
secure the successful termination which alone would
excuse his action, and some plausible explanation was

needed to satisfy Statesmen in London who neither
desired fresh territory nor approved of methods of
ferocity. However innocent of the knowledge of
British political ideas and social changes consequent
on economic progress which Brownrigg attributed to
them, the Chiefs undoubtedly were responsible for
the rising, for it was their duty to think and act on
behalf of the nation, as recognised in the Treaty of
2nd March 1815 : and it was very obvious that in
the present instance Chiefs and people were of one
mind. He admitted their deep anxiety that a Foreign
Government must necessarily result in the destruction
of their religion, whereas Deviyo Raja came with the
Kataragama deity's blessing and by reason of his
birth was semi-divine. They had no notion of any
species of government but the purely monarchical,
and a King living among them was the keystone of
their political structure, as Davy knew when he wrote
" a King is so essential that without him there would
be no order or harmony, only confusion and dissension
that would soon prove fatal to society." The diarist
of Andrew's mission expressed a like opinion, adding
" in no country is the safety of the Monarch and a
degree of honour and respect towards him, more
carefully watched or more effectually preserved than
throughout the Kingdom of Candia." It is difficult
to think that Brownrigg did not share this knowledge.
Chiefs and people had grown up among age-old customs
which might not be infringed ; under their Constitu
tion each one had his place and realised the rights
to which he was entitled and the obligations to which
he was liable : it was the King's duty to maintain that
•Constitution inviolate. Chaos followed when the
supervision which he exercised came to a sudden end,
just as Ahalepola and Millava had warned Brownrigg
would happen. No one could see clearly what the
position was, and with their strong conservatism the
people demanded a King of their own to be their
Head and to uphold their Customs.
Brownrigg while describing their past history as

a long tale of commotions and unrest, did not explain
who was responsible for them. The people were
familiar with the idea of abandoning their homes,
concealing their families in the wilds and following
their Chiefs with such arms as they possessed, when
ever summoned, and they would continue to do so,
he argued, till the Chiefs' power was reduced within
very narrow limits and the people's outlook changed
to one of a certain degree of independence, so long
as it was consistent with submission to a regular
32
Government. While Bathurst, over the question
of prize, had insisted on the distinction to be drawn
between the Sinhalese who had transferred the
Sovereignty by agreement, and a people subdued by
force of arms, Brownrigg aimed at reducing to impo
tence the system which had so long preserved their
independent existence. He pleaded in excuse his
•conviction that only a radical alteration of the ancient
Constitution would secure the continuance of British
authority and he outlined a scheme which he described
as an equitable system based on the Laws and Customs
of the country modified by British principles, the
fruit of three years' study.
While conceding that the general executive
Government and judicial functions were safeguarded
for the Chiefs, he argued that they might well be
deemed to have forfeited their rights under the Treaty,
at least, in those districts where the inhabitants were
found disloyal, and he proposed to substitute British
Accredited Agents in their place.
The scheme was well calculated to accomplish
his object, but Bathurst, replying on 25th July, 1818,
was by no means convinced by his arguments. As
in his previous despatches Brownrigg had held but
hopes of a speedy settlement of the trouble, he
expressed his disappointment at the unrest spreading
among the districts hitherto regarded as friendly, and
the heavy addition to the financial burden resulting
from the consequent increase in the military forces.

If that increase was likely to be permanent or to
continue for any great length of time, the possession
of the new territory would be neither advantageous
nor desirable, and the propriety of its retention would
depend on the prospects of the speedy restoration of
order. In spite of Brownrigg's explanation, Bathurst
had no doubt that the unrest originated in a desire
to return to the ancient system of Government and.
was not the result of grievances. If the indisposition
to remain under the British was general, he considered
it undesirable to persist in the contest. If on the
other hand dissatisfaction was confined to a few
turbulent and discontented adventurers, vigorous
action should be taken and there should be no hesita
tion in punishing the guilty ; in that case, as the
nature of the country rendered it impracticable to-
capture the leaders, their property and that of their
adherents must be confiscated and given to those
who continued loyal. If however such action com
bined with vigorous military measures, failed to have
the desired effect, the Governor must decide what
portion of the country it was possible to retain without
the risk of interminable fighting and prohibitive-
expenditure. If evacuation proved unavoidable, it
should be so carried out as not to create the impression
of defeat or disgrace.
Brownrigg will hardly be blamed for sheltering

himself behind those explanations about leaders
guided by self interest and deluded followers, which
are usual under similar circumstances ; he would
not admit to the Secretary of State what local officials
did not trouble to conceal from each other, that it
was the sentiments of a whole race against which he
had to contend. But the state of things was so
alarming that on 21st February Martial Law was
33
extended over all the Provinces on the plea that in
the disturbed state of the country the forms of Kand
yan judicature could not be resorted to for dealing:
sinhale and t h e patriots 231
with treasonable practices. For the future, Brown

rigg declared, he was determined to rely solely on the
34
exercise of Force, and the effects of Terror. That
policy once resolved upon was never abandoned and
to render it effective military posts were dotted through
the country at intervals of eight miles. The more
violent, recommended extirpating the whole race, but
public opinion was opposed to such a policy as being,
said Giffard, " too revolting to humanity to be enter
tained for a moment." The recommendation was not
officially adopted, but the discreet Davy, who knew
war, having been in the campaign which ended in
the occupation of Paris in 1815, wrote of events in
Sinhale " Such a system of warfare as this, of which
I have partially sketched the outline, had better not
35
be given in detail."
Chapter VII.
The whole of Uva was for Dore Svami; his sup

porters were threatening Saparagamuva, where he had
made many adherents ; Uda Palata was being incited
to join ; and there was no likelihood of a speedy
1
termination of the trouble. Ahalepola, conscious of
being under suspicion, thrice applied to be sent to
Colombo till matters settled down, but this was
refused on the excuse that he was needed near the
Governor, who at length decided to place him under
restraint. He explained to Bathurst (on the authority
of Molligoda, the one Chief whom he trusted), that
three months after the signature of the Treaty the
Chiefs at a meeting reached an understanding that
the British, having fulfilled their mission of removing
the Malabars, must now make way for a Sinhalese-
King. Though Molligoda throughout accused Ahale
pola and the Pilima Talavva faction of conniving at
the rising, Brownrigg said he had attributed that to
prejudice and taken no action. He mentioned the
rumour that Ahalepola and other Chiefs had sent
presents to Dore Svami, suggesting the probability
that Kappitipola was using their names for his own
purposes; and commented on Ahalepola's delay to
act in Dumbara, but unjustly, for that, as he knew,
arose from the difficulty of collecting men to attend
2
the Resident. While admitting the gravity of taking
such a step with a person of his wealth and influence
to whom they owed the country itself, he contended
that he had no alternative.
On 20th June 1832, after tempers had cooled,
the Colombo Journal frankly stated that " The practi
cal operation of the Convention soon demonstrated
that the portion of the administration of the country
reserved to British Agency was little more than the
fulfilment of the guarantee that the former reigning

family should not return to the Kandyan Throne."
But the object of Brownrigg, who was not over-
conscientious regarding the terms of the Treaty,
was to vest the control of the executive in British
hands, and the moment seemed opportune for initiating
his scheme by depriving Udugampaha of the great
authority which he exercised. With this in view he
on 27th February appointed Wright, Provincial Judge
at Matara, to be Accredited Agent at Ratnapura,
with special powers of control and inquiry in addition
to those contained in the General Instructions
attached to his Warrant, in order, as he explained,
to establish a more intimate and direct communica
tion with the people. For the exercise of native
authority the Province was divided into three, as
3
sometimes done under the King. Eknaligoda would
be in charge of Kuruviti and Atakalan Korales, Dolos-
vala of Navayodim and Kukulu, and Mahavalatanna
of Kolonna, Mada and Kadavatu Korales. Kapuvatta
would retain his title of Disava with, the attendance
necessary for his train and household, but without
executive authority, the Disava's functions being
divided between the three Chiefs of Divisions subject
to the Agent's orders; as they could only act in
accordance with his instructions, if they invoked his
authority in dealing with the inferior Chiefs, that would
be only to enforce his own directions. For neglect
of orders he could suspend or detain them in custody
and in urgent cases even remove them from office after
consulting the Chiefs of Divisions : such action must
be immediately reported to the Resident. Disobedi
ence to a Chief's orders or failure to render him due
respect could be punished with imprisonment and a
sentence of labour at the public works. Where there
was repeated neglect or actual disobedience on the
part of a Superior Chief, he should consult the Resi
dent and give his orders to the headmen direct, detain
ing the Chief in custody if he proved obstructive.
These powers were to be exercised with great caution
and in the case of Chiefs, only under exceptional circum
stances. Conciliatory firmness would be found the
most effectual means of establishing his authority ;
in unessential matters the Chiefs could be allowed to
have their own way, but absolute obedience should
be insisted on when needed.
On the judicial side, criminal jurisdiction was at
the moment vested in the military tribunals. A.
Court consisting of the Agent and one or more of the
Divisional Chiefs would sit in the Province to deal with
Civil matters in order to discourage resort to the
tribunals at Maha Nuvara. Where a difference of
opinion arose the question should be referred to the
Second Commissioner and Chiefs at the Magul Maduva,
who will decide on the recorded evidence without the
necessity for the personal attendance of parties.
An appeal lay to this tribunal in all except petty
cases. Wright arrived at Ratnapura on ioth March.
Governor Maitland, in his Instructions of August
1808 for the guidance of Collectors, stated his view
of the Government's duty towards backward races
in the following words : " Neither can it be necessary
to state that the true interests of Government never
can be to harass the natives with a view to immediate'
profit but that on the contrary the sole object of
Government is, or ought always to be considered to
be, to ensure the Prosperity of the Island solely through
the medium of generally increasing the Prosperity
and Happiness of the Nations under His Majesty's
Government." But Brownrigg being obliged to justify
a policy which involved a financial burden, im
pressed on Wright that revenue was the imperative
concern. He intended paying fixed salaries to all
officials and suppressing perquisites like ddkum, bulat-
surulu and judicial fees, Government on its side
waiving the ddkum to which it was entitled. As
for the public services, the liability might continue ;
but labour, except on opening and maintaining
roads and bridges, should'be paid for. To obtain the
necessary funds, he contemplated substituting for

the existing dues, which from the British point of
view were unpractical, a money levy onlands cultivated
with grain, except those belonging to religious esta
blishments or allotted as badavddili. The inhabitants
of the royal villages could be given the option of
cultivating the lands in anda (paying a moiety of the
crop as ground share) or of taking them in farm for a
definite rent.
Simultaneously another letter on analogous lines
was forwarded to John Walbeoff, Collector of Chilaw,
who was appointed Accredited Agent at Kurunagala,
with the significant intimation that as the Disava
would be absent from the Province he would not
4
interfere with the introduction of the new system.
Everything was now ready, and on the night
of the second of March a message was sent requesting
Ahalepola to meet D'Oyly at the Magul Maduva;
he replied that he was in poor health but would
attend in the morning. Another message followed
at ten o'clock : the Governor was anxious for his
advice on a confidential matter and he should come
disguised without anyone's knowledge; whereupon
suspecting no treachery, Ahalepola slipped out attend
ed only by two dasayo (domestic slaves) and appeared
at the Sabha. Mandire (Council Chamber). After a
few minutes D'Oyly and Lusignan entered the room
and conveyed to him Brownrigg's order to proceed
. to Colombo, adding, in reply to his inquiry as to when
he should start, that he must do so immediately.
The Maha Nilame protested that it was to avoid
just such an unpleasantness as this that he had thrice
volunteered to go there, but now that he had to leave
under compulsion he desired to bid farewell to his
family (obtain avasara, permission from them, was
the expression he used). To this they would not
consent, and he was obliged to enter Brownrigg's
doidva (palanquin) which was brought up at that
moment. Guarded by soldiers he was swiftly con

veyed by relays of bearers to Ruvanalla Fort, at the
confluence of the Gurugoda Oya with the Kelani
Ganga, and from there by water to Colombo, where
a house had been prepared for him.
Pilima Talavva was to have been arrested at
the same time, but when Gay, who was entrusted
with this task, presented himself with a military posse
at midnight before Kapuvatta's house where he
lodged, he was not to be found within, and it was
Udugampaha who met them at the door. The official
version of what followed has been coloured to suit
the anticipated readers, but D'Oyly in a letter to
Sawers written on 3rd March, a few hours after the
event, sets out the facts as known to him. It was
uncertain, he said, whether Pilima Talavva was warned
in time, and escaped before Gay arrived, or slipped
away after that by some unnoticed passage ; but, he
continued " A most disgraceful and outrageous scene
then took place, of which the effects cannot.be easily
repaired. The premises of the Second Adikar and
Disava of the Seven Korales were entered by a lawless
rabble of the low country who with a part of the
soldiers plundered all the properties which was to be
found. The Second Adikar was naturally exasperated
to the highest degree by this unwarranted violence
and insult. He was conducted to the Palace with
his family and the Wife of the Disava of the Seven
Korales, and in consequence of the present state of
public affairs, and the flight of his near relative,
His Excellency has thought it necessary to detain
his person for the present."
The panic under which Brownrigg was labouring
is the only excuse for this sorry business, but he had
to allay public excitement with some plausible story,
and in a Minute published on 3rd March he represented
Pilima Talavva as a traitor who was in correspond
ence with Dore Svami. While admitting that there
was a scene of " confusion, plunder and insult," he
pleaded that this was not authorized by Government

nor countenanced by any Civil or Military officer ;
and apologised for the insult to Kapuwatta, promising
compensation for the loss he sustained; nevertheless
he continued under detention at Ahalepola's house.
With regard to Ahalepola, he diplomatically
explained that his sudden and secret removal was
in no way a reflection on his loyalty, but as it was
desirable that he should reside where he could not
be represented by Kappitipola as a secret sympathiser,
the Governor acceded to his request for permission to
remain in Colombo till the unrest was ended. A
military escort was provided because brigands were
infesting the roads in Uda Palata. His lands would
be attended to during his absence and his wife could
5
join him if she wished.
Ahalepola was very bitter at the ingratitude with
which he was treated; when Colonel Young, the
Commandant, and Stark, representing the Kandyan
Office, attempted to explain that his detention was
merely precautionary and that he could return as
soon as the country was pacified, he scornfully replied
that as he was prevented from leaving Sinhale when
he wanted to do so, now that he was being detained
as a prisoner he would not return till his good faith
was established by a full inquiry. In accordance
with instructions for his safe custody issued to the
Commandant, the Collector furnished a Kangany and
six Lascarins for duty at the house, with two or more
sentries at night. He was allowed rations on the
same scale as on his former visits, with six superior
and four inferior servants, though owing to limited
accommodation the number was soon reduced to six.
The second Maha Mudaliyar's brother, Johannes
Jacobus de Saram, was attached to him as interpreter
and medium of communication with Government,
and had to report every evening at six o'clock to the
Secretary of the Kandyan Provinces.
In 1814 as an honoured guest, he lived in a Dutch

mansion at Badal Vidiya (Silversmith Street) in the
suburbs, amidst choice fruit trees and unfailing wells,
for he loved water; now his place of confinement
was within the walled Fort where the heat at this,
the hottest, season of the year, was exhausting after
the coolness of the hills, and the water so brackish
that for drinking it had to be fetched from a mile
away. Arrangements were therefore uiade for him
to take the air on the Southern Esplanade, where once
he had inspected the troops ; the sandy track running
southwards across it from the Fort had been surfaced
with cabook (at this period generally employed as
road metal) and the sea breeze served to cool the
houses which had sprung up on the further side of the
6
road.
Horse-drawn vehicles were very rare in Colombo,
for coachmen, harness and saddlery had to be imported
from Europe ; where South Indians were employed,
they did not drive but led the animals attached to
the carriage. Generally people of position were borne
in palanquins and some of the Mudaliyars employed
Triacles - light carriages on three wheels pushed by
7
men. A bandy (gig) from King's House was placed
at Ahalepola's disposal for taking the air, when the
Secretary had to accompany him, or he could use a
palanquin with a guard of Lascarins. Visitors (except
certain officials) were allowed only with the Governor's
permission, and all his communications with Maha
Nuvara had to pass through Government. By a
later secret order servants bringing him provisions
from Sinhale on their return were first taken to the
Officers' Guard Room at the Main Gate and searched
8
for any writing they might be carrying.
This gate and the' adjoining bastion bore the
name Delft, for the Hollanders named what they
constructed after places in their homeland, the Portu
guese after their saints, and the British after members
of their race whom they desired to preserve from obli-
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 23»
vion; while Sinhalese names were either descriptive and

referred to some natural feature, or conveyed some
abstract idea. Two drawbridges spanning the outer
moat at Delft Gate opened on an Esplanade stretching'
as far as the Pettah ; Schweitzer in 1680 saw this
as a marsh (called after the buffalos wallowing
in the mud holes) which by means of a sluice could be
flooded for the defence of the fort.
Ahalepola's luggage was forwarded to Colombo
the day after his removal., and was known to include
the jewels he used to wear since the British Govern
ment was established, though many of them were of
a quality he was not entitled to use by Custom, On
the same day one of his men was arrested at Gan-
noruva tota with a parcel of female jewellery of a nature
and richness such as the wife of no subject would have
been permitted to display on her person ; for instance
two pair of bracelets, set with rubies and a few emeralds
and diamonds, were valued at 3,500 rix-dollars, and
Molligoda identified them as belonging to the Queens.
The Commandant was therefore warned on the 15th
March to confine his servants to the house and not to
allow the sentries to communicate with him for fear
9
he might bribe them.
By a singular piece of irony his promised decor
ation arrived from England shortly after. It took the
form of a gold medal bearing on the obverse the Prince
Regent's effigy with the reverse left blank for such
inscription in Sinhalese as the Governor might consider
appropriate, and was to be worn suspended round the
neck by a ribbon of any colour which would be ap
preciated by the Sinhalese. Medals bearing compli
mentary legends in Dutch (Latin being employed in
one instance) with gold chains attached had been
used by the Company to reward eminent service on
the part of its Sinhalese officials whether in war,
administration, or the furtherance of agriculture, and
were fine specimens of contemporary goldsmiths''
art ; perhaps the most notable was the one presented
in 1686 to Navaratna Maha Mudaliyar, with bas relief

decoration and a punning allusion to his name (Nava
ratna means Nine Gems) worked out in gems. The
practice was continued by North and Maitland, who
imitated the Dutch design. This was the first instance
of a personal effigy figuring on the Medal and was the
work of the King's jewellers, Rundell, Bridge and
Rundell of Ludgate Hill, who made two copies at a
cost.of one hundred and thirty pounds sixteen shillings.
Under the changed circumstances the gift was not
10
presented.
The news of the recent birth of a daughter to
Sri Vikrama must have roused painful reflections in
the Maha Nilame's mind. His wife followed him
to Colombo ; Valauve Unnanse was the official de
scription accorded to one of her position; the Maha
Nilame himself called her Valauve Mahatmeya in
the Deed which he gave in 1825 to his younger sister,
Nugahapola nangi, and also bargayava in his Memorial:
that sister's husband, Kossinna Nilame, sent female
" s l a v e s " of the family from Hettimulla in Satara
Korale, to attend on her ; they were necessary for the
menial work of a Chief's household, on which no free
person could be employed; and indispensable on a death
in the family as it was they who laid out the body,
bore it out and buried i t ; no free Rata, Govigama,
person of any degree would perform such tasks or
accept the resulting perquisites which from ancient
times were appropriate to dasayd. The only others
available were the Gahalayo, to employ whom would
disgrace a Chief's family. Where it owned no slaves,
a more fortunate kinsman was expected to assist by
lending his ; among Rata people without slaves, the
relatives buried the dead which the members of a
11
Chief's family might not do. Dasayo were provided
by their owners with lands for their maintenance from
which some acquired wealth but continued to perform
their duties ; such possession however long continued,
could never become adverse to the master's title.
They were chiefly acquired by gift of the King (from

his stock of slaves or prisoners of war of low condi
tion) or by purchase, were a person sold himself or
his child under certain well-recognised circum
13
stances. Slaves are rarely mentioned in the Portu
guese Tombo.but Timbiripale Bamdage, daughter of
the King of the Sat Korale, who was a Christian,
owned Negro slaves, and four of Akaragane Kumari-
hami's slaves possessed gardens adjoining Vilbava.
A small number came from overseas. On 2nd Sept
ember 1613 Sepala Mohottiar, Canacapulle of the
Port of Chilaw, and the Patabendas and Chief Moor
man of the place, stated that for each male and female
•slave bought in the port the purchaser paid two larins
to the King ; the same duty was levied at the more
important port of Negumbo. The Tombo also reveals
the fact that in villages like Mirissa, adutta to the
Port of Valigama, the extortions of Portuguese officials
in their greed for areca, were driving the villagers to
•sell their houses, gardens and families. When the
•Company displaced the Portuguese, famine compelled
many Sinhalese to sell themselves and their families,
but the sales were annulled by van Goens in 1660.
Some Chiefs owned large numbers of them and in June
1838 Dolosvala emancipated thirty-eight, in appreci
ation of which the Government presented him with a
gold medal costing one hundred pounds. African
•slaves, generally from Mozambique, numerous in
Colombo, were rare in Sinhale ; they with an occasional
Malay were the domestic servants in Dutch households,
while Indians and Malays served the English.
In order further to enlist Moorish support Brown
rigg by a Proclamation of 2nd March declared the
future exercise of any jurisdiction over them by Chiefs
unlawful; British officers would attend to their
judicial requirements and the Principal Agent at
Maha Nuvara appoint Madige Mohundirams ; in return
he appealed for their zealous help, and promised com
pensation for losses resulting from their fidelity to
13
the British. For this flagrant violation of the
Fourth Article he speciously argued that Moors had.
been subject immediately to regulations made from
time to time by the King himself, and therefore Chiefs-
could not claim any vested right to control them.
Doratiyave Unnanse followed his patron Pilima.
Talavva whose family had built the Parana and
Alut Vihara at Asgiriya ; he was in charge of them
till upon the execution of Pilima Talavva Adikar in
1811 he fell into disgrace for concealing that Minister's-
property and on the King's orders was disrobed and
banished. He returned with the arrival of the British
when Pilima Talavva Disava, in exercise of the
founder's right of appointment, installed him at
Alut Viharaya from where he now disappeared. Pili
ma Talavva was received with enthusiasm in Dumbara
which right up to' the Mahavili Ganga declared for
Dore Svami; the people of Ahalepola's various depart
ments did the same ; there was a recrudescence of
fighting in Hevahata and armed men entered Haris-
pattuva, the Rate Mahatmaya of which, Millava's
brother, hastened there to restore order. Captain
Roper, following in support with a detachment, was-
apparently so infected with the general panic that
because the Chief when sent for delayed to appear,,
he marched to his home at Dunuvila, and finding it
deserted burnt it to the ground. The Chief and his-
people were exasperated and the horrified D'Oyly
wrote to Sawers on 6th March " An occurrence which
can never be sufficiently lamented has I fear raised
Haris Pattu in arms against us." Pie assured Millava
that Roper's action was strongly reprobated by the
Government which would compensate him for the
damage and invited the Chief to meet him at Katu-
gastota, but beyond a courteous reply nothing followed.
Round Maha Nuvara appearances were so
threatening that Brownrigg called in several outlying
garrisons " for the protection of Kandy and its
14
Environs from Insult." It could no longer be
ignored that only military force was likely to achieve

.any result in Uva ; the local Chiefs were indifferent
to Pallegampaha's orders and he was recalled to the
capital where he arrived on the 14th under a strong
escort, only to be hurried off to Satara Korale which
was being threatened. D'Oyly was at Gampola,
•once the seat of a King, on the banks of the Mahavili
Ganga ; close by lay the extensive and fertile vela,
the King's rice field irrigated by the Raja ala, and the
atuva for storing the crops, with carved wooden beams
resting on stone columns, which from its size had
passed into a proverb among the Sinhalese. Niyan-
gampaya Viharaya is in this village. The Disava
of Uda Palata was dismissed, and D'Oyly exerted
himself to keep the district and Udu Nuvara from
being drawn into Dore Svami's camp. Molligoda
joined him at midnight on the 15th, whereupon
King at Attapitiya was instructed to abstain from
destroying houses and other property without consult
ing him. The injunction was needed ; military officers
were showing little discrimination, and four people of
Yati Nuvara, which throughout sided with the British,
•complained bitterly that their reward was to be
15
plundered of 212 amunams of paddy.
Udugampaha, whose general jurisdiction extended
over Tun Korale, had warned its people to be ready
to take the field as soon as the harvest was reaped ;
whereupon they demanded that they should be paid
as was being done with porters. This was refused on
the ground that porters were being compelled to render
services greatly in excess of their liability and much
more arduous and continuous than was normal; where
as military service, which was strictly due to Govern
ment, was rarely demanded, and was also more
honourable in its nature : they could be assured that
all who distinguished themselves in the contemplated
16
expedition would undoubtedly be remunerated.
Ahaliyagoda, Chief of Pata Bulatgama, with a
17
liundred and fifty men, started for Uda Bulatgama.
His district with its 13 aduttha villages always belonged

to the King, and had certain special customs. The
Pangu were held by Maruvena tenants, or tenants at
will, selected from time to time by the Vidane. and
paying a. fine of five larin—three to the Ara mudala
and two to the Vidane—on each entry ; they also
paid the King yearly a small bulat surula and a quantity
of the oil described in the Tombo as Mandol tel, valued
at two fanams the pata, which was the same as a
medida, or ndliya. The main source of revenue was
the bulat, 570,000 leaves a year ; Ra Siha Deviyo had
a special plantation at Rangalla, in charge of a
jagreiro, who was given, his implements—a couta
(katta) and enxada, (mattock)— from the Gabadava.
He received 153I; amunams of areca for a cacha of
cloth the amunam and a further quantity in exchange
for coconuts and salt fish, besides 156 bunches of
plantains. On Dharmapala's death the Portuguese
took over control; as their chief interest was the areka,
for which there was a heavy demand from India,
they neglected the bulat gardens which depended on
continuous replanting and by 1614 were in a ruinous
state. In 1640 the Sinhalese King again entered
into possession and after some further changes of
ownership the district finally remained to him.
Rambukpitiya Lekama of Pasbage was heading
18
the opposition in Uda Bulatgama and Captain Elmsley
moved up to effect a junction with Captain Thomson,
who was unable to maintain his ground. The Sin
halese drove him out of Kotmale, the district of rugged
mountains, thick forests and frequent landslips which,
sheltered Dutu Gemunu two thousand years before,,
and emboldened by success kept up the chase till he
escaped into Gampola. D'Oyly, fearing an attack on
Uda Palata, pressed Thomson to renew the attempt
and persuade the inhabitants to return to their
allegiance ; failing which he should destroy the pro
perty of the ring leaders and strike such terror by
military force that the people would be deterred from
10
combining again. Thomson however pleaded that
the task was an impossible one with the means avail
20
able to him. Meanwhile Elmsley was in difficulties
and on the 2 n d reported that the situation was alarm
ing, for he was nearly surrounded and three batteries
on his line of advance prevented him from moving
forward ; Thomson was therefore urged to go to his
21
rescue.
The younger Molligoda was appointed to succeed
Pilima Talavva in Sat Korale with certain important
restrictions on his authority, for he was to be under
the orders of the Agent at Kurunagala and act on
all occasion in concurrence with him ; he was deprived
of the authority to appoint and remove headmen and
consequently lost the bulat surulu ; the same judicial
system as in Saparagamuwa was to be established, de
priving him of further perquisites such as fines imposed
in criminal cases and fees paid by successful litigants
on the issue of the sittu or written decree, in their
22
favour. These were not confined to the Disava but
were enjoyed by all grades of officials —and they were
many—who performed judicial functions. There
were no written record's of proceedings and it is hardly
reasonable to suggest that the right to charge a fee
for issuing a certificate of the decision must necessarily
affect the impartiality of the judgment.
As to the appropriation of fines, this was based
on the fundamental principle of the King's right to
ddkum which D'Oyly had once explained. The system
was undesirable, compared with the practice of
first crediting all collections to a central Treasury
from which alone disbursements were made ; but it
cannot be judged fairly without knowledge of the
safeguards which had grown up round it— and it was
for that knowledge the Secretary of State had long
been calling, so far in vain. One custom illustrates
the spirit in which the Sinhalese worked it : a Chief,
if fined by the King (which was generally for offences»
against form and decorum) was entrusted to the
Adikar's custody and forbidden to leave the Vasala

till the sentence was satisfied, whereupon the Adikar
would himself pay the amount into the Ara Mudala
and the Chief be set at liberty, the obligation being
converted into a debt of honour to the First among
the Chiefs. It should not be forgotten that every
subject had the right to appeal to the King ; his
scrutiny was close and the punishment of an erring
official swift and severe.
Walbeoff started with a band of soldiers from the
19th Regiment to take up his new duties, but was
coldly received in the villages through which he
had to pass and his escort fired upon. Alarming
reports reached him that the people were being roused
to oppose the British, the ring leaders mentioned
including the Mohottilala Kurundu Kumbura (em
ployed by D'Oyly and Ahalepola to stir up Sat Korale
against the King and one of the nine rewarded with
lands in March 1815), Ratambala, and Kahdulova.
When on the morning of the 12th March he reached
Kurunagala, he found to his dismay the mud-built
barracks and stores in ruins and the so-called fort
incapable of being defended ; he therefore sent an
23
urgent demand for more troops. Everyone was
talking of British disasters and C. W. Mead, his
successor at Chilaw, was directed to organise counter
propaganda. He was to explain that Hanguranketa
was abandoned owing to its small military value and
it was " the. intention of Government to destroy every
building in Hevahata as has been done at Hanguran
keta, unless the people there return to their duty."
As for Saparagamuva, he should let it be understood
that though some people had joined Dore Svami's
party during Eknaligoda's absence, " they have seen
the burning of the villages which gave protection to
24
the rebels and returned to their duty." In reality
the outlook there was so threatening that Mahavala
tanna, alarmed for his family, wrote to the Maha
Mudaliyar insisting on its immediate removal, and
Wright on instructions assured him that Government

would approve of any course he adopted and place a
25
Garden near the coast at his disposal for a residence.
The younger Molligoda was unable to reach his Province,,
for Madavalatanna was beleaguered and the road
through Harispattuva and Tumpane impassable
owing to hostile bands ; he therefore started with an
escort by the long route through Satara Korale but
the country round Balane Kanda was in such a state
2&
of turmoil that his progress was greatly delayed.
Brownrigg must have long regretted his mistake
in acknowledging Dore Svami's royal origin, and Wal-
beoff's brief sojourn in Sat Korale is chiefly memorable
for a new development in this respect. Christian
de Siiva's alleged identification of the Prince had
suggested certain possibilities, first hinted to Bathurst
on 19th February when Brownrigg wrote " it is most
probable the Pretender is a native Kandyan of a
respectable Family but who had been much out of the
Kandyan Provinces during the former Government
and for a time resided in the Districts of Galle and
Matara."
Some show of evidence was needed in support
of this and early in February D'Oyly sent Udugama
Unnanse on a spying expedition with credentials for his
protection in case of his being arrested by British Agents.
The Prince was at Monaragala, and when he arrived
within two hetakma he sent word to say he had
come to make his submission. He stayed the night
at Monaragala Pansala and was received the next
morning by the Prince, who spoke with intimate
knowledge of his relations in Matale (he was cousin
to Allepola Maha Nilame) and offered to make him
Disava of that Province if he would give up the
Bhikkhu's robe, but he replied that he had devoted
himself to a religious life. Kappitipola was away at
Velanvita organising resistance there and the Prince
gave the spy permission to visit him and even furnished
him with an escort of Vaddo. Kappitipola showed
himself very friendly and entertained him for nine

days. He met Pussegoda Unanse there and under
stood from him that he was very dissatisfied at not
receiving more recognition for his services to the Prince.
He returned and made his report to D'Oyly after
about a month's travelling ; of Kappitipola he stated
that he appeared to be devoted to the Prince and
sincerely believed that he was what he claimed to be.
Inquiries were also started in Sat Korale through
the then Agent at Kurunagala, Tulloch ; for when
on 27th February the Kandyan Office informed him
1
that he would be relieved by Walbeoff, D'Oyly also
sent him a message, the significance of which is reveal
ed by subsequent events, that Vilbava was a village
in Sat Korale under the Nayaka of Asgiriya's autho
rity. It appears in the Portuguese Tombo as belong
ing to the Pagoda of Vilbava, (no doubt the Pattini
Devalaya in the village) and possessed by a Jesuit to
whom Simao Correa had given it as badavedili. It
adjoined Akaragane, the paravenia of a princely
family ; x\karagane Appuhami had been prominent
in 1595, and in 1614 Akaragane Kumarihami was
alive, being one of the very few personages to whom
the Portuguese applied that eminent title. Akara
gane Bandara's descendants to this day figure in the
ceremonial at the Devalaya ; their ancestor, they say,
was defeated in a Mallava pora, wrestling contest,
with another Bandara, and in penalty bound himself
and his descendants to provide a coconut flower and
bunch of coconuts at the kaphitav~ima which inaugu
rates the Perahara. This they' continue to do, and
as part of the same penalty reap the first ears of paddy
for the Multenbaina at the Alutsal Mangalya.
On the day Walbeoff reached Kurunagala, Lusig-
nan sent him a letter to which he replied on the 17th
on a half sheet of note paper written in his own hand,
as follows : " I have just received your letter of the
12th and beg leave to forward copy of the inquiry I
have made relative to the Wilbawe Unanse." ' A t
the inquiry held the same day, he recorded the evidence

of three witnesses. The first, Kavrala Lekama of
Vilbava, stated that his younger brother, Vilbava
Unnanse, had not been seen for two years and his
whereabouts were unknown, but there was a talk
that he was with Dore Svami ; he could be identified
27
by a scar under the chin. The second, Appuhami
Rate Mohottala, remembered that seven years before
the Unnanse had claimed to be the son of a King,
whereupon Ratvatta Disava caused him to be arrested,
but after investigation released him pronouncing
him a fool; he added that the Unnanse left the village
six years ago with six other Bhikkhus. The curious
incident to which he was referring was an echo of the
" Prince of Matale " agitation of Dutch, times, for this
Unnanse also claimed to be a descendant of either
Vijayapala or Kumarasinha ; the Mohottalala who
were sent to report on his movements (Horombava
of Pahala Dolos Pattu and Pannala) supplied many
details about him in 1830 to the Board. The last
witness, who bore the German name of Andris Ost-
muller, mentioned that fifteen months before his
son had for two weeks taught the English Alphabet
28
to the Unnanse.
This report would have reached Brownrigg on

the 18th, and on the 19th March he issued a charac
teristic Proclamation. Recalling his admission of Dore
Svami's status he declared that it was unfounded,
since all the deported Malabars were found to be still
in India ; he was merely a Govigama Sinhalese from
Vilbava and could have dared to come forward only
on the instigation of Kappitipola and tlge Betme
Ralala of Kataragama. A gross imposition had been
practised on the Government and the Sinhalese, he
said, but now that he was able to reveal the truth,
he was firmly convinced that their good sense would
compel them to abandon a cause at the head of which
was a person of such little consideration as to birth.
This amended version, if generally accepted,

would have gone far to destroy Dore Svami's hold on'
the people, but it was not taken seriously outside
British official circles, though it provided a little
29
scandal to be discussed by domestic servants. Its
•effect can be judged from what the Maha Betme Rala
stated long afterwards, when seeming acceptance of
it would have been to his advantage. " He proclaim
ed himself to be of the Royal or Suriya Wansa, and as
such I believed him to be, namely, a descendant of
Kirti Sri Maha Wasala who was killed in Kandy
by a fall from his horse. It was not known or reputed
30
during the Rebellion that he was the priest Wiibave."
Lusignan wrote to Walbeoff on 22nd March, no
doubt on Brownrigg's dictation, that " sufficient
reason appeared from what had been derived from
other sources for considering that Priest as the person
set up to delude the Kandyans into an effort to over
throw the British Government for the benefit of
certain Chiefs who felt their powers of oppression
cramped by its administration." Brownrigg, more
cautiously reporting to Bathurst, admitted that the
almost impenetrable seclusion which according to
the custom of Sinhalese Royalty, surrounded Deviyo
Raja, rendered accurate knowledge difficult, but
assured him that he acted on " well-founded con
jecture," without disclosing the foundations of his
belief. The irrepressible Lusignan, slightly lifting
the curtain in a letter to Bisset, revealed the official
opinion of Brownrigg's pronouncement. He wrote
" I do not think I told you that U d i Gabada has
professed his conviction on logical grounds that
Wilbawe is the Pretender. His Syllogism is : Wil-
hawe and another Priest went from the Seven K5rales
together ; the other Priest is with, the Pretender, and
Wilbawe is not to be found ; ergo, Wilbawe is the
Pretender. The end of the Confession of Faith which
may be sincere but which he would not profess I sus
pect to a mixed assembly of Kandyans as his true
belief, was to procure a modification of Mampitiya

Disava's imprisonment, i.e. to give him an oppor
tunity to escape." The Gabada Nilame (Dehigama)
himself the writer described as one " whose words
31
are not those of truth."
Brownrigg further announced in his Proclamation
that, in view of the Claimant's insignificance, he was
inclined to withdraw the offer of a reward for his
arrest and was only deterred from doing so by con
sideration of " the sacredness with which British
Government is accustomed to perform all its promises."
He therefore confirmed the promise of 2,000 rix-dollars,
but as it was more important to secure those whom
he now recognised to be the real leaders, he further
offered. . .
For Kappitipola, Pilima
Talavva, and Ma
dugalla 1,000 star pagodas
each
Kivulegedara 500 star pagodas
Allepola 1,000 rix-dollars
(A star pagoda was worth approximately four
32
rix-dollars.)
The military situation showed no improvement..
Pilima Talavva by blocking the road to Nalanda,
cut off communications with Maha Nuvara; but
it had ample stores and Captain Philip de Latre,
who left Trikuna. male for Maha Nuvara on 2nd March
with a hundred men, was expected there soon. Pilima
Talavva however attacked him at Kiri Oya, four miles
from Gonavala, whereupon the Sinhalese whose cattle
had been requisitioned to convey the baggage, dis
appeared in the forest, and their beasts, left without
33;
control or guidance, scattered in all directions.
Matters looked so threatening that de Latre destroyed
his ammunition to save it from falling into the enemy's
hands and crossing the Amban Ganga, succeeded
in reaching Nalanda on.the evening of the 14th with
one arm shattered by a bullet, only to find himself

completely surrounded. Sickness broke out in the
ranks and spread fast; the At Gala road was out of
the question ; and after ten days, he set fire to the
barracks and started on his retreat through the
Yatavatta mountains, reaching Uclattapola under
continuous firing, from, where another day's exhaust
ing toil brought him to Kurunagala on the afternoon
of the 27th. Pilima Talavva had achieved his object ;
British authority-, ceased to exist in Nuvara Kalavaya
and Matale, and in Sinhale only the two Nuvaras,
Tun Korale, Satara Korale, and a part of Sapara
gamuva, continued to recognise their Government.
De Latre was ordered to take over the command
in Sat Korale and Tumpane, but was too unnerved by
the recent ordeal to undertake the task, and Lieut,
Colonel Hook, who had been busy in Valapane for
five months, was substituted, his force being strength
ened with some of the Honourable Company's
Indian soldiers who arrived at Colombo on the 3rd
34
of April. Meanwhile Walbeoff's position as Agent
was proving so difficult that he could not even have
35
the barracks repaired, and on 1st April he com
plained " It is with the greatest difficulty I can even
procure a few parrahs of paddy for the horses. I
have not the least authority in this Province, or
does a single headman appear before me." Pilima
Talavva's supporters guarding the Trikuna male
road, were on the banks of the Daduru Oya, five miles
from the town. Unrest was spreading fast and
Walbeoff was authorised to offer a reward for the
arrest of Kurundu Kumbura, the most active leader.
36
The Disava's arrival on 3rd April made matters
worse, for he treated Walbeoff with an indifference
almost amounting to contempt ; he clearly intended
to exercise all a Disava's customary authority, in
spite of the restrictions, and overrode Walbeoff's
orders, dismissed and appointed headmen, and generally
acted with an aggressive independence which resulted
in an impossible situation for the British official.

Frustrated at every turn, he reported that he had
failed to get into touch with the inhabitants after a
month and it was highly problematical if he could
be of any use as hostile bands were massing round;
37
he begged to be sent back to Puttalama ; This was
.allowed and when Hook left Maha Nuvara on 13th
April he was instructed to attend to the Agent's duties
33
in Sat Korale and Tnmpane in addition to his own.
In Saparagamuva Dore Svami's Disava's property
was destroyed and " some necessary examples of
severity " served to cow down his supporters. Eknali
goda claiming to act under Martial Law, summarily
fried two men for stirring up resistance at Ukgal
Alut Nuvara and firing on the troops, and executed
them by hanging on 16th March. This could not be
countenanced, for such assumption of power was
opposed to the original Constitution of the Province
and the terms of the Treaty, while Martial Law could
be exercised only by British officers, as Brownrigg
pointed out: therefore in view of his exceptional
services, an Act of Indemnity was passed for his
39
protection. Macdonald was anxious for his help
in Upper Uva, but he was dissatisfied at the recognition
of his past services ; he was therefore assured that he was
acknowledged to be the most meritorious of the
three Divisional Chiefs and would in due course
40
receive a special mark of distinction. He hinted
that he too contemplated sending his family to the
Coast, and was urged not to do so, for that would be
tantamount to an admission of British inability to
protect them, where they were. " Mahawalatenna "
wrote Wright on 8th April " is frightened out of his
41
wits, and Doloswala a kind of Neutralist."
The chief appointments in the Disava of Sapara-
gamuwa's gift were those of Disave, Atapattu and
Kodituvakku Mohottala, held by Eknaligoda, Dolos
vala and Mahavalatanna respectively, for each of
which he was entitled to a fee of 500 ridi. Perhaps
no less important was,that of Basnayaka of the Maha

Saman Devalaya, yielding a like fee. which Kapuvatta
had bestowed on Eknaligcda whom he allowed to
continue in office, though complaining of his failure
to make the payment. The worship of Saman Deviyo
at Saparagamuva goes back to very early times, for
he was the Great Chief (Maha Saman Devindo) who
with his followers heard the Buddha preach at Mani-
yangana and accepted his doctrine, and to him the
Teacher delivered the lock of his hair believed to be
enshrined within the dagaba ; his abode is Samanta-
kuta and his special sphere, as Adipati is this Province-
One result of the Mohammedan invasion of South
India was the exodus oi many Brahmins to Ceylon,
where they were well received and entrusted with,
the highly responsible duty of collecting the gems from
the washings at the King's akara. Dutu Gemumi
had built a place of worship in honour of Saman
E>eviyo at Saparagamuva, and Pandita Parakrama
Bahu erected a new Devalaya in fulfilment of Arya
Kama Deva's vow while engaged in the task. The
Brahmin's grandson Nila Perumala re-built it, and
Rukule Parakrama Bahu re-endowed it on a scale
rivalling Devundara and Munnesarama, and the cul
tured Alagiyavanna, who loved beauty in all its forms,,
has left a vivid picture of the women's dance when
Ra Siha Deviyo reigned.
" See, friend, Nanambi Kuruppu Mantri, famed
warrior and wise statesman, who holds the office of
Bandara Nayaka, with the other Devalaya Chiefs.
Maidens standing in two rows with gold and silver
tali in their hands sing the praises of the God, and then
the dancing women appear, radiant in jewels and
gossamer robes, flowers in their blue-black hair, colly-
rium round the eyes. Eyes, arms and feet move with
the music and song, rising and falling to the rhythm
of the drum. One whirls effortless in the Bahuri rang a
and with white draperies floating round she is a sesaf
on its golden stand, her feet. And still they dance,
a nine-coloured rain of gems, and now a wreath of

varied flowers ; golden limbed, truly vines of gold
43
swaying in the caressing breeze."
The horror of the Portuguese wars followed this
King's death, and the Devalaya was replaced by the
Church of San Salvador, (where there is reason to
think the women's dance was maintained). The
interruption did not last very long, and about 1660 a
new Devalaya was re-endowed by Raja Sinha, whose
benefactions are detailed in its palm-leaf Sirit pota.
He offered his riding elephant, Seleth Mudaliya, by
sprinkling it with saffron water, and assigned many
villages for the performance of the necessary services,
along with slaves, dancers and musicians, gold and
silver vessels for religious ceremonies, hangings for
adorning the fabric, and'banners for festive occasions.
Arrangements were made for reciting pirit, and four
Bo saplings, which the King sent Pagoda Appu of
Gilimale to fetch from Anuradhapura, were planted
at the corners of the Maluva. The Anumati Ralala
of Atova and Veralupe were appointed Kapu ralas,
and Alapata Duggana. Rala placed in charge of the
administration as Basnayaka. On 31st October 1803
a British army occupied the building, which was said
to be the largest of the kind in the Island and built
•on the Indian plan, surrounded by a high stone wall
with towers and elaborately decorated; outside ran
a broad Vitiya bounded by a square of houses, the
four angles being occupied by shelters for worshippers.
Several chests of silver and copper coins, offerings to
the God, were found which the soldiers plundered,
but the Malays and coolies refused to touch the
money though there was much more than the English
42
could take away, as Cordiner recorded.
In view of its extensive domains the Basnayaka

Nile of the Devalaya was a position of authority and
•emolument much coveted and apparently often held
by members of Eknaligoda's family. But the new
system created a difficulty ; he pointed out that as

Divisional Disava he exercised less authority than
as Disave Mohottala, and must necessarily relinquish
the office of Basnayaka which he valued so greatly
that he preferred to retain it at the sacrifice of the
former, however eminent the rank. To the sugges
tion that he might retain both, he replied that the
duties involved rendered the offices incompatible
with each other. Another difficulty was that besides
the Devalaya lands and tenants within his Division
(Kuruvita), there were numerous others under the
Egoda Betme of the Devalaya, (who was'the Basna-
yaka's officer), in Navayodun Korale, over which
Dolosvala was Disava, and by the terms of his ap
pointment, he was Chief of all people within his terri
torial jurisdiction. Still further complications arose
over filling the offices vacated by the Divisional
Disavas ; the men belonging to the departments of
which they had been in charge were scattered through
out the Province, with the consequence that even if
these Disavas retained their old posts as well, there
would still be a conflict of jurisdictions. Under any
circumstances each Disava's authoity would be in
complete and there would remain within his Division
a body of men subject to the orders of the Chief of
another Division. To remedy this by creating a
separate group of Mohottalala for each new Division
was a course which could not be lightly adopted in
view of the financial'implications of the contemplated
43
change in their remuneration.
Chapter VIII.
The outburst of resistance was strongest in Uva,

Uda Heva.ha.ta, Valapane and Dumbara. Kappiti
pola revealing unexpected ability as a guerrilla leader,
accompanied his men on foot with a cotton cloth
wrapped round his waist and another twisted rotmd
his head, as described by Tikiri Malliya of Passara
when examined at Paranagama on 20th February..
Ra Siha Deviyo dressed similarly, according to
Ralph Fitch, who was in Ceylon on 6th March 1589.
So did Knox, except that his head-covering was his
hair which reached down to his waist; writing in
1706, twenty-five years after returning to his country
men and their clothes (which he found "troublesome
and uneasey like a Coller to a dog or yoke to a hog-")
he expressed his views thus : " Instead of difficulty
I found a great Conveniency to be barefoot for there
is no possibility to travell in shoes for wet and durty
wayes, neither are we ever troubled with cornes. . .
It is more the fashione of Countries than Could or
health of body that puts people to the trouble some
way of Apparrelling and dressing theire Carkass.es,
for 1 was never in better health and ease of body then
when I went in the Indian dresse, barefoot, with a
1
Clout wrapt aboute my body."
As was the custom among hard-fighting races
so diverse as the ancient Flebrews and the seventeenth
century Portuguese, the emblems of the Deity who
was believed to control the destinies of battle went
with Kappitipola. Long afterwards the Maha Betme
Rala revealed that at Kataragama Devalaya Vyadi
Kangan, (whose office appears to have been similar,
to that of Basnayaka,) entrusted to the Prince some
of the God's insignia, among them a vel (the most
dreaded of his ten ayudha), made of brass ; a hah
gediya, chank shell, which in war served as a trumpet;
795—J
a taliha, metal tray or gong ; a tire, curtain, of cotton,

probably for screening the vel from public gaze ; and
Kukul Kodiya, banner with the device of a cock.
2
Some Devalaya attendants also accompanied him.
Unwisely changing his tactics, Kappitipola at
tempted to cut off Paranagama where Macdonald
3
was entrenched with eighty men, but after eight
days' of desultory firing withdrew on 8th March
without inflicting any substantial loss. Tuppitiya,
Velangashinna, Kalupahana, Pannala, Teldeniya,
Madavalatanna and other outposts were also attacked,
thereby at least temporarily immobilising garrisons
which would otherwise have been looting the country.
Fighting between professional soldiers with firearms
and villagers with bows and arrows can provide few
incidents meriting individual record. Publicity was
well controlled and the plain-spoken Giffard wrote
" The newspapers of course give the best view of the
matter that General Brownrigg can devise." The
soldiers concentrated their energies on devastating
recalcitrant districts, and did their work with terrible
effectiveness. In one attempt to surprise a Mohottala
they killed seven and captured his sword, some spears,
bows and arrows. In another twelve were killed,
six men, thirteen women and a great many children
taken prisoner ; and a forge, ingredients for making
gunpowder, and arms destroyed, without suffering
any casualties.
" You must be aware that no great degree of
interest exists in the public mind concerning so remote
and so little-important a Settlement as Ceylon,"
D'Oyly's brother wrote to him on 31st December
1818, but Brownrigg was nervous about what inform
ation reached that public. The London Times pub
lished on 7th October a letter from Colombo dated
15th x\pril 1818 which gave some insight into the
true facts and contained the following sentence:—
" The Plan of destroying all the Grain and Fruit
trees in the neighbourhood of Badulla seems to have
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 25&
been completely carried into effect—a dreadful

measure." Its publication caused Brownrigg intense
annoyance.
On 5th April sharpshooters concealed among the
surrounding hills opened fire on the barracks and
Commandant's house ; a plot to rescue. Kapuvatta,
who was still under detention, was feared and. he was
transferred to Colombo on the 13th. Two rooms
were provided for him in the house reserved for high-
ranking prisoners and he was allowed three of his
own servants; all communication with Ahalepola
was forbidden but he was permitted to take the air
at the Commandant's discretion. Conditions were
so alarming that Lady Brownrigg and the other
British women were sent away to Colombo under a
strong guard, and, as Giffard wrote on 14th April,
" Our Agamemnon is busy at Kandy collecting his
new forces about him with which he proposes to
perform mighty things. The old gentleman I hear
is quite bewildered—he will see no one, but being lifted
in the morning from his bed to his chair, he continues
fixed for the rest of the day writing himself to death
about every trifle and nonsense, that comes into his
brain." The fact that his Colombo residence was
struck by lightning at this time could not have failed
to disturb the minds of the superstitious.
Millava was so much in favour that he was
appointed to succeed Molligcda in Uva, and it came
as a shock when on 22nd March Kelly in Bintanna
discovered that he was corresponding with Madugalla.
He admitted writing two talpat which were intercepted
but explained that he did so in order to save the life
of his son who was reported to have fallen into Madn-
galla's hands. He was placed under arrest and the
next day deported to Colombo where one room was
allotted to him in the same house as Kapuvatta with
two servants who were also to be imprisoned there—
communication with all other persons including Kapu
4
vatta being forbidden. Brownrigg passed on him
a sentence of banishment with confiscation of all his

s
property ; he died in Colombo on 20th August 1821,
a broken hearted old man, and was buried in the
cemetery at Cotanchina, now called Kotahena. He
and his brother were the associated husbands of one
wife, for polyandry, common in Britian in Julius
Caesar's time and still practised in various parts of
the world, was a recognised institution among the
Sinhalese. Kapuvatta survived to be once again
Diyavadana Nilame of the Dalada Maligava, dying on
16th September 1824.
The news from Uva continued to be depressing;
Kappitipola entered Kotmale followed by Kattekala
Mohottala, now Panava Disava, while Dambavinna
Disava and Dangomuva Mohottala remained in charge
of Uda Kinda. Ihagama, who had emerged from his
concealment and been rewarded with another Disava,
r
w as active round Tuppitiya, where the Kuruve atto
used to collect elephants for the King. Badulla was
hemmed in and houses within a quarter of a mile of
the fort were being burnt down. Katugaha was
appointed Adikarama, and there was a talk that his
father, nearly eighty years of age, had been captured
and put to death ; as some compensation Taldena
came back to the British and was doing good work
for them, in recognition of which he demanded the
Disava of Oya PalSta, chiefly because his cousin of
the same name had received a like honour from the
Prince ; but though his abilities were admitted and
he was keeping the road from Gadayagama to Badulla
open, such a distinction was considered unfair unless
Katugaha, Veragoda Rala and the late Adikarama
6
Dimbulana were similarly honoured.
The glamour of being Adhipati of a Disava had
not diminished, Sawers pointed out, and what everjône
coveted was " The high-sounding title to which an
intolerable degree of arrogant presumption seems
7
necessarily to belong." Though Veragoda was pro
mised the title it was hoped that he would be content
-with the post of Vidane of Kandukara, independent

•of any other Chief. That title was in high repute in
Dharmapala's time and shortly after his death Siman
Kure Rala was Vidane over nine Korales. In 1645
.and again in 1646 Raja Sinha pointed out to the.
Company's officials that Puttalama, Kalpitiya, and
Panava were in charge of Vidanes, and till 'Kirti Sri
Raja Sinha's time the same was the case with
8
Bintanna.
Taldena however again fell under suspicion and
was kept under detention till his mother and brother
.arrived at Badulla on 26th April. Sawers strongly
.approved of the new system and Was anxious to parti
tion the Province ; .as Lusignan informed him on
1st May, such dismemberment formed part of " His
Excellency's ideas of the means necessary to bring
forward the administration of British Government
to the view of the public by dissolving the intermediate
•shadow which was cast by the almost, independent
authority of a great Disava over so extensive a
Province." Accordingly on the 27th he of his own
-authority made the following acting appointments:—
Katugaha. Adikarama, Disava of Mada Kinda
Taldena Mohottala, Disava of Oya Palata
Dimbulana Adikarama, Disava of Gampaha
Korale
Godagedara Mohottala, Disava of Bogoda
Katugaha Mohottaia the Younger, Rate Mahat-
maya of Kandupalla
Kandekumbura Mohottala, Gombadde Vidane.
In announcing these he explained that an early
change of system was likely, contrasting the incon
veniences and uncertainties attending short terms of
office with the advantages of the. life tenure and fixed
remuneration enjoyed by the Mudaliyars in the
9
Settlements, where salaries replaced badavadili in
1802.
The increased number of military stations was

severely straining transport arrangements. Porters,
collected in Chilaw to accompany the 53rd and 2nd
Ceylon Regiments, deserted after obtaining advances
of pay, and three hundred men were brought from
Jaffnapatam to carry from Puttalama the salt needed
at Maha Nuvara. Under normal circumstances for
the period 1815 to 1823 the - conveyance of 1,100
pounds from Colombo to Maha Nuvara over the-
mountain paths in cooly loads of forty pounds each,,
cost twelve pounds and five shillings ; but at this
critical time the number of porters available. fell far
short of what the army needed and consequently the
officials responsible for providing labour had recourse
to the practice followed during North's campaign,,
of pressing men from the classes whose rujakuriya
had been to carry loads. In the Settlements Service-
Tenure of lands was abolished and payment of a share
of the produce substituted by the Proclamation of 3rd
September 1801 ; but the liability to the service
proper to one's caste remained, though it could be
enforced only by the Governor's special order, and for
adequate remuneration. Major Johnstone calculated
that in a short campaign four coolies were needed for
each soldier, and the aversion to this work was so great
that men abandoned their homes and hid in forests to
avoid the Collector of Colombo's myrmidons. These
officers were accused of various malpractices and as
the result of action taken by the Sitting Magistrate of
10
Negumbo, the Mudaliyar of the Chandos was
committed for trial before the Supreme Court.
The case was mentioned before Sir William Coke,,
the Puisne Justice, whose condemnation of the practice
was so emphatic that the exasperated Brownrigg,.
while privately admitting that the subject was one
which it was better not to discuss, protested that the
judge's views would subvert established custom and
destroy Government's right to the services of the
different grades of subjects just when they were essen
tial for its support and safety. They had stirred up
the spirit of resistance and discontent to such an

extent, he declared, that there was imminent risk of
insurrection among the lower classes while the country
was drained of its military forces : jeopardising not
only the hold on the new Provinces but the possession
•of the Settlements as well. Carried away by his
dislike of the Judicial authority, he pointed to this
as an illustration of that vain love of interfering in
every branch of administration in which the Supreme
Court was fond of indulging, and he met the Judge's
•comments by a Proclamation, dated 7th May, declar
ing that impressing for the public service was and
always had been legal." His Despatch of the 17th
July to Bathurst on the subject, was accompanied
by a report from Christoiiel de Saram, Fourth Maha
Mudaliyar, the Interpreter of the Commissioner of
Revenue in Colombo, on the Services clue from the
various Classes and Castes.
Reinforcements were coming at last and on 22nd
March Captain Paterson, H.M.S. Minden, reported
that a large part of the First Battalion of the 15th
Regiment of the Honourable Company's Native
Infantry had reached Colombo. Brownrigg replied that
he could not find Terms sufficient to express his grati
tude to the Admiral, Sir Richard King, for so promptly
despatching his Flagship on this mission, as further
delay might have resulted in his being compelled to
•evacuate the new Provinces, and their re-conquest
would prove a difficult task and cost more than the
hire of these troops. It was now possible, he said,
" to avoid the disgrace of a great military nation being
•expelled by a horde of semi-barbarians without dis
cipline and but little courage." He was probably
thinking of the result of North's attempt at invasion,
for when on 2nd July 1803 the garrison at Damba-
deniya effected its escape, no part of Sinhale was left
in British hands. Kappitipola never learnt how near
he was to repeating this success.
Extermination was not Brownrigg's declared,

policy ; he was satisfied with announcing his determi
nation to inflict such punishment on the more refractory
as would fill the rest with terror and induce them to
return to their obedience, lie confidentially informed.
Bisset that many of his friends despaired of ultimate
success, and he appreciated the fact that Sawers was.
not of that number."
The cool weather lasted for four months commenc
ing with January, and the shortage of men was.
aggravated by sickness which followed the seasonal
13
changes in April. But it was not the British, forces,
1
alone which suffered ; a Katupurule * who since his
capture in March till his escape on 13th April had
followed Kappitipola, reported that the Sinhalese
were in much distress ; the want of food due to the
country being systematically laid waste was acutely
felt; measles—more probably small-pox—and dysen
tery were rampant. Their Veda Balala (medicalmen),,
with their remarkable knowledge of dieting and the-
physical characteristics of their countiymen, were
credited with much success in the treatment of the
latter disease, which among the British killed off a.
fourth of those it attacked ; western science knew no
remedy but opium, though some practitioners tried
blood-letting, with results which were not encouraging.
The severest handicap under which the Sinhalese
laboured was lack of firearms and ammunition. Ra
Siha Deviyo when fighting with the Portuguese in
1587 indented for ammunition from x\chin. Sulphur
is not produced in Ceylon and only in limited quan
tities in India ; Constantino de Sa in 1625 imported
it from Persia for bis powder mill at Colombo. Sul
phur, saltpetre, lead, flints, swords and firearms were
contemplated in the Draft Treaty discussed at Madras
on 31st December 1795, as the commodities which
the British were expected to give in exchange for the
produce of Sinhale. The King had a small stock of
sulphur in the Duraya village of Piiruvala in Matale,
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 2fi5
.and there is a popular belief that it is found in Bintanna

.and Valapane ; Teripahe in the latter Province (a
penal station in the King's time) and the Tannegedara
family there are mentioned in connection with that
belief, which probably owes its origin to the existence
of a store at Bintanna of which Ahalepola informed
D'Oyly ; but when Davie surrendered the King's
•stock of powder did not exceed 750 pounds.
In July 1814 the Ordnance Store at Galle was
broken into and a large quantity of ball cartridges
•stolen; a serious view was taken of this and a reward of
five hundred rix-dollars was unsuccessfully offered for
information leading to the conviction of the thieves.
Since 1815 the Customs regulations prohibited the
import of sulphur except on the Governor's licence,
but small quantities were being smuggled, especially
into Jaffnapatam where it was in great demand both
as a drug and for making the fireworks which were so
popular at Hindu and Roman Catholic religious
festivals. In order to -prevent this from reaching
Kappitipola confidential agents were employed to
buy all that was in the bazzar at. Jaffnapatam and
Galle, about eight hundred pounds being obtained
from each. The baggage of all arrivals by sea at
Manar was stringently scrutinised to check its illicit
introduction, and a Proclamation of 19th January
prohibited the unlicensed importing of ammunition
into Sinhale under a penalty of fine, imprisonment or
one hundred and fifty/ lashes. An amunam of sulphur
from a buried store at Hanguranketa was a welcome
addition to Kappitipola's stock, and with the available
saltpetre powder, of a poor quality was prepared in
wooden mortars ; the Sinhalese had little skill in its
manufacture, and Europeans like Benson, the renegade
Artilleryman from Davie's army, and others who from
time to time were placed in charge of the work, con
15
tributed little to improve their knowledge.
In Hevahata Molaclanda joined the Prince ; the
tracks leading to the District from Maha Nuvara were
effectively barricaded and a British attempt to break

through was unsuccessful. A second attempt followed
and a raid was organised against Arava and Goda
mune, situated in two fertile valleys on the road to
Raja Sinha's Pleasaunce at Nilambe, at this time a
village of the Palle Vahala. In spite of heavy barri
cades no opposition was encountered ; the villages
were found deserted and the neighbouring country
well supplied with cattle, vegetables and fruit. At
Arava, a village after which Pilima Talavva was some
times called, he had a spacious Valauva ; probably
Arave Artthanayaka Apa who in the third year of
Sri Sangabho Sri Vikrama Bahu ( c A . C . 1360) dedi
cated a part of Ampitiya in Sagama Rata to-
Senkadagala Deviyo, as evidenced by a lithic inscrip
tion, belonged to the same family. The British
destroyed the house, and seized his paddy to feed the
hundred men who were left at Godamune under
16
Captain Fraser, Brownrigg's Aide de Camp. He soon
made his presence felt and Lusignan wrote appreci
atively to Bisset on 28th April " I hope that a severe
example Fraser has lately made will spread sufficient
terror to be of use. He killed in one night nineteen
and the next ten rebels not allowing any to escape in
the latter instance and only preserving three in the
former alone to serve as guides." Pie also seized in
a large cave a store of salt, paddy and arms ; his
Malays however indulged in such a surfeit of plundered
coconuts and the cabbage of the palms—the latter in
their country a dish for princes, since each cabbage
cost the life of a tree - that soon most of them were
17
sick with gastric trouble.
To this da}' the ambalama at Godamune carries
the traces of their stay. It is a shed twelve feet square
built on four massive balks of timber which form its
foundation and also provide sitting accommodation
for those who gather within ; one balk, larger than the
rest, is the elevated seat of the chief men of the village.
Four carved wooden pillars, two adorned with human
SINHALE.AND THE PATRIOTS 267
figures, spring from the corners to support, the thatched

roof, but in all four the projections have been hacked
away : that is where they were polluted with blood
from the carcases of cattle hung from the roof by the
soldiers. Alongside the building lies the wooden
oruva (trough) in which is still pounded the grain of
the nearby fields ; with this a meal is prepared and
filled into the large pair a which, according to village
tradition, Arava Adikar caused to be copied from
an original in Saparagamuva. No women may take
part in this ceremony. Thirty strong men from four
villages divide into two bands and by means of poles
passed through iron rings in the patva, carry it with its
contents to Sagama Viharaya. A bo tree, reputed to
be one of those which Devanampiya Tissa caused to
be planted throughout the Island, may be seen
here; its sap is believed on occasion to change
colour into white or red : milk and blood, say the
villagers, who regard the phenomenon as foreboding
good luck or the reverse to the village, towards which
the affected branch is directed. Oaths are taken at
the tree and no one would venture to swear falsely
there.
Fraser established a pleasanter connection with
the neighbourhood when in 1833 he completed a
wooden bridge at Peradeniyâ which carried a cart
road by a single span at a height of sixty-seven feet
above low water mark, till it was dismantled in 1905.
The original plan was to construct it entirely of satin
wood ; this was supplied by the Collector of Chilaw,
and after being shaped at Colombo was transported
in unwieldy elephant carts by way of Veyangoda and
Varakapola, greatly to the detriment of the recently
made gravelled road ; millilla had however to be
substituted for some of the lower ribs owing to the
difficulty of obtaining a sufficiency of satinwood of
the required dimensions.
On the 18th April a Vellassa Moor brought word
that Butava and Kohu kumbura (whose sister was the
268 SINHALE AND THE .PATRIOTS
former's wife) had sounded him about persuading the-

Malays to desert, with the suggestion that there was-
a good opportunity to trap them and offering to act.
as guide. The offer was accepted and thirty-three
Malays, with their Lieutenant, all dressed as private-
soldiers, slipped out of Hausanva.Ua under his guidance.
What followed was represented officially as a gallant-
struggle against a large and reckless Sinhalese host,
but the account left by Calladine who was at the post.
and heard the news a few hours after the event, is.
probably more to be trusted. The Moor led the band
many miles till they met a Sinhalese look-out who-
accompanied them two miles further to where they
found Kohu Kumbura, who welcomed them and ordered
them to be liberally entertained. His men and.
the Malays sat down side by side, the Lieutenant and
a couple of others being in the place of honour beside-
the Chief ; in the midst of this conviviality, on a signal,
the Malays drew their krises and each man stabbed
his unsuspecting neighbour, killing thirty-three in all
and seizing Kohu Kumbura alive ; he was taken to
Madagamvela and from there to Kotabova.
There was much rejoicing over the capture, for
he was one of Dore Svami's most active supporters,
and had been proscribed : Brownrigg attached so
much importance to it that a special medal was struck
for distribution among those who participated in it,
" to be worn suspended by a strong blue ribband on
the left breast in the manner of the Waterloo
8
medals.' " The Malays will hardly be blamed for
claiming to have disposed of two hundred and fifty
of the Rate Rala's followers : he himself stated that
there were thirty. Brownrigg's satisfaction was the
greater because, as he wrote to Bisset " the. manner of
its having been done is a most gratifying proof of the
19
fidelity of our Malavs."
The Sinhalese fighting men would have found
difficulty in appreciating his sentiments ; apart from
the treachery which marked the incident, according to
SINHA.LE AND THE PATRIOTS 269
their code such killing was not lit work for soldiers.
As Tulloch has remarked " Though the Kandian
soldiers while in the field destroyed their enemies by all
means in their power, yet they were never called upon
to commit murder in cold blood, or act in any way as
public executioners; this was always the work of a
low caste, a body of whom were always in attendance
for the purpose. It was they and not the Kandian
soldiers who cut the throats of the English of Major
Davy's detachment near Kandy." The reference here
made is to the position under the Sinhalese social
scheme of outcastes like the Rodi: though regarded
as vile yet they lived under the protection of the
Chiefs, who employed them to uphold authority and
to execute their will.
Kohu Kumbura when brought up for examination
carried himself with boldness. He took pride in declar
ing that he was the first Chief in Vellassa to join the
Prince, who had sent him a summons through Maha
Badullagammana Rate Rala. That Prince he acknow
ledged as Dore Svami, kinsman of Raja Adiraja Sinha.
Butava joined only after Muttu Hadji's capture, and
was appointed Disava of Egoda Pattuva. He himself
was raised to be Rate Mahatmaya with orders to attack
the British, and it was to do so that he had come-
All his own and Butava's property was destroyed, but
he and his people • were determined to continue the
20
fight to the death. He was told that if he would
persuade Butava and. the Vellassa people to submit,
21
his life and Butava's would be spared ; but of sub
mission there appeared to be little prospect, for news
followed that the messengers whom he sent to persuade
his relatives to surrender, were hanged. " This is
the extreme of barbarity" wrote Brownrigg to
22
Bisset, but the rumour was probably false, for a
few days later Kohukumbura's son and nephew
23
submitted.
At Maha Nuvara the annual 'upasampadava
ceremony was drawing near, when Bhikkhus presented
the Sanianeras who had joined the Order as Novices

and been trained by them. Such candidates had to
be not less than twenty years of age, and were
examined by a Chapter of Ten before wh m they thrice
repeated their prayer for admission, whereupon, a
resolution to that, effect was moved and after being
seconded was duly carried. The candidates next
recited the Three Refuges and were admonished regard
ing the Four Great Faults which disqualified one
for membership, and were then received into full
status within the Community ; thereafter for five years
they were nava (Freshmen) Bhikkhus, then Thera
Bhikkhus, rising to be Maha Theras at the end of
twenty years. At the close of the proceedings the
new Bhikkhus were taken in procession round the
city with much display, and D'Oyly in spite of his
preoccupations was careful to instruct Uda Gabada,
Nilame to provide the necessary elephants, and send
24
the usual gifts of food the following morning.
It should be borne in mind that a Bhikkhu is
in no sense a priest—a word which is the shortened
form of presbyter, an old man, and in modern usage
bears the qualification of "Ordained." Buddhism
recognises no priests and the Bhikkhu discharges no
priestly functions and claims no ghostly prerogatives.
He is not the intermediary between God and man. but
one who, having accepted the teaching of the Buddha,
aims at achieving the end of continued existence in
the circle of rebirths. With this in view he separates
himself from his worldly connections and observes the
precepts and Vinaya rules, living on what the charity
of others provides for him ; Bhikkhu means " alms
man," but he does not beg in the sense in which that
word is now understood. He is not a monk, for he
takes no vow of obedience and is at liberty to leave
the Sangha, the Collective Life for Self Improvement,
in fact the University, when he chooses. Among them
selves all Bhikkhus are Brethren. As they live by the
labour of others, the gratuitous education of those who
BUS HALE AND THE PATRIOTS 271
provide for them is the return which they make, thus

avoiding the danger of being obnoxious parasites.
Meantime the mosquito swarms were helping the
Sinhalese and all endeavours to keep sickness under
control were unsuccessful. Halialla and Hanva.Ua
were abandoned after laying waste the surrounding
country ; Bintanna, situated in a District so desolate
that the garrison had to be fed from Batticalo by
convoys which were always harrassed on the road,
followed, the men being transferred to Ahupola in
Vellassa where for three months a succession of raids
had secured an appearance of quiet. With them
went Gonigoda, the Bintanna Adikarama, who with
fort}/ members of his household were removed for
greater security to Batticalo where the Government
25
provided for them.
Whatever the loss of prestige, the much-advertised
determination to hold the outposts at any cost was no
longer practicable. Hausanvalla,Godayagama, Ahupola,
and the line of communications through Pannala and
Madulla, were next abandoned; sickness at Erapana
and Buttala closed that route as well, so that Badulla
could be reached only by way of Saparagamuva,
reduced liability to attack compensating for the
greater distance. Most of the garrisons in Vellassa
were withdrawn, to the consternation of the Moors
who dreaded Butava's vengeance; and Kelly sought to
allay their fears with the assurance that the withdrawal
was only temporary. Similar orders were expected
hourly at Kotabova; the Sinhalese, Calladine noted,
though rarely visible in numbers were always hoveling
near and within half an hour burnt down every/ station
which was evacuated. The Kataragama garrison
was strengthened as well as that at Alupota, where
clearing the adjacent forest improved health and
security, while the villagers were encouraged to open a
bazaar close at hand.
Pilima Talavva and Allepola entered Sat Korale

with the men of Matale and it was feared that they
would next invade Satara Korale. Tumpane border
ing on Sat Korale, Haris Pattuva, Yati Nuvara and
Satara Korale, is approached by the steep and narrow
Girihagama and Galagedara Passes, controlled by the
Fort at Madavalatanna, ten miles from Maha Nuvara.
The presence of this garrison and two months of Hook's
pitiless raids seemed to overawe the inhabitants who
on the first of May sent word that they did not want
their own Chiefs (at the time absent from the District)
and asked for British protection. This was hailed as
providing another field for the new system, and the
next day Gay set out with a military force, Major
Hart being simultaneously despatched to Haris
26
Pattuva on a like mission.
Both were courteously received but there were
no further developments, and on the n t h Lusignan
wrote " Cray and Hughes think that the application of
the Torch by way of stimulating them to quick deci
27
sion is useful and Major Hart is of the same opinion."
The stimulus proved less efficacious than was expected
and on the 17th he wrote to Bisset " You would be
much entertained with some of Gay's letters to the
Governor. His despatch of today is Military-Medico-
Politico-Polical. He is however doing much good
there." In fact he was busy endeavouring to seize
the women of Millava's household. On the 18th
Brownrigg was complaining " We are going on but
languidly in Haris Pattu ; the burning of houses
28
makes but partial impression." Ten days later he
had taken his decision and again wrote to Bisset
" Gay's Rhetoric has I fear wholly failed, and the people
must be drove into peace by starvation and burning."
Action followed swiftly and on 2nd June Lusignan
wrote to the same correspondent " I had an hour's
conversation with the Prince of Lyars, Udagaba (da)
today, from which I collected that the present system
of rigour and severity does not please him, and there-
fore it has the chance of succeeding." Davy saw the

"' beautiful little district " on 26th April 1819 and from
his record it is clear that the measures were such as
to satisfy the Governor's desire. " Before the rebellion
it was the garden of the country, well cultivated,
productive and populous ; now, it is merely the wreck
-of what it was, and one sees nothing that does not
•denote its wretchedness, and the example that was
made of it on account of the resistance of its
inhabitants."
Davy was the intimate friend of Brownrigg, to
whom he dedicated his Account of the Interior of
•Ceylon, gratefully recording that the Governor " affofd-
•ed me every facility of obtaining information and
-allowed me the use of many curious documents."
He was a careful writer, critical in judgment and
conscientious in r e c o r d i n g his observations. It is
therefore surprising that, when he wandered into the
field of politics, he could bring himself to write as
follows: " I n candour, too, it must be remarked
that our government was hardly answerable for the
irregularities committed on our side whilst hostilities
lasted : they were contrary to express orders, and never
had the countenance of any officer high in command ;
.and I sincerely believe, seldom reached the ear of the
Commander of the Forces (Brownrigg) who, through
the whole of the distressing affair, was not less remark-
•able for mildness and forbearance, than for constancy/
29
•and determination and an unremitting assertion."
Whatever his obligations, this attempt to mislead
his countrymen with regard to Brownrigg's respon
sibility for the atrocities, cannot be left unnoticed.
In order to encourage the wavering Brownrigg
•set up two miles from Levalla a station displaying a
white flag, where all who desired could make their
•submission ; he was not sanguine of success for the
30
•experiment and his anticipation proved correct.
-On 9th May the Dumbara people sent a message to
Lieut. Lewis, in charge at At Gala, explaining that they

took up arms because their Chief, Amunugama (whom
Dore Svami had appointed) had told them that they
now had a King of their own for whom they must
light: they had done so for two months and suffered
much but had not yet seen his person. They had
no quarrel with the British and if their Disava failed
to satisfy them as to his reality, they intended to
return : they promised to report their decision in three
days. True to their word they came back and an
nounced that the Disava had removed their doubts,
and they were resolued to fight for their King till
they were exterminated. They could not trust the
British, they said, and bitterly complained that on
the gth Blankenberg's party had without provocation
fired on some Dumbara people while coming with a.
white flag. Pointing to the smoke which could be
seen rising from his encampment, they protested that
the outrage confirmed them in their hostility and the
British would soon be compelled by sickness to aban
don their eighteen outposts. A copy of the Proclam
ation of iqth March had been fastened to a tree for
general information, and in its place they substituted
a palm leaf scroll with the stoically defiant statement
that killing their people, burning their houses and any
number of proclamations, would not induce them to
continue under the British Government. They then
collected at a great tree two miles from the fort and
made hostile demonstrations, which led to no practical
31
results.
The lull which Brownrigg noticed was due to the

absence of most of the Chiefs and fighting men, who
had left in response to a summons from Kappitipola.
Firsthand evidence about Dore Svami's followers,
must necessarily be meagre, and that of Kalaval-
deniyalage Vattuva ranks among the most trust
worthy. A native of Talavatura in Udu Nuvara he
had long worked as a service tenant for the Katara
gama Devalaya at Ambakka, ten miles from Maha
Nuvara (a building which for its wooden carvings is

•of special interest to the student of mediaeval Sinhalese
art). His story was that he was seized near Runahala
about ten days after the Alut Avurudda and taken
before Kappitipola at Harakgomu Kanda in Uva,
from where he followed in his train till he escaped nine
days later at Idalgashinna, and was making his way
to Ratnapura when he was arrested at Kuttapitiya.
Wright, recording his statement on the 29th May,
described him as " a young man, intelligent and
possessed of much confidence."
Kappitipola's objective, he said, was understood
to be Kataragama and with him there were three or
four thousand men, armed with muskets, bows, and
arrows, as well as pikes and swords, for the use of
•which their guerrilla tactics afforded little scope ; he
also noted twenty-five jingals, two elephants, and two
iron grey horses, but no palanquin, though there were
four kunam yatali, the curved bambus proper to the
King's conveyance, and seven cases of royal apparel.
Each man brought his food and when this was exhaust
ed went back for more ; it must be remembered that
the organisation for defence was such that a fighting
man was rarely at a greater distance from his home
than a four days' journey. For him rice was
.almost a luxury; kurakkan, grown on dry ground
without irrigation, was the main diet, roll, resembling
•oat cakes, being baked from the flour. Fie would
also bring a couple of coconuts and gather various
edible forest leaves and yams on the march. A man's
load for the usual fortnight's mura, turn of service,
was therefore inconsiderable. They suffered from
lack of salt, but abstained from plundering, except
in Udu Nuvara, Saparagamuva, and other places which
failed to join them. Kappitipola in his tuppottiya
(with a spotted or coloured headcloth) always walked
harefoot and his health was good. It was generally
believed that the Chiefs did not intend to fight till
the whole country joined them.
So far as Vattuva knew the King was not in their

company but was expected at Kataragama : his name
was never mentioned, for to utter the King's name-
was sacrilege: that explains what Raja Sinha wrote-
on 15th January 1653 about the Portuguese: " 1 shall
take double vengeance for the falsehood which
they concocted and for the malicious treason which
these traitors committed in taking into their pesti
32
ferous and stinking mouths my royal name."
The people's health was generally fair except for
an outbreak of dysentery, but there was a shortage o f
food. They had no clothes beyond what they were-
wearing ; hevakam vadi was the Sinhalese term for
temporary encampments at night, and during rain
they sheltered themselves under the talpat branches-
which they carried and were impervious to moisture.
(Five of these leaves, costing 13^ pence, served as-
Thomas Skinner's tent for six months while surveying
in these parts fifteen years later). The long wild
grass found in many parts was employed to thatch
more permanent lodgings. They rarely stopped at
a place more than one day, and sentries were posted
all round with great care. Gunpowder was prepared
daily with saltpetre from Lunugala and sulphur
brought, as he heard, from HevaMta, bullets being
33
made of native iron as no lead was available. Sin
halese fighting men generally carried their small
allowance of powder in a coconut shell, sometimes,
elaborately carved, which with a few bullets was-
secured in a fold of the waist cloth. The musket locks
were protected from the rain by guards of waxed
cloth or skin.
Kappitipola's objective however was not Katara
gama but Diyabatma, half way between lclalgashinna
and Kataragama, where Kandupalla met. Vailavaya
Korale ; seven thousand people gathered there in
obedience to his summons. Two days were spent in
erecting a gaman maligava (temporary palace) at
34
Alutvela, and on the third day they were ranged
according to the order followed before the King on

the Maha Maluva. The elephants and horses appeared,
covered with white cloth, after which a noble tusked
beast was led in and bathed with ceremonious^ care
before being conducted to the neighbouring devalaya,
whither the assembly followed it according to their
Provinces. There its brow was " anointed," which
probably means that it was sprinkled with turmeric
water in token of purification and dedication. Then
the gathering dispersed.
The next day work was still in progress when
the sound of a horariava- the short straight hern
generally of ivory with a mouthpiece of talpat palm
leaf —was heard from the forest, whereupon the men
were marshalled again in two ranks—those of the
Rataval in one, and those of the Disaval (Uva, Vellassa,
Vaiapane and Bintanna)-in the other. The royal
35
parasol, headdresses, and other insignia were brought
out and arranged, after which a hundred and fifty-
armed Vaddo came swiftly and silently out of the
wood and took up their station. The horan'dva
sounded again and a procession emerged with the
arms of the Gods. No doubt the Vel ayuthan from
Kataragama had the place of honour; the Golden
Arms from the Natha Devalaya, where the Kings of
Tri Sinhala received the Royal name and were girt
with the Ran Kaduva, had been brought by the
Kapu Rala to Kappitipola a few days before. The
Arms removed from the Kataragama Devalaya at
36
Badulla would also have been there. All these
were borne under canopies and were taken straight
within the palace.
The Chiefs now ranged themselves according to
precedence, and out of the forest the King appeared,
covered in white draperies from head to foot and
guarded by a hundred Vaddo, crossing the threshold
of the building at eight f'dya before dark, which was
probably the auspicious .ndkata, while the Vaddo
stationed themselves round it. Five paya later the
37
Chiefs assembled again before the Sarasvati Mandape
and on. the Prince showing himself at a window,
prostrated themselves in homage before him.
The appearance of a Sinhalese King in state has
been described by many European writers since 1505
and also by Sinhalese so experienced as Alagiyavanna
Mohottala and Louis de Saram Maha Mudaliyar ; this
last had witnessed it over twenty-live times. Perhaps
the most detailed account is by the officer who kept the
diary of Andrews' second embassy to Raja iVdiraja
Sinha which took place in 1796. The God-descended
Ruler was revealing himself in all.majesty and every
technical device available was employed to create
the correct atmosphere, and with marked success.
" A scene the most extraordinary, I may say, the most
marvellous that faried fancy could well picture"
wrote the diarist " Never at the moment of warmest
delusion was spectacle so strange, so altogether
magical, painted to my fancy." And again " To
speak the effect a combination so extraordinary must
have had on an}/ person contemplating such a spectacle
for the first time, would be attempting more than
perhaps those better qualified would presume to do."
No doubt an attempt was made to follow this
ceremonial at Alut vela..
The next morning the people assembled again
under their banners and ten paya after daylight the
Chiefs and headmen led bv Kappitipola as Adikar
repeated their prostrations before the Prince who
acknowledged the homage according to custom ; at
high functions the King does not speak after the
manner of ordinary mortals : the illusion of divinity
is maintained and no muscle of his is seen to move
as he vouchsafed his panivida. " The tone of voice
conveyed unusual sensations" wrote the diarist " it
seemed to issue as from some concavity and was not
attended by any motion on his part. . . When he spoke
(he) did not otherwise appear to do so than that a
sound was heard to come from about the Throne."
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 279'
But apart from such ventriloquistic devices, Royal

personages in conversation employed terms which
others would not presume to use, and a drawling
intonation, about which little information has yet
been traced, except that chance references prove that
it was well known to the people at large. That was
how the Prince addressed his adherents on this occa
sion. The Adikar when conveying the King's message,
intoned it—chanta is the word Jonville (1800}
employed to describe it.
An incident illustrated the anxious watch which
was being kept against spies ; the younger Watta-
rantanna was noticed gazing intently at the Prince
who exclaiming " I-le is staring at my face in order to
recognise me," ordered the Vaddo to arrest him, which
they did, and kept him under detention for seven days
when he was discharged. The Household Officers
in charge of the Ulpange, Multan ge, and Kunam
Maduva (who were responsible for the bathing, culinary
and transport arrangements of the King and had to
be in constant attendance on his person) were next
38
presented and were followed by the people according
to districts. The ceremony came to an end at three
paya before dark when as the horanava sounded again,
30
the drums were beaten while the people shouted
Ho-0-0-0 and whirled their head-cloths in the air
as Parakrama Bahu's soldiers did after a victory, and
leapt about over the field in tumultuous rejoicing.
Then, headed by Kappitipola and the Chiefs, they
went in procession to the Devalaya to offer an elephant
and a horse to Kataragama Deviyo, the Prince naming
the former Rajapaksa Mudaliya and the horse Bodili-
yapaksa Namba. All this appears to have taken place
on 7th May ; the next day the Prince made various
appointments, including that of Iriyagama as Chief
of Yati Nuvara.
His departure was fixed for three days later but
was delayed owing to the disappearance of Hin Un
nanse. ; vows were thereupon made to the Devas and
the VMdo after a long search discovered the boy and

brought him back in the evening. The next morning
•everything was ready ; the Prince was borne round the
vela in the state palanquin which was then dismantled
and sent away with the Royal Arms to a place of safety,
while the concourse began to move away with great
rapidity. A t Ambavela as heavy rain fell the Prince
0
stood under the vadana talatu* (sections of the palm
branch) which were held over him, one on either side
and one behind so as to form a talpat muttuva (joined
branches), and reviewed his followers, making orders
regarding individuals who attracted his attention as
they tiled past.
Captain Fletcher at Velangashinna, watching
41
the procession on the 16th through his spy glass,
saw " an immense train of Chiefs, elephants, palan
keens etc. returning into Upper Ouva and moving
42
in the direction of Paranagama." Feeding such
a large number was a difficult problem and shortly
afterwards they dispersed, some remaining behind to
fight while others were sent to collect food and the rest
were instructed to wait at home till a fresh summons
reached them. An eye witness, Yati Nuvara Sattambi
of Haliyadda, who saw the Prince five times, described
him as of the same height as Kappitipola ; his beard
not long and his hair concealed by his headdress ; his
age might have been 28 or 30 years, and no scar was
43
visible on his face.
The people, much heartened by this presentation
of the King for whom they were righting, responded
with a fresh attack on Godamune lasting several
44
da}^, while he made a progress through the Provinces
which supported him and the British anxiously
watched for its effect on Udu Nuvara, whose recogni
45
tion would materially strengthen his authority.
The situation in Uva was very serious and Eknaligoda's
help was urgently asked for but he could not be spared
from Saparagamuva, the Agent at Ratnapura reporting
46
" its safety depends on him alone." His Mohot-
tiilala, Jayasundara and Kiriporuva (the latter had
acquired notoriety over Sri Vikrama's capture) were-
busy enlisting fighting men whose services would be
paid for, and the remuneration suggested throws much
light on the prevailing standard of living. It
consisted of :
rix d. fan. pice
30 seers of rice a month at 5
pice the seer .. 3 I 2
2 seers salt at 3 pice each .. 1 2
Cash .. 4 q 0
Making rix-dollars 8.0.0.
They were to find themselves in currystuffs such
as chillies, saffron and coconuts, estimated to cost
18 fanams a month, and be supplied with a distinctive
uniform consisting of a red cotton turban of 3 cubits-
and a red cotton waist cloth of five cubits.
Cloth weaving was the profession of the Maha
Badda, whose members were found in most villages.
The Portuguese Tombo mentions them in nine out of
the seventeen Gabadagam of Kiravali Pattuva under
the name of parea tecdao, (the latter word means
weaver), indicating their close connection with South
India. Among other dues they were liable to supply
a length of cloth woven by themselves. In India
their occasional occupations included beating drums
at social and religious functions, (from which arose
the Berava. Badda who proudly claim to be Gandharva
Brahmins) magical practices and astrology; they
represent a very ancient civilisation which had sunk
socially probabfy in the last fifteen centuries. The
cloth produced was small in quantity and coarse in
quality. The Sinhalese both grew cotton and im
ported weavers from time to time, and the Dutch
Company took much trouble to develop an industry
but with limited success. The military bought up
the whole output of the Chilaw District, and the
Jaffhapatam pachchavadan, woven in eight cubit
lengths priced at 2\ to 3 rix-dollars the piece, was

suggested as suitable for the new levies. It was dyed
a brilliant red with the chaya vev, the root yielding
Indian madder, collected in the North and especially
47
in the Islands. Some cloth was made in Batticalo
from cotton grown in Sinhale, and its quality can be
judged from what Burnand wrote in 1794 about the
Company's slaves there : " They receive for their
clothing, men as well as women, 18 cubits of Tutacareen
unbleached cloth of the third sort every six months,
and as in the last years no cloth was seen they accepted
with much reluctance and murmur rix-dollars for
the same, and they would by no means have country
cloth which is coarser and narrower and not as good."
The villagers' needs were generally met by imports
from Tuticorin and Palamkottai, distributed by the
tavalams and Sinhalese hawkers from the Settlements.
The leader of the movement in Saparagamuva
was Muttettuvagama Nilame, whose village was five
miles from Alut Nuvara ; associated with him were
Demodara Mohottala and Mulgama Korala, and their
followers included Attanayaka Mohottala, Bodimaluve
48
Appuhami and Devagolla Honda Hami : they were
believed to be under the directions of Mattamagoda,
once Disava of Tamankaduva, who having been
49
appointed by the Prince Disava of Saparagamuva
was in May found guilty of treasonable practices by a
Court Martial held at Ratnapura and removed to
50
Colombo. Katakala Mohottala with Demodara and
Muttettuvagama were active between Alut Nuvara
and Idalgashinna, threatening communications with
51
Uva. Mahavalatanna had sent his wife to her
father Maduvanvala Nilame's village, from where
5
she was to go still further off to Urubokka ; * following
on this he removed all his kinsfolk, cattle and other
property close to Matara Fort (where Maduvanvala
who had relatives in Giriva Pattu, lived as a refugee
53
in 1814.)
The late Variyagama Nilame's family were anxi

ous about their salt store at Passaramulla in Kadavatu
Korale where it was liable to be robbed by both sides,
and applied for permission to transfer it to Variyagama
in Navayodun Korale ; half the stock was later pur
chased by the Commissariat at Balangoda. So much
importance was attached to the control of the supply-
that by a Regulation of 3rd April 1818 the unexplained
possession of more than one parrah and six seers was
declared an offence punishable with imprisonment at
hard labour for twelve months.
Mahavalatanna before long had the satisfaction
of driving away the men who crossed the Valave and
entered Diyavinna in the neighbouring Mada Korale ;
the very women turned out with sticks to help in
3
repelling them, he reported. * Lieut. Colonel Geddes
followed with a five days' raid and, on his return to
Balangoda, claimed to have destroyed 300 houses,
every gun stock he could find, with the pots and pans
which formed a villager's furniture, and " in fact
everything that could tend to comfort or utility."
He burnt the grain on which women and children had
hoped to live till the next harvest. Round each hut
were a few coconut palms, tended with loving care
for many years till they came into bearing ; indeed
each of the eleven stages in the growth of a nut from
flower onwards was separately named. Under Sinha
lese custom to fell one's own tree, unless when it was
past bearing, was a serious crime. Knox was deeply
impressed by the wonder of this tree and thirty years
after his return to Europe he wrote " When I looke
back (in my Solatory Meditations) upon the Wonder
ful things that Gods hands hath wrought and mine
eyes have seene, the Cocornute tree tooke up much
of ray thoughts." Geddes destroyed them all. The
kos with its friendly shade, keeps the villagers in
food for three months of the year : When kos is in
season, women bloom, is his proverb. Jak the English
called it, from the Malayalam chakka which Friar
Jordanus recorded in 1328 and the Portuguese and

Dutch adopted, though correctly applicable only
to the soft-pulped variety and not to the more delici
ous varaka which is of firmer texture. The areca,
most graceful of the country's palms, whose nut taken
with the bulat leaf is to the Sinhalese what the cup of
coffee is to the Desert Arab : all these Geddes cut
down. .
Badulla with its Star Fort within which the
Commandant occupied an old royal building, was very
vulnerable to attack, and on the 30th May armed men
appeared on the surrounding hills ; their drums were
heard on all sides accompanied by the occasional dis
charge of a jingal and outpurings of vitriolic abuse
directed against the "beef-eating vagabonds"—a
well-recognised weapon of offence familiar to the
Portuguese in their raids. Two pandals (lightly
•constructed shelters with palm-leaf roofs) were pro
minent on the hill to the North-East and all the houses
on that side of the valley were burnt and convoys of
provisions repeatedly attacked. The garrison reta
liated by a night raid and set fire to the pandals killing
ten, while a soldier secured an embroidered cloth and
some silver emblems which had been removed from
the local Kataragama Devalaya. The Prince had
appointed his own Basnayaka Nilame for the Devalaya
and the articles were, found with one of the latter's
attendants; they were now claimed by the Basnayaka
Nilame who was with the British, and were redeemed
56
for twelve rix-dollars and given back to him.
Sawers was passing through an anxious time not
knowing if there was an individual whom he could
trust ; even the elder Rambukpota was under suspicion
as his son was actively supporting the Prince. Muti-
yangana Viharaya, built at a spot sanctified by the
visit of Buddha, was held in much reverence by the
people. A double enclosure of brick surrounded the
dagaba which rose on a finely fluted base and ter
minated in a gilded spire. The Sinhalese were skilful
in plating metal objects with gold but had little

knowledge of gilding stone and woodwork, and Sri
Vikrama's Ministers frequently applied to D'Oyly
for information on the subject. The white-washed
Viharaya, of modest dimensions, was surrounded by
a verandah with carved wooden columns ; it had
probably been rebuilt since the Portuguese in 1630
occupied it, while engaged in looting the villagers'
cattle and destroying their rice fields. The Prince's
followers took away the grain from the Viharaya store
•and the Nayaka Unnanse was suspected of compli
city ; he was therefore interdicted from managing the
secular affairs of the establishment, and Galagcda
Unnanse, recognised as friendly towards the British,
was invited to take charge, but would not do so with
out authority from the Asgiriya Nayaka, to whom he
•applied for instructions."
The Vihpjaya treasures were thereupon removed
to the Kachcheri, except the relics which the Nayaka
was allowed to retain on his representation that they
were essential for the daily ceremonies and devotions,
•especially at this time of peril, with a warning that he
would be held responsible for their safety. They soon
disappeared whereupon he was arrested on a charge
of treasonable conduct, but being sick with fever was
allowed to continue at his pansala under guard till
•sufficiently recovered to be removed within the Fort.
Fortunately for him it was established by the evidence
of Kattadigedara Sfyatu, son of the Kankanama of
the Viharaya, that his father was responsible for
the theft while the Nayaka was absent at another
58
Viharaya leaving his door unlocked. Two months
later the Kankanama returned with the relics, and
completely exonerated the Nayaka, Sawers expressing
the opinion that the culprit should receive " a smart
59
•corporal, punishment." On 2nd June the elephant
offered by Brownrigg to the Maha Kataragama
Devalaya died at Badulla.
The delay in the arrival of the much advertised

reinforcements was producing a very bad effect.
Even Katugaha was suspected of making overtures
to the enemy, and his was the only family of conse
quence, besides those of Godagedara and Dimbulana,
whose fidelity up till now had not been questioned.
Taldena, Oya Palata Disava, whom Katugaha hated,
was believed to be temporising so long as his mother
was in British hands and was placed under arrest,
though there was no specific charge against him.
Kappitipola was reported to be very ill of dysen
60
tery ; ' the Prince was at Mandara Nuvara in Uda
HevaMta and on the left bank of the Belihul Oya,
near the royal village of Manakola, where most of
Sri Vikrama's silver had been hidden.
Davy has left a useful account of a visit to the
place. It was of extraordinary natural strength in
the midst of mountains 7,000 feet high; all round was
forest with trees great and small, living and dead,
crowded together in amazing fashion ; no tree or
bush was felled in this lahanam niukalana, (Forbidden
Forest) reserved for the concealment of Kings in war
time. Festoons of moss hid the branches ; the air
was close and chill and the silence most eerie, for no
unauthorised person dared to set foot on its barely
traceable paths. A large permanent building guarded
by trenches, ramparts and watch houses, was found
prepared for the Prince's occupation. The nature
of the terrain was so difficult that regular troops would
61
be quite useless for attacking it, Sawers reported.
Sickness continued to levy heavy toll but rein
forcements failed to appear. " Rumour brings more
troops. Would to God we had 5,000 independent of
those of the 15th and 18th (Regiments)" wrote Hook
in his melodramatic style. In a letter dated 16th
May Brownrigg revealed to Bisset the anxiety under
which he was labouring. " Our want of troops be
comes more urgent, and if sickness continues to en-
crease and these Sepoys do not appear the state of
things will be most embarrassing." Nine da}^ later

he wrote again " W e are so much reduced by sickness
that all our endeavours will not avail unless the
62
force in the Island is augmented." Writing con
fidentially on 25th May to Hugh Elliott, Governor of
Madras, he explained the gravity of the situation:
The trouble in the Island will not be terminated, he
said, till an overwhelming force was spread through
the country which could effectively protect the well-
disposed " and threaten with extermination the re
63
fractory and disaffected." He no doubt knew what
was being done to the Tasmanians at this time and
was obviously toying with the "revolting" policy
of the extremists. He also made an earnest appeal
to Lord Hastings, the Governor-General, who he
thought was sure to appreciate the fact that the
struggle in the Island was intimately connected with
6
the larger question of interests on the Continent. '
He was now sixty years of age and in poor health ;
for more than a month he had been unable to walk to
the dining table owing to gout, but be was learning
to appreciate the system of diet followed by the
Sinhalese among whom the malady is unknown.
" Thank God " he wrote on 19th May " my general
health was at no time, better. My vegetable curry
65
diet seems to agree with me." His left ankle still
gave trouble though uninterrupted pain did not impair
his courtliness of manner. " I beg pardon for having
begun my Note on the wrong side of the Paper " he
66
wrote in apology to his brother-in-law. News of what
would be considered promotion for his son had arrived
but he was inclined to be critical: " A s to my son,
I should be as well pleased if he was to join his Regi
ment. Being on such a staff as Lord Wellington's
67
only leads to dissipation and e.xpence."
To Bisset's expostulations he replied that after
the most anxious consideration he could not see his
way to improve the political and military measures
he had adopted. The garrisons were being brought
as near to each other as circumstances permitted, no>

detachments were left isolated or remote, and no
new enterprise wa.s being attempted—indeed there-
were not the means for doing so. Failure to
resist inroads within the Provinces which the British
professed to defend would so encourage the enemy that
the Capital itself would be exposed to their insults,,
and would be tantamount to abandoning the cause.
In view of the exceptionally severe outbreak of sickness,
all unnecessary exposure of the troops was being
avoided, but the only hope of improvement was in
an early change of weather. Of one thing he was
certain, he assured Bisset who was urging him to.
withdraw to Colombo : " I know this to be my post
in the present state of things, and I shall not be
68
found to desert it."
Writing from on board ship on 6th June Giffard
stated that when he left Ceylon Brownrigg was practi
cally cut off at Maha Nuvara and could not even-
send out a letter without a military escort. He added::
" It appears to me that General Brownrigg will make
the best bargain if he leaves the savages to themselves-
and withdraws to the maritime provinces." D'Oyly's.
own mail often failed to reach him ; on the cover of
one letter addressed to him may still be read the
endorsement " Intercepted but recovered. Received
fi9
at Gampala end of May i8i8."
Chapter I X .
Hook was kept busy in his new command, and

though the fine language of his despatches excited
Lusignan's merriment, Brownrigg had a high opinion
of his " general talents, general knowledge, and turn
for business." Sat Korale bordered on Nuvara Kala-
vaya and the fertile well-peopled Province of Matale,
and its pacification could not be expected so long as
Matale at least sided with Pilima Talavva. In spite
of Brownrigg's noting with satisfaction on 30th
August that Hook " had commenced to act with vigour
and some severe examples in the way of burning houses
have been made," he was so ill provided that he had
no cash chest and was forced to ask for a stationery
box with a lock ; his own luggage was so limited, he
explained, that he had no place in which twenty rix-
1
dollars would be safe.
Pallegampaha's paternal village, from which he
took his name Molligoda, lay in a romantic valley in
Galboda Korale, with fertile fields and pleasant,
gardens. Probably the villagers remembered the Dutch
ambassador Buquoy who in 1677 came there with the
present of a lion for Raja Sinha. . .a subtle compli
ment, for the royal name recalled that animal; but
as the King was in an angry mood and the description
of the gift failed to please him, he ordered the unfortu
nate messenger to be detained till after some months
the lion died, when he was permitted to continue his
journey to Court with its skin. Molligoda on visiting
his only child who was sick at the village was himself
2
attacked with illness; but he soon joined Hook,
and military columns moving in parallel lines were
shortly penetrating into the remotest villages by
almost impossible tracks, methodically ravaging
Vaudavili Hat Pattu as they marched through Pilassa,
Ikirivatta and Malmivala to Delvita, where some
795—K
Indian troops were left under Captain Hardy to prevent

incursions from Haris Pattuva and Tumpane. Pilima
Talavva's men drew back from the Daduru Oya with
the loss of three elephants, and Hardy entering
Matale on 16th May reached Ovila where he burnt
down Pilima Talavva's valauva and seized his palan
quin. A talpai produced as found in the house,
mentioned his plan for attacking Nalanda and Kuru
nagala and stirring up the people of Satara Korale;
as this was addressed to Pallegampaha Adikar Hook
regarded it as conclusive proof of Molligoda's compli
city, but Brownrigg pointed out that the letter might
well have been intended for Kappitipola, Dore Svami's
3
Pallegampaha.
As the Indian Troops claimed " to share in all
property captured or-taken from the enemy during
the present war," their commander appointed a Prize
Agent to look after their interests. Brownrigg how
ever after his experience of 1815, declined to concede
the claim ; he explained that " The service the troops
are now employed in is the subjugation of a Rebellion
against his Majesty's Government which had been
recognized as having sovereign authority over the
whole Territory before possessed by the late Kings of
Kandy. All property therefore which belongs to
rebels against the Royal Authority is under the
Law confiscated to the benefit of the Crown but
neither in this nor in any other part of His Majesty's
Dominions has it come to the Lieut. General's know
ledge that such property partakes in any manner of
the nature of Prize or Booty which although equally
vested in the Crown it has been the practice of Royal
Munificence to bestow as a reward for the exertions
and toils of the Captors, but which they are in no wise
4
entitled to claim as a matter of established right."
In the Settlements though appointment to office
was no longer conditional on a profession of Christianity
conversion was regarded with active favour. Dharma
Pandita Thera, a Bhikkhu whose learning was recognis

ed and rewarded at the King's Court, had come under
the influence of the Wesley an Missionary Benjamin
Clough and was baptised at the. Church in Colombo
Fort on Christmas day 1814 ; he was thereafter known
as Petrus Panditasekera and provided for by being
appointed a Preacher of the Gospel. Another convert
was George Nadoris de Silva, a native of Kapugama
in Matara ; in 1808 he went to Burmah where, he was
well received, and after studying Pali for three years
returned and took up residence at Dadalla. According
to the Portuguese Foral, in 1614 ten Chaleas with their
Duria possessed this village without paying any dues,
as they were liable to provide twenty bahars of cinna
mon which the Captain of Galle appropriated, though
they rightly belonged to the King's revenue.
The members of his community regarded the
returned Bhikkhu with great respect, addressing him as
Raja Guru and Maha Nayaka ; the British called him
the Ava priest (Bodawpaya in 1783 transferred his
•capital from A v a to Amarapura). His public appear
ances were attended with much display; Harvard,
who knew him well, wrote " His equipage jwas more
splendid and his whole appearance displayed a greater
degree of style, than we had before observed in any
native." Small of body, his ambition more than
rivalled his undoubted capacity; and the expression
of his face, which was almost one of cunning, was
described as a true index to his great shrewdness.
At his baptism Bisset and Harvard were his sponsors
and he was named George after the former, and the
first fruits of his zeal for his new religion was A Demon
stration of the 1'ruth of the Christian Religion, which
Phillipsz, the Third Maha Mudaliyar, translated into
English for Johnston. Brownrigg conferred on him
an honorary rank in the Cinnamon Department, and
later placed him under Hook, expecting that he would
prove " a zealous agent" under the circumstances
of the time when, as he observed, " much is to be
done by stratagem with the people we have 'to deal

3
with." in private correspondence the need for
keeping up an appearance of high moral rectitude
was sometimes overlooked and Lusignan frankly
wrote to Bisset on ist May regarding a Bulletin he-
had prepared " I think we are lawfully entitled to use
the weapon of falsehood against these Lyars and
therefore have not scrupled to adopt the style of the
Moniteur." That was the official French journal
which Napoleon favoured and from which extracts,
6
were often published in the Gazette.
Nadoris, who soon acquired such influence that
Lusignan dubbed him Hook's Privy Counsellor, under
took the task of winning back Hannasgedara Mohot
tala of ' Hulangamuva, whose influence in M9.taie
was rivalled only by Pilima Talavva's. " I have sent
people to him with necessary things in order that he
might become one of our faithful friends," wrote
Nadoris to Bisset, with whom he maintained a corres
7
pondence ; and he also busied himself to secure the
families of other Mohottalas so as to force the males
to surrender.
Hook's method of frightfulness produced an
8
appearance of calm gratifying to Nadoris and when
Molligcda expressed the opinion that the lull was
merely temporary and the Province would soon be
up in arms again, he insinuated that the Adikar and
his brother were by no means anxious for the termin
ation of hostilities, He even hinted that they were
secretly encouraging the malcontents and instead of
seizing Pilima Talavva (which he suggested they
could do) they were communicating with him. The
Headmen of Ihala Dolos Pattu (the Eastern and more
rugged portion of the Province) had according to
custom appeared before the Adikar and offered to
him their penuma of a pagoda each ;—-such emolu
ments, Nadoris offensively explained, would coine to
an end with British success. His literary abilities
rendered him valuable for propaganda and Brownrigg
thought his contributions were " well suited to the

9
occasion and must be widely circulated ;" but the
Adikar proved to be right and on 27th May Hook
had to hurry out to check another incursion from
Matale, burning in the process many villages between
Kandulova, where a garrison was posted, and Yata-
vatta Pass.
Hostile forces were threatening Delvita, and
Hardy in alarm abandoned it and withdrew to
Lihiniya Vehera. " 1 do not like that rapid retro-
gradation Hook made " wrote Lusignan on 2nd June.
Hook was suspicious of the Adikar and with Nadoris
poisoning his mind harmonious relations between the
two became increasingly difficult. He complained
that when Arampala Mohottala-whom he described
as " this active, though old, and intelligent rebel, a
character not to be trifled with," submitted, Molligcda
took him under his protection and delayed to inform
Hook. When interrogated later the Mohottala ad
mitted collecting the inhabitants of Pilassa to oppose
the Adikar while on his way through Parape and also
10
firing on the troops ; he surrendered a number of
guns but before long went back to the enemy/, where
upon Hook seized 250 bullock loads of his grain and
destroyed the rest of his property by fire.
The Moors were another cause for disagreement

with the Adikar, though Hook was under no
misapprehension about them, to judge from the follow
11
ing which he addressed to Lusignan on 13th June.
'' The Madige performed certain services apparently
gratis to the Government. Permission to reside and
settle in the Kandyan country was deemed sufficient
compensation for the servitude of these Moormen.
That the abolition of a system founded on Feudal
Tyranny and despotism must tend to the improvement
of these people cannot be doubted. It will enerease
the attachment to us of a race who seem by nature to-
be deeply imbued with all the vices originating in
the train of traffic and mercantile speculation. Ava

rice seems the prevailing passion of the descendants
of these speculative navigators who prior to the
discovery of the southern passage to the East by
Europeans, possessed exclusively the trade of India,
and its innumerable isles. It pervades every trans
action, public or private, and Gold is master key to
the heart of every Moorman. The gratification of
this passion, under due discrimination, will render us
masters of this race, more so than their emancipation
from the civil grasp of the cruel, rapacious and perfidi
ous Kandyan. They appreciate political freedom
no further than they may thereby be enabled to gratify
their favourite propensity—Gain."
In 1S12 D'Oyly recorded in his Diary what
Andarapana Muhandiram told him about the Sinhalese
Mad'.ge of Sat Korale. Thirty-eight families
grouped under five Muhandirams were included in
the Department. They received from the Ara Mudala
300 ridi (at the time equivalent to, 100 rix-dollars)
with which they bought cloth, salt, and salt fish at
Puttalama and Chilaw; these they transported to
Satara Korale and bartered for about twenty amu
nams of areka, which they took back and sold paying
600 ridis out of the proceeds to the Ara Mudala and
retaining the balance as their profit. They also
supplied to the Gabadava at their own expense fifteen
kottas of salt of 120 nali each, the liability being shared
in the proportion of their holdings. For transporting
the areka they were entitled to demand the services
of the Hulanbadda people (being those without
fixed land or rajakariya) an arrangement also found
in the Satara Korale Madige. While admitting
that the Moors, elated at the favour with which they
were regarded, had been guilty of excesses and plun
dered the Sinhalese", Hook insisted that where the
Adikar and Disava failed him, their bullocks had
brought 250,000 seers of paddy. Moreover with their
knowledge of the country, they formed his most
efficient sources of information and supplied his best

13
guides. His attitude outraged the institutions of
the country and the Adikar who was primarily res^
ponsible for safeguarding them, condemned it "in
terms of the most unqualified disapprobation and
asperity " to quote his words.
The Adikar also protested against his forcing the
villages to furnish pahidun (uncooked provisions)-,
for the troops on the march. No such imposition was
ever levied by the Kings, whose fighting men generally
brought their own food, Or lived on the rice kept in
store at the royal villages. Hook advanced the quibbl
ing excuse that as foraging parties were daily seizing
the enemy's grain and these villages had previously
maintained a hostile attitude, no injustice was in
flicted, Engrossed in stamping out opposition at all
costs, and doubtless resenting his enforced association
with an official of the Adikar's status, he developed
an unfriendly attitude towards his colleagues which
he took no pains to conceal. " Would to God " he
wrote " our sole dependence was on British effort
guided by British counsel, unfettered by Kandyan
14
barbarity or their barbarous machinations."
He was a good fighting man, sincere and honest
of purpose but with little subtlety of intellect or
knowledge of human nature and easily gulled by
designing persons, who understood how to take
advantage of his prejudices. He was thus led into
making serious charges against the Adikar and his
brother on the flimsiest material; Molligcda had
recently appointed his informant to a position of
emolument and Brownrigg, while commenting on .the
man's curious ingratitude, refused to believe, that he
would ever make common cause with Kappitipola;
but admitted that in the light of past experience all
Kandyans seemed to be such deep dissemblers that
there was no knowing whom to believe and what to
15
reject.
The attempt to set up the new scheme showed

little promise and Hook was ill suited for the task.
He knew little about Bulat surulu and Judicial Fees,
and there was no reason why he should endeavour to
acquire fresh knowledge, for his business was to
destroy them as " a corrupt practice," and as such he
regarded them. When he endeavoured to win the
Adikar's consent, Molligoda explained that as they
constituted a fundamental part of the State organisa
tion, dating from the earliest times, and their abolition
would necessitate reconstructing the whole admini
strative system, he was unable to agree. He obviously
felt so strongly on the subject that Lusignan thought
he might, even be tempted to abandon the British
1 6
side, unless restrained by fear or hopje of reward ;
and in spite of Hook's confidence in the power of his
1 7
own " Rhetoric," Brownrigg considered the moment
18
inauspicious for pressing him further: he knew
Molligoda would stoutly oppose any diminution of
the Chiefs' authority which was specialty safeguarded
by the Treaty, and remembering Millava he dreaded
the possible results of dissatisfaction. He revealed
•confidentially that he would not be surprised if the
Adikar's own Province declared for Dore Svami and
19
•ordered the two brothers to be closely watched.
Bathurst had authorised presenting the duplicate of
the medal intended for Ahalepola to any Chief con
sidered of sufficient merit to deserve such high recogni
tion. D'Oyly was in Udunuvara (over which he
was " in raptures, so much so that I shall certainly
run away some morning to Punahela to see it, but do
not hint the thought at Colombo " Lusignan wrote
to Bisset on 5th June) worried by an attack of ophthal
20
mia, the annoyance of which is aggravated by the
minute flies which are attracted to the affected parts.
Brownrigg consulted him about presenting the medal
to Pallegampaha as a means of strengthening his
21
loyalty, but the decision finally reached is not on
record.
Meanwhile the outbreak of sickness had assumed

such proportions as greatly to reduce the available
personnel. From April till 20th May 2,073 cases
were admitted into hospital suffering from fever and
ulcers (very persistent and often infested by maggots)
attributed to leech bites, though more probably the
result of secondary infection from scratching the
affected spots." The leech has always proved a
valuable ally of the Sinhalese, so much so that there
was a popular fable recorded by Schweitzer in 1676
about Raja Sinha's sister Lamammea (probably Lama
Hami) introducing it to harass the Portuguese, who
suffered grievously from its attacks. Strangely enough,
sickness due to bites of the almost invisible ticks is
not mentioned.
Calladine has left a gruesome picture of conditions
at Batticalo, for the cantonment was one large
hospital with three to live deaths daily and the healthy
so few that they could only carry ont one body at a
time to the burial ground, there to await the clergy
man's arrival after the day's tale was complete. Army
hospitals were sheds thatched with coconut branches
and the cemetery, where formerly a grave was rarely
opened, now presented the appearance of " a ploughed
field." Cerebral malaria was playing havoc, and
many of its victims died " raving mad," but the type
of fever varied with the locality in a manner which was
inexplicable. The extent of knowledge regarding its
causes current at that time is seen in a report, by
Thomas Christie, Superintendent of Hospitals, dated
6th June, 1803. The Sinhalese called the sickness
h'dla una (forest fever) and Christie explained that it
originated from marshy ground over which was
strewed a layer of decaying vegetable matter " which
by the generation and extrication of foul and inflam
mable air, is known to vitiate the atmosphere so highly,
particularly in situations where the miasmata cannot
be dispelled by the sun or wind, that a disease of the
greatest malignancy is often produced by even a
few hours exposure to its influence." Samuel Daniel

when sketching in the iorests relied on smoking tobacco
and lighting fires round his tent as a protection against
infection. E v e n the French surgeon Laveran's dis
c o v e r y in 1880 of the responsible parasite and Ross'
subsequent investigations into its life history, have
not altogether eradicated belief in the miasma creed.
Blood-letting, followed b y purgatives and large doses
©f opium, were the usual remedies employed.
On 30th May 1818 a General Order directed that
Ahalepola's house at Maria N u v a r a should be con
verted into a Convalescent Quarter for patients
discharged from hospital chosen b y the Staff Surgeon,
a n d elaborate Rules were framed for its management.
A t six o'clock each morning the men gathered at the
tank below the house to wash their faces, hands and
feet, after which they cleaned out the building under
the supervision of a subaltern officer, and a pint of
coffee was issued to each. The British and CarTrees
were allowed the following diets : —
8 a.m. Breakfast: Rice, hoppers, salt fish, curry,
and a quart of coffee sweetened with
jaggery.
1 p.m. D i n n e r : Soup thickened and seasoned
w i t h sweet potatoes, y a m s , onions and
such herbs and vegetables as the bazaar
afforded ; rice, curry being rich and well
strengthened with spices.
6 p.m. Supper : A pint of cocoa sweetened w i t h
jaggery, hoppers, plantains.
Arrack was served twice a day. . .at dinner, when
it was to be made into a punch with tamarind or
Lime juice and Jaggery ; and at Supper to be taken
as a Dram.
The scruples of the Malays and Sepoys about

food were respected ; to the former beef was issued,
(the animals being slaughtered according to the
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 29»
Muslim custom) and dried fish to the latter ; each man

cooked his own meals, for the Indian could not eat at
a common mess. A good supply of Bengal Peas or
Dholl was kept in stock. Jaggery was in common
use ; cane sugar was not made in Sinhale and Candy
sugar from North India was sufficiently rare to be a
welcome gift at Court, where the demand for sweet
meats was very great among arrivals from India.
The trade in sugar was mainly carried on by the tava-
23
lams. The Sinhalese appa, made from rice flour
and the milk squeezed from grated coconut and light
ened by the ferment of coconut toddy, so closely
resembling a crumpet in taste, was popular among the
British who are responsible for the aspirate which has
converted the word into hopper.
Some months before Abraham de Thomas, (a
Muhandiram of the Governor's Gate with " the ad
ditional title of Reviser and Corrector of Pali and
Cingalese Translations of the Sacred Scriptures " and
better known among his countrymen as Ellepata
Pundit 1, suggested to Brownrigg that it would be good
propaganda to spread the rumour that he contemplated
24
restoring Sri V i k r a m a to the T h r o n e , and Ahaiepola
when consulted expressed the opinion that to recall
him would be a just punishment for the disaffected,,
if the British did not intend to retain the country.
Hook preferred setting up a K i n g who would rule
under the Governor's control, which in substance was
North's plan ; but Brownrigg did not agree. There
were rumours of dissensions between the Prince and
Kappitipola; according t o D u l v a v a ' s in formation,Pilima
T a l a v v a and Madugalla were appointed to be Udu-
gampahe and Siya P a t t u v e A d i k a r respectively, and
k a p p i t i p o l a was so angered at not being consulted
in the first instance, that when T a l g a h a g c d a Vidane
brought him their insignia for delivery, he had t h e
messenger's ear cut off and consigned him to the
custody of the Rodi ; eight days later on his appearing
before the Prince, he was sentenced to similar deten

tion for the disloyal action. A superior Chief found
guilty of neglecting his duty, is punished by being
forbidden to appear in Court and ordered to remain
in disgrace at his house till recalled. Kappitipola. invok
ing Dalada Hamuduruvo implored forgiveness and was
pardoned ; very probably he was not pleased at the
honours conferred on Madugalla and Allepola—the
latter being appointed Disava of Matale—but as the
younger Rambukpota, who had every opportunity
of ascertaining the tacts, explained on 22nd July,
there was no unpleasantness between the Prince and
25
his xAdikar.
British resources were severely strained and so
gloomy was the outlook that Brownrigg appears to
have sounded Dore Svami about a settlement, and on
24th May/ Sawers heard the news that he was con
sidering an offer for total or partial evacuation of the
26
country by the British. On 5th June Brownrigg
sent Sawers confidential instructions to. sound him
about a free pardon and a pension to be paid in
Colombo, in return for his abandoning his claim to
the Throne. In spite of the risk of this being construed
as a gesture of despair, he undertook to do so if cir
r
cumstances rendered acceptance probable.* But
Lusignan laughed : " It is about as useful a plan in
practice as an old lady's in one of Moore's novels,
proposing to induce the French Directors to return
to their old trades of shoemaking, etc." he wrote to
Bisset on the same day.
The Kings used to import from India professional
warriors locally known as Goorias, for their body
guard ; they were probably Guri, a branch of the Paiks,
retainers of the Uriya Chiefs of Ganjam and Vizaga-
patam, men with a great reputation for courage.
Andrews in 1796 saw them dressed in a special uni
form, guarding the entrance to the innermost Hall
at the Palace, and learnt that they came from
Tanjore ; they were physically superior to the Sinha

lese and besides their shields, carried swords of a large
size in red scabbards, held advanced in the cavalry
charging position. Two of them now surrendered
28
at. Velangashinna; the first, named Mastellee,
came from Bombay, and the other, Assen, was a native
of Uva, where a few of them were settled, and had
married among the Sinhalese. They explained that
they belonged to Kappitipola's guard and had accom
panied him for five months ; but the capture of their
families now forced them to surrender. Dore Svami,
they said, was in vigorous health, generally, like
Kappitipola, travelling on foot, and dressing with ex
treme simplicity, but when he gave audience to Chiefs
who came to pay their respects to him, he appeared in
Royal robes wearing a gold headdress (recently made
from a small quantity of that metal and set with a
few gems) and some gold chains brought by Kappiti
pola. On such an occasion he would be greeted by
every one with prostrations, but generally there was
little formality except that the lower orders were not
permitted to approach him. Kappitipola was still
so weak after his recent attack of dysentery that he
could not walk without support. He had about
2,000 fighting men, very ill supplied with powder,
but moving with such swiftness behind a screen of
sentries extending for miles in all directions, that a
surprise was out of the question. A Dutch or Por
tuguese Clerk who swaggered about in a large new
Regulation cap taken from an officer's servant, ac
companied them and deciphered intercepted letters.
On their information twenty Malays went and
seized their Vidane; he was once in Tippu Sultan's
army and after the capture of Seringapatam took
service under Sri Vikrama, who appointed him
Jemadar and later Vidane of the Goorias of Uva.
His haughty independence remained unchanged and
three years before, when summoned by Sawers, he
•declined to appear; Ahalepola and Kappitipola always
regarded him with friendliness and he had actively

supported Dore Svami's cause. He was tried by
29
Court Martial and executed on 13th June.
Blankenberg left Godamune on another search
for the Prince and proceeding by way ef Hanguranketa
was on the 15th in Maturata, the elevated district
watered by the Belihul Oya lying between Valapane
and the mountain range which reaches a height of
8,300 feet in Pidurutalagala. Here was settled a small
colony of Malabars who grew sarakku (condiments)
for the royal kitchen; some Brahmins cultivated wheat
and barley for the same purpose at Tennekon Vela
in Valimada. (Bennet mentions wheat being success
fully grown at At gala in 1816). The Lunu Badda,.
consisting of a few Paduva families, supplied onions
and garlic, and in Ra Siha Deviyo's time six families
in Vakirigala and Ganegoda of Galboda Korale were
responsible for pumpkins and other like vegetables
(abbaras, ortalisas).
Blankenberg had the good fortune to come across
the aged Kobbakaduva, once Sri Vikrama's Siva
Pattuve Adikar, and father of the Valapane Disava
Dllvava ; his home was in Matale and since the Treaty
he had withdrawn from public life, visiting Maha
Nuvara only once, and devoted himself to religious
practices, observing Pancha S'ila (the Five Rules of
Conduct) under which he abjured taking away life,,
unjust acquisition of wealth, sexual excess, untruth
fulness, and the use of intoxicants. He complained
that in spite of all this his property was seized and no
redress given to him ; he had known Dore Svami
before and being advised to pay his respects to him,
had arrived from his village but failed to obtain an
interview ; instead he was instructed that his life
was safe as long as he remained quiet. He added
that the soldiers had been within two miles of the
30
Prince's place of concealment at Velegiriya. He
was sent on to Maha Nuvara for further questioning.
KivulSgedara, Dambavinna and Mirahavatta (the

last appointed Kuruve Lekama by Brownrigg in 1815)
were making their presence inconveniently felt from
the heights above Badulla. Diyakola, otherwise
Rahupola Pihana Rala, one of a powerful family
twenty-four members of which held official posts in Uda
Kinda and Mada Kinda and whose daughter was said
to be living with Kappitipola, was captured through
the treachery of Digolla Muhandiram, with whom he
31
had arranged a secret meeting in the forest. A
Court Martial sentenced him to death, but Sawers
advised a respite in the hope of securing his great
33
influence for the British , while Digolla, elated by
33
his success, planned to capture Kappitipola. Houses
were being freely burnt in all directions and a raiding
party looted 550 marcals of paddy from Rambukpota
34
Mohottala's house. A marcal is half a bera or a
sixteenth of an amunam.
In Sat Korale relations between the Adikar
and Hook did not improve and when the former left
Hook wrote on 2nd June " The Adikar is gone to
my great satisfaction and delight, and to the benefit
of Government. His next trip will or ought to be,
to Brighton for the benefit of sea bathing. His
brother's complaint partakes of the same nature ;
similar remedies should be applied." He was so
suspicious of Molligoda's good faith that he would have
welcomed his deportation to the coast. On the 15th
the Adikar arrived at Maha Nuvara, and immediately
proceeded to meet the Governor. An officer who often
saw him on his way to the Resident's has recorded
that he used to be borne seated in his palanquin with
his sword bearer and silversticks in attendance,
preceded by his whip crackers and escorted by thirty
•or forty men, some with spears and others with fire
locks which they fired at intervals. No doubt he
maintained the same state when he waited on Brown
rigg, though the use of a Palanquin was a departure
from the Custom of the King's time.
In discussing any matter with a great person

Eastern etiquette demands a manner of approach
which taxes the patience of the unaccustomed, and the
interview lasted four hours. Molligoda expressed his
strong conviction of Ahalepola's sympathy with Dor&
Svami; a lawsuit was pending in which Molligoda
claimed as his wife's property some lands given by
Ahalepola to his present consort, and he strenuously
pressed the justice of his cause and his right to a
decision in his favour. Like all his countrymen he
was convinced that the Kingship over Sri Lanka
could not be divorced from its religion. In 1810
Pilima Talavva Adikar had impressed on John Wilson
that if he desired to secure and maintain possession of
Sinhale, he should render worship and honour to the
Devas ; and now Molligcda suggested that as the
Malabar Kings at their accession, adopted the Teach
ing of Buddha, it might be advantageous for Brown
rigg to follow their example. As for reducing the
Chiefs' authority, far from supporting the proposal
he insisted on exercising the full powers of his office,,
and, ignoring Brownrigg's recent proclamation,
appointed a Muhandiram over the Moors without
35
any reference to the Resident.
Ampitiya, the village adjoining Maha Nuvara
which supplied Katupurule messengers to the King
and Pallegampaha, gave trouble and was burnt down,
the malcontents taking refuge in the royal village
of Uduvela four miles away ; joining Uduvela Mudi-
yanse's followers they set out to place themselves
under Kappitipola's orders, and Deltota Sattambi
described on 21st December 1818 the excitement which
their arrival created among the Prince's men near
Godamune. The Sattambi was at Doluve vela, and
watched the delighted crowd shouting out their
welcome and dancing about waving their headcloths,
the Mudiyanse waving his in reply. Uduvela shared
the fate of Ampitiya ; so did Gurudeniya, where may
still be seen the King's atuva not far from the Pitiya
Devalaya which, perched on a crag, commands the

approach to the village. Outbreaks so close to
Brownrigg's own residence very significantly indicated
how ineffective was the British Control; never again
were the Sinhalese so near achieving their object, and
had it not been for the accident, of Kappitipola's illness
they would in all probability have forced Brownrigg
to abandon the greater part of Sinhale. But as so
often during the three previous centuries,, their in
ability to exclude reinforcements from across the sea
proved the decisive factor. On 17th June Kelly at
Velangashinna received telegraphic information that
the Honourable Company's Indian troops had arrived
at Badulla, and British fighting strength steadily
increased till in July there were 5,193 men in the
field.
On 20th June he left his camp and being joined
by the new arrivals and the Tuppitiya garrison,
moved through Dambavinna which had escaped the
firebrand, and where in 1819 Davy noted the unusual
sight of a grape vine in fruit. (In 1673 Rykloff van
Goens mentioned that purple and white grapes, and
other exotic fruits, were found in Kalpftiya Peninsula,
which the Jesuits once occupied; but generally the
climate of Ceylon is unfavourable to the vine, and,
whether introduced by Indians or Europeans, or by
both, its cultivation failed to interest the people).
From Dambavinna the force (280 Indian, British
and Caffree troops with firelocks, and 500 followers)
advanced seventeen miles to Paranagama camp at
an elevation of three thousand feet. . Another five
miles along a hazardous and difficult path,, much of
it by the edge of steep precipices, brought them to
the top of Dodanvatu kapalla, two thousand feet higher
up. A kadavata had been constructed here, but they
were allowed to make their way to the Halgran Oya
unopposed, and led by the Gooriyas reached the house
recently occupied by the Prince two miles from the
river. Felled trees blocked the approaches, here and
there batteries had been erected, there was a strong

kadavata, with its thorn gate, but not a man was to
be'seen. Maturata was found similarly deserted;
Blankenberg had destroyed all its houses the previous
week, and two clays were now devoted to similar evil
work in the fruitful valley. The homesteads were
set on fire ; the round thatched bissas (which, made
of rattan canes coated with clay and raised on stones,
protected grain from predatory rats) were looted;
the fruit trees were cut down and the cattle driven off
to be slaughtered, while the helpless villagers watched
from the adjoining heights. This accomplished the
force continued on its way through Hanguranketa
and Godamune, worried by occasional missiles from an
invisible foe till it crossed the wide and rocky bed of
the Maha Oya, reaching Maha Nuvara on 28th June
35
with trifling losses.
A General Order of 7th July notifying Kelly's
return after eight months active service in Uva,
announced that he had established the garrisons in
secure positions where " they had abundant supplies
drawn from the resources of the enemy, who on their
part have been driven into their Jungle and Mountain
Fastnesses," adding that Vellassa was more under
control than ever before.
A rumour that Kappitipola had succumbed to
illness, which caused much gratification, proved un
founded, but there were signs that his hold over the
country was weakening, and Vattegedara Lekama,
on submitting to Gay at Hatara Liyadda in Tumpane,
admitted that people were losing heart. Passaravatta
Vidana, the first to rouse the men of Uda Kinda,
37
surrendered under promise of immunity, and his
followers joined in capturing the men who so long had
infested the steep and rugged track leading from Pas-
sara to Badulla. Some of them were seized on
Namunukula Kanda which towers over the Badulla
valley ; on its summit there is a pot-hole which never
fails and in seasons of drought the Kapu rala of the
Kataragama Devalaya climbs up to this, and sprinkling

seme of the water around him invokes the Devas to-
send rain. The prisoners had been occupied in
forging iron bullets for Dore Svami, and a Court Martial
sentenced their leader to death by hanging.
The Batgama people of Tixppitiya, led by their
Duraya (as their headman was called) changed over
to the British side, and the local Commander, Coane >
armed them with bows and arrows in order to utilise

38
their services in raids. The Elder Rambukpota
had explained that dread of the possible fate of their
female relatives compelled the two younger Mohct-
talas to adhere to the Prince, and now one of them
39
wrote to David de Alwis Mudaliyai complaining
that fear for their mothers prevented Dambavinna
and himself from returning. There was less anxiety
about the food supply since the fields as far as Bogoda
had yielded a good harvest and the stores at Badulla
were being replenished from the surrounding country.
The Taldena garrison was transferred to Soranatota
in Yata Kinda to protect the harvesters, for hostile
bands were hovering near, and the younger Galapita-
gedara Rala joined with fifty men from the Royal
village of Badulla hoping to win over the Lunugala
men. Sawers realised that with the people's mood
changing a little judicious encouragement would bear
speedy fruit, and by a Proclamation of 23rd June
offered a pardon to all who submitted, undertaking
not to confiscate their property if not already given to
others : thousands of soldiers were coming from India
to destroy rebels, he affirmed, and death would be
certain for all who continued to resist.
Dolosbage, the portion of Uda Palata bordering

on Bulatgama and Satara Korale, enjoyed under
Raja Sinha exemption from several dues payable to
the King ; its inhabitants who were under the Padi-
kara Lekama, provided buffalos for cultivating Gampola
Vela, and one of them, Pallegama Duraya, had in
Sri Vikrama's time won a reputation for bravery and
independence. He was Dore Svami's warm supporter

and was captured in the course of a raid into the
district, though the bigger prize which was expected, his
Chief Hakurugammana Rala, escaped. Six hundred
41
rix-dollars were paid in reward for the capture. The
Prince's emissaries had met with scanty success in
Tun Korale and Udu Nuvara, and as both these
districts were now threatened by his followers from
Kotmale many Udu Nuvara families in their alarm
abandoned-their homes and fled to Kotmale and the
British had to organise protective measures. Two
Mohottalas of Panaval Korale, Patberiya and Bat-
tanagala by name, fell under suspicion and were
deported to Colombo ; and six Mohottalala and Kora-
lala of Saparagamuva joined in appealing for their
release ; the bond of kinship is intensely strong and
they were related by marriage (Battanagala for
instance was Pusvella's brother-in-law); they under
took to be responsible for the suspects if they were
•entrusted to them and after some hesitation the request
was granted.
On Eknaligoda's advice the minor Chiefs of
Saparagamuva were rewarded for their services with
samakkatlu, called Khillat in North India, gifts of
-cloths such as formed the main part of their dress,
43
varying in value according to status ; the custom
was not confined to Oriental Courts and under the
Kings such gifts were a coveted mark of appreciation.
He and Mahavalatanna were actively helping, but
Dolosvala was still regarded with some suspicion. A
raiding party swept through the country as far as
Tambagamuva, (where Davate Mohottiar, Disava of
Saparagamuva, attacked the Dutch Company's fort
in 1678), leaving its trail of burnt villages, slaughtered
•cattle and destroyed grain, including what was in an
Muva belonging to Alut Nuvara Devalaya, and 4,000
bera, the property of a Bhikkhu. William Adirian
Dias, who had figured at Sri Vikrama's capture,
accompanied Lieutenant O'Neil and Eknaligoda in
one of the expeditions and captured Bodimaluve

Appuhami; some surprise was felt at this important
success where Eknaligoda failed, but both were
publicly rewarded with gold chains and medals the
44
lollowing year.
Kappitipola's illness did not affect events in the
North where Pilima Talavva was the central figure,
and there was much unrest in Sat Korale. A katu
atta, a thorny branch left on a rock at night weighed
down by a stone, was the signal that Katupurula
officers had been to the village with orders. Fighting
men appeared in the most unexpected places and
45
troops found it a hard task to hold them in check.
Hook was annoyed with Vauda Nilame for ignoring
his instructions to clear the barricades erected to
r
obstruct his movements about the Dik Ch a (along
which the road ran from Vauda to Galagedara) and
for failing to meet a requisition for grain to feed the
Madavalatanna Garrison. His indignation was pro
bably the greater because his orders were accompanied
by the blustering threat to " burn and destroy all his
property as well as hang him as a rebel " in case of
non-compliance. To his excited imagination this
indifference was almost treasonable, and when the
inhabitants of Vauda came to meet Molligoda while
on his way back to Maha Nuvara, the officer command
ing his escort arrested the Nilame though the Adikar
46
protested that he had committed no fault. This
highhandedness excited much resentment ; the Nilame
was forced to accompany his captors, but on the road
escaped from custody under circumstances which were
not satisfactorily explained. A savage reprisal follow
ed, every/ house in theNilame's village being burnt and
one man shot.
There is nothing to suggest that Brownrigg dis
approved of this ferocity but there was anxiety as to
the consequences of the escape, and Lusignan wrote
to Bisset " Letting him go after determining on seizing
him is, taking Hook's word as to his character, as bad
an event as allowing Pileme to slip_ through our

47
fingers.'' The Mohottalala of Sat Korale had com
plained of Sri Vikrama's severity towards their leading
men, who however were tried according to Custom and
found guilty of treason at a time when the existence
of the State was being threatened, and there was.
nothing exceptional in the sentence passed on them.
Now the villagers must have been puzzled to under
stand the principles which guided their self-constituted
champions against oppression ; and the Mohottalala
who once expressed a preference for British officials
changed their opinions after witnessing Hook's
performances.
But he was not without admirers, as the Moors
were enthusiastic about him and Christian de Silva
was ready to fulfil all his behests ; for which reason
he was sent to kill or capture Moladanda, now the
Prince's Chief of that District, and the Rate Mahat-
maya of Haris Pattuva. George Nadoris' energy and
capacity for self advertisement found their opportunity
and he triumphantly brought from Pattipola a cap
tured palanquin, obviously belonging to someone of
importance and described as jewelled because each
end was decorated with a metal ring studded with
green glass, a very special distinction where sump
tuary rules were so strict. When sold by auction it
43
realised twenty rix-dollars. However, Valivita
Saranakara Unnanse, whom Brownrigg appointed
Anu Nayaka of Malvatta, claimed it as his property ;
As Tevavakarana Unvahanse he had been responsible
for the safety of the Danta Dhatu during the fighting
with the English and Sri Vikrama by a Sannas of
1805 rewarded him with the gift of lands which were
to be possessed by his elder brother, Kulatunga
Mudaliya. The palanquin originally belonged to his
uncle the Sangha Raja from whom he inherited it,
and the King had confirmed his title. After inquiry
his claim was admitted ; and the palanquin restored
49
to him.
That the rabble which followed Hook's soldiers

was deliberately encouraged to loot the countryside
•can hardly be doubted, and in a " Private " letter
from him to Lusignan the following passage occurs :
" The Interpreter is a very clever, active and useful
fellow. During the ' heat of action ' I dare say some
•considerable portion of the Plunder which was moving
among our industrious active friends the Moors, and
Colombo people, touched near him. Indeed it was
not possible to prevent this." He was under no
misapprehension about Nadons and he wrote to
50
Bisset " If George is anxious to become a warrior
I will give him play enough : but 1 strongly recommend
that he be placed at my elbow—never out of sight.
George has a most rapacious mind."
Arampala Mohottala was one of the most trouble
some of the Sinhalese leaders and numerous attempts
to secure him had failed. Nadoris took part in one
and his account, the translation of which has been
preserved, well illustrates the nature of the work on
which the military were expending so much energy.
The literary quality? of the translation is above the
average of the time. . ." I have proceeded with a
•company of soldiers in the night from 'Kooroonegala
(wetting ourselves all the way long from rain) to
Arampola which lies at a distance of one mile from
Weuda; but our spy being treacherous led us to a
jungle from whence we came to a field passing through
a rough path, and on walking to find out the way, I
was fallen in a well, but from which I was luckily got
•out without any material injury with but a little pain
in one of my legs, and in the same time discovering a
light in the borders of the jungle we approached that
place and found it was a temple ; from that place we
took a man direct us the road, and on proceeding about
a league further we came to the des®lated house of
Arampaley Moho tala, while it. was very near day
break, and as we found the Sepoys who went to
remove the paddy of that Mohottala there, we also
remained with them till morning and as an example to
false and treacherous spys, we wrote an ola to such

purport as suitable to the purpose, hanged it in the
neck of the said false spy, and then hanged the said
treacherous spy himself in a Sooriya tree near the house
of the said Mohottala, and then leaving there a number
of soldiers as sufficient to load the paddy we with the
rest of the Company returned to Kooroonegala. This,
took place on the 3rd instant (June)."
Some years later Campbell, Commandant at
Kurunagala and a Lieutenant Colonel, used to hear
stories current among the people of the " barbarous "
treatment meted out to the Sinhalese, many of whom
were put to death by the soldiers, (when out of sight
of their officers, he was careful to explain in the manner
of Davy). Brownrigg cannot plead ignorance of these
outrages ; Lusignan who saw him daily wrote on 4th
June " I do not approve the system of hanging sans
ceremonie after action but it is 1 fear much practised..
Perhaps, as I told you before that the system of dis
;
tressing the poor has affected the tender heart of the
Gabada Nilame, this sort of treatment may induce
them to bring in their Chiefs." The act of an invader,
forced to butcher innocent villagers in order to compel
their fellows to abandon their principles of honour and
loyalty to their Chiefs, may occasionally be glozed over,
but Lusignan's wit, in this instance, fails to amuse.
Nadoris' aspirations were not confined to military

distinction ; he pointed out that giving Moors headmen
of their own had strengthened their loyalty and pressed
for a similar concession to the people engag_ed in
peeling cinnamon in the Tun, Satara and Sat Korales..
They fell into three groups. One was in Satara
Korale where since at least Ra. Siha Deviyo's time
Chaliyas lived in the Gabadagama of Etnavala, the
two villages Veligala and Varakapola which belonged
to the Queen's Gabadava, and Tunibaliyadda, situated
round the important Gabadagama of Doravaka in
Kiravali Pattuva. They still retain the tradition of
their having been brought from South India by sea
to Beruvala, an incident depicted in a painting on a

•cloth which Alexander Johnston presented to the
Royal Asiatic Society of London as illustrating
the introduction of some weavers into Ceylon.
" There is another set of gentiles, still lower, whom
they call chalien, who are weavers and have no other
business except to weave cloths of cotton, and some
•of silk, which are of little value, and are used by the
•common people " wrote Duarte Barbosa about the
year 1519 with reference to Malabar. The Indian
connection seems to have lasted long and on 5th March
1682 Caniguna Chetty of Nagapattanam claimed
before the Dutch Secretary of that Fort, that he was
the final arbiter for this caste and the Chandos in
Ceylon where questions of privileges were concerned;
the former, he said, was entitled to the Puli kodi,
flag with the device of a tiger or leopard. Those of
Etn5.vala, like an allied group at Uragora in Deyala-
•dahamuna, originally supplied the palace at Sitavaka
with firewood, but on the Portuguese occupation the
twenty-one Chalias were transferred to carry the
palanquin of the Captain General Dom Francisco de
Meneses, a task shared with the thirteen Chalias and
one Duria of the other villages. The Tombo contains
the earliest authentic account of the caste, according
to which it was originally divided into seven Baddas,
those who carried the King's Palanquin forming the
Kunam badda. When the province reverted to the
Sinhalese King these bearers were attached to the
palanquin of its Disava.
The second group was in Sat Korale, where the
Chalias of Toragala peeled cinnamon for the King,
while those of Koholana, Ambagala, and Konpola
•carried the palanquins of the Captain General, the
Vedor da Fazenda, and Simon Correa respectively,
in 1614. Later those of Konpola continued to render
the same service to the Sinhalese Disava. The group
had been increased by migration from the Littoral
in 1735, and thirty-one years later was estimated at a
thousand. The third group consisted of those recently-

transferred to the Cinnamon Department.
Nadoris after his experience in a country without
caste distinctions resented the trammels imposed by
the Sinhalese social system ; he was sure, he insisted,
that if he were placed at their head he would be able
to increase their usefulness, and that the other castes
would follow their example, with the result, which,
would not be unwelcome, of isolating the Govigama
Atto and stripping them of the power they now
wielded. " They alone " he stressed, " are by no
means able to stand against the Government when
striped of those subordinated casts." The proposal
received scant consideration from Brownrigg whose
reply was brief but precise ; " He is an ambitious
creature ; what he desires with regard to the Maha-
51
badde never could be agreed to " he wrote.
The proposal was symptomatic of the growing
impatience with which under changing conditions,
customs hitherto maintained as essential to the politi
cal organisation, were beginning to be regarded.
There exists a letter dated 19th August 1801, addressed
by lllangakon, then Matara Maha Mudaliyar, to the
First Maha Mudaliyar of the Porta at Colombo, on
learning that the Maha Vidane Mudaliyar of the
Fishers at Matara, Amdoru, was likely to be appointed
their only and principal Chief and Interpreter ; urging
him " to implore His Excellency the Governor not to
change the old standing privileges of the Wellal.es
and the subjection of the Fishers to the Chiefs of the
Corles and Pattoes and to myself." Nadoris in his
letters to Bisset frequently expressed his anxiety that
their contents should be communicated to Lady
Brownrigg, who treated his sycophancy with amused
condescension. Now that he was free from the
Bhikkhu's vow of celibacy, he desired to marry, and
characteristically begged Hook to persuade Bisset
to influence the contemplated bride's mother in his
52
favour.
Hook recommended that the people of the Pro

vince should be called upon to surrender their firearms
and was hopeful that there would be no need of having
recourse to compulsion ; though Molligoda protested
against depriving a people still nominally free of their
means of defence, the measure was sanctioned, with
a vague undertaking to return them at some later
date to all who by their ready surrender and good
53
conduct proved themselves deserving. He whole
heartedly agreed with Brownrigg on the question of
spreading disunion among the Sinhalese. When in
15 51 Dharmapala succeeded as overlord of Sri Lanka
upon the murder of his grandfather Bhuvanaika Bahu
by the Portuguese, Sat Korale commenced at the
Kalani Ganga_and included Alut Kuru Korale and
Hapitigam Korale. These two last named districts
fell exclusively under the control of the Dutch Com
pany in the seventeenth century, and by the Treaty
of 1766 a coastal strip formed by arbitrarily cutting
across many districts of Demala Hat Pattu, was
added. What remained to the King continued to
be his most revenue yielding Province and included
obscure colonies from South India which still await
•ethnological study, such as Pallaru, Agampodi, and
the follower's of Raja Vanniya and Kumara Vanniya ;
these two chiefs paid the King as tribute a tusked
•elephant or 1,000 ridi, two elephant tusks, a red
tuppatiya and five pagodas in gold, with pehidum
during his visits.
The cultural affinities between the separated
portions remained unaffected, and following on trade
relations the inhabitants of the Sinhalese Province had
grown familiar with the administrative system prevail
ing in the Settlements. Hook advised retransferring
Sat Korale to the Littoral, as this would go far to facili
tate the introduction of Brownrigg's scheme. He was
wrong in his view ; when in 1820 three divisions of
Sat Korale were attached to Chilaw, the dissatisfaction
was so unmistakable, that the order was soon cancelled.
His excursions into politics were not allowed to>

interfere with his military duties, and the tension under
which he was labouring displayed itself in acts often
as stupid as they were ferocious. Suspecting that
Mavatagama Nilame, the close relative of the Nayaka
Unnanse of Asgiriya and of high social position, was
collecting men at Vanduragala Viharaya in order to
join the Prince, he sent a military force which arrested
him and twenty-three others and brought them bound
to Kurunagala ; there the Nilame was promptly tried
by Court Martial and convicted of " a criminal intent
of joining the rebels and setting the Power of the
34
British Government at defiance." Hook was deter
mined, as he explained, to eradicate from the minds
of the people the prevalent idea that a Headman
could not be punished by British authority, and insist
ed on hanging the unfortunate man, who appears to-
have been quite innocent, on the same evening.
The nature of the sentence aggravated the wanton
ness of his act, for under the Custom of the country
the Nilame could claim the right to be executed by
the sword. In the Littoral, as appears from Falck's
proclamation of ist July 1773, "The immutable
punishment of murder is death and will be carried into
execution either with the sword, cord, wheel or fire ;"
but in practice the Dutch in Ceylon stopped short
of the barbarity of the stake. When the British by
the Proclamation of 23rd September 1799 established
hanging as the general mode of execution within their
Settlements, they reserved decapitation for special
cases on the petition of the party. Among the Sinha
lese to hang even the corpse of an executed prisoner
was to fix the stamp of degradation on the offender.
The Disava and his Mohottalala who were forced to-
attend, appealed in vain on the Nilame's behalf ;
they were acutely distressed, and the assembled
people were moved as deeply as those who, according;
to Davy's lurid narrative, witnessed the execution of
Ahalepola's children.
Eight months of frightfulness, combined with

panic, had intensified Hook's innate sadism, and
deranged his balance of mind : well pleased with what
he had done, he wrote " I trust the step has also lower
ed the sanctity of the character of the Kandyan
55
Chiefs in the estimation of the people." The
power with which Brownrigg had vested the military
officers was being terribly abused ; the outrage was
serious and he tried to allay the resentment by im
mediately restoring the Nilame's moveable property
to his family, (he had left a wife and two children),
though his lands remained under sequestration. Lusig
nan restrained his wit in writing to Bisset: " Hook
5
has gone to the utmost length in hanging the Nilame" '
he admitted to this priest, who provided the English
speaking public with a becoming apologia in the next
Gazette : " There is indeed a double reason for
exercising such wholesome severity ; the Chiefs are,
it may almost be said, the sole instigators of the
rebellion. They only therefore undergo the deserved
chastisement of their guilt. Again if to deter from
similar crimes be the best justification of rigorous
imprisonment, the execution of one considerable head
man is more likely to produce that effect than the
57
slaughter of 100 of their wretched followers."
Another incursion from Matale followed and

penetrated within five miles of Kurunagala before it
was checked, and two men who were captured sum
marily hanged. Hook's despatches were exasperating
Lusignan, who declared that he was " getting heartily
sick of them" for they contained nothing but praise
of his officers for doing little and were so verbose as
58
to be almost unintelligible. On one he remarked
" It contained nothing but some extravagant opinions
which required a little check for the credit of His
Excellency's Government, as countenancing a derelic
tion from principle of Humanity, and in short hanging
5
without mercy or inquiry any person you suspect." *
Hook in fact was shouting to keep up his courage,

for he found it difficult to suppress his conviction that
60
the British would fail, and still doubted the good
faith of the Adikar who continued to insist that the
occupation of Matale must precede any attempt
61
to pacify Sat Korale. Writing on 4th July he
pointed out that the Sinhalese resisted so strenuously
as they judged of British resources from what they saw
and admitted that many British doubted if the posses
sion of the Island was worth the threatened cost. He
continued " The setting up of a King was nominal and
only as a rallying point for the miserable, the un
fortunate population, whose ignorance and superstition
led them to seize with avidity what they considered
to be the dictates of their divinities." From his inti
mate knowledge of the Island, he appreciated its value
and was in no doubt as to what was the correct policy.
" Setting aside the great military consideration of
being degraded by the successful efforts of a set of
naked barbarous savages armed with what scarcely
deserves to be called firelocks, Forbid it Honor, and.
what some may consider of more importance, Interest,
that we should give up the Interior." He had
obviously reached the same conclusion as Brownrigg
about the outlook, and knowledge of the compliment
to Sinhalese fighting efficiency implicit in this outburst,
from so competent a judge, would have given them
much satisfaction.
He set out in some detail their characteristic
qualities, incidentally shedding light on their success
in maintaining their independence for so lengthened
a period. He wrote as follows :
" Time and opportunities have been afforded to
our active enemies to spread over vast extents of
territory, nor can our brave soldiers, with officers
whose preserving zeal and ardour cannot be surpassed
and but rarely equalled, prevent these insurgent
exertions being successful. We are unable to cope
with these active Chiefs, either in the rapidity or
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 319'
secrecy of movements, nor can we do so in bearing

fatigues, privations and exposures. Like the native
animals they swiftly ascend the most rugged and
lofty mountains, pass rapid torrents and run over plains
and brave the inclemencies of weather either to elude
our pursuits or to place themselves in ambush, to
assail our passing columns. No measure can subdue
these people or their Chiefs. . .but an overwhelming
force. Were I to estimate the extent of this I should
state it at nearly 8,000 effective firelocks. . .that every
measure should participate of a military nature under
a system the most actively offensive. . . I can scarcely
venture to anticipate a speedy and successful issue
to this unhappy warfare without a large overwhelming
force to penetrate each valley and ascend every
mountain in the interior. Every discussion should,
now be laid aside except sword and musket; these carry
conviction to men's bosoms."
He was planning an increase of frightfulness and
when that had crushed them to the ground, he
proposed to keep them there. " I hope the period
is not far distant " he continued " when all power
and authority shall be vested immediately in the
British Government and that no Kandyan Chiefs will
be allowed the exercise of any but what he may derive
63
from the Agents of our Government."
Even Brownrigg turned at last and a reprimand
followed which with resigned bitterness he acknow
ledged thus. . . " After spending upwards of eight
months in the field under circumstances which I will
not now state, disregarding all personal considerations,
with a degree of zeal and anxiety that 1 now confess
was presumptuous, I did not look for. a letter like
03
yours."
The anticipations founded on the arrival of rein
forcements ended in disappointment, for their numbers
fell far short of what were urgently needed and it
.was very doubtful if more could be expected as a
fresh war was threatened in India. If such further
help failed to materialise, " 1 despair of subduing the

64
rebellion" Brownrigg frankly admitted on 28th June.
He therefore determined to repeat North's experiment
of raising a fighting force. That Governor hoped to
build up a corps from the native races which under
European officers would rival the fine regiments of the
Presidencies; on 30th August 1800 he announced
that two corps " composed of as handsome men as
can be found in any service " were ready at Galle and
two others were being raised at Matara. In all he
enlisted 500 men for local service and a similar body
for service anywhere ; (It is not generally known
that the Dutch Company employed Sinhalese soldiers
to fight at Tutucurin in 1649 and at Cochin in 1663).
Further on 9th February 1801 he established the
Battalion of Ceylon Native Infantry of ten companies,
by incorporating the existing Ceylon Native Infantry
and the Moor Battalion. The experiment ended in
failure. Military drill, which converted men into
automata, was repellent to Sinhalese who in fighting
largely relied on their own initiative. The lash used
with appalling ferocity/, was the common weapon of
punishment in British Regiments ; it was unknown
to the brave Indian soldiers of the Honourable Com
pany, and its introduction among the local levies
rapidly increased desertions. Before long the Sinha
lese were disbanded and the corps almost confined to
recruits from Coromandel.
Brownrigg planned for a body of Sinhalese to

release the minor garrisons in the Settlements for
service inland, and 400 Moors for escort duty on the
5
lines of communication.* This Native Militia he placed
66
under Captain de Bussche, once his Aide-de-Camp,
who coming from the Cape in 1812, was credited with
a sound knowledge of the ways of Malay and Caffree
troops ; Giffard slightingly called him " a German,"
and Brownrigg had not much confidence in his discre
tion, though he employed him to carry on his propa
ganda work in England. On 7th August at a parade
held in Slave Island (which on 13th August 1707

Padre Manoel de Miranda described as I/ha dos Escra-
vos da Companhia) Lady Brownrigg presented Colours
bearing the motto " Duty and Honour;" on the next
morning 200 men under two officers with the rank
67
of Mohundiram started for the Hinterland. The
Corps of Armed Lascarins was disbanded on 31st
January 1819.
Christian de Silva, profiting hy the opportunity,
offered to raise a hundred Lascarins from his own
community for service in Sat Korale ; on Hook's
recommendation the offer was accepted and he was
promised the rank of Muhandiram over the corps with
a monthly salary of twenty-five rix-dollars. At the
end of August the selections were completed and
enrolment was ordered, but by that time Hook was
less confident, and on 2nd September wrote to Lusig
nan " I fear the levies at Matara by de Sylva are of
a paper description and am by no means sanguine of
his success." His doubts seem to have been justified ;
at any rate on 1st December Brownxigg ordered
" the "immediate discharge of the 5th or Fishers'
Company."
7»<i~ L
Chapter X .
On ascertaining that the Natha Deviyo's Abharana

had been removed from the Devalaya, the Kapu Rala
and Madappuli were sent under arrest to Colombo,,
whereupon the inhabitants of Deiyanne Vela (the
tract of rice fields adjoining Maha Nuvara which
formed the Devalaya village), disappeared leaving only
1
the Lekama behind. Others followed from the town,
and giving their unoccupied houses to British
supporter's failed to check the exodus. On top of this
came news about the Danta Dhatu which filled D'Oyly
with alarm.' It 'seemed that on Sunday the 5th of
July a large assembly met at Hanguranketa ; on a
flower-covered wooden stand under a canopy was
displayed a gold karanduva, with a Vidane and two'
Lascarins in British uniforms standing beside it.
Kappitipola as Adikar addressed them in stirring
words : they had their King, he said, and now before
their eyes was what alone had been lacking so long, the
Danta Dhatu, for these three men had brought it
from Maha Nuvara. With that in their midst no-
enemy could prevail against them. A tumultuous
outbreak of rejoicing followed, and the three were
taken before the Prince who was at a village nearby.
Kappitipola enlarged on the service they had rendered:
they merited he said the reward of half a kingdom,
and he recommended that a village should be bestowed
on each, and this was clone ; such a grant by a King-
3
was evidenced by a document signed, by an Adikar.
Brownrigg was alive to the significance of the

incident and besides Molligoda had expressed doubt
as to the genuineness of what was returned to the
Maligava in April 1815. He could not forget the fraud
regarding the Ran Kaduva, and it might well be that
a replica was substituted at Ahalepola's instigation
till it suited him to produce the authentic Relic, which
was the support of Royal Authority. It was nearly

impossible to ascertain the truth ; when last displayed
for public veneration in 1775 the King himself held
it aloft on its gold stand, and few people living had been
privileged to view it from close at hand. Molligoda
had not seen it and was doubtful if Ahalepola ever had.
The German Thoen, after eleven years at Maha Nuvara,
could only say in 1815 " In the Temple belonging to the
palace people say that Adam's tooth was deposited
being placed in a gold box enclosed in six other larger
•boxes of gold. This 1 only heard ; no one is allowed
to touch or see it except the Head Priest and the
3
King." He and his Moorish wife were now at Galle
where he was employed at the Ordnance Store.
As Brownrigg pointed out, if there had been fraud

that would be by the very parties who alone could have
correct knowledge. What was brought back had
remained under five karandu of silver and gold within
the small windowless sanctuary, hung with gold
embroideries, which was entered by a single door with
gilt panels framed in delicately carved ivory. What
ever the truth, its disappearance could not be admitted,
and Brownrigg parried inquiry with the reply that the
three persons produced by Kappitipola had at no time
been employed at the Maligava ; since 15th March
the sanctuary had never been opened except in the
presence of a Mudaliyar from the Settlements and a
British sentry kept guard at the door day and night.
No doubt, opening the kanmdu would settle the
question, but he agreed with D'Oyly that uncertainty
was preferable to unwelcome knowledge ; many
functionaries had to attend at the opening, and if loss
were established by the examination the fact could
not be kept from the public. The dilemma did not
trouble Lusignan, who was read}'' with a remedy
which he propounded to Bisset; "Knowing its shape,
•etc. he (D'Oyly) ought to set to work and fabricate
one to introduce into the casket if that should be the
case .and it will surely serve the purpose of deceiving

as well as a real one. So much for news and Sacred
Teeth."*
The true facts were revealed by Rambukpota
Mohottala on 22nd July, after his surrender. The
Chief agent was Variyapola Sumangala Unnanse
whom Sri Vikrama trusted and had appointed to serve
at the Shrine where he continued after 1815. His
confederates, four or five in number, included the
Kariyakarana Rala. of the Maligava, who was known
as Kamgomuva from the village where his family
resided. This village was dedicated to the Danta
Dhatu, and the tenants of its thirty-eight pangu
(holdings) rendered a variety of services. Some
supplied pots and pans for the kitchen, bricks for
structural work, turmeric (which was not only an
essential ingredient in cookery but from its disinfecting
qualities was employed in ceremonial ablutions),
vegetables, oil, jaggery, firewood, timber, coconuts
and banana trees for decorations ; others cultivated
the Maligava field and delivered the grain at its
gab ad ava. Still others served as blacksmiths,
drummers, washermen, doorkeepers, guards and clerks,
while a large number saw to the illuminations at
festivals and took part in the processions. The most
responsible duties were those of the Kariyakarana
Rala who had charge of the vessels employed in the
daily tevava (service) ; these were kept in the Katiyana
bardnde, the room in which the food offerings, brought
from the multen ge (kitchen) in the maha hat, were
ladled out into the proper vessels. Consequently
access to the sanctuary was easy lor him.
On the appointed evening the conspirators

appeared, at the Maligava shortly before closing time
and expressed a wish to perform their pujuva (offering);
as no flowers were available the Bhikkhu requested
the Lascarin on guard to fetch, a mat vattjya, a tray
made of rushes with flowers arranged thereon, from
outside, which he proceeded to do. Taking advantage
of his absence Variyapola let them in withfn the

sanctuary, and when he returned he found the door
locked for the night. At early dawn the beating of
drums for the aluyam fevava commenced; under
cover of the noise the men secreted within forced open
the outer karanduva and abstracted the smaller
caskets and the relic, all of which they conveyed to
Kappitipola at Velagiriya towards the end of April.
The large outer karanduva of silver had been provided
by Raja Sinha's son Vimala Dharma Sliriya and was
carried away by the invading Dutch to Colombo, but
returned in order to pave the way for the Treaty of
1766, when Kirti Sri Raja Sinha caused it to be gilt.
A smaller one, of silver gilt, was offered by Narendra
Sinha ; his successor, Sri Vijaya Raja Sinha, com
menced a third of similar size, but of gold, and jewelled;
this was completed after his death by Kirti Sri, though
on a somewhat reduced scale. This last King provided
two more karandu, of diminishing size : most of these
were in use to contain the tiny gem-encrusted casket,
shaped like a woman's hair ornament, forming the
innermost, case within which the Relic was believed to
have been originally smuggled out of India by the
Kalinga Princess, Hemamala. Kumari.
Everybody was talking of the proceedings at

ITanguranketa and D'Oyly directed Sawers to counter
this by an unqualified denial of the loss. Bhikkhus
who appealed to King at Attapitiya were suavely
assured that though Kappitipola had circulated such
a storv " it is a falsehood invented by him. to deceive
the People and the Temple has for many months been
so well guarded that no such Robbery could have or
has been effected."
Greatly heartened, the Prince's followers now
threatened Gonagama, whose garrison was hurriedly
withdrawn. A four days' demonstration before
Godamune Fort followed, but bows and arrows were
of little use against entrenchments, and the soldiers
would not show themselves outside. The British
version of what took place was conveyed by Brownrigg

to Bisset in the following words: "Their attacks
last each day from noon till midnight without any
loss and not a man wounded on our side; and
their proceedings were so dastardly that Captain B.
(lankenberg) supposes that but few of them suffered
6
from our shot. " Bisset dutifully reported this in the
Gazette of n t h July, but probably his sense of humour
prevented him from repeating the italics.
On the ioth the Sinhalese withdrew from their
kandayura, camp, before Godamune and Lieutenant
Colonel Hardy started to scour the valley of Unantanna,
where thirty-two groups of tenants of Hanguranketa
Maha Devalaya lived ; not a soul was to be seen but
from the adjacent hills a sporadic fire was maintained
on the troops till they returned to Godamune.
Although with Kappitipola absent in Hevahaia there
was little agitation in Uva and Vellassa, British
raiding parties continued no less active than before.
One of them killed twenty-four men in one night and
another reported capturing thirty women without
suffering any casualties. Such achievements were
greeted with applause, and the ferocious Malays
received high commendation for their zeal, particularly
their Lieutenant who was reported as regretfully
observing " that had his detachment been more
numerous he should have been able to kill many more
7
of the rebels." It is not surprising that the villagers
held these men in dread.
At this time a rumour reached Sawers that
Ahalepola and Asana. Muhandiram had escaped from
detention and were on their way to join Dore Svami,
and he was very apprehensive as to the consequences,
if the news proved true. The authorities realising
that the use of the Maha Nilame's name would cause
them serious harm, had him closely watched ; as the
result certain incidents were noted which were thought
to indicate a conspiracy to bring about his escape ;
and a Colour Sergeant and a Sergeant of the guard
SINHALE. AND THE PATRIOTS; >m
placed over him were committed for trial before a

Court Martial on 13th.*July. They were accused of
unsoldier-like conduct unbecoming Non-Commissioned
Officers,, the specific charges being that they had
entered into familiar intercourse with the Maha iNilame,
had been seen to shake hands with him, and had also
accepted presents of food from him. In an affluent
Sinhalese household no one present at meal-time would
be left unserved, and Ahalepola's explanation was that
his servants had allowed them to take away any cooked
rice which remained. over, and sometimes uncooked
rice as there was plenty to spare. The accused were
found guilty and sentenced to be reduced to the ranks,
while Brownrigg's agitation found expression in the
following General Order, dated 19th July :
" The custody of a State Prisoner is a trust of the
most serious nature and ought' to excite in the minds
of those in whom it is reposed, sentiments the most
loyal and elevated . . . A Non-Commissioned Officer
in whom such confidence is placed and who basely
betrays his trust by familiarising himself with a Prisoner
of High Rank, and suffers himself to fall into_ his
artful snares by admitting his condescensions and by
accepting presents from him, which are to lead to
bribes of magnitude and finally to the escape of the
Prisoner, is guilty of a great Military Crime, to the
proper sense and horror of which it is the most anxious
wish, of the Lieutenant General to call the attention of
the class of soldiers he is now addressing." The
language sounds oddly today but the professional
soldier of the time had a code of decorum to which he
had to conform. The men's punishment was followed
by removing Ahalepola's abharana petti, jewel caskets,
and the five thousand pagodas presented by Brownrigg,
to the Treasury.
As for Asana, his sentence of deportation had not
been., enforced and in March 1817 he and two sons
were released on Conditional Respite, and. it was
proposed to give him land at Galle in lieu of what was
assigned to him at Negumbo. In January 1818 on

information that Dore Svami was attempting to
communicate with him, he was again placed in the
Collector's custody. Now Sawers urged that his
reputation as a daring, ruthless and discontented
character was so great, that he was dangerous even in
confinement and should be removed from the Island
altogether ; it was he who had initiated Levuke Disava
into the closely guarded secrets of the Malay system of
wrestling, which included jabbing with fingers.
Consequently the Collector was directed to hand
him over to the military authorities, to be kept in the
strictest confinement in the same quarters as during
8
his first arrest.
On 13th July it was learnt that Kappitipola was

at Nilambe, and it was feared that his objective was
Udu Nuvara and Satara Korale, through which ran the
main line of communications with Colombo.
Detachments from every available post were soon in
motion and fortunately for the British the Mahavili
Ganga was so heavily in flood that the Sinhalese were
unable to cross it near Gampola. Thereupon Kappiti
pola's men moved up the river till on the 16th they
forded it near Pasbage, and in spite of the efforts of the
Ambagamuva garrison, helped by men from Tun
Korale, to turn them, speedily disappeared. Pasbage,
belonging to the King's Tjlpange, was an unattractive
spot, described by an officer as " so miserable a hole
devoid of every sort of comfort and possessed of so
much wretchedness in all respects, that 1 am
apprehensive our men will become unhealthy if they
remain here 48 hours." Captain Stewart from
Ruvanalla was soon there ; Hardy appeared at
Dolosbage, and several detachments took up the
pursuit ; three of them swept through Paranakuru
Korale and the names of Deiyan vela, Debatgama,
Dampalgcda and Udugama figure in their story.
Divisions moving by way of Valimanna Viharaya,
Aturupana Viharaya and Marapone, crossed Ambala
Kanda and pushed on to Gantuna, Ra Siha De\dyo's

gabaddgama, which with its two attached villages
in 1614 supplied 97J amunams of areca and 43 pingas
of jaggery to the Casado Luiz Gomes Pinto Mudeliar,
Chief of the Sinhalese forces of the Province under the
Portuguese. On the 20th one of them came on
Kappitipola's advance guard on the eastern slope of
Murute Kanda on the Dolosbage boundary, and opened
fire killing ten, while the rest disappeared up the
mountain in amazing fashion."
The main body, consisting of men from Uva,
Valapane, Hevahata and Kotmale, broke through the
jungle and dense lemon grass which, growing to a
man's height, covered large expanses of country, and
avoiding the British who were closing in from east,
west and south, fled in the direction of Pasbage. The
straight course which they followed cut across the
11
normal winding track at various points, and reaching
12
the river again at Hinara Manketa ford they crossed
13
over into Kotmale. Kappitipola was in a cave not
far from the advance guard, and with a few chosen
men he swiftly traversed Satara Korale, crossed the
Colombo road the same night two miles below
Attapitiya, skirted Beligalla and entered the lower part
14
of Sat Korale ; making his way from there into Matale,
where his village Monaravila was situated and his
15
family was known to be concealed. " Kappitipola
has stepped through what Hook calls his Cordon and
therefore kept his neck out of the Rope " laughed
16
Lusignan. Plardy returned to Maha Nuvara on the
28th.
Molligcda though in poor health took active
measures to'guard his Province against invasion from
Sat Korale by setting up watch-posts along the
boundary and sternly suppressing any demonstration
in support of the Prince. His men captured some of
Kappitipola's followers and among the booty was a
17
tada which roused much interest ; it was described as
" an extremely well contrived Barrell made out of the
330 SINHALE AND'ITHE PATRIOTS
hollowed stem" of a jaggery tree and bound, with,

iron." The kitul palm (here called jaggery tree as
the best jaggery is obtained from it) is well suited for
such a purpose, for its singularly hard exterior consists
of a shell nearly an inch thick, surrounding a fibrous
pulp which can be easily'removed. Sections of the
stem were employed as ammunition casks, each being
carried by two men stung from the middle of a pole
resting on their shoulders. The one captured contained
nearly 500 cartridges filled with locally made powder
and iron balls, done in bark and fragments of the
Badulla mail intercepted in February, ,by scrutinising
which the greater part of a letter addressed to Brown
rigg was deciphered. Paper was so scarce owing to
the non-arrival of supplies from England that
Brownrigg by a Minute of 7th January 1817 restricted
the use of English paper to the most important official
documents : China paper was to be employed for
inland correspondence and other common matters;
this latter being intended to be used with a brush, was
hardly suitable for a quill. An endeavour was made to
obtain the quills, from local birds : Gay on 24th
October 1814 requested the Military Secretary to
issue ten pounds of gunpowder " for shooting birds
of the Pelican tribe for the sake of their Quills."
There was much anxiety about communications
with Colombo but Molligoda kept the road open for the
mails ; the violence of the military however showed no
diminution, and Lieutenant Colonel Samuel Moflat
followed Hook's example by hanging people. His
subordinates took their cue from him and the manner
in which the officer at Hettimulla treated the aged
Golahala Mudiyanse, Kappitipola's father's younger
brother, and Ahalepola's near kinsman, roused general
18
indignation. He bore a name which was eminent in
Raja Sinha's time, but falling into disfavour with
Sri Vikrama was placed under detention, and during
the Expedition, secret negotiations were carried on
between D'Oyly and Molligoda in order to save him
from punishment by the King.
Since January gross laxity in the administration,

of Martial Law had been permitted, if not actually
encouraged by Brownrigg. Braybrooke told the
Parliamentary Committee (6234) that Kelly and
Macdonald reported to the Governor atrocities like
those of Maclaine ; Court Martial findings had to be
confirmed by him but this procedure was not always-
observed, and he delegated his authority in this-
respect to Kelly so far as the district of which he was
in charge was concerned. Now he was alarmed at the-
possible consequences of a future investigation. In a
General Order of 27th July, he stated that some
misunderstanding appeared to exist in the minds of
officers commanding Posts and Detachments regarding
the administration of Martial Law. He explained,
that the responsibility for its proper exercise was with
himself, and he now positively prohibited subjecting
any prisoner (not being at the time of capture armed
and in actual opposition against His Majesty's forces)
to Capital punishment without previous trial according
to the procedure laid down by his Warrant issued to
certain principal officers, being those in command at
Maha Nuvara and some specified Provinces, whose
names were published for general information.
Important changes appeared likely in the near

future. So far there had been little, or no combination
between Kappitipola and Pilima Talavva and the
former had gone to Matale to organise joint action and
that must be prevented at any cost. Had forces
been available for attacking the Province from
Trikunamale success was almost assured, but the
troops were dangerously few and the Malays had
dwindled in numbers so considerably that. Blahkenburg
was sent to obtain recruits in Colombo,' Trikunamale
and Penang. The gloomiest rumours were current in
Madras : " Pray what description of Lye do you
consider that sent from Madras, to the Cape, of the
Capture of the Governor and all his Staff by the
.Kandyans?" asked Lusignan of Bisset, referring .to
19
news which had reached the Cape. But the welcome
information followed that the Indian authorities were
bestirring themselves in order to send assistance.
" I am essentially relieved from a weight of deep
extreme anxiety and I now cherish a hope that it will
please God to enable me to subdue the rebels"
Brownrigg wrote on 24th ]nly, for with the Battalions
of the Honourable Company's 7th, 15th and 18th
Regiments which had arrived, there were. 5,193 men
20
available for active service on that day.
Forbes, the Collector at Matara, was plotting to
entrap Kappitipola, but Sawers pointed out that
sending an emissary from presumed supporters there
would confirm the Prince's followers in their belief that
the people of the Settlements were only waiting till
the soldiers left for the Hinterland, to take up arms.
Kappitipola had made public a communication
purporting to come from Illangakon, and had received
an offer, said to be from Eknaligoda, to join with a
thousand Malays, to which he sent no reply as he
21
suspected its genuineness. Apparently Brownrigg was
continuing secret negotiations with the Prince, for
according to Diyakola Muhandiram the Prince had
mentioned the opportunity offered to him of spending
the rest of- his life in peace and quiet on a pension from
the Prince Regent; this puzzled Sawers who had not
yet acted on his instructions to sound him. He was
also exercised in mind by an unexpected result, of the
favour shown to the Vellassa Moors who after enriching
themselves at the expense of the Sinhalese were secretly
migrating to Batticalo with their cattle. This drift
which threatened transport arrangements was checked
and Gonigoda invited to return as Chief over the
District since the Sinhalese though no longer offering
open resistance, continued unfriendly and declined to
submit.
Kappitipola's disappearance from Uva was a great

relief and if his return could be prevented the task
there would be much simplified. Repression increased
in ferocity. Nelundeniye Mohottala, found in a hut

by an English soldier who strayed there from a looting
party and betrayed by his rich earrings, was seized and
shot dead on the plea that he was attempting to escape
from custody. A successful raid was made from
Soranatota into the fastnesses of Narangala Kanda in
Viyaluva, eight miles away. Diyakola was able to
secure Tannevatte Rate Rala, Tamba Kumbure Piha-
narala and Alokan Mudiyanse (the head of the Katu-
purule and Kasakara people of Ampitiya) with others
of less note ; his skill in tracing food stores was
unrivalled and by capturing a junior Mohottala of the
Rahupola family, he earned a reward of thirty star
pagodas, while one hundred rix-dollars in silver fanams
23
were divided among his followers.
These fanams were a recent introduction. The

Expedition led to such a heavy demand for copper
coin with which to pay the troops that in February,
1815 the brass guns surrendered by the Dutch Company
were handed over to Alexander Cadell, Superintendent
of the Government Mint, to be converted into stivers.
In addition to coins issued by the British Government
a variety of others in gold, silver and copper, from
several mints in India, were also current in Ceylon.
Sri Vikrama's hoards of copper challies struck for the
Company in different Provinces of the Netherlands
were therefore very welcome and were put in circulation
at the rate of twelve to the fanam, though the ruling
rate was sixteen. In June, 1815 when a stock of silver
became available, minting of copper was stopped and
silver fanams ordered, but these were soon counterfeited
to an enormous extent by Moors who introduced imita
tions in very debased metal by way of Trikunamale and
Batticalo. Offences of this nature were rare under the
Kings, though within living memory a native of
•Colombo was arrested for attempting to pass false coins
and handed over to the Company's authorities, while
another received severe corporal punishment for forging;
pagodas. Under Falck's regulation of i July, 1 7 7 5

counterfeiting gold or silver coins was punishable with,
death.
The Mohundiram's ambition was to obtain the-
village Diyakola in Uda Kinda, which he claimed was.
held once by his family. In 1805 Sri Vikrama granted
it to Dulvava, then Batvadana Rala, for services
against the British, and Sawers recommended gratifying
his wish, compensating Dulvava with lands in Matale.
The younger Hapatagamuva was being approached by
Godagedara, for he was expected to prove helpful in
securing Boragolla and Andavala, and perhaps even
Kivulegedara.
Conditions on the Saparagamuva border were less
satisfactory as Katakala Mohottala was persistently
24
attacking convoys on the Idalgashinna route. - On the
other hand Dambavinna Disava's wife and children were
captured on the summit of the rugged Ambevalle kale
during a raid from Velangashinna and soon after Uda
Palata Muhandiram was also seized with about fifty
men and women. In his solicitude • for his family
Dambavinna himself came over on 20th July, and sent
25
word to his followers to do the same while Rambukpota
26
surrendered at Tuppitiya two days later. Damba
vinna's seccession was hailed with gratification but
there was no delusion as to his motives ; Lusignan with
his usual frankness pointed out that " If Dambavinna
could be persuaded thoroughly that ours was the most
likely cause to succeed definitively, he might do much
to accomplish that point, but he is a subtle rogue
without an}' principle of gratitude and will I suppose
go on vacillating as the rest and hoping the tide will
turn in favour of Kappitipola." Sawers was over
joyed at the improving out look ; these two chiefs, he
pointed out, were the last to leave and the first to
return and regarding Rambukpota he added " I'have-
ever had a higher opinion of this young man's veracity
than of any Kandyan I have met with."
SINHALE AND THE, PATRIOTS.
;
: Rambiikpota and Mullegama gave Mm valuable
information. Prior to the Wilson incident Dore Svami
was unknown except to.the petty-Chiefs of Vellassa,
Kandukara and Oya Palata of Uva. The rising was
not pre-arranged by the Chiefs, and up-to-date there
was no centralization or unity of purpose, the three
principal leaders—Kappitipola, Pilima Talavva and
Madugalla—acting independently of each other. Pilima
Talavva had not recognised Dore Svami and there
was no certainty that in case of ultimate success he
would accept him as King.: he took no. orders from.
Kappitipola, whose relations with Madugalla, Dore
Svami'SUdugampaheAdikar, werefarfromcordial. On
one.point however they were'united, and that was in
their determination to drive the British out of their
country; once that was achieved, commented Sawers,
they would probably begin righting among themselves.
In that comment he correctly indicated the weakness of
the Sinhalese system which brought into existence a
sentiment intense but strictly local, and failed to create
a bond of national unity capable of welding the
conflicting elements together in the absence of a King.
Rambukpota stated that he and Dambavinna,
like Kappitipola, were kidnapped in January and
brought before Kappitipola himself and compelled to
•declare for Dore Svami; Mattamagoda, late Disava of
Tun Korale, joined at the same time as Allepola, and
all the Chiefs did homage to the Prince at Alutvela,
among others being Galagocla, Moladanda and
8
Unambuva.* Sawers accepted this explanation and
promised to restore their confiscated property where
9
it was not already given away to others.*
Taldena again came under suspicion and it was
thought advisable to remove him from Badulla, but
the choice of his future residence created some diffi
culty, as Batticalo which was first suggested was
•undesirable owing to his kinship with the Vanniya of
Nadeni. The Province in early times was in charge of
a Sinhalese Vanniya whose family appears to have had
33G SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
an hereditary right to the office, subject to paying

tribute to the King. One of them was responsible for
the settlement of seven groups of Mukkuvas with their
Pedies, headmen, and these later transferred their
allegiance to the King direct and received from him a
Sanhas, an acknowledged copy of which was in existence
in 1766. The result of the change was that certain
districts were allotted to the Mukkuvas, and Nadeni,
Karavatti, and their dependent districts were reserved
for the Vanniya, who was always accorded the first
rank. In 1805 the Vanniya, Aruma Perumal, left the
British and joined the King, and it. was for services in
this connection that, as already stated, Appu Rala was
appointed Pattipola Disava. Finally it was decided
30
to send Taldena. to Colombo.
The tide was setting strongly against Kappitipola
in Uva. Dimbulana Disava in Tuppitiya and the
younger Rambukpota in Yatakinda were collecting
grain for the military ; the younger Katugaha was
winning back the people of Kalupahana ; Olugalla
Unnanse, reputed to be Kappitipola's confidant, and
Dangomuva, with whom negotiations were being
carried on for some time, submitted. Rahupola, whose
31
rank of Alutpanne Mohottala recalled the new military
force organised by Sri Vikrama in 1810, and Mattama-
goda Disava were corresponding with Diyakola with a
like intention. Mattamagoda had no children, and the
rumour that in August he had given his niece in
marriage to Kivulegedara (who had lost his wife shortly
before) troubled Sawers as indicating a degree of
confidence in Dore Svami's cause which he did not
relish. The niece in question was the sister of the
Disava's presumptive heir, the late Nanayakkara
32
Lekama. Godagedara Adikarama and Kalugalpitiye
Muhandiram remained as the Prince's most active
supporters in the Province, but the outlook was already
so changed that Brownrigg hesitated to sanction re
calling Eknaligoda there ; that. Chief and his followers
had supported the Governor's policy with enthusiasm—
" shewing their zeal by their depredations " Davy
33
commented —but nowtheir presence waslikelytoprove
embarrassing; as Brownrigg said, if the greater portion
of the inhabitants should have returned to the British
side, their predatory habits might result in " Incon
34
venience and Mischief." The new Lascarin Corps was
proving useful in Saparagamuva. Mirahavatta with
his family surrendered to a party sent to seize him and
was brought to Velangashinna, but as the surrender
35
was voluntary he was not tried by Court Martial.
It was now the season for the Perahara, which was
celebrated at Saparagamuva from the New Moon on
2nd August till the Full Moon on the 16th, and followed
by the Balibat and Valliyak Mangalya till the last
quarter on the 23rd ; at Maha Nuvara and Bintanna
the festival began a Moon later. At Uggal Alut Nuvara
some articles required for the festival were reported
lost during the disturbances. They were the thick
crimson elephant cloth of Gahoni Idkka, six cubits in
length and four in width ; a Lansolu, printed in rich
colours, for covering the God's palanquin ; and another
coloured cloth, six cubits in length, for the Udu Viyana
canopy. Customarily the King's Gabadava supplied
such articles in case of need, and on Mahavalatanna's
appealing for their being replaced, Wright recom
mended this being done in recognition of his loyalty.
It is well to remember that, so late as 1846 the British
Government supplied the expenses of the Valli Yak
Mangalya at Maha Nuvara (which, originally held at
the Vasala, was transferred by Sri Vikrama to the. Maha
Vishnu Devalaya), including decorations, rice,
coconuts, jaggery, salt, oil and resin and the services
36
of the two Yakdessas.
Dore Svami was keeping the festival at Maturata

with Allepola officiating as Adikar and on 17th August a
party started from Paranagama in search of him, accom
panied by Dambavinna and the younger Rambuk
37
pota with some Sinhalese. Scaling the neighbouring
mountain they marched all night through Vellanera
forest to Kandapola Nuvara, but he was not there.
338. SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
The following forenoon at Mandara Nuvara they found.

Mattamagoda's wife and other relatives, whom they,
took prisoner. By midnight they reached Metipimbiya.
and seized some property belonging to the Prince arid
38
Kappitipola, (including 20 stands of arms, 300 arrows,
a horse, 9 boxes containing wearing apparel, mirrors,
tumblers and chinaware), after which they destroyed
the buildings prepared for Dore Svami and a large
•quantity of grain.
Dambavinna earned praise from the Commander
for his assistance, especially in securing much
appreciated supply of beef. Brownrigg was beginning
to receive that support which he always recognised as
essential to success, and Sawers joined in commending
Dambavinna and Rambukpota as likely to prove the
most reliable officers of the future. Dambavinna by a
talpat pressed Mattamagoda, to whom he was related,
either to surrender or send someone to point, out the
Prince's place of concealment, as being his only chance
of saving life, family and property; at 3 p.m. the next
day Mattamagoda appeared with a few followers,
explaining that he had left the Prince, with the intention
of removing his family to the Settlements.
Boragalla Mohottala, who had surprised Madulla
on 28th October, 1817, was tracked to a cave at
Yatimadura in Valapane and seized along with his
family (his wife was Andavala's sister) and Andavala's
daughter. About the same time two important officials
39
of Maha Kataragama Devalaya, Hingurukaduve Maha
Betme and Madugastalauve Basnayaka Rala, were
captured. ; the former pleaded that he ceased to hold
office two years before and had never met the Prince,
while the latter boldly admitted accepting office from
Kappitipola a month before the last Alut Avurudda,
and having taken an active share in the resistance.
The Vidane of the Devala villages under the Basnayaka
Rala, known as Deviyan Gampaha Vidane, was
among the prisoners, while the plunder included two
tusked elephants belonging to the Devalaya and much
other property. Godagedara Adikarama, regarded as

Kappitipola's lieutenant, was also captured.
One of the Taldena Mohottalala under detention
succumbed to illness and the condition of the other was
so serious that he could not be removed to Colombo as
ordered ; he was therefore transferred from the Barrier
Guard where he was confined to Katugaha Disava's-
40
house. vSeveral members of the Rahupola family/ had
either surrendered or been taken prisoner ; the senior
among them was found guilty of treason by a Court
Martial and all his property was forfeited, but there
was a doubt regarding what belonged to the others,
a large number of whose cattle had been seized round
Paranagama. The family was regarded with much
disfavour because of what was described as " their
insolent conduct and violent oppositions in view of the
fort of Badulla some months ago when several of our
brave soldiers were killed and wounded." The villagers-
round Paranagama submitted and Macdonald employed
them in building a permanent fort there on a low hill,
at the foot of Dodanvatu kapalla Pass, where an
elevation of three thousand feet ensured a delightful
climate, and the surrounding country was fertile and
well cultivated. Brownrigg named it after that officer
in commemoration of "the gallant defence made by
Major Macdonald near the place in the months of
41
February and March last. "
It was at Paranagama that Lieutenant. Disava.
Blicklant and seventy other Hollanders captured by the-
Disava of Uva at Bibilegama in September 1675 were
living as prisoners five years later. The fort was in
full view of the post which Macdonald established in
March at Himbeliattevela on Dehivinna Kanda, a very
healthy spot on the right side of the Uma Oya eight
miles from Badulla commanding the roads from Uda
Kinda to Yata Kinda and Saparagamuva, and.
admitting of convenient telegraphic communication (a
mysterious proceeding still remembered by the
villagers) with all parts of Upper Uva: a great extent of
340 SI-NHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
Valapane and even Dumbara and Bintanna were

visible from it.
With Brownrigg's approval Sawers had approached
Hapatagamuva who was annoyed at his people having
to offer bulat surulu to KivulSgedara as Disava, an
acknowledgment of superiority which they had never
42
rendered before ; but as Dore Svami appointed Hapat a-
gamuva to be Disava of Viyaluva, Sawers considered
himself released from his promises. Dodanvala
however soon displaced Hapatagamuva as Disava,
43
whereupon negotiations were resumed. Around
Va.llava.ya the inhabitants, except those on the limits
of Mada Kinda, were inclining towards the British. The
people of Badigama, who under Kalugalpitiye
Muhandiram had attacked and inflicted loss on a
British detachment on 23rd July, submitted when
Galapitagedara Rate Rala arrived with 300 men from
44
Yata Kinda sent by Godagedara Disava.
Brownrigg held the view that only Dambavinna
45
could secure the person of Dore Svami, but Sawers
pressed the claims which Dimbulama had established
by his steady adherence to the British and impressed
on Dambavinna that he must perform some signal act
of service if he desired to regain their confidence and
safeguard his life and property. Katakala was still
rendering Idalgashinna insecure and Wright suggested
sending Eknaligoda to chastise the people of Kandu
40
palla; Sawers heartily agreed, for he could be relied
on to teach a lesson which would not be soon forgotten,
and employing him on such a task might result in an
important political advantage. Two centuries before
the Portuguese had used levies from Saparagamuva in
raiding Uva and anything likely to sow discord between
the two Provinces and prevent their combining was
welcome. Sending Saparagamuva men again on a
similar mission was bound to rouse that deep animosity
which, he said, " makes them fit instruments in the
hands of Government to keep each other in order and
subj ection.'' He insisted on the necessity ©f exercising
the utmost severity, arguing that it was by such means

Kappitipola was able to retain the people on his side,
" thus demonstrating that the Kandyans are only to
be influenced and ruled by their fears." He concluded
by pointing out that " the most severe measures that
the practice of civilised warfare will sanction ought to
be adopted as the best means of avoiding the evils that
must ensue not only to our brave and indefatigable
troops,but to the Kandyans themselves, by a protraction
47
of the struggle." The plea that horrors were inflicted
on the Sinhalese in order to save them from worse
horrors will be found adopted by others besides Sawers.
Madaganvela Mudiyanse, Butava's father, sub
mitted ; the people of the Devale Village returned to
Badulla with their God's emblems and many belonging
to the Vihare village followed. The surrender at the
Badulla Kachcheri of fifteen natives of Navalla in Mada
Kinda, who were among Kappitipola's palanquin
bearers, had a speedy result and many headmen began
to come in with their people. Dore Svami withdrew
into the forest of the Vaddo in Valapane and a Moor
reported that on the 24th Kappitipola was seen
crossing Dumbara on his way to join him.
Brownrigg's methods of frightfulness had succeed
ed. Sullen, defeated and torn, the Sinhalese remained
helpless and apathetic. Normal life had to be resumed,
houses re-built and agriculture re-started. The rains
were due at the end of August, and starved and stricken
with disease they shrank from the prospect of another
wet season without a roof over their heads. The
alternatives before them were extinction and
surrender, and they decided to give up their bows and
arrows in order to preserve their lives. On 25th
August, Sawers announced to D'Oyly that Uva had
submitted.
Even Bisset did not represent this result as a
military achievement; in the Gazette of 5th September,
he frankly admitted " In all former wars, the Kandyans
have relied upon wearing out their enemies by the
natural strength of their country and the great difficulty-

of obtaining and conveying provisions ; in the present
instance they have been themselves subdued by want."
One incident is sufficient to illustrate the conditions
which had been created. On 29thDecember, the Board,
of Commissioners considered a letter from the Agent at
Badulla who reported that cultivation had ceased to-
exist in Miida Kinda and that he had " heard a melan
choly story of two families who assembled round a
small fire in a room and unwilling or unable to rise from,
it perished in the night of cold and hunger." (The
temperature on the mountains has been known to fall
0
below 29 .) The-Board communicated this to the
Governor and in" due course received the reply
that the news " has much affected His Excellency's-
feelings." Davy visited the Province in the follow
ing year and found "its cottages in ruins, its fields
lying waste, its cattle destroyed, and its population
48
fled. " Little was left out of what the Sinhalese
had guarded-with such desperate resolution against
Portuguese and Hollander. As already mentioned
Brownrigg at no time gave official sanction to any
plan of extermination but the measures adopted with,
his warm approval were sufficiently effective, and few
remained alive to share those gifts of nature to which
English planters drew the Governor of Ceylon's
attention on the 2nd of February 1886 in the following
words . . . " its rich' soil, its glorious climate, its
copious rainfall." In 1824 the extent of the Province-'
was officially calculated at 1,475 square miles and
"actual enumeration "showed the population to
consist of 9,361 souls.
On the. day that Sawers reported the collapse of

the resistance in Uva, Lusignan wrote to Bisset another
of those characteristic letters in which so much serious
thought is concealed under a veil of flippancy. " I
think this Island might vie with any other place of the
same dimensions for the variety and extravagance of
speculative -Politicians it can produce. You have
SINHALE AND ..THE PATRIOTS 34S
among you the consistent race who having settled in

1814 that the Kandyans are not to be conquered, will
not allow that object to be perfected in any given time
because they have it always in their power to rebel
while there are caves and jungles. For my own part I
always considered famine as one of the Weapons we
might rely most on in the present contest and I am
49
only glad that it has come into action so soon. " The
rising had at any rate enabled the Government to
display its strength and power, he added.
. With the changed outlook, Sawers was most
anxious to prepare the ground for the new system with
special attention to increasing revenue, and on 26th
July suggested as a necessary preliminary that his
Interpreter Mudaliyar should commence translating
the Lekam miii which he said would be found either at
the Ara Mudala or Maha Gabadava or with the
Resident ; he did not consider it possible to establish
British supremacy as a reality if the arrangements of
the Sinhalese Kings were allowed to continue, since the
revenue which could be expected under them was
trivial. Brownrigg feared that the -main obstacle to
radical changes would be D'Oyly, whose views were well
known : none the less he was insistent that the oppor
tunity afforded by the suppression of all resistance
-should not be lost, even at the cost of permanently
50
maintaining a force of at least 4,000 troops. Finally
D'Oyly yielded on the question of removing all firearms
from the possession of theSinhale.se and their surrender
was made a condition of lenient treatment for those
who desired to return. The new proposals were still
being scrutinised, and Lusignan commented " as to the
details of the Constitution some there must be to govern
those who are to govern the Kandyans. Absolute
Monarchy can only be exercised by definite Instruction
from the Sovereign to his Officers, to be any advantage
either to the said Sovereign or to his subjects. Have
you ever read the Instructions of Tippoo Sultan to his
51
Consuls ? No bad precedent. " He was referring to
the Hukm Namah of that versatile ruler in which are
contained his orders regarding an astonishing variety

of matters, ranging from the conduct of a campaign to
the treatmen of stone in the bladder. Extracts from
this were translated and printed by General Kirkpatrick
in i S n .
The other Provinces had still to be reduced and
D'Oyly knew from his spies that attempts were being
made to rouse dissatisfaction in the Littoral. " Of
52
this not a word" wrote Lusignan "or we shall have a
general outcry from the Croakers of Colombo." Early
in September the Ampitiya people were allowed to
return to their village on surrendering a quantity of
53
arms; Uduvela Mudiyanse and his men who had been
with Kappitipola in Matale, followed. Vellassa was
quiet though Butava was still there ; Veragoda Rala,
his equal in social status but of less influence,
54
surrendered at Madagan vela with his family,
and Kobbakaduva was expected to do the same.
There was however a violent outbreak of sickness
which, 'first showing itself towards the end of July at
55
the post of Pattapal Aar on the banks of the river, soon
spread to Kotabova where in two weeks the garrison
was prostrate. Nine Europeans were buried in the
last week of August, but while they and Malays proved
very susceptible to infection, the Caffrees remained
immune. As the coolies were insufficient to remove the
sick in doolies to Batticalo, the Europeans were with
drawn leaving others in charge of this important post,
which contained 2,000 bullock loads of stores and a
36
hundred cooly loads of ammunition. A dooly was the
military ambulance and consisted of a wooden cot or
frame suspended by the four corners from a bambu and
carried by two or four men.
In Saparagamuva Demodara, Katakala and Mut-
tettuvagama were raiding the remote villages around
Ukgal Kaltota, a Gabadagama of the Palle Vahala in
Miida Korale, on the banks of the Valave Ganga, which
were so difficult of access that troops had not before
visited them. Eknaligcda and Mahavalatanna were
sent to repel them ; Eknaligoda was in his element; as

Sawers reported " In opposing Kandians he can and
has clone all the mischief which was possible short of
taking their lives ; this leads them to repentance."
Mahavalatanna, not to be outdone, boasted that he
would not return till he had killed or capttrred all the
three enemy leaders and he was sufficiently near success
to bring back Demodara's talatu. On the other hand,
Kandupalla was being overrun by the Prince's
followers, and his emissaries were found in Balangcda
inciting the people to obtain security for themselves
by surrendering their headmen. On 9th September
the names of Demodara and Muttettuvagama were
added to the list of the proscribed.
On 30th August detachments from Gampaha and
Paranagama raided Andavala's house at Rasmigala in
Valapane and set it on fire but he escaped and
attacked the troops during the ten hours of their
return with an intrepidity which excited comment ;
as a reprisal the British burnt down seventy other
59
houses.
Two days later D'Oyly enteredKotmale.the district
with the highest peak in the Island, whose mountain
ranges and forests made it an important strategic
centre for the Kings ; whence in 1803 Sri Vikrama
had ordered away all Moors as they were found
60
unfaithful. With him was Captain Dobbin, whose
ill-treatment of a domestic servant in 1812 had brought
on him a sentence of six months imprisonment, Brown
rigg characterising his conduct as " highly repugnant
to British feelings and when exercised by an officer,
degrading to the military character." The British
post was at. Pusulpitiya two thousand feet above sea
level, and D'Oyly's mission was to dissuade the people
from armed resistance. He was probably their only
official who still preserved calmness of judgment, and
his caution annoyed the more impetuous, who attri
buting it to torpidity, waggishly dubbed him "Tor
pedo." Lusignan did not sympathise with his "system
of. misgovernrnent " and advised officers who found

themselves hampered by it to act first and consult the
Resident afterwards, instead of indulging in-fruitless
invective. He however noted a change and wrote to
Bisset " 1' have much pleasure in noticing to you an
amendment in the Resident's politics. He thinks
disobedience of orders should be punishable and
actually proposes the dismissal and imprisonment of a
Chief for disrespect to his orders. If he had begun this
system in 1815 we might either have had no rebellion
or we would have got it over by this." The military
effected little among the people and Lusignan did not
expect any substantial change " Until terror visits
them near home. I believe the Goddess having put
on the form of Captain Fraser will visit some of them
61
tonight. " In fact Fraser raided Hunugala that night
and seized Hakurugama Nilame with many others and
62
a large stock of grain. At Kalapitiya Ambalama, the
house of a blacksmith employed by Kappitipola to
63
make guns and arrows was burnt down. Dimbula, a
village of the King's Ulpdn ge, included a Vihare gama
annexed to the Malvatta Padaviya ; it had suffered
little and the well-irrigated rice fields fashioned with
patient labour out of the steep mountain slopes were
flourishing. Not far from it three of the Prince's chief
supporters in Kotmale appeared with a white flag to
make their submission ; they were Kahavatte Nilame,
(son of Veragcda Svami Nayaker of the Malabar Royal
caste, and a Sinhalese mother) ; Carnage Sattambi and
Velageclara Sattambi, Sri Vikrama's faithful personal
attendant. Their action was of deep significance as
indicative of the changing attitude of the Sinhalese.
D'Oyly passed on from the ambalama at Pussal-
lava, a Katupurulle village, to the at uva at. the gabada-
gama of Mavela ; through thick forests along paths
guarded by barricades, felled trees, and (to quote his
words) " pits, springs, suspended stones, and other
64
stratagems of Kandyan warfare, " meeting" many
people who promised to surrender their arms. The
next clay he advised the Governor that Kotmale
might be considered to have yielded but a military

force should be kept there for some time longer as
65
a matter of precaution.
Fraser returned shortly after and Lusignan wrote
"Fraser who claims to be Trib." Cohort. Kot-
malensis, is arrived from Hevaheta. He has been
enjoying all the luxuries of a Highlander travelling
over high and rugged hills without shoes or stockings.
He talks of a waterfall and dangerous passes most
marvellously." His admiration was not surprising.
The central massif of Ceylon, forming one of the most
ancient portions of the earth's crust, appears to have
been thrust upward in recent geological times to reach
its greatest height in Pidurutalagala. From Samanala
.Kanda to Idalgashinna this massif is bordered by a
isteep escarpment rising to over 3,500 feet above the
lowlands of the second peniplane and the consequent
disturbance of the ancient drainage system resulted in
the precipitous falls and cascades which impressed this
66
Highland Scotsman.
Further to encourage the wavering on 21st August
Brownrigg issued another Proclamation; he understood
he said that most of the Provinces were anxious to
submit but were deterred from doing so because their
Chiefs warned them that they would not be pardoned;
in order to correct this erroneous belief he now made it
publicly known that anyone submitting and surrender
ing his arms before 20th September would receive
pardon : subj ect to the reservation that in the case of
the proscribed only the safety of their lives and
exemption from physical punishment were guaranteed.
How seriously the strain had warped moral standards
may be judged by the fact that an ordinarily decent-
minded Englishman like Sawers could bring himself to
press for the refusal of these concessions to Mattama
goda, on the ground that his surrender was two days
anterior to the Proclamation. He also advised the
confiscation of all his villages in Uva : indeed the
principal one was already promised to Dimbulana.
Orders were given, to send him to Colombo, and his

wife was allowed the choice of accompanying him there
with the rest of his household ; as he was reported to
be very wealthy, the suggestion was put forward that
the income from his Tun Korale lands would be suffi
cient for his maintenance in Colombo, Sawers some
what spitefully arguing that since he had voluntarily
lived in the forest for six months in an attempt to
overturn the British Government, there was no reason
for providing him Avith any but the most ordinary house
accommodation.
Here it might be stated that Bathurst, gravely
concerned on reading Brownrigg's despatch of 17th
August, replied on 30th January, 1819 expressing his
serious disappointment at the continuance of warfare,
the increase of sickness and the rapidly mounting bill
of costs. While hoping that the reinforcements would
enable Brownrigg to suppress the insurrection, he
continued '' but His Royal Highness has at the same
time commanded me distinctly to impress upon you
that in the event of you still continuing unable to re
establish the British authority in the disturbed
Provinces, or entertain a well-grounded confidence that
this cannot be distant, you should confine your efforts
exclusively to the protection of those Provinces in
which tranquility has hitherto been preserved and
in which it is therefore to be inferred that the people
are not. indisposed to remain under the dominion of
Great Britain." He added that it was most desirable
to retain the Provinces which provided a direct and
unmolested line of communication between Colombo
and Trikunamale, but even this would not justify a
pertinacious prolongation of the contest.
Chapter X I .
On. 31st July Hardy left Maha Nuvara and

travelling by way of Attapitiya and the Parape Valley
reached Kurunagala on 5th August: from there along
with Hook he entered the Paragoda Valley by the
Hangrankotuva Pass with only slight opposition and
pushed on to Ologama at the northern extremity. Its
inhabitants had helped in chasing de Latre's forces,
and in order to wipe out the impression this created
he inflicted savage punishment on them, but fortunately
left the cave Viharayas with their brilliantly coloured
paintings undamaged. A fresh post was established
at Illukvela to control the fertile district which was so
conveniently situated with regard to Tumpane, Satara
Korale, and Matale. Kappitipola and Pilima Talavva
were reported to have met a few day's before at Ridi
Viharaya (which built by Dutu Gamunu in the second
century before Christ, had been restored and re-
endowed by Kirti Sri Raja Sinha) but nothing could
be learnt of their subsequent movements. Han valla
Mohottala surrendered and on the n t h Hardy started
back for Maha Nuvara, while Kelly crossed Harispat-
tuva and Tumpane by way of Madavalatanna and met
Hook at Illukvela-on 31st August.
Wauda showed no further sign of unrest, but on
the civil side Hook was as helpless as Walbeoff to en
force the restrictions on the Disava's authority and he
continued to appoint Headmen as before; this was the
1
result of his greed for Fees, declared the exasperated
Agent, who however saw that it was politic to keep up
an appearance of goodwill. On his recommendation
samakkattu of expensive muslin tuppotti were presen
ted to Kavudumune Lekama, Vanduragala Rate
Lekama, Nellava Koclituvakku Lekama and Bogomuva
Atapattu Lekama ; he asked for one of a very special
3
quality for the Disava. He admitted that the duties
of the Agent, though light, were inadequately dis

charged. On and July he had written about the
inefficiency of his Interpreter, who he explained was
one of Nadoris' creatures with a knowledge of Portu
guese but not oi English ; neither this man nor the
clerk had any office experience. There was no cash
keeper or kanakapulle, so that his Lascarins and
domestic servants had to check the money. As his
duties would soon increase in importance, he
asked for Gay's help to organize the office, but he
could not be spared from the more urgent work on
3
which he was engaged. The Lekam Miti delivered
to him were incomplete, and since he could not obtain
from them accurate information about the available
sources of revenue he requested that the records
at Maha Nuvara should be sent for his guidance/
Sawers was apprehensive that if Kappitipola

formed an effective combination with Pilima Talavva,
he with his superior ability and strength of character
would soon wield in Matale the same " baneful
influence " as in Uva, necessitating a repetition of the
methods adopted there, namely, devastating the
country and reducing the inhabitants to the extremity
of Want. He therefore recommended that all grain
in excess of the army's needs and every building not
required as a grain store should be destroyed, and all
the cattle handed over to the Commissariat. Ignoring
the conventional pretext that the movement was not
national, he with complete frankness summed up the
situation in one sentence. " An enemy that will not
stand to be beaten, and is at the same time aided or
rather whose force consisted of nearly the whole
population of the country, can only be subdued by the
slow and tedious process that has been pursued in
5
these Provinces."
The brutality of the methods adopted, as revealed

by Sawers, outraged the ordinary rules of humanity
and are in strange contrast to the principles which
actuated Bat hurst. Acts equally disgusting but
comparatively trivial in extent, had been censured by

the Duke of'York when Commander-in-Chief in 1804 as
" extremely disgraceful to His Majesty's arms.';'
Deliberately imposing such a task on officers was to
force them to violate the tradition which Earl Grey
enunciated in the following words. "The British,
army has always been distinguished no less for its
humanity than for its courage and an officer guilty
of wanton cruelty would, from the general feeling which
pervades the service, meet from his brother officers the
same contempt and scorn which he would incur by
showing cowardice in face of the enemy." Not every
one was prepared to ignore this tradition; Braybrooke
mentioned to the Parliamentary Commission that
when one of his officers, after an unsuccessful search
for Dore Svami, reported to Kelly that he had only
come across an old woman, whom he boastfully stated
that he had shot, Kelly was so indignant that he
placed him under arrest and ordered him to be court
martialled, which was prevented by his death of fever
(5945)-
Hook (he had figured in the case of Mary Edwards)
was an apt pupil, and his methods even if reminiscent
of savage warfare, did not fail to be effective. " Hunted
from jungle to jungle like the wild beasts and fearful
of being betrayed, ever}' man I see I consider sent to
apprehend me " wrote Velava Mohottala, when under
compulsion of this nightmare panic he decided to
submit to that commander. The verbosity of his
reports was replaced by a striking terseness ; here are a
couple of examples. " I had another scouring party
to search the Hills— a few taken in arms were hung ;
some families brought down prisoner, and several shot,
have convinced the wretched beings of the inutility of
6
the attempt to drive us out of the country." And
again " The measures, severe and ample, recently
made of those taken in arms have produced good
effects. The lower classes shrink from following their
7
Chiefs."
Moral degradation worse in degree than had

befallen Sawers resulted from the uncontrolled indul
gence of tendencies which in the. normal life of the
middle-class Englishman have little opportunity of
rising to the surface. So warped had his judgment
become that three days after announcing these
brutalities he proudly wrote "' I am anxious to know
how our determination of saving the British honour
from being tarnished, is considered at home." His
Jingoism mounted with the increasing success of his
efforts. "There are many who considered it could
have been as well to have given up the interior at once
to these barbarians. Nothing but feelings, or rather
the absence of all proper feelings, could have originated
sentiments that must disgrace those who join in such
sentiments." Having thus sufficiently disposed of the
opinions of men like Bathurst, he proceeded to lay
down the correct policy. " We must at last have
recourse to what at first should have been done—pour
an overwhelming force into the country and chastise
the rebels. They have however received a small
castigation. I receive daily penitential olahs.
My replies are Bring in arms and Chiefs or expect
nothing but War and the Rope to all taken in arms.
I persevere in my mountain researches, take all the
grain I. find, burn all the houses that do not suit us for
cover. Their cattle fatten my brave soldiers. I. have
8
not purchased a single bullock since I came here."
The destruction of cultural monuments are
unnecessary acts of vandalism which civilised minds
can only regard with sorrow ; and it was not only
material wealth which the British destroyed. Davy,
familiar with methods of research, spent four years
collecting information for his contemplated book ; he
travelled extensively through wild districts, made
close inquiries from the late King's Ministers and lead
ing Bhikkhus, obtained much knowledge about its
literature and arts, and generally, to quote his words,
" strived to lay aside prejudice, turn a deaf ear to the
idle stories, and do justice to a race hitherto under-
rated, perhaps, and certainly often calumniated."

His opinion that the standard of literacy in Sinhale,
judged by the ability to read and write, was in no
degree lower than in England, can therefore be accepted
as that of a competent and moderately unbiassed
judge. To copy a religious book without erasure or
omission was a meritorious act which Kings encouraged.
When in 1801 Devarakkita Unnanse of KiriaUla Viha
raya submitted his finished copy of the Madum Sangiya
for inspection, Sri Vikrama in reward by a copper
sannas granted the village. Dumbara in Kukulu Korale
to the learned scribe and his pupillary successors.
Palm leaf books were treasured possessions in village
houses ; ninety-nine are mentioned in the Inventory
of the property left by Alapata Maha Valauve Basna
yaka Nilame, who died on 20th October, 1841. Early
specimens are very rare today, and the popular
explanation that Ra. Siha Deviyo destroyed large
numbers of them in his anger against the Bhikkhus
(who were concerned in a plot against him), does not
account for the disappearance of what were written
since his death in 1593.
Here the following from Tulloch's memoirs is
apposite: "If I were to form an opinion from the
number of their books, I should be inclined to say
that, learning was more general amongst the Kandians
than we give them credit for. During the plunder and
devastation consequent on the insurrectionary war,
some thousands of their books must have been des
troyed." That could hardly help being the case when
entire villages were committed to the flames ; as for
plunder, the sale lists of many an auctioneer in England
bear witness to the frequency with which books are
still being produced from private houses there. A
steady decline in the standard of literacy was the
consequence of this destruction. The British were
indifferent on the point, and as recently as 1886 had
not established even one school in Uva, Vellassa'
Valapane and Bintanna, except in the town of Badulla'
795—M
and only the pamal, reduced in numbers and sadly

crippled in resources, continued to keep alive the
knowledge of letters.
Documents affecting title to land suffered the. same-
fate. Transactions between private parties were recor
ded on palm leaf, but the most important, which were-
grants from the King, were on copper and well worth
plundering even as works of art, for they were drafted
by experienced officials and engraved by skilled
silversmiths. North treated such documents with,
much consideration. On 29th March, 1800 he executed
a deed witnessed by William Boyd and Anthony
Bertolacci, by which, after reciting in full the copper'
Sannas of Saka 1675 in favour of Munnessaram, he
confirmed to that Kovil the thirty-two amunams of.
field and their appurtenances which the Sannas-
conveyed. Tulloch further states " During the war
I found several plates about a foot and. a half long and
five inches wide, neatly engraved in the ancient
Cingalese, the King's cypher inlaid with gold and silver'
and the edges of the plate bound with the same metal
and neatly chased." Many such were taken out of the
country and are occasionally found in Museums in
Britain. A like destruction of muniments of title
during the Portuguese wars had seriously hampered
the preparation of their Tombo.
Apart from what might be regarded as inevitable

during war. the appropriation by civilian officials of
articles of historic importance has done much harm.
For instance the story of Mutukon Sinha Vidane
Henaya of Udakada in Kuruviti Korale who discovered
and offered to Raja Sinha a gem described in docu
ments of the Saman Devalaya as being of the size, of
a. kakira (wild cucumber)—a fruit about two inches
long—is well known in Saparagamuva. The following
entry appears in the Minute Book of the Committee
of the Ceylon Literary and Agricultural Society under
date 28th April, 1824 : " Sir Hardinge Giffard presents'
to the Society a Copper Sannas or Charter granted by
Hajari Singa to a person who presented him with a

-precious fetone as large as a Cucumber. The Charter
was sent by George Tumour Esq re Agent of Govern
ment at Ratnapura." This unique document has
disappeared. Kirti Sri Raja Sinha's Sannas to
Rajakaruna Navaratna Mudaliya who fetched Pybus
from Sennapattanam in 1762 had a better fate and
was returned to the Island from the Pitt Rivers
Museum at Oxford through the generosity of Lady
9
Burrows. The tale of injustice and hardship result
ing from the loss of such records is not yet closed.
Rice cannot be grown without an abundant supply
•of water, and the chief public works of the Sinhalese
were storage tanks to insure them against the risks of
prolonged drought. In the latter half of the nineteenth
•century scores of these reservoirs la}' breached and
useless by the sites of palu gam (abandoned villages)
which had once been happy centres of population.
But that condition was not new; in ibiathe Mohottalala,
and headmen explained to the Commissioners engaged
on the Tombo, that Devamadda, being on the frontiers
of Camdea, had been involved in war and the people
were turbulent ; consequently many villages were
destroyed and reduced to forest, where formerly there
was a flourishing population, with plantations of
•coconut, areca, pepper and. fruit trees.
The explanation of the state of some at least of

these tanks is supplied by James Campbell, who after
succeeding Macdonald as Commandant at Galle, spent
many years in Sat Korale as a military and judicial
officer. He mentioned as " the greatest injuries done
by our troops, the wanton destruction of the coconut
palms, and laying waste their rice grounds, by breaking
down the immense embankments constructed to
retain the water." To restore them he pointed out,
would involve years of labour. The indictment against
his people, may well be founded on a substantial basis
of truth, for although no specific order to destroy
irrigation works has been traced, to do so would be the
corollary to the policy of starving the Sinhalese into

submission.
Sat Korale had always been a fruitful field for
cattle lifters from the Chilaw District, and the evil was-
aggravated whenever there was tension between the
British and the King ; matters reached such a stage
that Maitland had publicly to express his disapproval
and threaten punishment on the offenders, declaring;
in an advertisement of 18th April 1806 " Although
peace is not concluded between His Majesty's Govern
ment and that of Kandy, yet the British Government
is too high-minded to have recourse to such means of
making war." Though this inconvenient pronounce
ment was now ignored Gay found it necessary in
September to write the following Minute . . . " I fear
from the number of working buffaloes which have been
killed, that the greatest difficulties will be occasioned
to cultivating not only the lands of Individuals but the
Government lands that a scarcity in the country must
ensue." No one paid any attention to his warning.
Campbell mentioned that hunger forced the

villagers to sell their cattle in order to buy a little food.
They do not hire cattle for ploughing, the etiquette
being for owners to lend their animals to each other
free of charge. Field work was done on the principle
of mutual assistance and not for wages ;, the great man
of the village was expected to call on his poorer
neighbours with bulat and invite them to his aid, he
providing their food ;and the resulting inter-dependence
served as the strongest bond of unity within the
community. The British, as the only people who had
money available, did not fail to take advantage of their
opportunity. To quote Campbell again " Some gentle
men who speculated in this way, have become the
owners of vast herds of cattle. A Captain of one of the
Regiments told me that he had thus acquired upwards
of 500 head of cows and bullocks, besides many-
excellent working buffaloes."
The consumption of beef was increasing, for

although Sepoys would not touch it, the recent arrivals
included converts to Islam who, according to the
official pronouncement, were found " well inclined to
receive rations of fresh beef." Arrangements were
made to supply them with it occasionally at the rate of
half a pound a day, in place of the customary salt fish ;
by a General Order of 20th August 1818 a Mussulman
was deputed to slaughter the beeves intended for
them.
Hook had much faith in propaganda and the
maxim " seize the mind and the body soon follows."
He urged the desirability of issuing a weekly bulletin
in Sinhalese, pointing out that " The greatest public
character of any time ruled mankind as much from
his Press as by the sword." The Vilbava story
appeared to be gaining some currency. Anuradha-
pura in the splendour of its ruin still exercised a
powerful influence on the people's religious instinct,
for here was one of the three Buddhist Treasures of the
Island, the Bo tree connected with the story of Gautama
Buddha. The cult of this variety of the fig—dsvaUha
as it was termed in Hindu sacred literature, the Bo'dhi
druma, or tree of Knowledge, the pipal of modern
India—was anterior to the civilisation of Mohenjo Daro
and Harappa. So strong was the popular veneration
that when in 1829 Captain Chapman was on his way
there his porters, drawn from the roughest classes of
the Sinhalese, brought to his notice that once within
the Sacred District, they must not drink the arrack
which formed a portion of their daily rations. Like
the Danta Dhatu, the Boclhin vahansa was connected
with the sovereignity of Lanka, the belief being that
when one of its main branches was severed from the
trunk, a foreign race would rebuild Sitavaka and rule
the country- from there. About 1673 such a branch
was torn off by lightning, and Rykloff van Goens taking
advantage of the superstition, commenced the buildings
intended to house the Company's Disava of Colombo
at this central spot, the abundant stone available at
what he described as the ruin of the palace being

utilised for the purpose.
Vague rumours were being set afloat by Backhouse
from Manar, the capital of a district formed out of the
old kingdom of Jaffnapatam by an order of the 18th
10
April 1806, in the hope of their infiltrating into Matale.
Hook was still pleading for a more suitable Interpreter
who should not only be competent " to assist in
detecting the dishonest practices and entering into the
spirit of communications with Kandyans," but also
possess the social status needed to satisfy the tenacious
prejudices of the Mohottalala. For the moment there
was a lull in the hostilities, apparently due to orders
received by the people of Sat Korale, and this was
accompanied by a stead}/ surrender of arms. The
news about the two Great Chiefs was scanty but there
was a persistent rumour that failing to reach an
understanding at Ridi Viharaya they had parted in
displeasure. Hannasgedara Adikarama was now placed
in charge of Matale, which so angered Pilima Talavva
that he retired in disgust to Askiri Korale, where he
occupied himself in drilling his followers, with the
help of two captured Caffrees.
D'Oyly had often found assistants among

Bhikkhus who did not scruple to abuse the respect
paid to their profession. One such, Navala Unnanse,
had accompanied the Second Maha Mudaliyar hoping
to find employment as a spy, but the cautious Resident,
with previous experience of him, was " inclined to
think that he is a deceiver and that his principal object
is to obtain money from Government without being
able to perforin any adequate service for it." Potuhara
Unnanse of Kalugala Viharaya offered to show the way
to the hiding place of the Tumpane Chiefs ; and by
22nd August, D'Oyly was in secret communication
11
with Pilima Talavva through yet another Bhikkhu.
On 37th August, Hook was holding out to Pilima
Talavva and Hannasgedara, a guarantee against
deportation and imprisonment in case of surrender ; he
had no authority to give such a guarantee and the
suggestion was that Nadoris had misled him regarding
the terms of the communication ; he was fain to admit
that " armed with the little brief authority he (Nadoris)
12
does play some phantastic tricks."
About the same time came the news of Kappitipola
crossing Dumbara on his way to join Dore Svami.
Pressure in Kotmale and Valapane had driven the
Prince into Hevahata and on the 29th Brownrigg
learnt that he was in a cave at Diyatalava Kanda,
which rising to a height of 5,000 feet overlooks Hangu-
13
ranketa.. Brownrigg, whose connection with the Bible
Society has been mentioned, while informing Bisset of
this news instructed him to prepare a letter to Lord
Teignmouth "expressive of my best acknowledgments
for the flattering opinion entertained of me by the
Bible Society and my sense of the distinction they have
conferred on me."
On 15th March, 1803 the British burnt down the
Palace at Planguranketa and now their troops took up
their quarters in the Maha Vishnu Devalaya. A palm
leaf scroll was found suspended from a tree urging the
porters to desert. An attack on the Devalaya under
14
Galagoda's orders followed, but was easily repelled
and in reprisal the houses in the neighbouring villages
15
were burnt, and on the 31st came the news that the
Prince had crossed the river into Dumbara.
At Maha Nuvara the Perahara was timed to
commence at 4.40 a.m. the next morning, " as the
Astrologer Royal ad interim informs " wrote Lusignan,
who himself dabbled in astronomy ; but under
existing circumstances Brownrigg expected " but a
16
paltry exhibition. On that day Sir William Coke died
of dysentery on board H. M. S. Minden off Trikuna-
male ; in his honour minute guns corresponding in
number with the years of his age were fired at noon in
17
Colombo and the flag was flown at half-mast till sunset.
Two great spars of hora wood, each 80 feet long, had
been obtained to form this staff; they were floated
360 STIMHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
down the Kalani Ganga to Grand Pass, but since

owing to their length they could not be taken within
the Fort through the Gateway, on the Collector's
orders they were transported to the sea shore and thence
floated by the fisher folk to Gal bokka, even then
miscalled Galle Bak and still later Galle Buck. Coke
left much house property in and around Colombo.
When the British first occupied the Settlements they
prohibited Europeans from purchasing land except
within the Gravets of Colombo, though later, by the
Regulation of 4 th December ISTO, the prohibition was
limited to the Trikunamale District. Very shortly
different views came to be accepted; their participation
in the development of waste lands was now considered
desirable, and in order to attract them a system of
conditional grants was established by Regulation of
21st July, 1812 ; at the same time the prohibited area
in the Trikunamale district was reduced to a very
limited extent. A tombstone removed to Wolvendhal
from the Portuguese Church in Colombo Fort where
the Dutch Company's servants long worshipped, and
said to be Gerard Hulft's, was employed to cover
Coke's grave in St. Peter's Church, once the Company's
Assembly Hall.
Turning to Alupota, every effort was being made to
secure Butava, whose father and brother were under
detention along with Kohukumbura and his son, in the
18
hope that they would be persuaded to assist. As the
result of a conversation between these two last over
heard by spies, pressure was brought to bear on the
young man, who was warned that to reveal Butava's
hiding place was the only means of saving his own
father's life ; his resistance gave way' at last and he
consented. Not a moment was lost in taking action,
lest the news should get abroad. The Malays wore
the same uniforms as British regulars though only
their officers used shoes. Now a number of them armed
with krises, were disguised as villagers, and this was
not a difficult matter for both races wore their hair
19
long and tied in a knot. In a Sinhalese hair cut short
was a sign of disgrace; the King—and he alone—could

order the hair of a free man to be cut, for assuming
honours and apparel above his rank, and a like punish
ment could be inflicted by an outraged husband on an
adulterer caught in his house, or by a master on his
slave. The British favoured long hair but their
fashions underwent a striking change in the early part
of the X I X century, and on 20th September, 1819 Sir
Edward Barnes, who two months before assumed
duties as Commander-in-Chief, in a General Order
expressed his satisfaction at the readiness with which
the Native Officers and several men of the First Ceylon
Regiment adopted his recommendation to cut their'
hair, which, he was convinced, would " add to their
military appearance, their comfort and convenience.
He will give no order to that effect in view of their
prejudices, which were entitled to all consideration;
he will only recommend." The prejudice however
continued to be very strong, and in order to remove the
stigma associated with short hair, it was laid down by
Regulation 4 of 1820 that no Court may in future
sentence an offender to have his hair cut. The Malays
often employed a curved comb of horn or tortoise shell
to keep the hair in place and towards the end of the
eighteenth century Sinhalese in the Littoral began to
adopt this.
The disguised men, supported by some fully
armed Malays, started within half an hour and were
led along by-paths avoiding the guards who watched
at numerous points, till at midnight on 3rd September,
after crossing ah almost impenetrable forest in heavy
rain, they reached a hut on the side of Maragala Kanda
in Vadi Rata. This they surrounded in silence and
without firing a shot seized Butava, bearing on .his
body the scars of wounds received when capturing
Flaclji Muttu. Sawers' satisfaction at the result was
great ; to him Butava was " the first mover of rebellion,
the murderer of Wilson and Hadji Mohundiram'';
and he wrote enthusiastically to Lusignan " I conceive
that no one can peruse Major Coxon's account of this
important affair and not be struck with admiration

at the address and ability displayed by that able
20
officer in conceiving and planning that enterprise."
Under examination Butava revealed that he had
left the Prince in Bintanna and expressed his willingness
to point out his place of concealment; he was taken at
his word and hurried away with forty Malays disguised
as before-"a very imprudent act" commented
21
Brownrigg. However no harm ensued and before
long Butava, true to his word, returned with the now
familiar report that the Prince had left for an unknown
destination.
In the Sat Korale the soldiers occupied Padeniya
"Viharaya, on the road to Puttalama, turning out the
terrified Bhikkhus and seizing their cattle, The place,
held in great veneration throughout the Province, was
adorned with moulded figures and roofed with orna
mental tiles, and the Nayaka, when protesting against
the outrage, gave details of the decoration and the
number of tiles on each roof ; but Brownrigg refused to
withdraw his troops. Velate Nilame surrendered, to
Lusignan's disappointment ; "He is one of those
rogues to whom the Proclamation is I admit too
lenient " he wrote to Bisset on 6th September, " but
it is better to have such fellows in your power though
not to be hanged than to have to send men after them
without much chance of catching them merely to have
the pleasure of hanging them."
Events in Uva were having their effect in the
North and on 6th September Pilima Talavva wrote to
Hook claiming credit for restraining the people from
active violence so long, and demanding as a condition
of his own return a guarantee that, he would be held free
from guilt and that the deported Chiefs would be
sent back. Hook while assuring him that his life
would be safe, could, give no undertaking regarding the
Chiefs but offered to accompany/- him to plead with the
Governor for more favourable terms than mere exemp
tion from the capital sentence. Brownrigg on the
ioth approved of the reply but warned Hook against

22
giving any pledge that he would not be deported.
On the same day Gay hearing of a bazaar rumour
that Madugaila in concert with Pilima Talavva had
three days before seized the Prince and Kappitipola
and was holding them as his prisoners, reported this to
Brownrigg who professed incredulity, though Molligcda
23
thought the news was probably true. Lusignan for
his part wrote to Hook that " in view of Pilima
Talavva's statement in his ola to you that he would
deliver up the rebels to you, it was probably organised
by Pilima Talavva, but even so he and his relatives
cannot be restored to positions where they can do
mischief again." He was no doubt quoting Brownrigg's
own words when he added that such a capture would
" serve irrevocably to break the spell in which the
minds of the people have been bound, of lighting for
a cause headed by a descendant of the Gods."
Three days later the rumour was confirmed. It

appeared that on the British entering Hevahata the
Prince left Diyatalava for Valapane but was persuaded
by Madugalla to cross the river into Dumbara instead ;
he was. escorted by Dodanvala with fifty musketeers,
10 jingals, 15 loads of powder and 18 loads of sulphur
recently dug up at Diyatalava, being received with
royal honours and prostrations on the way, and in
three stages reached Mahavala Idama, where a Nuvara
or a royai residence had been prepared, consisting of a
house, of palm leaves thatched with straw set in the
24
centre of a square of huts. As no tables, chairs or
wardrobes were used, furnishing it was not a difficult
task. On the third day the Prince conferred the office
of Udagampahe Adikar and Disava of Matale on
Madugalla.
Kappitipola with a few attendants had his quarters
some distance away from the Prince, and at midnight
on the 5th these were surrounded by Maduve people—
the trained soldiers—-who arrested and bound him and
hurried him away to Pitavala. About five ft'aya

before dawn, when most of Dore Svami's attendants
had retired to their huts, the conspirators approached
his residence ; the alarm was given and the Prince
slipped away in an attempt to reach the forest but was
25
pursued and seized before he could conceal himself.
Devatagedara Appu of Nugaliyadda, whose evidence,
recorded by Gay, was sworn to at the Devalaya before
the Second Maha Mudaliyar, stated that he later saw
the Prince within the house seated on a mat—-as usual
in the houses of both great and small - with a Mundas-
sana (the ordinary head-dress of the Malabar Devi-
26
varu) wrapped round his head, a cloth thrown over
his shoulders, and his arms secured behind him with
a cord oiniyanda^ (bow string hemp); the Rodi had to
supply such cords for the Royal Gabadava.
In the morning the Dumbara Chiefs met and
prepared an inventory of the treasures and royal
apparel, Uduvela Mudiyanse told Gay on 25th
September that at Bandarapola in Matale Kappitipola
summoned Ahalepola's Valauva Kankanama and
questioned him about thirty sets of the King's clothing
sent bv Ahalepola, and these were later brought to
Kappitipola at Nalanda. The Mudiyanse had seen
the King wearing those clothes. With them was a
velvet dress with gold ornaments, presented by the
Dutch Company, probably one of the " two very rich
and brilliant suits of brocade " which the Courtiers
pressed Andrew to wear when he was to appear before
e
Raja Adhiraja Sinha on 29th September 1795. H
added that the Sattambis of Kotmale had also brought
some of the King's property to Kappitipola.
The inventory completed Madugalla at noon
addressed the gathering. He explained that he was
acting in consultation with Pilima Talavva from whom
he had learnt that Kappitipola had deceived them all
by passing off a hlraluva from Vilbava as a Prince,
whereas Muddu Svami's nephew was then at Matale
and available to be their King. He exhorted them to
remain steadfast in their determination to continue

the struggle, but instructed them to return to their
homes for the present and await further orders, which
28
would reach them in ten days. They accordingly
dispersed and a later report stated that the captives
were removed to the Hanvalla Atuva.
Rumour also fixed the responsibility for what had
•occurred on the British, and the popular expectation
in Uva and Vellassa was that they would place
29
Molligoda on the throne. As far back as June they
were considering a scheme which he had suggested
30
for entrapping the Prince. Sawers' first information
was that British troops took part in the capture, and
on the 15th he was still uncertain if that were the case
•or not, for Brownrigg had not informed him that such
31
.a plan was on foot. Reflecting the genera] belief, a
Sattambi who had accompanied the Prince told
Macdonald at Paranagama on the n t h , that they
•expected the prisoners to be sent directly to Maha
32
Nuvara. Brownrigg thought the same and four days
later wrote to Bisset " It will be difficult how to answer
Pilima Talavva and Madugalla if they made a joint
and separate proposal to deliver their prisoner into our
33
hands." Molligoda had early information of events;
as the cynical Lusignan wrote " The Adikar believes
the story a probable one and that it was purposely
sent in here to see if Government would make overtures
for their being delivered up. He advised with good
Kandyan policy that Madugalla should receive any
terms but not one article kept, which is according to
ancient practice and therefore right. Of precedents
34
he was full."
Pilima Talavva apparently never acknowledged

Dore Svami as King nor accepted any appointment
from him, and he had another Malabar in contem
plation. He was obviously inclined to turn opportunist
and his negotiations with the British suggest an
explanation of the mystery. Kappitipola's share in it
as will appear later in this narrative still awaits
elucidation. Molligoda's opinion was that Dore Svami

would be put to death and Kappitipola retained as a-
35
prisoner but the lighting would continue.
Bathurst iirst heard the news from a commercial
house in the City which got it from Madras. More-
had happened than Brownrigg dared to hope for,,
though the result was not an achievement of arms,,
and in his despatch of 9th October he attributed what
had'taken place to " the usual arts of unprincipled
treachery which mark the Kandyan annals in every
transaction of Politics." This, however offensively
worded, correctly stamps the incident, as the fruit of
treachery: what share each of many parties contributed
towards the treachery will perhaps remain undeter
mined for all time.
It is convenient to introduce here the Prince's
subsequent career. He disappeared, and in spite of
the promised reward no authentic news about him
could be obtained till on 19th March, 1830 the Board of
Commissioners forwarded the copy of a letter from, the
Agent at Kurunagala notifying the apprehension " of.
the Person known by the name of Wilbawa, a Pretender
to the Throne of Kandy." One persistent bloodhound
who had been on his track was Pussegoda Unnanse,
who as a layman had held the office of Arachchi from
which he was dismissed, whereon he took the yellow
robe and as a Samanera was living on what others
provided at Bagava Gallena Pansala in Harasiya..
Pattuva. On 4th January, 1830 he had a secret
interview with Thomas Eden, the Deputy Secretary
to Government, and informed him that with the help
of a Vadda he had traced the wanted man ; he described
him as past thirty years, rather tall, of moderate build,
with a very long beard and hair tied in. a. knot; he wore-
a white cloth wrapped round his waist, without jacket
or headdress, and was greeted without ceremony b y
his guide, adding, as interpreted by Johannes de Saram,
" Veddahs never show any such token of respect. It
is not their custom and is not required from them."'
For socially, the Vaddo claim and are conceded a very

high position.
Pussegoda admitted that what inspired him was
the hope of being restored to the office which
his ancestors had held, and he was passed on to the
Board at Maha Nuvara. On the 7th it instructed the
Agent at Kurunagala to send Nuvaravava Mudiyanse,
who after a term of imprisonment at Galle, was under
-detention there, and he and Pussegoda appeared before
it on the iSth February. At this interview Pussegoda
•undertook to arrest the claimant if the Mudiyanse
would co-operate with him, which he agreed to do
provided he was furnished with a Sannas in proof that
he was acting under authority in the District which
had been taken from him, and a I.ascarin in uniform
(to be worn concealed till the necessity for his reveal
ing himself arose). Louis Appu, a peon at Kurunagala
Kachcheri, was selected for the purpose. The village
which was the place of refuge was Dunudemboe wawa
(Dalu demba wewa) in Kalagan Tulane, seven gov.va
from Anuradhapura in the direction of Aripu, a gouva
being four English miles.
From the statements recoi-ded on the 23rd March
it appears that Nuvaravava collected a party of twenty
men with the help of Wellaiwewe Lekama, and after
sending Pussegoda to reconnoitre, and finding out
where Waiwooda Mohottala, (by which name he was
here known.) was to be found made his way to a field
at Wellaiwewe (Weliweriya). The Prince was sitting
there waiting for the people whom he had sent his
attendant lad to collect in order to reap the crop, and
the Mudiyanse's men surrounded it under cover of
the forest. The Lekama with four men then walked
up to the Prince, who asked why they were come ;
they replied that it was to get some bulat, and drawing
near were able to seize him without any resistance ;
if Louis Appu is to be believed, he expressed his relief
at being arrested., as for twelve years he had lived in
the shadow of imprisonment, and was at last free from
that haunting fear. The promised reward was divided

between Pussegoda and the Mudiyanse who was-
restored to office, and Louis Appu's labours were duly
recognised.
The prisoner was tried before the Judicial
Commissioner, Henry Wright, and Sinhalese Assessors,,
on the 26th, 27th and 29th July, and they expressed
their opinion that he was guilty of high treason. The
finding had to be forwarded to the Governor by the
Board and in doing so, the Military Member,,
Lieutenant Colonel M. Lindsay, concurred in i t ; but
the Revenue Commissioner, George Tumour, dissented..
He pointed out that evidence of the most crucial inci
dent, namely, the alleged removal of Royal Abharana
from Kataragama Devalaya, was unconvincing, and
raised a reasonable presumption of compulsion
on the part of KivulSgedara. He thought that the
utmost of which the accused could be found guilty was
misprision of treason, for failing to notify the proper
authorities when cognisant of an act of treason ; and
he recommended as the appropriate sentence a very
limited term of imprisonment or banishment.
Under the established procedure the final decision

lay with the Governor, Sir Edward Barnes, who,
agreeing with Tumour, took the view that the
prisoner was a mere " pageant " set up by others
in order to secure adherents to their cause, and as he
was not a person of unusual talents considered banish
ment to the Isle of France a suitable punishment ;
but he asked the Secretary of State for instructions.'
Viscount Goderich replied on 28th April, 1831 that the
King's clemency was extended to the prisoner and
directed that he should receive a pardon subject to
such conditions as the Governor thought fit to impose.
Meanwhile on 23rd November, 1830 the Commissioners
of Eastern Enquiry, who had come out to report on the
Administrative, Revenue and Judicial affairs of Ceylon,
interposed taking strong exception to the proceedings.
These the}' pointed out, were apparently conducted
tinder the English Law of Treason, and even assuming

that Law to have been in force within the new
Provinces in 1818 —" which i s a very large assumption '"
they added --many of its provisions had been dis
regarded. One objection was conclusive, namely
that under 7 Will 3 Cap. 3 the prosecution was barred
by lapse of time, and they expressed their emphatic
opinion that " For these reasons Wilbawe Mudianse
had not been convicted in due course of Law and is-
therefore entitled of right to an entire remission of the
sentence."
Viscount Goderich adopted their contention and
instructed Barnes to give him a free and unconditional
Pardon, announcing this act of His Majesty's Grace
37
with all possible publicity. A majority of the local
Council however were more concerned with avoiding
adverse criticism than with fostering among their new
fellow subjects an appreciation of British justice, and
strenuousby protested. The General, Sir John Wilson,,
in a Minute of 5th May, 1832 argued somewhat
irrelevantly "It should at the same time be remembered
that many individuals implicated in the same rebellion
were tried, convicted and in some instances executed
under the same forms of judicial proceeding as were
observed in the prisoner's case." On the other hand
the Puisne Justice, William Rough, pointed out that
"There were not wanting men of some popularity in
England who if examined at the Bar of either House of
Legislature would not hesitate to declare that the War
denounced against the King of Kandy by Sir Robert
Brownrigg was a war commenced and waged on
grounds merely political. That it was carried on
against the advice of his Council is I believe an
undoubted truth, and that it is defensible, chiefly in
consideration of its success and of its expediency will
also be probably acknowledged." As a compromise
a notification was framed to the effect that the prisoner
was " now released and at liberty to go anywhere he
pleases, and that in case of his continued good
behaviour he will receive a free pardon."
Rough was D' Oyly's contemporary at Westminister

School, a King's Scholar, and after graduating from
Trinity College, Cambridge, was called to the Bar at
the Inner Temple. In 1821 when President of the
Court of Justice of Demerara. and Essequibo, he was
suspended from office as the result of a quarrel with the
Governor, but successfully appealed to the Privy
Council and was later appointed to Ceylon, where he
rose to be Chief Justice in 1837. It is note-worthy
that James Steuart, in a book entitled " Notes on
Ceylon" which was printed in London in 1862 for
private circulation, recorded on the authority of a
member of Brownrigg's Council " On the 10th of
January 1815 His Excellency nobly incurred the sole
responsibility of commencing the Kandyan War, in
opposition to the advice of every member of his
Council." Even de Bussche admitted tha.t " There
were indeed not wanting persons who from past
experience and reverting to former misfortunes, were
adverse to the expedition."
To resume our narrative, with the disappearance
of the two leading actors, Pilima Talavva now occupied
the stage. Hereceived Hook's letter alreadymentioned
on Wednesday the n t h clay of the increasing Moon of
Binara Masa in Saka 1740, and replied that he hesitated
to accept the assurance that he and his people would
not suffer at the hands of the British. Lie protested
that he himself, a perfectly innocent and loyal man, had
been driven into the enemy's camp by the attempt to
arrest him at night in his own home. He demanded a.
guarantee that he would not be deported to Colombo.
His people, he added., refused to submit till the
deported Chiefs there returned to Maha Nuvara and
communicated the fact to him : it was with difficulty
he had restrained them from active hostilities pending
these negotiations. Ahalepola was married to his
eldest sister, and so long as he was under detention
the writer had not the heart to appear before the
British: the Maha Nilame and Uda Gampaha must be
SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS 3T1
restored to their former positions : when he received a
t alp at a from them intimating that this was done., and
the Governor sent him a personal letter, then he too'
38
would come in, but not before.
Hook sent back a lengthy answer. Conceding'
that Pilima Talavva in making his demand was
probably actuated by the best principles of humanity,
he retorted that his conduct in joining a rebellion
against a Government to which he had sworn
allegiance, and inciting the people to fight for a cause
which they did not comprehend but which he knew
was merely the gratification of his own ambition,,
showed a lack of consistency. Pie was fighting not
for a King or one of Royal blood, but a base hiraluva
from Vilbava. For these crimes he was answerable-
not only to the British but to everyone who had lost
relations, friends and property as the consequence.
The Chiefs in Colombo could not be reinstated, even
if that was a necessary preliminary to the restoration
of peace. " Look round" Hook continued with
understandable exuberance " and contemplate on the
mischief which your bad passions have caused. The
British nation is powerful and never compromises
with rebels. This would be a degree of degradation to
which it never submits. There is no country however
remote nor any power on earth can shelter rebels from
the searches of the English arms. Your Mountains,,
your Jungle Rocks, and Rivers have all been
surmounted and passed, and the rebels hunted like
the wild animals." The only concession possible was
that his life would be spared if he made an early
submission.
In reporting to the Governor Hook recommended
adding a promise to restore his property to his family
if he would place the Prince and Kappitipola in the
39
hands of the British. Brownrigg approved of the
reply : it was framed, he thought, " in the only tone in
which Government should notice any offer from the
rebel Chiefs at a moment when despair alone produces
those marks of repentance." Pilima Talavva's terms

4
he characterised as "impudent" ; ° but if he surrendered
the two leaders he undertook to guarantee him against
banishment and provide him with an allowance
suitable to his rank, which he could enjoy in the
41
Settlements under strict surveillance.
Writing to Bathurst Brownrigg explained the
reasons for his decision as follows : " To any terms of
this nature or to any which might limit the power of
Government to frame a Constitution for these
Provinces which assimilating itself to our general
system of rule throughout India shall secure to the
Sovereign a just authority and to all his subjects a due
participation in the advantages of being under British
sway, I have thought it. my duty firmly to withhold
42
my assent."
More reinforcements had reached Trikunamale
and a great effort to re-occupy Matale and Dumbara
was set on foot, for there were losses and defeats to
reverse. A supply depot was opened at Minihiriya
and on 24th November, the available forces amounted
to 6,130 men. A spy, Doruvava Unnanse, came with
the news that the Vanni Unnahe, Nuvaravava Kumara
43
Sinha Mudiyanse. had ready another Malabar Prince
from Madura, whom Pilima Talavva would, put forward
as a claimant to the Throne. " Pilima Talavva holds
out to the multitude the diversion of a coronation to
be performed by new Actors at Dambool Vihare on
44
Friday " wrote Lusignan. on 20th September, " but I
hope the generality will think the price of admission
to such shows at present too high."
At 2 a.m. the same morning Hook left Ologama
and advanced by Bandepatteh Pass to Ambitiava in
Askiri Korale unopposed. The. district had escaped
raiding parties till, now ; its fruit trees were unhurt and
it displayed the normal characteristics of a fairly
prosperous village community under the Kings.
Hook was entranced ; what opened before him, he
wrote, was " sublime beyond description, and, used
as I had been to the rich cultivation of the Seven

Korales, I was lost in astonishment on observing a
series of vallies covered with numerous villages in
perfect cultivation." It was a great opportunity for
enforcing Hook's precepts ; the houses, found deserted
as usual, were burnt and the grain stores looted, all
•other moveables being abandoned to the Moor and
Sinhalese hangers-on ; while parties deployed to hunt
refugees out of their hiding places brought back much
rice and some arms. Hook reported with pride on the
consequence of the spirited acts of committing a
number of villages to the flames " ; he admitted a few
regrettable incidents, as where a Bhikkhu was found
to have been one of the victims.
Amidst the terrified crowd the Moor Muhandiram
identified a man whom he denounced as having been
rewarded for his share in the attack on de Latre. It
was probably about this man that Tulloch wrote as
follows : " There was an ancient order of knight
hood . . . conferred by the King's binding the head with
an embroidered fillet and bestowing an honorary title.
During the war in Matale, a blue silk belt was brought
to me, worked with silver thread ; it was given by
Kappitipola to a common man who had distinguished
himself in the attack of one of our detachments ; he
was also raised to the rank of Appohami." The
sequel was thus described by Hook. "I considered the
assemblage of people gave me a good opportunity of
rewarding him by the English Government which was
accordingly done by suspending him per. coll," He
"improved the occasion by addressing to the crowd a
homily on the wickedness of entering into a contest
with the British, declaring that what they now suffered
was the result of their espousing the cause of the worst
•of men. He recommended conferring on the headmen
who were supporting him, medals or chains as marks
of approbation which, would incite them and others
45
to further exertions.
On the 23rd he took up his quarters at Ahalepola's

Valauva at Paldeniya, perhaps the most spacious-
dwelling house of a Sinhalese subject ; it formed three
squares capable of accommodating 200 men, with-
several granaries which indicated his main source of
wealth. Round it. was a coconut plantation protected,
by a deep trench with its breast-work from the incursions,
of elephants. Hook found that " the burning of a few
villages, when the inhabitants were in doubt, soon,
decided their notions " ; and among them, was the
adjoining village from which the Maha Milame took
his name : the result of another misunderstanding, the
Commander explained. The arms which were being
freely surrendered included an exceptionally fine kodi-
tuvakkuva which Hook thought would be useful at the
fort he proposed building at Nalanda. Vellava
Mohottala, who because of his influence and capacity
had been appointed by Pilima Talavva to be Rate
Lekama of Ihala Dolos Pattu, submitted, and the
people along the route taken by the troops did the same..
Hook was somewhat disappointed at this and reported
" Had it not been for this I had resolved on destroying,
the whole of their houses and. property; however
Captain Jackson had made many severe examples. I
sacrificed my resentment to a more prudent line of
policy. I levied considerable contributions of rice,.
46
etc." Jackson, it should be stated, had entered
Matale by the Milawana Pass simultaneously with.
Hook's advance.
Two miles from Paldeniya the character of the

country changed and the unhealthy dry zone where
the land leech is not to be found began. The next
day Hook was at Nalanda ; though the ramparts had
been levelled he thought that the moat gave the
position, to quote his exaggerated description, " a
degree of strength which would set all the Kanclian
47
Empire at defiance" and he advised rebuilding
the fort. Advancing further through ten miles of
uninhabited forest, he reached Dambulla Viharaya,.
" that seat of Priestcraft and refuge of Rebel Willainy"

.as he described it, to find that Pilima Talavva had left
it the previous evening; he thereupon appears to have
•entered into communication with him, and Lusignan
complained that instead of continuing his military
operations he sits down and writes to Pilima Talavva
48
.another letter which is both undignified and absurd."
Dambulla, with its tale of over twenty centuries,
.an august fane to which successive kings had rendered
worship and honour, hasalwaysstirredtheimagination
of the Sinhalese. Rangiri, Golden Mountain, was the
further name given to it after Nissanka Malla in the
twelfth century? gilded the images in the caves and
Rangiri Dambulla it has continued to be ever since.
Hook was impressed by its military possibilities,
though the absence of a resident population from
whom to draw food rendered it of little * value for
permanent occupation. He took up his quarters at
the Viharaya, from where he dated his letters.
Buddhist religious art deeply influenced what are
perhaps the two greatest cultural units in the world,
China and India ; many years had to pass before
Europe learnt to understand much less appreciate,
the art of the East, and it is pleasant to find that
Tulloch could write " 1 have often admired the correct
drawing and natural expression of the figures in many
•of the old paintings in the ancient Veharis or rock
temples." It had power to inspire the more refined
instincts even of Hook, who was so moved by what
he saw that he issued " the most positive orders to
prevent delapidation or injuring any of the beautiful
Ornaments which adorn this Masterpiece of Priestcraft,
Superstition and Credulity. It is without exception
the grandest production of human labour and ingenuity
of the kind which any of us have ever seen ; it can only
be compared with the vast excavations found on the
Continent of India, but while they are mouldering to
:ruins this is in the highest state of preservation and
49
perfection." The more cultured Davy, who a year
later heard Pan Sil recited within one of the caves,

described how the voices " made the cave resound,,
and had a fine awful effect, producing a thrill through
the system, and a feeling and a sentiment not to be
described."
In conjunction with Hook's movements Kelly ort
the 22nd crossed the river at Levalla with 500 men in
three detachments ; of these one under Captain Dobbin,
was to occupy Teldeniya, while the other two moved,
through At gala and Balakaduva Passes to Alu
Viharaya, where they were joined by Lodawick, a Sub-
Assistant Surgeon who had been captured at Nalanda
50
and kept a prisoner by Hannas geclara. On the-
24th Kelly was at Pannagama, a village of the Pannayo-
who supplied fodder for the King's elephants;.
adjoining it on Plikgolla was the site of Fort Macdowal,.
built in 1803 with the help of the Moors living in the-
neighbourhood and abandoned on 24th June of the
year by Captain Madge, who fled in a panic abandoning:
the sick and spiking his gun. Hikgolla itself was a.
hill within a ring of mountains from which it was
separated by broad valleys and luxuriant vegetation;
Kelly thought well of it and ordered the Moors who-
had surrendered their guns, to clear the jungle
growth which covered it. Round this has since arisen
the town called after the name of the Disava, Matale.
As far as Nalanda the road was found obstructed by-
ingenious contrivances of great strength prepared some
time back but no opposition was encountered and the
people appeared friendly, so much so that. Moorish
tavalams with army stores from Kurunagala went
unescorted.
Kelly was as much moved as Hook by Dambulla,

but sickness increased so fast that he condemned the
place as unsuitable for troops and advised returning it
51
immediately to the Bhikkhus. On the 28th Fraser
started with 120 men to continue the search for Pilima
Talavva. Moving through Nuvara Kalavaya by way
of Terupane Kadavata he reached Nuvaravava at
lour o'clock on the morning of the 30th, covering thirty-

four miles in twenty-four hours. For another mile
the troops moved silently skirting the lake, till on
reaching the limits of Anuradhapura a villager gave
the alarm. Pilima Talavva was expected to he at the
Vanni Unnahe's house, which was surrounded and
searched, but neither of them was there ; the former
was in fact at a Viharaya two and a half miles away
and escaped in time, abandoning much of his baggage
52
and arms, leaving his pursuers quite mystified.
Mattamagoda, late Nanayakkara Lekama, now
53
appeared at Dambulla and surrendered ; Hook handed
the Viharaya back to the Bhikkhus and returned to
Kurunagala ; while Kelly started for Nalanda leaving
a part of his stores and the arms in charge of the
Bhikkhus, who, relieved at his departure, sent them
after him by their own coolies. This action secured
for the Nayaka Lhinanse, Nikava.Ua, the favour of the
British which he enjoyed till his death in 1835. Fraser
remained behind to look for the fugitives. It was
evident that the struggle would not last much longer,
and by a Proclamation of 26th September Martial
Law, which had been in operation since21stFebruary,
was restricted by allowing Civil Tribunals to exercise a
limited jurisdiction with regard to petty offences
" within the limits of the Town and Gravets of Kandy."
The capture of prominent individuals and the surrender
of arms were being announced from every district and
many executions followed. Gay had written to Millaya
of Harispattu on iqth September offering to save his
lands and plantations and to remove his family out of
Matale into a place of safety, if he surrendered by a
fixed date ; he replied by a talpat urging the recall of
the deported Chiefs who represented the political
wisdom of the country, and should be consulted before
any scheme regarding its future administration was
settled. Without their approval the submission of
village Elders and Koralas meant very little, he raid,
and he pleaded that the wholesale destruction of
•cattle and other property of the hapless villagers
should be stopped. On the third of October he-

surrendered.
In Uva improved conditions were accompanied by
increased masterfulness on Sawers's part. Taldena
who in September was removed from his position of.
54
Oya Palata Disava (the junior Rambukpota Mohottala.
taking his place) was called upon to deposit his-
valuables at the Kachcheri as security for his good,
behaviour. Even Katugaha was out of favour and.
Sawers declared that " as a Kandyan Chief there was-
nothing of good principal to be looked for about him,
but he has a daring spirit in him that few of the others-
possess, and is so confirmed in the practice of dissimul
ation and rapacity, so tyrannical to those under him,,
and so ungracious and malevolent to the other Chiefs—
to the gratification of which he chiefly applies the-
power of his new appointment at the same time
neglecting and. sacrificing the best Interest of
Government—that I fear it will soon be necessary to-
deprive him of his Situation, and whenever this is-
done he must no longer be allowed to remain in the:
56
interior.''
Kohukumbura had favourably impressed Coxon

who thought that Butava's stronger personality had
overborne him and recommended appointing him
Chief of Vellassa, but Sawers insisted that the two
families were a source of danger and should be entirely
57
suppressed in the district. On 25th September these-
55
two Chiefs with several others were sent to Badulla
where Butava was tried by Court Martial and executed
at Kotabova on 20th October in the presence of all the
Moors of the place and a few Sinhalese of Vellassa,
The result was described as " rather equivocal " for on
the following day not a soul appeared at the military
post ; a few did so on the day after and were officially
represented as expressing satisfaction at the execution,,
on the ground that the misery which they underwent
was the result of Butava's actions ; his widow and
531
children were set at liberty on the Governor's orders.
TCohukumbura's sentence was commuted into one of

•deportation to Galle.
In order to destroy the prestige attached to the
•office of Disava, Sawers proposed that these Chiefs
when out of their districts should be obliged to reside
in Badulla and attend daily at the Kachcheri; as this
would place them under the Accredited Agent's
immediate control and bring home to the people where
the real power now lay. Whereas in Uva, Dumbara
.and Matale Great Chiefs were responsible for the
unrest, the smaller local Chiefs took the lead in
Viyaluva, Vellassa and Kandukara; he therefore
âdvised drastic action against them. He declared that
" Until a clear sweep is made of the principal Chiefs of
Walapane and Veyalowa such as has been made with
those of Vellassa, there will be no security there. The
Chiefs of these two Provinces under the King's Govern
ment maintained a degree of independence unknown
to those of any of the other Provinces and their conduct
in this rebellion corresponded to this. The information
I have got from Godegedera Adikaram perfectly
•corroborates what was stated to me by Bootave and
Kohukumbura Ratterales and Wattekelle Mohottala ;
they leave no doubt in my mind of the rebellion having
originally and solely commenced with them. It is
upon this ground I would humbly presume to
recommend that every individual of the Kivulegedara,
Hapatagame, Andawella, Boragolla and Yallegama
60
families should be removed from the Interior." He
•suggested Dambavinna for appointment as Vellassa
Disava, and was surprised at his reluctance to accept
the post.
The capture of " the diabolical Kaloogalpitiya
Mohundiram " was soon announced. Dore Svami
appointed him to the Chiefship of Badulla in May
when nearly everyone in the Royal Village waited on
him with bulatsurulu and he was considered responsible
for hanging some men and burning the houses in the
valley. On being forced to withdraw front the district
he sought refuge in the Vadi Rata with Medabadde

Vidane—" who is much of a Veddah himself " —but his-
host after a fortnight stol e away and informed the Disava
at Godiyagama who sent him back with some of his own
men and a few Malays and Caffrees who seized the
Muhandiram and handed him over to the military.
The delighted Sawers rewarded the treacherous Vidane
with samakkattu and 250 rix-dollars with the promise
61
of some confiscated lands at Medabadda.
Valapane seemed anxious for peace but from
Viyaluva it was reported that Kivulegedara with
fanatical obstinacy was determined to fight to the end ;
Dimbulana thought that a garrison at Madulla would
be of help in securing him and was promised favours
and rewards if he could bring about "this desirable
62
object." Andavala Mohottala, who expressed his
willingness to submit, was not taken into custody to
63
avoid alarming Hapatagamuva who also was-
negotiating with Sawers, and in one of his letters
appeared the following passage which sheds light on the
origin of the rising : " We hear that the King set up
by the Velassa people and Kivulegedara Rala has been
taken prisoner by the Dumbara people." Sawers
insisted that Hapatagamuva should first send his
family to Badulla in proof of his good faith. Hapata-
gamuva's contention was that throughout he had been
for the British but as the King had summoned him and
appointed him Viyaluva Disava with orders to fight
against them, he and his people had no alternative but
to comply, for refusal would have entailed punishment
at the hands of Rodi ; now that the King had
disappeared they were able to return. Sawers while
not rejecting the explanation did not regard it as wholly
satisfactory, and he also did not wish that Hapataga
muva alone should surrender, as that might concentrate
authority over all the disaffected in Kivulegedara's
64
hands.
More reinforcements arrived by way of Batticalo

and arms were being freely surrendered at Madulla
and Pannala, while for some time the British had not
lost a man by enemy action though sickness was still
levying its toll. All the available forces now combined
in a drive with the object of securing the two leaders.
Kivulegedara's new house at Kanagenna Vadiya was
burnt and two caves in Yatagolla forest near the con
fluence of the Uma Oya with the Mahavili Ganga,
within a hundred yards of each other, which the two
Chiefs used as their shelters, were destroyed but the
Chiefs again escaped. In Kivulegedara's cave a talftaf
from Hapatagamuva was found with this message :
" The English have entered our country on every side
accompanied by the people of Uva. They will burn
and destroy all our houses and property and kill our
people. All other Districts have submitted ; what are
we to do ? We should either collect our people and
fight the English or take poison. Whatever you do I
shall follow your example ; therefore lose no time in
deciding for we cannot escape being taken by the
63
English."
Five clays before Sawers communicated this news
to D'Oyly, the latter on 19th October, had sent him an
impressive list of leaders who had either submitted
or been taken prisoner. Dangamuve Mohottala
surrendered with his family at Gampaha and was
brought to Badulla on the 25th ; it was he who raised
the batteries on Dodanvatukapalla; and subsequently
he was in concealment in the Vatumulla forest and on
the left bank- of the Uma Oya, till finding himself
deserted by his people, he was forced to submit.
Ambagolla Unnanse who throughout had accompanied
Dore Svami, was brought in bound. " The late
rebellion originated, as I believe, entirely with that
Order," wrote Sawers; " I therefore humbly conceive
that there could be no more proper subject selected
for a capital example than this man." He urged that
he should be put to death " without any regard to the
pretended sanctity of his yellow robe ;" otherwise, he-
argued, " we can expect nothing else from them in
future but that every Pansala in the interior will
continue to be, as they indubitably have been under

our Government, the hotbeds of Conspiracy and
Treason." Olupaliyava, another Bhikkhu who had
accompanied the Prince from Kataragama, was already
66
in Prison.
On ist November, Sawers reported that the younger
Hapatagamuva had submitted and with Andavala
was in close confinement ; the latter who for a long
time had kept the garrisons of Pannala, Vatumulla,
Tibbotugoda and Madulla very busy, effected his
escape shortly after and a. reward of Jive hundred
rix-dollars was offered for his re-arrest. Gonigoda
Adikarama now returned from Batticalo and in spite
of poor health assumed duties as Bintanna Disava,
while Taldena on depositing his valuables with the
Agent was released from detention. He himself,
Sawers continued, was starting for Maha Nuvara
where he was needed in connection with the new
scheme ; he therefore instructed the Hevahata Chiefs
to meet him on their boundary with their banners
and drums, adding " for though such mummery is far
from being personally agreeable to me, I conceive that
the exaction of such empty honours with reference to
the ideas of the people, is politic and expedient, and
necessary to obtain the proper degree of respect for the
situation I have the honour to hold." Lusignan had
already on 17th September, informed Wright that he
was selected to succeed Sawers in Uva, Vellassa, and
Bintanna, with instructions, to introduce the system
started in Saparagamuva and break up the ancient
Kingdom of Uva into a number of petty Disavas.
Chapter XII.
Madugalla alone remained to cause anxiety and

lie was being hemmed in within Dumbara where
Dobbin found the tracks barricaded with trees and..
kadavatu from three miles beyond Levalla and hostile-
bands were sighted; but * he reached Teldeniya
unopposed and occupied the square enclosing the atuva
in which was stored the grain from the neighbouring
royal fields, cultivated by a colony of Porovakarayo
said to have come from Siyane Korale. His soldiers soon
made their presence felt and on 23rd September, a
Kankanama of the Ran Ayudha Mandape, with Annan
Chattiri (who used to trim the King's beard) and the
Panikkile who kept his elephant, complained that their'
houses at Naranda were burnt : the paintings in the
nearby caves of Bambaragala were left undamaged.
Madugalla could not be found but a convenient traitor
was forthcoming in his Vedarala, Haliyadda. The
State did not provide medical service for the people,
who generally relied on their accumulated knowledge
of the virtues inherent in the various parts of tree's and
shrubs —whether root, bark, leaf or fruit—and their skill
in identifying them. They had a fairly detailed
classification of their flora, and most villagers would
distinguish between their seventeen varieties of
mushrooms and twenty-two of tala, basil. The names
applied to plants frequently indicated some quality,
and exotics bore the qualification rata. Certain
families preserved the knowledge and practice of the
healing art, and though not depending on it for a
living—they had their own holdings—constituted the
nucleus of a professional class and were consulted in
serious cases. When their advice was sought they
would be approached with betel leaves ; no fee was
demanded and medicine was given free of charge, the
ingredients being often collected from neighbours;
remuneration, generally in kind, was left to the

gratitude of patients.
On 14th February, 1817 Paune Maistrige Abera
produced before Gay a copper sannas by which Sri
Vikrama rewarded his father for successfully treating
many wounded men at V ak Oya, with lands inPIe.vaha.ta
once possessed by Aravvavala Adikar. Specialised
knowledge did not provide a career except to the few
appointed to the King's Bet ge or attached to some
Chief's household. The Indian Hakim's skill, was
recognised and a Muslim family, apparently of another
race than the South Indian Moors, had long held a
place among the royal physicians and received lands
with the honorific name of Gopala (Cattleherd)
probably considered appropriate from its connection
with the Madige. European treatment was preferred
for some diseases and the Dutch Company was once
asked for a physician to attend on Narendra Sinha ;
Sri Yikrama's courtiers gratefully accepted English
medicines for their own ailments.
Haliyadda offered to point out the hiding place
of his patron's family and on 26th September some
Malays guided by him just failed to capture them,
but in two more attempts secured three of his Indian
guards and some ammunition. " These repeated
invasions of his slumbers must be very disagreeable
to him " commented Lusignan, while Dobbin
1
recommended samakkaitu for his informant. A sweep
across Dumbara with Lieut. Colonel Hardy in chief
command, followed and detachments scoured it in all
directions— North to Giddava and Na.ranpana.va, South-
East to Kehelalla and Kimbulgantota (the ferry
across the Mahavili Ganga from Hevahata to Y'enda-
ruva) ; North-east to Udispattu, and East to Madamaha
Nuvara and Gampaha. Madugalla, though believed
to be at Hanvalla, was not there. His uncle the
Gajanayaka Nilame escaped from his lodging on a
neighbouring mountain a few hours before the military
arrived, but was captured with his wife Pitavcla
Mahatmeyo and his son, by Hakmune Nilame's men

who were watching the road to. Laggala, As
admittedly he took no active part against the British
and bis family was throughout in the power of the
3
Prince's supporters, he was treated with leniency.
On 6th October Eknaligoda appeared with his
Saparagamuva followers — " five" hundred locusts with
a thousand to carry/ off what is left by the former.
Woe be unto the owners of grain in Doombra and
Wâlapana" ran Lusignan's jeremiad, as they spread
over the country in seven divisions. He was in his
element and a song written in his praise, a translation
•of which Marshall has preserved, recounts how
"Eknaligoda and his hosts, protected by the troops,
•spread terror and dismay in Uva, plundering and
destroying all that came in his way ; what the troops
spared they seized : nothing was too petty for their
greed." Those who sang the song might well have
recalled Si man Kure Rala's feats on behalf of the
Portuguese. Many Headmen were arrested and the
•country folk, unable to resist, gave up their arms.
Dumbara was no longer safe, and as Allepola and
Madugalla were likely to escape into Matale, Kelly
•sent a detachment from Nalanda to. Pallegama in
Laggala, while Hardy with the Saparagamuva men
advanced towards Mimure at the extremity of
Dumbara ; this was another place of refuge with its
inviolate forest, a stout wall and kadarata guarding the
approach, and it contained a cave yielding saltpetre.
Pie then proceeded through Narangomuva and
Pallegama, reaching Puvakpitiya on the 25th.
The surmise about Allepola's movements proved

correct and on 6th October he and his wife, a member
of the Thagama family/, were seized near Bambarabadda
in Gampaha Korale of Uda Dumbara. Eleven days
later a Court Martial sentenced him to death by
hanging, the principal charge against him being that
3
he had acted as Dore Svami's Disava in Matale. The
same sentence was passed on Hakmana Tannevatte
795—N
Rala and Kurukohogama Kiri Banda (generally known

as Kunam Maduve Lekama) for their proceedings in
Udasiya Pattuva; the latter's sentence being commuted
to transportation, he died in the Isle of France,
Ambagaspitiye Nilame of Vendaruva in Dumbara was.
also sentenced to be hanged. Mivature Padikara
Lekama, convicted of having on ioth March, 1818 at
Peradeniya assembled in arms against the Government
and assaulted, ill-treated and plundered certain
4
tradesmen, was sentenced to banishment and also
died in exile.
Allepola—his full name was Kahanda Mahante
Navaratna Wikramasinha Mudiyanse, described by
Brownrigg to Bathurst as " one of the most shrewd
3
among the Kandyan nobles," —had held high office,
under the King, though he was once sentenced to death
for complicity in Mampitiya Bandara's treason, and
his eminent title of Maha Nilame was recognised by the
British. Hanging or impalement was not a common
method of execution among the Sinhalese ; normally
the convicted person was stretched out on the ground
face downwards and stabbed with a hella (spear) — the
bodv being exposed on an ula, pointed stake, or, which
was considered more ignominious, hung from a tree..
The English practice was to hang it up in chains. In
the very rare cases of women, execution was by
drowning, which continued to be the legal method till
by a Proclamation of 23rd March, 1826 hanging was-
substituted, much to the people's dissatisfaction.
The Sinhalese punishment for treason was far-
more merciful than what was enforced in England
within the memory of persons living at this time, and
Sri Vikrama under the deepest provocation, did not
add any ingredient of humiliation or horror to the
punishment inflicted on Mudclu Svami. Allepola's
sentence was not warranted by customary law, and he
successfully claimed his right to execution by the
sword. This, fixed for 8 o'clock on the morning of
the 27th at a spot outside the gate on the road to
Colombo, close to Bogambara Vava, was delayed by

the rain coming down in such torrents that the lake
overflowed into the lower parts of the town. All the
troops in garrison were drawn up at the spot but
Sinhalese took no pleasure in the sight of a man being
put to death. What followed was, in Bisset's words,
" an awful exhibition." After the Governor's warrant
was read out in the two languages the Maha
Nilame knelt down and resting his hands on the grass
bent his head forward; the Gahalaya, executioner,
whirling a heavy Maharata sword, struck him on the
neck inflicting a deep gash, when the blade snapped in
two, which, stated Bisset in the Gazette, " rendered
the severing of the head completely from the body a
longer act than was to be desired." The horrified
spectators looked on while a second sword was fetched
to complete the grisly task.
It is difficult for people brought up with views
based on Egyptian beliefs about the body to sympathise
with the attitude of the Sinhalese who regarded the
-shell from which life has departed as a temporary
necessity demanding speedy removal but not entitled
to any reverence. Death was inseparable from
pollution; pickling an eminent person's corpse to
gratify the curiosity of future generations, or
anatomising it for distribution among religious
•establishments for miracle-working purposes (with
consequent increase of revenue) was unknown to them.
According to their law the criminal's body was
abandoned to the wild beasts and dogs, and since
Allepola had given strict injunctions that the law must
be observed, his family declined to take charge of it and
left the British to deal with it as they liked ; his
property was confiscated and his Valauve Mahatmayo
reduced to dire poverty. Towards the end of 1819
there was a virulent outbreak of small-pox; the medical
arrangements proved utterly inadequate and on 20th
December the Judicial Commissioner drew a terrible
picture of the consequent suffering, with patients in an
advanced stage of the disease crawling as best they
38S SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS
could to the temporary hospital which was hastily

provided. Several Chiefs, including the Valapane
Disava and Uda Gabada. Nilame, were among those
attacked, and on 16th October, her dead body was
discovered, abandoned by everyone, and not even,
covered with, a cloth ; the British spent eight rix-
6
dollars in burying it.
Iriyagama Padikara Lekama, who had been
Dore Svami's Uda Palata Disava, and Iriyagama Kalu
Banda were convicted by Court Martial of creating
disturbances in the neighbourhood of Peracleniya and
Iiindagala ; against the latter there was the further
count that he had in Udu Nuvara burnt the houses of.
Kahalvatta Korfila. and Henadeniye Dingiri Appu-
hamy, and taken the latter to Kotakeiyadeniye
Kamata, threshing floor, where he was despatched by
a sword stroke on the neck. Both were sentenced to-
death ; in Kalu Bancla's case Brownrigg ordered that,
he should be taken to the same kamata and decapitated
there on the 31st ; he killed himself in prison on the
previous day, but the sentence was duly carried out
on the dead body. The Lekama's was commuted into
7
banishment, for life.
In Matale, Hook had failed in xVugust to win over
Hannasgedara by a guarantee of freedom from,
imprisonment or exile, and, on 23rd September Captain
Hardy sent him a letter in Tamil offering him protection
8
if he surrendered in the course of the day, but he
remained obdurate ; he was now seized in a cave by
some villagers and handed to the British who on the
15th hanged him on the hill at Nalanda. A few days
later his widow appeared before the British officer,,
with her two sons, children of nine and seven years ;
she seemed about 36 years of age, pleasant faced, and
though in token of mourning her hair was hanging
loose and unkempt and their clothes were dishevelled,,
he was impressed by the dignity of her carriage and
the absence of all sign of embarrassment. She talked
with calmness of her husband's fate ; his hour was.
come, she said, but she regarded that with serenity in

the firm assurance that his next incarnation would be
most happy.
Kobbakaduva Disava who was visiting his family
at Talgahagoda was expected to help in securing
9
Kappitipola's family and Lieut. Tulloch soon captured
his wife (Delvala Etana Plami), mother, and sons in the
forest near Narangomuva. The soldiers tore off the
jewels they were wearing and they were terrified
expecting instant death, but regained their composure
when assured that no harm would be done to them.
On 16th October Tulloch brought them to Pannagama
where some of the valuables were restored to the wife
who was carrying her infant in her arms ; he saw her
often and described her as young and handsome.
Many documents from the King's Archives, including
the abortive Andrews Treaty of 1795-6, were found
0
with the party.'
In Sat Korale Hook now had -more opportunity
to attend to internal administration : it was so rich in
rice that generally no interest was charged on a loan
of grain intended for food or cultivation, and he
therefore advised providing an up-to-date threshing
11
machine. The craving for a stimulant was spreading
fast and he recommended opening taverns for the sale
of spirits. He argued, in the tone which was already
noticeable amongst a class of officials, that to do so
" might, add to the resources of Government without
endangering what in reality does not exist, the morals
of the Kandyan people. Kandyans of all classes and
ranks are much addicted to drinking, and I have not
unfrequently discovered that a few Glasses of Arrack
judiciously applied operated as a Master Key to every
secret of the Heart. So long as the propensity to
spirit drinking exists, every regulation to prevent
irregular distillation or sale will be nugatory, and serve
to exercise the ingenuity, raise the price, and thus
12
enrich the smuggler."
On 25th June, 1817 Gay had written to the

Secretary of the Kandyan Provinces supporting a
scheme for an arrack Farm similar to what existed in
the Settlements as likely to bring in a large revenue and
solve the problem created by a people who disdained
to sell their labour. By their social code any Sinhalese
could perform the meanest task without fear of
reproach so long as it was for himself, but he would be
disgraced by serving for reward outside the functions
proper to his caste. Racial sobriety is among the
grandest achievements of Eastern philosophy, and Gay
with the naive simplicity of one brought up among
hard-drinking men and women, proposed that arrack
might be employed to put an end to these conservative
and inconvenient ideas ; if it were made generally
available, he said that would serve '•' as an inducement
to the Kandyans to work for money that they might be
enabled to purchase a dram of arrack when they wished
it, a liquor they a.re greatly attached to." Obviously
he found nothing immoral in the suggestion.
In considering Hook's proposal Gay with
experience in Tumpane and Flarispattuva agreed that
there was a large distillation of pot arrack from the
Kitul palm, though he had never seen a coconut tree
tapped ; he thought that there was an " universal
taste for Arrack amongst the people, the drinking of
which is not confined to the lower but equally practised
13
though more secretly by the Higher Classes."
Apparently the habit spread since Knox's time when
the Portuguese settled in Sinhale, following the custom
of their country, began to open taverns for selling
intoxicants. Hook's proposal was reasonable. The
rent system was originally confined to restricted areas
within the Settlements, and on 31st March, 1801
George Gregory, Collector of Colombo, wrote to
William Boyd, Acting Secretary to Government,
advising its extension throughout the Settlements.
One condition which he proposed was " that the arrack
renter shall on no account molest the people who draw
toddy from their trees to use it in their families to make
it into arrack or to use it in this state in their families
and among their friends." He had served in Madras
and knew that in India tari was a valuable article of
food, though he probably did not know that it was a
prophylactic against Malaria and its rich content of
Vitamin B remained to be discovered. At any
rate he was not prepared to refuse to the Sinhalese
villager the right which a European peasant enjoyed
over his vineyard. Other counsels prevailed; the
story of the sorrow and degradation brought on the
country by treating the sale of intoxicants as an easy
method of filling Government coffers has yet to be
written. Molligoda Disava, Hook's colleague in Sat
Korale, died from the effects of intemperance, " a vice
acquired in his European intercourse " according to
Skinner. His only son died young from the same cause,
and with him the family became extinct.
Hook now announced that as the result of secret

negotiations Kandelova Mohottala (who had been very
14
ill) and his two brothers, had surrendered, an event
which he considered as important as the capture of
Pilima Talavva himself ; they were among the most
formidable of the leaders and by their status and
wealth took the first rank in the Ihala Dolos Pattu,
while their talents and influence were greater than
Pilima.Talavva's. Their rice fields yielded a thousand
13
amunams in the year; but the British cut down their
coconut trees and destroyed their houses, grain and
cattle, though they saved their valuables by sending
them away to the Vanni. Hook said he found the
Mohottala's knowledge of the Province superior to
16
that of all the other Chiefs put together, and once with
the British he undertook either to persuade Pilima
Talavva to surrender or bring him in as a prisoner.
Meanwhile Backhouse, leaving Manar on 6th

October, made his way seventy-nine miles to Anuradha-
pura, passing seventeen old and abandoned batteries
near the Nagara ; de Bussche wrote two years before
" These batteries are a kind of breast-work made of
three rows of posts driven, at irregular distances, into

the ground, the space between them being filled up with
rubbish, wood, stones or anything which is at hand.
From behind these defences they saluted us by a volley
of small arms and jingals." Backhouse removed the
numerous sick from the Nagara to Manar where he
returned on 20th October, after tracing out and
arresting Vira Vaku, a Malabar, who was alleged to be
Pilima Talavva's choice for Dore Svami's place.
Fraser was doggedly tracking the fugitives,
combing the countryside from Anuradhapura up to
the thirteenth century stronghold of Yapahuva—
which signifies Beautiful Mountain--with its remark
able fortifications and remains of the palace and
Dalada Maligava. He was still in Sat Korale, while
the Vanni and Nuvara Kalavaya were also being
searched. On n t h October, Hook sent to Pilima
Talavva his former Lekama to explain to him the folly
of further resistance, following him up the next day
with two confidential messengers, while Pahamune
Mohottala left for Nuvara Kalavaya on a similar
mission. . One of the messengers reported that though
he failed to meet the Chief, he learnt from his followers
that he was anxious to throw himself on the mercy of
the British ; and on the 19th his two Caffree prisoners
arrived at Nalanda.
George Nadoris, despite his greed and restless

17
ambition, was provingso useful that Hook hoped " his
active and intelligent zeal during the excursion
to Matale will ensure his pardon for the pecuniary
transgressions." He left on the ioth to get in touch
with Pilima Talavva and the next day Bisset an
nounced in the Gazette that there was good reason
to believe that the Chief was contemplating surrender ;
•George could not meet him but earned much praise by
arranging the surrender of Arampala and Hevapola,
the only two who still maintained the struggle in Sat
Korale. Hevapola brought the news that on the 16th
Pilima Talavva was lying very ill at Manaketti in
Nuvara Kalavaya and that Kappitipola and Madugalla

were retreating in the same direction before Kelly's
18
advance.
Arampala had for a long time controlled the
countryside from his stronghold at Buluvala right up
to Kurunagala so effectively that the exasperated Hook
had in revenge forbidden any promise to spare his life
being held out to him. His surrender was therefore
unwelcome to Hook who wrote " I deemed him a
proper subject for the Gallows, by being taken
prisoner . . . His voluntary surrender precludes this
but I recommend some extraordinary severity on his
case." Then with a frankness based no doubt on
knowledge of his General's views he continued " He
was taken prisoner on the 19th, as I find on a mors
particular inquiry. I have therefore recommended his
being tried for his life by a Court Martial." This was
done and on 10th November, he reported " Arampala
Loku Mohottala was taken prisoner and hanged." It
does not appear that these shameful details were
19
revealed to Bathurst.
The failure of Kappitipola and Pilima Talavva
to combine had its inevitable sequel in disheartening
their followers, and the acute and vigorous Dclvita
Lekama advised the Mohottalala to submit, for as he
said " the English troops were dispersed like so many
mosquitoes over the entire country and not to be
opposed." So general was the feeling against the
British that as Hook pointed out, every Chief of talent
or considerable knowledge of the country had sided
with the enemy; he therefore raised the practical
question whether when peace was restored their
punishment would include perpetual exclusion from
office, as he gathered far more knowledge from them
than from those who remained friendly.
Kelly at Nalanda now received a talpat in which
Kappitipola sought to explain his conduct. He stated
that while on his way to Alupota to arrest the person
set up by the Vellassa people as King and to persuade
them to remain calm, he was • captured and taken

to Dore Svami whose orders he was compelled to
obey on pain of death ; but he was always watching
for the chance to return and the first was when at
Gantuna he found himself separated from the rest.
He was aware of the plot to seize Dore Svami in
Dumbara, and since then had abstained from all hostile
action, whatever evil report might say. As proving
his friendly attitude he mentioned that he had never
allowed captured Sepoys or Caffrees to be put to death.
He now desired to meet the commanding officer and
inquired how this could be arranged.
It is established that he had nothing to do with the
inception of the movement, and judging from the
experience of other Chiefs his explanation of his
adherence to the Prince is no doubt true, justifying
D'Oyly's long-held belief in his good faith. Very likely
he had discussed with Pilima Talavva the desirability
r
of removing the figurehead and w as cognisant of the
plan finally adopted. While with Madugalla his
freedom of action would not appear to have been
7
restricted : he w as rather treated as a distinguished
guest. It is certain that by this time both he and
Pilima Talavva were not particularly averse to falling
into British hands.
Fraser had reached Manavava in Nuvara
Kalavaya when a Moor came with news as the result
of which Lieut. William O'Neill started from
Puliankulam, twenty-two miles to the south-east of
Anuradhapura, with thirty men at four o'clock on the
morning of 28th October. After marching sixteen
miles, near Paravahagama on the borders of Sat Korale
he encountered a Sinhalese picquet which dispersed;
he chased one of the men three hundred, yards over a
paddy field and felled him with a blow from a stick.
This man made no attempt to conceal what he knew
and guided O'Neill to Kahalla in Nuvara Kalavaya
where inside a house he found Kappitipola, Pilima
Talavva, lame and sick upon a cot, Madugalla and
several others. As he entered, Kappiiipola eagerly

took him by the hand calling out his own name twice ;
he and Pilima Talavva were secured but Madugalla,
with some followers (said to be fourteen headmen and
20
about 300 others) succeeded in escaping. Kappiti
pola explained that he left Dumbara twenty
days before and joined Pilima Talavva that morning
and they intended to go the next day to Pantavella in
Sat Korale, four miles away. Twenty stands of arms,
some ammunition, and a bag of sulphur were among
the booty. Hook was immediately informed and an
express despatched by him on the 29th carried the
news to Brownrigg whose gratification took the
practical form of a General Order dated the 31st,
authorising the issue at all stations of the extra
allowance usual on days of rejoicing. By a notification
in the Gazette he " felicitated Lieut. O'Neill on the
good fortune he has experienced of being immediately
with his division the captor of these superlative
21
disturbers of the public peace," and promoted the
Malay Lieutenant Cader Bojêt to be native Captain.
The prisoners were, removed to Kurunagala and from
there under a guard of two officers and fifty men to
Maha Nuvara, where they arrived on 4th November.
The morning after the capture Fraser joined

O'Neill who on his instructions sent a letter directed
to Madugalla. On the night of 1st November, men
from Pubbiliya in Matale informed Lieut. Reynolds at
Nikavalla that he was in their neighbourhood, and
Ensign Shoolbraid with thirty soldiers set out to find
him. The villagers spreading themselves out through
the forest by 9 a.m. led them to a spot half a mile from
Alahara, where he was seen behind a rock, with a few
followers and a couple of guns; they offered no
resistance and were arrested and sent on to Kelly at
22
Nalanda.
The villagers mentioned that a Bhikkhu was
lurking in the forest, and at Shoolbraid's request
produced him in the evening with three, attendants
•carrying bundles seemingly of clothes, concealed in

which were found the Danta Dhatu and the jewelled
inner Karandu. Round the faithful Yariyagama—
for the Bhikkhu was he —many legends have sprung ;
the devas, it was said, provided what he needed for
the daily offerings and Iris own sustenance. As he
could not use a razor, his beard and hair had grown so
long and unkempt, that he could hardly be recognised,
and as he generally carried the Relic sewn into the
fold of his robe over the left shoulder, continually
inclining his head in the opposite direction, to avoid
the irreverence of over-shadowing it, had given it a
permanent set to the right. Brownrigg at last admit
ted the loss of the Relic, explaining that it was " by
his, the Priest's management and the negligence of
the Modliar in constant attendance, purloined in May
53
last." Y ariy agama an d ten other Bhikkhus from Uva
were shortly after imprisoned in Jaffnapatam.
On the 4th two frigates sailed from Galle with
despatches announcing the virtual close of what
Brownrigg described as " this arduous struggle to
maintain the Honor and Dominion of Great Britain
unimpaired in this Island." The reward of the people
of Nikava.Ua and Pubbiliya wa.s announced a few day's
later, and on the 5th Hook sent to Maha Nuvara a
man ajrested at Siyambalangamuva, and generally
known as Vedarala because he practised medicine ; he
was said to be from Kirinda in Uda Palata and was
suspected of having held the offices of Pattepola
Disava and Basnayaka Nilame under Dore Svami.
A small scrap of paper exists on which in minute
letters appears written . . .
Hon'ble J. D'Oyly Esq.,

My dear Sir,
Re good enough to note what you know
of this man who is herewith sent to you.
yr. Fly.
G. L.
On it is D'Oyly'sreply . . . He is no other than Ihagama,

24
late Priest.
D'Oyly who was intended for the Church
and had to resign his Fellowship at Corpus
when he declined to take Orders, had in happier times
frequently discussed the Buddhist Dharma with him.
Ihagama asserted that he was seized while on his way
with a present of fruit to surrender to Hook, and this
explanation, to which he always adhered, was probably
true. Some years later at the Isle of France he told
Holman that after escaping from arrest he lived at
Siyambalangamuva till he joined Dore Svami, and
had returned when he disappeared.
The recovery of the Danta Dhatu had a profound
effect, for sovereignity could not be divorced from its
possession, and on the n t h it reached Nittavala
Viharaya, on the road from Vatapuluva to Maha
Nuvara, where it waited for the auspicious Nakata to
re-enter the Maligava. On that day Brownrigg wrote
in his diary " Went to see the Sacred Relic. The
brilliancy of the Jewels, in which this object of Pleathen
25
Superstition is enclosed, is very great." No account
of the ceremonial attending its return has been traced.
With the exception of the captors he was perhaps the
first Englishman to see it ; probably Davy saw it at
the same time, later sketching it from memory to
Illustrate his book. Perhaps to forestall fresh criticism
by Christian associations in England, Bisset prepared
Brownrigg's defence in advance, arguing in the Gazette:
'"If they (the Sinhalese) are convinced that their
security is dependent upon their possession of a certain
piece of bone, why should not that bone be restored
to their temple with all ceremony and pomp ?" He
summed up the political situation thus : " All the
Rebel leaders of the first consequence are in our pos
session, not received by voluntary surrender but
prisoners fairly taken by the indefatigable exertions
of our brave troops." And while commending the
courage and endurance of the military, he specially
mentioned that O'Neill and his party "had been for
•eight days without arrack."
On the 13th November the Court Martial which

tried Kappitipola announced its decision as follows:-
Kandy 13th November, 1818
The Court having maturely weighed and
considered the evidence in support of the
Prosecution and given due weight to such matters
as have been urged by the Prisoner in his defence,,
is of opinion that the said Kappitipola late Dissava,
of Ouva otherwise called Monarawella Maha
Nilame is guilty of the acts of Treason wherewith
he is charged, which are hereby recapitulated viz,
" Keppitipola late Dissava of Ouva otherwise
called Monarawella Maha Nilame, a proclaimed
Traitor, charged with having at various places-
levied war against His Majesty's Government,
by having in or about the month of May last at
Diabetme welle and other places in Ouva exercised
the Office of First Adigar or Minister to a Person
pretending to be King of Kandy, and by having
in or about the month of July last, entered the
Province of the Four Korales with a body of Armed
Men, for the purpose of Instigating the People of
that Province to Rebellion in the view of
subverting His Majesty's said Government law
fully established"
And the Court having so found the Prisoner
Guilty as aforesaid doth adjudge him to suffer
death at such time and place ancl in such manner
as His Excellency the Governor and Commander
of the Forces may be pleased to direct.
R. Kelly,
Lieutenant Colonel and
President,
H. W. Heather,
Deputy Judge Advocate.
Approved and confirmed,
Robert Brownrigg
Lieut. General.
On the 16th a similar judgment was given against

Madugalla ; the judgment against Pilima Talavva,
•dated the 20th, contained no reference to his acting on
behalf of Dore Svami, the acts of Treason being set
out thus :
"JPelime Talawuwe late Dessave of the Seven

Korales, a Proclaimed Traitor, charged with
having between the months of March and October
last, at Delwitte and other places in the Seven
Korales, levied War against His Majesty's Govern
ment by directing several Persons in the said
District to array themselves in Arms for the attack
• of His Majesty's Forces there employed in the
Suppression of Rebellion and also with the in
tention to subvert the said Government lawfully
established."
The information given by Rambukpota and

Mullegama was correct; Pilima Talavva had not
recognised Dore Svami and he did not accept office
from him. As for Ihagama, he was charged with
levying war in Hevahata in the character of Disava
of Valapane or part thereof; he pressed the defence
that he was on his way to surrender when arrested,
and the trial was postponed till the 21st for Hook's
6
evidence on the point/ but finally the same judgment
was delivered against him as against the rest. The
sentence of Pilima Talavva and Ihagama were
commuted to transportation to the Isle of France for
a term which, as Brownrigg explained to Bathurst,
would depend " on the future state of the Kandyan
Provinces and the Progressive diminution of general
influence on the lower orders of the Aristocratic Faction,
which I expect will follow the acquirement of riches
27
and a sense of security."
So long as the natural leaders of the Sinhalese

retained the position guaranteed to them by Treaty,
that destruction of the people's sense of freedom and
independence, essential if authority was -to be trans-
ferred to British hands, could not be effected. B u t

the majority of them were now reduced to impotence
and Brownrigg proceeded to launch his long-planned
attack against the surviving remnants of the people's
heritage, enshrined in their institutions which daily
reminded them of their history, tradition and customs.
The last twelve months had been for him a period of
terrible anxiety ; he was responsible for the policy
leading to the conflict, and he knew better than anyone
else that he had barely managed to avoid sharing the
fate of Jeronymo de Azavedo and Baron Van Eck.
" I t was a most serious and dangerous war " said.
Philip Anstruther, at one time Colonial Secretary in
Ceylon, before the Parliamentary Committee ; '' The
British Government was as nearly beat as possible."*
He had not been spared physical suffering, and gout
continued to give himi trouble; by the middle of June he
was able to creep about on crutches and the improve
ment was being maintained when towards the end of
July an eruption broke out. over his body and
hands accompanied by violent itching which was
particularly troublesome at night. The ailment
—"Malabar Itch, ignoble as it may be " he plaintively
28
wrote —grew rapidly worse till it was with difficulty
that he could sit down. Sulphur ointment, proved of
little value and was replaced by citron ointment and.
calomel; fomenting the affected parts with a decoction
of boiled tamarind leaves (a popular village remedy)
was also tried but did little to alleviate what at the
end of September he described as " the greatest
29
discomfort I have ever been visited with." Never
theless he worked steadily at his scheme, the proposed
basic principles of which had failed to meet with the
30
Resident's acceptance in February.
Maria Graham, writing on the 20th October, 1809,
described the English Civil Servants in India as "for
the most part young men, so taken up with their own
imaginary importance that they disdain to learn and
have nothing to teach." D'Oyly, a brilliant exception,
was the one' Englishman who understood the Sinhalese
system, and he was convinced that what the Treaty

safeguarded could be efficiently worked. Officials with
military ideas complained of his indifference to conduct
on the part of Chiefs which in their eyes amounted to
insubordination, but he knew that srich conduct was
natural in the exercise of their authority, the limits of
which were fixed by inviolable custom. Claiming
to be the champions of an oppressed and inarticulate
people, they argued that so long as questions affecting
them had to reach the Government through the
Resident's medium, the Sinhalese themselves would be
the sufferers ; they strenuously urged that the primary
condition for an all-round improvement was the
people's emancipation " from the bonds of arbitrary
Tyranny "; they insisted that the Chiefs' power must
be destroyed and they were convinced that the
destruction would be speedy were the Governor free to
act according to his individual judgment.
Such views were probably held in good faith ; the
average Englishman was no doubt convinced that the
mass of the people would have a fairer deal and
administration would be much less troublesome, if
authority was transferred to men of his own race, The
possibility of vesting the people themselves with some
part of the authority did not enter his mind. The
curious doctrine that members of an alien race were
best qualified to interpret the needs of people, whose
language they could not speak and with whom they
had no social intercourse, had already started : after a
long and vicious career it is now clear! and happily
buried.
Lusignan stated that D'Oyly appeared so
impressed by the oppressiveness of the proposals that
it was feared he would resign as soon as peace was
re-established rather than be a party to such
revolutionary changes. He succinctly described the
31
situation as it appeared to him, in the following terms :
" The latter require banging into a sense of happiness
as the former (the Chiefs) do out of a sense of pre
eminence which they have too long been suffered to
enjoy. I hope however that the time has come when

the bit will be securely put into the mouths of the
Chiefs and they will then submit to be drove quietly by
any Charioteer provided he does not slacken the reins
much."
On 25th September, 181S Brownrigg sent to
31
the Board of Commissioners his proposals with a
request for their consideration without avoidable
delay so as to enable him to bring them into operation
while an imposing military force was available to
overawe the Chiefs against any attempt at opposing
a measure 'which he said would reduce them from an
aristocratic faction, obstructive to the Government and
oppressive to the people, to the. position of stipendiaries
for carrying out the orders of the executive authority.
He explained that lack of knowledge of the fundamen
tal Principles of the late Government, the relative
powers and Prerogatives of the Sovereign and the
Privileges and Jurisdictions of the Chiefs, which they
considered little controlled by the Articles of the
Proclamation, had delayed his submitting to the
Prince Regent a scheme which would serve as a solid
foundation for a good Government, protecting the
Interests of the Sovereign and the subject, and, so far
as was compatible with those, saving the feelings of
the Chiefs and the Rights they had stipulated for in
the Convention. No doubt the absence of a strong
controlling power had relaxed the general administra
tion, but the consideration shown to their prejudices,
and the share left to them in the administration, were
unable to keep the Chiefs of the greatest portion of the
Territories in allegiance.
Having in 1815 called the tune to which, the Chiefs

danced, he now with bland effrontery asserted as his
conviction that their sole, object in dethroning the King
was to seize full dominion for themselves. His
manifesto of 3rd March, 1815 contained the following
passage : " Customs, however, they have, and
established gradations of authority, and even known
forms of justice. A general re-establishment of all

these is the basis of the civil and judicial articles of
the treaty." But human promises are easily broken,
and the most solemn pledges disregarded or evaded
without going so far as complete repudiation.
He continued " Under these circumstances, surely,
where somany of the Chiefs have broke this part of the
Convention by withdrawing their allegiance, and have
seduced and forced the people to the same wicked
course of rebellion, it is not imperative of His
Excellency to consider the letter of the Articles of that
Convention as so completely fettering his measures,
that he is not, on the subjugating of the existing
Insurrection, to take steps to fortify the hands of the
British officers appointed to the Executive Government,
to invest them with Powers of compelling immediate
obedience from all the Chiefs and Inhabitants to the
Orders of Government, fixing and collecting a moderate
and legitimate Revenue, administering prompt and
impartial justice to every subject of His Majesty and
finally to prevent by all possible means the recurrence
of such calamities as have been in these Provinces the
consequences of the existing Rebellion, and the effects
of which it is to be feared will long clog their
prosperity."
The Board sat from day to day, Brownrigg

joining them from the 12th November and Molligoda
being frequently called in consultation. On the 17th
a fresh member was added, Brownrigg explaining in a
Minute that the radical changes in the administration
which would be introduced immediately would be
unwelcome to the principal Chiefs, and therefore no
measure should be omitted which was calculated to
add vigour to the Executive, and ensure that unity
and promptitude of action which alone could repress
any attempt to disturb tranquillity. Much depended
on the connection between the Civil and Military
Branches, and to secure harmonious working the
Officer Commanding the Troops in the Interior was
given a seat on the Board next to the Resident. He

would keep the Board in touch with such information
as reached him, and the movements of troops considered
expedient in view of the political situation.
The scheme finally adopted was embodied in a
Proclamation of fifty-six sections, and was promulgated
on Saturday the 21st November at the Magul Maduva,
after which the guns which had greeted the Treaty of
2nd March, 1815 fired a Royal Salute. The six initial
paragraphs were devoted to Brownrigg's version of
events since the Treaty, set out in sonorous periods
with becoming acknowledgment of the favour of Divine
Providence ; its accuracy was not greater than could
be expected under the embarrassing circumstances in
which its author was placed. The Chiefs and people,
he stated, had by a solemn Act deposed their King and
ceded the royal authority to the British sovereign,
whose representatives administered the Government
with noteworthy mildness; but factions and intriguing
spirits had plotted against the sovereign with the sole
object of securing for themselves absolute power over
the lives and properties of their fellow subjects. The
people had placed blind obedience to their Chiefs before
their duty to their sovereign, with much consequent
misery and loss of life ; therefore the Government, in
the exercise of its inherent rights, was reforming such
parts of the practice of administration as had led the
subjects to forget the Majesty of the Royal Government
and be wholly dependent on their Chiefs.
The British Monarch, he declared, was now the
one source from which all power emanated, and that
power was exercised by his representative the Governor,
who delegated the executive and judicial authority
over -Sinhale to the Board of Commissioners and the
Agents acting under its Superintendence. Consequently
all Chiefs from the Adikars downwards would in future
be subject to their orders, the Superior Chiefs being
appointed by the Governor's instrument, and the
inferior by the Resident or other Authorised Agent,
all of whom would be vested with disciplinary powers

in varying degrees. The Chiefs' right to appoint then-
own headmen was taken away from them, except in
the case, of villages allotted for their personal service;
the loss of the reality of power was slightly veiled by
preserving to them their customary honours ; at the
same time ceremonial which the British considered
degrading, such as prostration and kneeling before the
Sovereign Authority, was abolished.
For three centuries the Sinhalese had regarded
Europeans from the vantage ground of an independent
race contemplating foreigners who sought admission
within their country, and to refuse a welcome to a
stranger would have outraged their long Buddhist
tradition of kindliness ; besides renegades were useful
for the King's service. Bitter experience had taught
them to associate the Iberians with ferocity; their
King's Councillors had not forgotten the faithlessness
of Teuton diplomatists as represented by the Nether
lands Company's agents. Trade, which leads to
mutual understanding, did not exist, for the European
purchased little except from the King's Gabadava and
sold little beyond expensive trifles like horses and
dress materials which the courtiers needed. The
villager rarely crossed the limits of his country, though
Bhikkhus travelled unchallenged anywhere. Joao
Ribei.ro, after eighteen years residence in the Island,
told his countrymen with pride of the esteem in which
the Sinhalese held them : their Princes, he said —they
had been educated on Portuguese lines—" used to
declare that of the nations of the world we were the
most worthy of honour, and if only we did not eat beef,
we would be as good as they were." Knox had said
much the same thing, and given an additional reason.
The sentiments of the Sinhalese towards the
British on their first appearance were no doubt similar ;
every nation claims the most, honourable place for
itself but they did not obtrude the claim with
arrogance, though in 1821 Spence Hardy found that
the Chiefs at Kurunagala resented an Englishman

sitting on a chair at a higher level than themselves.
All this was now to be changed ; they were no longer
to be treated as an independent race which had deposed
its King and by Treaty substituted George of England
in his place. The defensive organisation which had
served them so long and so well, was dissolved ; they
found themselves disarmed, and their Chiefs, who under
the Royal supervision were responsible for the
administration, stripped of the reality of power.
Respect for personal authority and customary obliga
tions would no longer be a compelling force ; and
existing local autonomy was doomed to,extinction, with
an accompanying increase of crime and decay of sociaL
life. Military force - remained exclusively with, the
British, who took control of all avenues leading to
emolument and social status ; and a new fetish of the
superiority of the Briton whose disfavour meant ruin,,
was set up for the idolatrous worship of the leaderless
and starving population.
With this in view it was now ordered that everyone,

including Chiefs, must give up the middle of the road to-
any British civil or military officer, and if seated when
one went past, rise up and make an obeisance to him.
AH Europeans on their part had to show marks of
respect to the two Adikars, to whom as well as to the
Disavas the Board was instructed to allot proper
attendance. The honours rendered to the King when
travelling would in future be accorded to the Governor,
and on a descending scale to other British officials.
The use of palanquins by Adikars and Disavas when
accompanying the Governor, the right to sit in the
presence of officials and the nature of the seat—
whether chair, bench, or mat— were regulated, the use
of chairs being confined to the Adikars and those
holding the Governor's special licence. At one timein
the little State of Hanover local magnates had to bow
before their King's portrait, which was placed on a
chair ; and now it was ordained that everyone entering
the Magul Maduva must make obeisance to King

George's. Perhaps a contemporary likeness was
judged undesirable and a version of the King's head
and shoulders from Sir William Beechey's life-size
group of his reviewing the ioth Dragoon Guards,
exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1798 and now in the
Royal Collection, was displayed instead. Brownrigg
however found that the well-nourished Teutonic face
:
under the immense military hat failed 'to command in
a sufficient degree the veneration for the Monarch
which I consider it essential all classes of the Kandyan
subjects should be impressed with," and on 9th
January, 1819 asked for "a handsomely finished port
rait of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent in Royal
33
Robes of State " as a substitute.
The ddkum paid by the Disavas, all duties and taxes

(including those payable to the Gabadavas, Ayudha
ge, and Maha Aramudala,) judicial fees and bulat
surulu, were abolished, the Chiefs being compensated
for the loss of such emoluments by fixed stipends and
exemption from the new taxation on lands. It was
not competent for the King arbitrarily to change the
duties leviable from the people. When Sri Vikrama
directed Ahalepola to re-introduce in Saparagamuva
the duties recorded in the newly discovered Portuguese
Tombo of that Province— ayabadu lekam mitiya, regis
ter of taxes, Ahalepola called it— he pointed out that
before this could be done a Sabhava of the Pradhana
Disapativaru should consider and approve of the
change. " Before Innovations of importance are
carried into effect it is customary to consult the
Principal Chiefs, and frequently the Principal Priests,
and when other matters of public moment are in
agitation the same persons are usually called to his
Councils," admitted D'Oyly when describing the
Sinhalese Constitution. Brownrigg now by his
Proclamation summarily destroyed the existing system,
substituting a tax in kind on the annual yield of all
rice fields; generally the rate was a tenth of the crop,
double in the case of forfeited lands if restored, and

one fourteenth in districts which had assisted the
British, Pubiliya and Nikavalla being specially named.
The cultivator had to deliver the tax at the Govern
ment store. Only the Vaddo who had no rice lands
remained unaffected b y the change and continued t o
p a y their duty of bees w a x . The property of fifteen
Chiefs who, headed b y the Maha Nilame, were named
in the Proclamation as meriting British favour, were
exempted from this levy for e v e r ; so also were the
lands of certain classes subject to labour, such as those
recently set to peel cinnamon, and others who had to
cultivate the R o y a l fields.
The Sinhalese were to be compelled to provide

the funds needed for 'Brownrigg's experiment and an
outlook on life based on money, with the degrada
tion of values involved in a system founded on
the search for profit, was thus forced upon a country
with a civilisation so much more venerable than
Britain's ; there is still alive a B h i k k h u who remembers
his grandfather's criticism on the new order. " This
Government is not like that of our devi hamudurnvo
(divine lord, i.e. the King) ; it is a Government of
vetanda minissu (commercial m e n ) . " Brownrigg could
hardly have anticipated the misery which the enforce
ment of his new levy would bring into hundreds of
village homes before it was finally abolished.
The liability to perform rajakariya remained, b u t
such service would in future be paid for, except when
34
needed for roads and bridges. The personal services
rendered to the K i n g with kunama, talatu and fandaii
(torches) were preserved for the convenience of high
officials while travelling, subject to the same condition
of payment. A l l kadavatu and other similar barriers
were abolished along with the establishments,
responsible for their maintenance and defence.
E v e n t s had brought home to Brownrigg the

tremendous power of their religious convictions over
the Sinhalese, who had sacriiiced themselves for the

Dore Svami because t h e y recognised in him " t h e
•descendant of the G o d s , " to quote the Proclamation.
He therefore announced that " A s well the Priests as
all the Ceremonies and Processions of the Budhoo
Religion shall receive the respect which in former
times was shown to t h e m . " These words have been
strangel}/ misinterpreted b y Emerson Tennent in his
" Ceylon " as intended to replace the onerous
obligations contained in the T r e a t y b y an undertaking
merely to treat with " respect " ; whereas t h e y were
intended to emphasize and confirm the original liability.
Several reservations in favour of the religious autho
rities were introduced ; for instance though appoint
ments in " Temple Villages " were among those trans
ferred to the Resident, he was to act on the recommen
dation of the D i y a v a d a n a Nilame or Basnayaka
Nilames concerned, who continued to be entitled to
bulat surula. E x p l i c i t l y stating t h a t he was " desirous
of showing the adherence of Government to its
stipulation in favour of the Religion of the People,"
Brownrigg further exempted lands belonging to
religious institutions from all taxes ; it should be
remembered that private persons could not dedicate
lands without the K i n g ' s permission. Such institutions
were further exempted from the new rule of payment for
rajakaxiya performed; the R a d a b a d d a must continue
to decorate " temples " w i t h white cloth, and
persons liable to attend at the Great Feasts,
must do so without remuneration. Brownrigg
recognised t h a t the Sangha formed an organisation
of no little power " and he made a subtle and effective
appeal to those human weaknesses from which not all
Bhikkhus are exempt, when he reserved to them alone
the privilege hitherto enjoyed b y Chiefs of testifying
in a Court of L a w seated and without the sanction of
an oath. He explained that he hoped to secure at
least their future neutrality b y " the inviolable respect
p a i d to the property of the Temples and a proper
regard to the due administration of funds " in the
manner outlined in the Minute of 21st January. A t

the same time nervously conscious of the dissatisfac
tion created in England by the amplitude of the
assurance provided by the. Treaty, he took the
opportunity to make it clear that the followers of other
religions would also enjoy complete freedom of worship
and be permitted to build the edifices they needed, at
approved sites licensed by the Governor.
Justice would continue to be administered
according to the ancient and established usages of the
country, but the constitution of the Courts was radically
altered by substituting British officials as judges in
place of the Chiefs, who were reduced to the position
of assessors ; a strictly limited jurisdiction over the
people directly subject to their orders being left as a
sop to the Great Chiefs. The powers and territorial
jurisdiction of the new Courts were defined and the
procedure to be followed laid down ; in future witnesses
must give their evidence standing and at the conclusion
ratify it by an oath which Sinhalese and Hindus were
to take at a Devalaya.
Moors living in Sinhalese villages, were ordered to
obey the Sinhalese headmen notwithstanding the
terms of the Proclamation of 2nd March, 1818. In a
General Order of 22nd November Brownrigg made
special reference to the services of the Moors of
Vellassa, where Captain Ritchie had been in command
since May; adding the surprising statement that
that officer's zeal in safeguarding the Moors' interests
" has contributed to exalt the British character in the
eyes of the Kandyan people."
Valapane was partitioned, the portion west of the
Kuda. and Uma Oyas being entrusted to the Board, and
Viyaluva with Madulla to the Agent in Uva. Nuvara
Kalavaya was similarly divided between the Board and
the Agent of Sat Korale, while Tamankaduva was
attached to Trikunamale.
In forwarding a copy of the Proclamation to the

Board, Brownrigg requested an early allotment of the
villages and departments needed for the Disavas'
personal service, and registration of lands belonging
to Chiefs and religious institutions which were
exempted from taxation, in order to avoid future
frauds. No Betme Rala was to be appointed to Maha
Kataragama Devalaya ; its domains would be managed
by Government and the Agent at Badulla must supply
•everything needed for religious ceremonies and the
maintenance of the establishment, using the surplus
revenue for the upkeep and embellishment of the
edifice. To check intrigues the Chiefs must be j ealously
36
watched, and Bhikkhus kept under close observation.
He further " most earnestly entreated " the Board to
•collect the information regarding the Customs,
Institutions, Feelings and Prejudices of the People for
which the Secretary of State had so often called ; he
impressed on the Members that though he had enacted
very material changes in the system of administration
yet it cannot be expected that His Majesty's Ministers
will consent to ratify permanently any rules of this
permanent nature without having before them ample
means of judging of their relevancy and propriety of
application."
In asking for the Prince Regent's approval of

the scheme, Brownrigg explained that it was intended
to be provisional til] experience should reveal what
amendments and alterations were needed to render
It a fit Code of permanent Government. Pie had
introduced radical changes, he said, but while doing
so had attempted to conciliate the loyal Chiefs;
none the less he was convinced that it was indis
pensable to deprive them too of all power which
might be used to the injury of Government. The
salaries provided for them were so calculated as to
compensate them for the loss of their emoluments from
fees payable on inferior appointments made by them,
judicial fees which being indeterminate in amount and
paid by the successful litigant, resembled bribes ; and
the Fines levied summarily for petty offences and the

neglect of their own orders ; these emoluments he
described as the means by which the Great Chiefs kept
the lower orders in a state of dependence and fear. In
recognition of Molligoda's eminent services and fidelity'-,
a special pension of 200 rix-dollars a month would be
assigned to him. In addition to being Pallegampaha
Adikar and Disava of Satara Korale, he now held the
offices of Diyavaclana Nilame of the Dalada Maligava
and Basnayaka Nilame of Maha Vishnu Devalaya.,.
while his brother, the Disava of Sat Korale, was
appointed Udagampaha Adikar. Brownrigg said he
was hopeful that the new Paddy Tax would more than
37
meet the cost of salaries.
To a previous Despatch explaining the principles,

of the proposed changes, Bathurst replied on 1st
February, 1819. Pie did not dispute, he said, the
expediency of diminishing the despotic powers of the
Chiefs, which, he understood has been exercised with
little care for the happiness of the people or the
stability of Government, but he cautioned the Governor
against applying that principle to those who had
continued loyal ; it would be an ill return for their
fidelity to reduce them to a condition which they would
consider degraded if divested of the accustomed
authority. Nor did he feel sure that the people in
general would be. pleased at a change from the ancient
form of authority, though it might be ultimately for
their benefit. He therefore suggested that a beginning
might be made with the disloyal districts. As to
establishing a general impost on the produce of lands,
extreme caution was needed in augmenting those to-
which the people were accustomed : there would be
no better ground for exciting them against, the British
than additional taxation, and the change might
endanger the safety of the British dominion.
These were the views of a statesman and a man

of honour; they came too late. Once the changes were
announced Bathurst replied on 10th November, 1819
that the Prince Regent approved of the scheme " as a

temporary measure, but His Royal Highness anxiously
looks forward for that information you have required
from'the Board, as upon that must depend His Royal
Highness' decision as to the permanent Government
of the country and whether it may be proper to extend
to that part of the. Island the system under which the
other parts of it have for so many years been success
fully administered."
The officials however were not competent to-
perform this task. D'Oyly alone furnished a
Memorandum on the Constitution of the Kingdom,
with details of the administration of Satara Korale
which were no doubt furnished by its Disava,
A useful account of the tenures in Saparagamuva
was prepared by Wright and this in a somewhat
abbreviated form is published as Appendix R to the
present work; while the Niti Niganduva (Compendium
of Law), said to have been prepared by a Committee
of Chiefs under Sawers' direction, remained forgotten
till its publication in 1879. Interest in the whole
38
subject disappeared before very long. The exact
population of Sinhale when Sri Vikrama was deposed
is not known but can safely be assumed not to have
exceeded the half a million at which that, of the
Settlements can be assessed from the information
obtained at the Census of 1814 ; the " actual
enumeration " carried out in 1824 gave a total of
256,835 souls for Sinhale.
By a second Proclamation, dated 21st November,
the Accredited Agents were authorised in spite of the
continuance of Martial Law, to enter on their new
functions so far as they concerned revenue, the public
services and the administration of justice. By another
all arrears due to the Aramudala, Ayudha ge, and
Maha Gabadava were remitted, while a fourth
regulated the future possession of firearms. Only
Disavas might keep jingals, and unlawful possession
could be punished by transportation for life ; smaller
firearms could only be retained on a licence and save in
exceptional cases, the number allowed to a person was

limited to one ; corporal punishment, imprisonment
and transportation were among the penalties provided
39
for a breach of this law. A Proclamation of the 24th
prohibited owners from taking legal action to regain
possession of houses which the British had given to
their partisans when found unoccupied; claims for
restitution were to be by petition addressed to the
Board, on whose report the Governor would make
order.
Brownrigg was busy preparing to return to
Colombo, and in a General Order of the 22nd he
indirectly paid a very high compliment to the Sinhalese
when he announced that he could not leave Maha
Nuvara without conveying to the Military " the
reiterated assurance of the admiration " with which
he shall ever continue to view their gallant and
indefatigable conduct throughout the late arduous
struggle. He had combatted Sinhalese resistance by
terror and he cannot be blamed for not mentioning what
Braybrooke revealed to the Parliamentary Committee,
that the total number of officers and men killed by
them was only forty-four.
On the 25th he started and the opportunity was
taken to bring home to the populace that the power was
now with the British official and that, the Chiefs were
subordinate to him. All marks of honour customary
when the King made a progress were enforced and. all
Chiefs at Maha Nuvara with their attendants
accompanied him to the tot a at Gannoruva where
Udugampaha bade him farewell, while Pallegampaha,
as Disava of Satara Korale, escorted him to the limits
of his Province. Molligoda ha d mentioned that Disavas
when in attendance on the King could, not use a. palan
quin, but as officers accompanying the Governor were
allowed to do so, he requested that the same privilege
might be extended to them ; accordingly under the
provisions of the Proclamation, the Adikars were
allowed their use within the Hatara gamtota, and all
Disavas outside those limits.
Travelling by way of Arandara to Ruvanalla and

from there by water, Brownrigg on the evening of the
28th reached Grand Pass from where, as he was still
very lame in the left foot, he was borne in a palanquin
amidst manifestations of rejoicing from a crowd
estimated at 7,000—a quarter of the town's popula
39
tion. A triumphal arch spanned the road at Kayman's
Gate—the entrance to the Pettah-where a salute of
nineteen guns was fired and troops lined the road as
far as his residence ; this, the largest house in the Fort,
stood in the principal street, and once belonged to van
Anglebeek, the last Governor of the Dutch Company,
and from its upper store}' could be seen on one side the
port with its shipping, and on the other the country
stretching over the cinnamon lands with Samanta Kuta
40
in the background. To the villager the Governor is
the Rajjuruvo, and his residence the raja gedara—the
King's House ; and King's House the British called
the house, which Brownrigg re-entered at five o'clock
after his unexpectedly long absence of fifteen months.
He was pleased at the reception : " nothing could be
more honourable to my exertions or more gratifying
41
to my feelings " he wrote in his diary that night.
In dealing with the Sinhalese leaders banishment

was what he had in view- a penalty which, as Sawers
pointed out, they feared more than death. This
sentiment extended to all classes ; Rama Samy, a
Private of the Second Ceylon Regiment, when convicted
by a Court Martial of desertion, selected the appalling
sentence of a thousand lashes in preference to transport
4
ation to New South Wales for jive years. ' Under the
Sinhalese practice a sentence of whipping did not
specify the number of strokes, but the judge attended
at its execution and stopped the infliction when
satisfied that the offender was sufficiently punished.
The question of Ahalepola awaited decision. In
July Brownrigg reported to Bathurst that no evidence
incriminating him had been traced but he was deter
mined not to leave him a free agent, at least for some
years to come; since he feared that even if he remained

quiet in Colombo, agitation was bound to result; he
proposed to transfer him to the Isle of France as a tem
porary measure. On his way to Colombo he addressed
to the Maha Nilame from Ruvana.Ua a lengthy Minute
in which, while admitting that there was no evidence to
connect him with the recent troubles, he enumerated
various grounds for what he considered justifiable
complaint against his general attitude, mostly based on
his alleged anxiety for " directing to himself the sole
attention of the people."
Ignoring the assurance given to him on his

removal from Maha Nuvara, Brownrigg informed him
that he could not be permitted to return to Sinhale, but
offered him the choice between continuing at Colombo
under strict surveillance, or being transferred with his
family and attendants to a foreign country, where a
liberal allowance would be provided. Ahalepola
answered repudiating the insinuations and again
demanding an inquiry : as he had already expressed
his decision not to return to his country, he elected to
remain in Colombo. No inquiry was held, but
arrangements were made in accordance with his choice
and very strict precautions taken against the possibili
ty of his re-establishing his influence among his own
43
countrymen. He never saw Sinhale again and in 1825
was removed to the Isle of France where he lived at
Powder Mill, in Pamplemousses. The long enforced
restraint had destroyed his vigour of body and mind,
and he had become a listless mild old man with snow-
white hair, who liked European society and little
children ; he usually dressed in white, with a white
Sinhalese hat, his favourite ornaments being a necklace
of large gold beads (probably an aralu at a male) and a
ring set with a large emerald. He had not learnt to
speak English but. occasionally played whist and for
his guests' entertainment would sing in Sinhalese; on
one occasion he caused an attendant to recite lengthy
extracts from the Parangi Hatane or some other poem
dealing with the Portuguese wars, sorely trying their

patience, according to Mrs. Bartram, who was present.
As a rule he refused to join in drinking wine. He died
there on the 4th April 1829, and his body was cremated
at St. Andre, where a memorial was erected. " I wore
out my bod}' to help the Government which I trusted,
and all that I achieved is as a line traced on water "
was his comment on their ingratitude.
Ahalepola, surpassing the Great Chiefs in ability,
lacked the qualities expected in a King which Sri
Vikrama possessed. Excessive vanity stimulated
his ambition, and the vague hope of the Ran Kaduva
being some day girt round himself led him to betray
his Master and Country. But whatever his short
comings he had never failed his chosen friends, the
English, and the severest scrutiny could not reveal any
ground for complaint about his attitude during their
troubles. It is surprising to rind Major Forbes
asserting somewhat pontihcally " From the best
information, I cannot doubt the perfect knowledge and
concurrence of Eheylapola in the treasons of his
r
brother-in-law Kappitipola, who w as the principal
leader in the rebellion.'' The opinion of a military
officer obviously incompetent to distinguish between
Messroom. gossip and sober evidence, might be passed
over without comment. Sir James Emerson Tennent
stands on a different footing. He had been a Member
of Parliament and was Secretary to the Board of
Control when selected to be Colonial Secretary of
Ceylon. He took much interest in every aspect which
it presented and had the gift of drawing on the scholar
ship of others to supply what he himself lacked. His
publications show research and it has become almost a
tradition to accept his statements without challenge.
It is therefore difficult to avoid a feeling of disappoint
ment when he is found asserting that " Eheylapola,
the ardent friend of the British Government, was
seized and expatriated for fomenting the rebellion."
He gave evidence at great length before the
Parliamentary Committee and on 25th March, 1850
795—0
stated that he had studied the causes of previous out

breaks and consulted the Government records
containing the details. Those records were preserved
in his office and in perusing them the .Governor's
Despatches could hardly have been ignored; but
he perversely accepted the verdict of his friend Forbes
(whose surprising illustration of the Danta Dhatu he
also copied) in preference to Brownrigg's, even ignoring
the fact that Ahalepola was banished seven years
44
after the struggle in Sinhale was ended.
It was now Kappitipola's turn ; his appeal for a
commutation of his sentence was refused and he heard
the decision with serenity, admitting that he did wrong
in accepting office under Dore Svami; what now
awaited him, he said, was his Karma, the fruit of his
actions in a previous existence ; but life, however full
of trouble, was very desirable. Marshall has placed on
record the incidents of the last scene. On the m:orning
of the 26th Kappitipola and Madugalla were at their
request led to the Maligava, where Sawers was await
ing them. Kneeling before the threshold of the
sanctuary which once again sheltered the Relic,
Kappitipola recounted the meritorious acts of his life
and uttered his prarlhariava - the formulation of the
desire which had. inspired those acts ; for acts by
themselves, unaccompanied by the wish, bear no fruit,
and his was the attainment of Nirvana. No longing for
heavenly bliss or fear of the torments of hell disturbed
his mind, for every man is his own light and refuge.
The attendant Bhikkhu replied with the gentle dignity
and impressiveness characteristic of his Order, assuring
him that as surely as the stone thrown into the air will
return to the earth, so surely would he for his merits
be bora again to see the Buddha and receive his just
reward.
'Kappitipola unwound the upper cloth which was
wrapped round his loins and offered it to the Relic,
telling Sawers that he gave him a share in the Merit of
that last act of devotion—which could not be small,
for he was offering all that he had to give. (Two

clays before his .death Ahalepola wrote in his Will
" All the clothes belonging to my apparell I have
offered to the Maligava/' referring no doubt to what he
used to wear at State functions). Madugalla followed
with like ceremonial but his self-control gave way.
Anyone aggrieved at the decision of a Court could by
Custom appeal to the King by seeking asylum.
Numerous lithic records contain details of immunities
and privileges which from early times were granted to
certain localities, one being that persons accused of
specified grave offences could not be arrested within
their boundaries. The practice was recognised during
the Portuguese occupation of the Coast, as it was
substantially identical with the European institu
tion of sanctuary. A violation of the right ranked
among the greatest offences. Madugalla now ran
within the shrine room claiming sanctuary and had to
be forcibly dragged away ; he was behaving like a fool,
Kappitipola remarked composedly, as he took Sawers'
hand in farewell with the courtly grace, surpassing even
Ahalepola's, which had gained for him among English
circles the sobriquet of Chesterfield.
The two Chiefs were led near the spot where

Allepola was executed, and where once again the whole
garrison was drawn up under arms. Water was
brought and each washed his face and hands. Kappiti
pola then tied his long hair in a knot and sat down on the
ground by a small bush which he grasped with his toes :
a Chief faced the death ordered by his King with open
eyes : he was not blindfolded and no block was used to
support the head. He took a small palm-leaf book
from his waist and after intoning a few Pali verses
handed it to be sent to Sawers as a keepsake in memory
of their friendship when fellow-officials in Uva. He
then commenced to recite the nava guna patha— the
Nine Attributes of the Buddha— and at the word
arahan the Gahalaya struck him on the back of the
45
neck with his sword. A Chief is entitled to be executed
420 SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS!
by a single stroke, but the executioner, perhaps over

come by the horror of the act in which he was forced to
participate, showed himself lacking in dexterity and a
second stroke was needed before he severed the head,
which according to custom he picked up and placed on
the breast.
Madugalla followed; he earnestly urged that he .
should be despatched with one stroke but his resolution
failed when it came to bending his head forward and
it had to be held by one of the executioners. With the
first blow he fell backwards and again a second was
needed to end his life.
Royal personages were cremated at the Avadhana
Maluva in Nagaha Vitiya, and a cenotaph, generally
in the shape of a dagaba, was erected over a portion of
46
the ashes of each ; but cemeteries for the common
disposal of the dead were unknown. Graves remained
unmarked though occasionally a conical heap of stones,
about four feet in height, would be raised where some
prominent person was buried, mainly perhaps as a
protection from marauding beasts. The bodies of the
two Chiefs were buried in the bank of the lake and their
heads were taken away by Marshall; Tulloch saw the
two skulls two years later at the hospital, and. Kappiti
pola's was finally presented by Marshall to the
Phrenological Society of Edinburgh, the town where
45
he settled, ' from where it has been sent back recently.
Kivulegedara had still to be caught; Bisset
described him as " a daring active villain, rendered
desperate and reckless of all consequence by his
conscious sense of unpardonable guilt," and the
villagers would give no information about his
movements. The remains of a human body found
at a spot where he was reported to have been seen were
for some time regarded as evidence of his death, but on
20th November two Moors of Paranagama employed
to search for him recognised him in a beggar who asked
them for alms as they rested in a hut. (Begging was
not a recognised institution among the Sinhalese, for
Kivulegedara Mohottala
from Lindamulle Paltini Devalaya,
Badulla
as Knox remarked, everyone was expected to support

a distressed relative : the one exception was provided
by the Rodi whose livelihood it is by Custom;
but professional beggars regularly entered the
country from India, attracted by the knowledge
that Buddhists regarded alms-giving as a sure means of
acquiring Merit. In every household before rice was
put into the pot to boil, a hal mita, as much grain as
could be grasped within the closed fist, was first
separated for the poor). The Moors seized the disguised
man and took him before the Bintanna Disava at Alut
48
Nuvara, who sent him under guard to Badulla, where
he was tried by Court Martial and executed on the 18th
of December.
Descended from the deified Bandara Vadda, six
other members of his family had received divine
honours ; he more than any other man was responsible
for this struggle, which evoked among the inarticulate
Sinhalese a loyalty towards their hereditary leaders
and a contempt of suffering which help to explain
the long history of the race. With instinctive adoration
the men and women who knew him well recognised
him as the seventh Devatava of his family, under the
style of Punchi Alut Bandara Deviyo. The Devalaya
of the Seven Deities in the Gammevala rice fields has
fallen down ; the Na tree which once overshadowed
it has ceased to live ; but, represented by his Ayudhaya,
bo-leaf-shaped, he is remembered in the yearly festival
throughout Viyaluva and Bintanna. And during
Poson Maha, as pilgrims on their way to the pre-
Sinhalese shrine of Malfiyangana enter the limits of
the forest, they pluck twigs and hang them on the
trees, invoking the Chief who once had fought so
manfully for their rights, to protect them now from the
errors of the road, the attacks of savage elephants, and
49
those mental delusions which afflict the unworthy; and
at Maha Kataragama Devalaya, cosmopolitan crowds
continued to address their supplications to the Hero in
50
a tiny kovila, chapel, six feet square.
His Excellency General Sir Robert Brownrigg,

Bt.,G.C.B., can be excused for branding as Rebels the
men and women and children who died for the ideal
of a Community which should be fully their own ; but
no generous soul with the instinct of freedom will
refuse to honour them as Patriots.
Chapter I.
1. For Lockyer's Diary see Appendix V.
2. Printed in The Asiatic Journal, London 1816.
Explaining the name Kiri Muhuda, the late Diyavadana Nilame, Ratvatte
Disava, mentioned a legend that the site for the Dalada Maligava was selected
in Kirti Sri Raja Sinha's time because it was the shelter of a Kiri ibba, an
animal whose presence forebodes good luck. A well was sunk and the water
from its pond was led into it through old cannon, which he said could still
be seen ; this is the water used for the Tevava at the Maligava. The overflow
was led into the lake which Sri Vikrama constructed and named Kiri Muhuda,
in the hope of attracting the Kiri ibba into it; but Kunkunava, a Bhikkhu
skilled in Vas kavi, prophesied that it would benefit only the white race on
the Coast.
The scientific name for Kiri Ibba is Lissemys punctata granosa.
On n t h January 1828 the Board of Commissioners recommended to
the Governor to substitute English names for the Sinhalese names of the
streets of Maha Nuvara, and on the 16th he approved of the proposal. On
25th they sent him a Plan (on paper with water mark 1822) showing the
changes, and on the 28th this was returned approved subject to the following
alterations. . .Pavilion Street to King Street; Cantonment Street to Brownrigg
Street; and Barrack Street to Church Street (Kandy Kachcheri file). This
Plan gives the name of the first lake as Keree Mooda, of the second as Pullan-
dinnia Wawa, and shows but does not name the third. In a survey plan by
Geo. Rivers (14th January 1830) the boundaries are North. . .Daulauda or
Malabar Street to Condasale. . .South. . .Lake Keree Mooda or Jallatillaka
Mandapa. . .(Board 42. B.). In Forbes' illustration "Temple of Buddha's
Tooth " (vol. ii. p. 210) a bridge is shown where the Vasala moat entered the
lake. He arrived in the Island in 1826 and remained there for more than ten
years.
3. Regarding the road from Matale to Maha Nuvara, H. Storey (after
consulting Kappitipola Disava) wrote : " There is no doubt that the ancient
path to Kandy from the immediate neighbourhood of Matale town was up
the very steep hill known as Morehela (now forming a portion of Pansalatenna
Estate facing the valley) over a saddle in the hills and via Wilane and Haris-
pattu". Jr. Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (Jcbras) X X V I .
236. Ratwatte Disava kindly supplied the following Note :—•
" There have been two main routes from Maha Nuwara to Matale
during the olden days. One route was from Kandy through Sirimal-
watte across Lewella Tota and through the following villages:—(in
order) Amunugatna, Gunnepana, Napana, Madawela, Madige Pitiye-
gedera, Wat'tegama, Wattegama Town, Yatawara, Weligala, Ukuwela
to Matale which was then known as Gongawela. The tracing of the old
track is yet visible between Yatawara and Weligala. There is no doubt
that this was one of the main routes. It is said that there was a gate on
the borders of Weligala and Ukuwela, called " Handun-mal-Kadulla. "
The other route ran as thus ; starting from Maha Nuwara, via Wata-
puluwa, through Polgolla, the approach to Polgolla being the Alutgamtota
(Ferry), and through Doragamuwa Udurawana, etc. . . . Matale. This
route was known and even now called as the Alutgantota-Etgala para.
The road came into existence during the time of King Narendarasinghe,
It was this identical route that had been used by the Chapter of the
Maha Sangha which left Siam on Board a ship and disembarked at Tnnco
from where it proceeded to Kandy and re-established the Buddhist
423
424 NOTES
Church there, with the ordination of Monks during the reign of King
Kirthi Sri. There was also in existence a place known b y the name of
" Andayama " (guard room) in the village of Udurawana which stands
on the Alutgantota-Etgala road."
4. Details regarding the Pioneers appear in Eden's letters t o the Chief
Secretary, 5th January t o 7th February, 1 8 1 5 . The Jemadar was Tallea-
sinha Mudaliyar Vinasitamby. Vol. 135 A. See also General Orders of
14th, 19th, 21st, 26th and 27th February, 1815.
For Talaivasinha and his family see Brief Memoir of the late Francis
Muttyah Armstrong, printed anonymously, Examiner Press, Colombo, 1 9 1 7 .
William King raised 201 Pioneers on the Coast and 140 were raised in
Jafanapatam. They were incorporated in the Corps of Ceylon Pioneer
Lascars. C O . , Colombo 21st April, 1 8 1 5 .
Welsh (1793) speaking of the Honourable Company's Indian army
with special reference t o Madras, groups the constituent factors under
Mussulman, Rajahpoot, Telinga or Gentoo, Tamoul or Malabar and Pariah
or Dhere. Of the last, (association with whom was regarded b y all the others
as contamination) he says. " They are now enlisted only in the Pioneers,
and as artillery and tent Lascars. The former Corps, one of the most useful
in the army, is composed almost entirely of this degraded class." Vol. i,
pp. 14 and 1 5 .
B y an order of 8th July, 1806, the Governor as the President of the High
Court of Appeal ordered a register " for all slaves in Jaffna both those in a
state of Domestic Slavery and those known b y the names of Kovias, Pallas
and Nelluas who by their caste are attached to certain persons and families
and bound to perform certain services." Jaffna Kachcheri records.
5. On the origin of Sinhalese Kingship see Two Royal Titles of the early
Sinhalese and the origin of Kinship in Ancient Ceylon b y S. Paranavitana,
Jr. Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain, July, 1936.
" What d o vou mean to do with the ci-devant King ' He is a cursed
Rascal and deserves impalment. I hope it is intended to clap him in an
Iron cage and exhibit him as a wild beast." The writer continues, suggesting
that Nagara c o u n t y (Nuvara Kalavaya) should be annexed t o Mannar.
William Orr to Gay, Mannar 1st March, 1815. Vol. 159 A.
Joseph Jonville, wmo was in Ceylon 1798-1805, recorded what was known
on the subject in the Littoral at the end of the eighteenth century, as
follows . . . " The courtiers holding the principal offices decide conjointly
with the inhabitants of the six cantons called Ratte Paha all claims to the
Crown. They confirm or annul the nomination of the late King, and in the
latter case elect another, who is generally considered as the lawful sovereign,
provided the electors have followed the written laws on the subject of election
and that the fundamental conditions of being of a royal race and of the
religion of Boudhou, have been adhered t o . " Asiatic Researches, Vol. V I I ,
pp. 420-1. For further information on the subject see Appendix A and A A .
The recognition of the people of Naulcottah was similarly essential in
the case of the Marrava Rajah, originally styled Naulcottah Rajah, known
to the Dutch as the Tevar, and styled b y the British at Madras, the Zemifldar
of Shevagungah. Welsh I, 1 1 4 .
6. 6th June, 1818, See Appendix T.
The likenesses of some of these chiefs have been traced. Ahalepola,
Molligoda and Kapuvatta appear in a drawing of 1815 from theKing Church
collection now at the Colombo National Museum, and forming the frontis
piece to Tri Stnkala. A water-colour painting now at the Kandy National
Museum can be identified as Molligoda by comparing it with the above ;
NOTES 425
the banner accompanying him bears the Sun and Moon Device of Satara
Korale, to which Disava he was appointed on 25th April, 1816 ; the elephants
which are an additional device probably signifies the Kuruve Establishment
of the Province which also was entrusted to him. This painting was in the
family of Sir Alexander Johnston, who left Ceylon in 1819. The painting
falls between these two dates.
In June, 1827, Sir Alexander Johnston presented t o the Royal Asiatic

Society of Great Britain a " Portrait of a Prime Minister of Ceylon." Trans
actions, II, cii. Attempts to trace this with the Society have failed, and it
is a question whether the Molligoda painting is the one referred to. F o r
Millava's portrait, see Jcbras, V o l . X X X V I I , pp. 24-26. Molligoda the
Younger's likeness is painted at Dodantale Viharaya.
7. At Colombo D ' O y l y resided at a house in Tanque Salgado, the

Lunu Pokuna of the Sinhalese, which is in Modera. In 1833 it was occupied
b y J. Read and was advertised for sale in the Colombo Journal of 29th June,
1833-
J. W . Bennett, a member of the Civil Establishment w h o had a great

admiration for Brownrigg, in his book, Ceylon and its Capabilities (1843)
makes n o attempt to conceal the Governor's ulterior motives:
" It would have been disgraceful t o Sir Robert Brownrigg as a

politician, if he had left K a n d y as he found it in 1812, in possession of
the Malabar d e s p o t ; for our maritime possessions could never have
been s e c u r e , ' ' (p. 410).
But to him the Governor was a hero :
" The brave and veteran Governor, instead of availing himself of

his Civil privileges t o delegate his Military command, took the field,
determined t o share every privation and danger with his gallant little
band of British heroes. The whole march was a bloodless one, on the
part of the British a r m y " , p . 391.
H o w successful was Brownrigg's propaganda appears from the following

outburst by Bennett : — " Deliverer of the nation from the most cruel and
galling yoke that ever oppressed a people."
" A barbarous power which made wanton sport of human misery,

regarding the infliction of the most excruciating bodily torture upon his
subjects as mere pastime, and seeking only for new pleasures in the
invention and exercise of new brutalities, " p . 409.
Relying on the same propaganda Sir James Emerson Tennent made

before the Select Committee of Parliament on Ceylon the following surprising
s t a t e m e n t : " The condition of K a n d y under its own rulers was that of
a savage depotism." (2548, 25th March, 1850).
The Japanese loudly protested (1942) that t h e y invaded Burmah,

" defending the population out of compassion and chivalry."
Brownrigg's protest that the sufferings of the Sinhalese and not the
grievances of the British was the main occasion for the war was subjected t o
severe criticism in England. One writer, using the pen name Hermes, pointed
out in The Asiatic Journal for February, 1 8 1 6 (p. 107). " W e have heard
a g o o d deal of the barbarous character of the king, and all this is truly lamen
table ; but we are not t o constitute ourselves avengers or guardians of the
globe, and make the existence of wrong an universal pretext for war . . .
Did n o t Buonaparte continually proclaim Great Britain to be hostis humani
generis ?"
426 NOTES
In the March issue of the same Journal " An Old English Politician"
was less retrained. In Brownrigg's various publications he saw " a certain
flaunting and exuberant verbiage, a shallow sentimentality, a pert and affected
style of speech; much ignorance of the forms of office, much unsoundness
of political principle, and, in truth, no small portion of Jacobinical thinking
and acting . . . where I see a great deal that is certainly wrong, I am almost
tempted to doubt whether anything is certainly right. Rightly or wrongly,
to my view, they appear to degrade the English name."
Modestus, in April, wrote : " Let us leave out then, " humanity" that
delusive, if not hypocritical cry, with which politicians can sanctify the
foulest crimes, and all may have been very right in Ceylon."
8. For particulars regarding De Saram see Pieris ; Notes on Some
Sinhalese Families, Parts III and V. Davy : An Account of the Interior
of Ceylon, London, 1821, p. VII : Harvard, p. 304. Ehelepola's Memorial
to' the Commissioners of Enquiry, printed in Ceylon Literary Register Vol.
I V ; D'Oyly's Diary, Ed. by H. W. Codrington. Jcbras, Vol. X X V . On
the use of gold ornaments, see D'Oyly's Constitution of the Kandyan Kingdom,
under Clothing of Persons of Inferior Cast, Also Davy, p. 114. " The men
for ornament do wear Brass, Copper, Silver Rings on their Fingers, and
some of the greatest Gold : " Knox p. go.
Rings which Silversmith tenants had to deliver to the proprietor of
a Nindagama were generally of copper plated with silver.
For details regarding the King's jewels, see Tri Sinhala, Appendix M ;
For the great Catseye, see Letters to Ceylon p. 130, Note 102, Also Cat. of the
Hope Collection, by B. Hertz, London, 1839.
Names of honour were conferred by the Kings 011 others besides their
own subjects. See Tri Sinhala, p. 118, note. The name Karunadhipati
conferred on the Company's Governor Pyl in 1699, was consistently applied
by the Courtiers to the Governor in 1731-32. See Lewis de Saram.
When a land was granted by the King, the fact was published by Katu-
punile or Atapattu messengers who were sent for the purpose to the Province
where the land lay, along with the donee. See evidence of Unambuva,
Chief of Kotmale, before the Judicial Commissioner and Assessors, 24th
April, 1823.
Sumptuary laws of varying stringency continued to exist in the Littoral.
North attempted to obtain revenue from the natural desire for personal
•ornament, and by a Proclamation of 1st April, 1800, imposed a Tax on the
wearing of " Joys and Ornaments which are made or consist of Gold, Silver
or other Metal, Stone, Pearl, Ivory, Glass, Coral, Chank or Bone." Of this
Maitland said " It has always struck me that the Joy Tax established by
my Predecessor is one of the most oppressive that could have been laid on."
Instructions to Montgomerry. Johnston Mss.
9. For translation of the Treaty, see Appendix B.
The Treaty is dated according to both the European and Sinhalese system,
but the British found it difficult to appreciate the existence of this latter,
and consequently the curious position arose that documents executed by
Buddhists were often dated " In the year of our Lord and Saviour Jesus
Christ." An attempt was made to introduce a more commonsense practise
by the Regulation 11 of 1813. This was dated " A . D . 1813, corresponding
with the Sinhalese year Siddarte, the Tamul year Sreemoga and Hegira
1227 " and in providing for the publication of future Regulations laid down
that " The number of the Regulation and date of the year to be marked at
the head of each page as in this Regulation." The Collection of Legislative
Acts published in 1853, bears the note that this Regulation was " Nullified by
subsequent Instructions to the Governor." At any rate the system of dating
ceased to appear after Regulation 6 of 1814.
NOTES 427
De Bussche, who was B's creature, was at great pains to insist that it
-was not the British who accused, sentenced and punished the King:
His accusation was made and his sentence pronounced, by the nation he
had offended, he declared, p. 138.
In April, 1815 Angela Swamy, brother of a Queen of Raja Adhiraja
Sinha, revealed the fact that the son of another brother, identified as Cunda
Swamy, along with Rama Swami, brother of Muddu Swamy, was still in the
country. On 10 March, Vengadesa Ammal, widow of Muddu Swami, and
Chinna Swami, his third brother, together wrote from Negapatam, applying
to be placed on the Throne ; they were sharply reminded that the exclusion
of the Malabars was one of the conditions of the Treaty. Ref. to Resident,
29 of 12 April.
North writing to Dundas (private, 11 November, 1798) proposed appoin
ting a Committee " for Enquiry into the Customs and Usages of the Cingalese
and Malabar Inhabitants for whom and for the Mohammeddans we may
have succinct subordinate and separate Codes." Col. Museum Mss.
The declared policy of the British Government regarding the Littoral was
similar. On 13th March, 1801, the Secretary of State wrote to North " To
prevent .a recurrence of those embarrassments which on your arrival at
Ceylon had impeded the functions of justice, to preserve inviolate to the
natives of the Island,their local habits, their ancient Tenures, Distinctions,
and Religious Observances, and to secure to all classes of the people the
protection of the Laws by an effective Administration of Justice, His
Majesty has been graciously pleased to issue his Royal Charter." C O . 54-5.
10. Appendix C.
Johston Mss. Colombo Museum, No. 1 3 . Replies of the Bhikkhus to
Governor Falck's questionnaire, 1765, para 10 :•—•
Are all the Wihares devoted to Boodoe alone or to the Supreme
being ?
Wihares are lodgings of Priests which are adjoining to the temples, but
Boodoestanes or Siddestane are called temples devoted to Boodoe alone,
as there are beside him no being more Supreme.
To whom do the Sinhalese pray ?
To Boodoe, to his Doctrine, and his Rahatoens, that is Apostles and
Disciples, with a religious reverence to his written law Book or other Relics,
as well of him as of his Rahatoens, which merely takes place in memory of
them, however, without attributing a miraculous working to the said relics. . .
The Boodoe, his Doctrine and Rahatoens are worshipped with the following
words. " The he.il (health ?) and salvation of Boodoe befall me, and thereto
his Doctrine and his Rahatoens assist me."
1 1 . The Governor did not mince his language in speaking of the Chief
Justice.
" I have your letter of the 10th and the report of the Church Mi-
sionary Society. I have read that part which contains Sir A. Johnston's
statements of his measures for propagating X'tianity and for the emanci
pation of the children of the slaves; the first a most unaccountable
imposition on the British Publick which I think he will find it hard
to justify or defend, the latter I am well acquainted with, and both are
intended to deceive the Publick into a belief that he has been the sole
actor in these popular undertakings in Ceylon." Brownrigg to Bisset,
12th July, 1818.
" There never was a more bare faced trick to impose on the Publick."
13th July.
428 NOTES
" I quite concur with you in your observations on Rajapakse in

the part he acted in the Chief justice's deceptious proceedings." 18th
July-
Rajapakse was Adrian de Abrew, Maha Mudaliyar of the Maha Badda
in the Littoral. (There was another Maha Badda in Sinhale) Rajapakse's
portrait by Hippolyte Silvaf, dated 28th May, 1824, is with his descendant
Tudor Rajapaksa Mudaliyar. Johnston also had a portrait in water-colour,
now in my collection. A woodcut of this was published in the Saturday
Magazine of 25th April, 1835. London.
Copy of Sir Alexander Johnston's Evidence relating to the Mackenzie
Collection, extracted from the " Minutes of ex'idence taken before the Select
Committee of the House of Commons on the Affairs of the East India Com
pany, February, 14th to July 27th, 1832.'
" 1934. Mr. Stephanoff, also, has, on my suggestion, made a very
fine painting from a sketch which I gave him, the object of which is to
commemorate the admission of the natives of the country to the right of
sitting upon juries, and the abolition of the state of domestic slavery,
which took place in Ceylon while I was on that Island, and which were
the first instances that e,ver occurred in India of such events. An en
graving has been made of this painting and sent out to different parts
of India." (Journal Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. II., Page X X X I I , 1835.)
" His Majesty had here, as in all other places which had been con
quered from the enemy, abolished the use of Torture and declared the
Confession of the Prisoner not necessary to his conviction. He had
also abolished all inhuman Punishments which were in force under the
Civil Law, as administered on this Island, and the highest Punishment
which could be inflicted was death by hanging. The other inferior
Punishments were Banishment, Confinement with the addition of being
obliged to labour, Fine, Whipping, Pillory and the Stocks." Carrington
C.J.'s Address at Jafanapatam, 23rd August, 1802. Johnston Mss.
12. Appendix C.
13. Appendix D.
14. Despatch, 96.
15. D'Oyly's Diary. " Granthe is not a language but only a script
having many affinities to the Tamil script on the one hand and to the Sinha
lese on the other. The modern Malayalam and Telugu alphabets are modi
fications of the Granthe. It is still in use in the Tamil country for writing
Sanskrit texts. Many Sanskrit books have been printed in South India in
Granthe type." Dr. S. Paranavitana.
16. Desp. 36 of 12th October, 1815 ; 37 of 13th October ; 50 of 6th
August, 1816. Pieris : Letters to Ceylon, pp. 80, 81.
With regard to the changes in the administration of the Law, for what
occurred under the Portuguese in the Littoral, see Pieris : Ceylon, the Portu
guese Era. Under the Dutch Company the Landraad Courts dealt with the
Civil affairs of the Natives in accordance with the Custom of the country,
supplemented by some regulations framed by VanderGraff. This was
continued by North who ordered the codification of the customary Law
applicable to each District (21st February, 1799; loth June, 1 7 9 9 ; loth
February, 1801). In 1807 Johnston proposed to Maitland compiling a special
Code of Law founded on local customs and applicable to the circumstances
of the country. CO. 54, Vol. 123.
Brownrigg acknowledged the G.C.B. by Iris letter of 15th June, 1815
C O . 54-^6.
NOTES 429
17. Many of the rooms of the palace had paintings on their walls. Se
Asiatic Journal for January, 1816, p. 44.
The use of the Katupulle Vevela, also known as Eda Vevela, is mis
understood in modern times ; it was not meant to serve as a staff in the
Adikar's hand, but to be carried like a Mace in front of him. Davy is clear
on the point, when he states : " Wherever they (the Adikars) went they
were preceded by a person bearing their staff of office," p. 145. There are
also records of eye witnesses of the practise ; e.g. Mrs. Heber (1825) and
Selkirk (1826-1839) see Note 64 below.
Is the Adikar's staff connected with the silver staff carried by Chobdars
in attendance on the Viceroy and great Indian noblemen ? It would seem
that where the King desired to honour a subject, a band of silk or embroidered
material was tied round his brow : this eastern custom was adopted by the
Greeks as shown in the diadems appearing in early coins ; a diadem is not to
be confused with a crown. Where the King conferred a qaru nama or pata-
bendi nama, this was written on a thin strip of gold and fastened by the
band : This was not intended to be worn on the person, as is now being done.
The small size of the metal tahaduva appears from those of Pinnavala Rupu-
.•iinha Mudaliya and Wikeliye Punchi Appuhami, both xvii century ; eleven
found anions Sri Vikrama's treasures together weighed 4 oz. 1 cwt. Tri
Sinhala, 1st Ed., pp. 218, 226.
In the Court of Ava a title was conferred by inscribing it on a strip of
gold which was bound to the forehead of the grantee, after it was read out in
Court. Such a one was presented by George Knox to the RAS, being the
title conferred on himself. See Transactions, Vol. I l l , Appendix p. lxxxix.
Regarding Ehelepola's staff, for which see Tri Sinhala, p. 141, Nuga-
wela Adikar has furnished the following Note :—
The one that was given to Ehelepola Adikar was inherited by his Bene
(S)I2S5D) Golehela Haluwadane Nileme. He was married to Tikirimenike
the daughter of Ehelepola Dissawa, brother of the Ehelepola Adikar.
This Lady (Tikirimenike) died in 1846 without children.—Golehela
Haluwadane. Nileme then took Ranwela Kumarihami as wife, she 'too had
no children.—.Golehela Haluwadane Nileme's father's sister was married to
late Dullewa Adikars Grandfather, i.e. Dullewe Kuruwe Lekammanahat-
maya's father. . Kuruwe Lekammahatmaya was Dulluwe Adikar's father.
Ehelepola Tikiri Meneka inherited whatever property left by Ehelepola
Adikar and his brother.
She and Golehela Haluwadane Nileme in 1846 made a last will (No. 20276)
in favour of Late Dullewa Adikar as adopted son.
Then the Edewewela passed on to Late Dullewa Adikar, after his death
the Edewewela and sword were with his nephews, Robert Dullewa and
David Dullewa., from them Late Meedeniya Adikar got them and used
them."
The identity of the sword and staff was mentioned by Dullewe Adikar
to the present writer's father in the writer's presence in 1890, and that of
the sword was admitted by Meedeniya Adikar to the present writer about
1930.
The pata tahaduva which belonged to Pinnavala Rupusinha Mudiyanse,
whose name frequently occurs in D.utch records of the seventeenth century,
is now at the Kandy National Museum.
Regarding the transition from Disapati to Dissava, Davy wrote : " The
Dissaves, formerly called Dissave-pati," p. 145. On 30th June, 1812, the
Mohottalas who brought the King's letter referred to the Collector of Colombo
as Kolomba Maha Disave (genitive case) ralahami (D'Oyly, p. 125).
430 NOTES
Cf. Bopati, i.e. bhupati, applied in Java to Governors of Provinces.

Raffles, Java, v.r., p. S3.
18. Reference to Resident, 45 of 24th April, 1815 : Tri Sinhala, p. 50.
" The Board having convened a numerous assembly of the Chiefs
in Kandy for the purpose of ascertaining from them the reasons which
operated with the late Government in forming this scale of precedence,
it was stated that the first and second degrees of rank were assigned
to the 4 and 7 Korales for their ability and success in war with the Portu
guese, that Uva held the third place on account of its strength in
population, and Saffregam originally the fourth place, but as the King:
found it inconvenient or difficult to obtain the services of the people in
Kandy, he created the new Dissavony of Matale and gave to it the fourth
rank, as such Saffregam became the fifth. In like manner the Dissavanis
of Nuvara Kalavaya, and Wellassa, Tamankaduva and Bintenna, were
subsequent formation to those of Walapane and Uda Palata, but the
King was pleased to grant to them priority of rank to suit his own views."
Proceedings of 17th August, 1830, Vol. 45 B.
Boyd in 1782 saw two white elephants in the midst of about fifty ordinary
ones at the King's Vasala. Vol. I, p. 210. Albino elephants, Ellie Ettoe,
are mentioned as found in Sripada Adaviya.
Cardamum seed . . . for which there is a demand in Europe where it bears
a high profit since the brewers have made use of it in their composition.
Burnand 1809.
" 2 We were informed that the King has no white elephants, which,
belong only to the Gods, But the king has some with flesh-coloured
patches on their heads, and some whose spots are so large and numerous
that the trunk appears almost white." Jonville, 1800.
For the gem formations of Ceylon, see the valuable Articles by D. N .
Wadia in Spolia Zeylanica Vol. X X I I I , Part I, ( 1 9 4 ' ) -
Gold is found in the sand of several rivers but not in sufficient quantity
to justify systematic working. Captain Nagel in his report on the Wanni
addressed to Vander Graaf has the following : " This I can say with certainty
that when in Kandy where I was in the year 1765, six months in garrison during
the last war, I found the earth to contain minerals for a piece of gold ore of
an inch great which was washed from the hills was when melted found to
contain 3/4 pagoda of fine Ducet gold." 1793.
Ra Siha Deviyo had placed the Indian Andi in charge of Sri Pada, and
it continued in their charge till displaced by the Sangha Raja, Velivita Sarana-
akara, under Kirti Sri Raja Sinha's sannas. Till that time there were no
land revenues attached to the shrine, but now Kuttapitiya was conferred.
Quarrels and litigation have been the depressing sequel ; See D. C. Ratna-
pura case 9353 (Judgment in Appeal, 7th July, 1871) ; George Turnour,
Agent of Government, to Board of Commissioners, Confidential, 27th Feb
ruary, 1827. " The sannas was taken to Kandy by Ratnapura Nilame, and
placed it is said by the King's orders, by Dodanvala Adikar, the Dissave
of Saffragam, in Sangeeka, in Malwatte Vihare." " The Andees attempted
to avert this alienation by making presents to the King, among others
a pair of elephant tusks which he received from the Andees and made an
offering of to the Peak . . . The tusks also presented by Kirti Sri (which
have Sri pada carved on them) were removed to Kandy when our troops
first entered the country, by Kobakaduve Nayake Unnanse ; they are said
to be now in Gadaladeneya Vihare in Uda Nuvara. I have to suggest that
they should also be sent for and restored to the Peak Shrine." See also
report of Mahawelatenne, Doloswelle and Delgoda, dated 27th August, 1825.
Turnour to Board, 1.5th February, 1826; recommending appointment of
NOTES 431
Galle Medankai a Unanase as Nayaka of Sri Pada and Chief Priest of Sabara-
gamuva. The Board made the appointment and wrote : " He proceeds
tomorrow on his return to Saffragam via Sitavaka, where he should be
received at the limits of your District with the honours he is entitled to by
virtue of the first of the above appointments which we believe consists of
being carried in his palanqueen preceded by two or three torn toms, and
that the Headmen of the villages through which he passes should meet him
at a proper distance from the village and pay their respects to him." (Board
to Tumour, 3 1 s t May, 1826). Also Government Agent, Kandy to Colonial
Secretary, 8th February, 1859. Colonial Secretary to Government Agent,
Kandy, iSth March, 1859. Also Administration Reports of the Public
Trustee, 1931, onwards.
Perhaps the earliest account of Sri Pada in British times is contained
in the Colombo Museum Mss. 34. This appears to be a translation from
the Sinhalese, and bears an endorsement by Johnstone that it was given
to whom by Coll. Robertson in December, 1802.
On 27th April, 1815, Lieutenant Malcolm of the First Ceylon Regiment
climbed up to Sri Pada starting from Batugedara. The Maluva he described
as being 72 feet long and 54 feet broad, enclosed by a parapet wall 5 feet high,
of which a part on the east had fallen and the rest was in bad repair. The
wooden building over the footstep was 12 feet by 9 feet, and 4J feet high to
the tiles. A frame of copper ornamented with four rows of precious stones
covered the footstep—Malcolm was probably the first Englishman to visit
the spot. Asiatic Journal I, 442. Malcolm's example was followed by two
other officers in October. As. Jl. II, 137 from Ceylon Gazette, November,
1st.
For Muddu Svami's fate see Appendix W .
19. Sawers to D'Oyly, Badulla . . . 1818, Knox's statement about the
high social position of its inhabitants (Ch. 1) has been often quoted.
20. " I t also appears in the said petition that the Bandara Waliya or
Princely Lineage is that of such persons only as are descended from a Prince
who was born to a King by a mistress of the Goi Wangsa ; but indeed the
Bandara Waliya did not originate with such persons only, for the Bandara
Waliya Class had existed in this country in times anterior. A child borne to
a King by a mistress of the Goi Wangsa or of any other tribe equal thereto,
received the designation of Bandara, but such designation was never accorded
to a child borne to a King by a mistress of any other caste." Report by
Molligoda Adikar and eleven other Chiefs, 19th December, 1829. C.S.O.
Vol. 48.
2 1 . Pieris : Ceylon and the Hollanders, Second Edition, p. 102. For
the families of Kirti Sri and Rajadhi, see Jnd. Diary of 2 1 s t October, 1818,
It is not generally realised that under the Kings marriages among members
of the great families had to be sanctioned by the King. On 1st February,
1828, the Board recorded " We have been requested by the Chiefs to
represent for the information of H.E. the Governor with a view to prevent
improper clandestine marriage alliances amongst the higher classes of
Kandyans, it was under the late Government always requisite to obtain the
verbal sanction of the King before any marriage could be solemnised."
Vol. C. 4.
22. Report of 19th December, 1829, quoted above. North to Dundas,
27th September, 1 7 9 9 (private, secret and confidential).
" Pray do not send me out a Chaplain, for I have got a little
Mr. Cordiner from Madras, sent out by Archdeacon Bell to take care of
his schools but who found the Post occupied . . . He is an excellent
man, very decent and intelligent, and as active and zealous as a Methodist,
although" he is a high Church Man." Coll. Mus. Mss.
432 NOTES
" The Council of the King is composed of all the grandees of the
Court, that is to say, of two Adikares, the great Dessaves, or collectors,
and the Maha Muttia, or Chief Secretary. The priests of the first class
appear there also, when particularly invited. The decisions are not
carried by plurality of votes ; the king listens to his Council, and then
decides as he pleases. Priests can only give their opinions on the private
conduct of the King, and on subjects of religion. Tn cases of war or
revenue it is strictly forbidden them to utter a word." Jonvills, pp. 421-
422.
23. D'Oyly's Diary, " A Sinhalese cannot be King of Ceylon, that is,
every person born of a Sinhalese father or mother is excluded from the Throne ;
the reason given for this is that no Sinhalese can prostrate himself before
one of his own nation. The son of a Sinhalese woman is considered as of the
same country as his mother, though his father should belong to a different
nation." Jonville, p. 420. See also Ribeiro's Ceilao, Pieris' translation,
Third Edition, p. 22, 49.
24. Ref. to Resident, Ruwanwella, 23rd March, 1 8 1 5 , Vol. 262J A .
The Disava of Matale was allowed to catch an elephant for himself and was
also promised a horse ; another was promised to the Disava of Vellassa.
Kandyan Office to Resident 27th September, 1 8 1 6 .
" It was stated by the Chiefs that elephants were bestowed on
them during the Native Government; some were in perpetuity, in which
case the animal becomes the property of the heirs at law ; and at other
times only temporarily, in which, case the elephants were resumed by the
King when the appointment or mission on which the Chief might be
employed, ceased."
This was the report from the Board (Vol. 39 B. of 1829) when the question
of elephants in possession of Chiefs, was raised. At the time Molligoda the
Younger, then Pallegampahe Adikar, had the following, all the elephants
involved being with tusks . . .
Maha Eta, 9 feet, given to Migastanna and then to Molligoda the Elder.
Aludeniya, 7 feet 7 inches, given to Molligoda the elder when sent to
quell the Sabaragamuva rising.
Ella, same height, given to the same on completion of Buvalikada Palace,
then hospital.
Yahalatenna, same, given to same when sent to quell rising in Uva.
Janguva, 8 feet 5 inches given to Molligoda the younger on completion of
Buvalikada Palace.
Bandarapolaya, 8 feet 7 inches, given to Kapuvatta, on his dismissal
given to Molligoda the younger by the Resident.
Regarding these the order was that Molligoda the younger could be given
a certificate to possess the two last during pleasure.
Golahala Vedikkara Nilame possessed the Maha Nilamage Eta since
Ahalepola's removal.
Dulleva, Udugampahe Adikar, had the tusker Nillegamea, 9 feet, given
by Sri Vikrama.
Unambuva Disava had Galamux'ea, 9 feet, given to him by Sri Vikrama
on Ahalepola's flight.
The two last were also given certificates to possess the two animals during
pleasure. They were never used except for processions till lately, when
elephant catching began and they are constantly on public service.
In Ra Siha Deviyo's time Mirisse and Palvatta, adutla to the Port of
Veligama. were subject to a rendu called Assala, which means the stable of
the King's horses. Tombo.
NOTES 433
For the emblems at the Palace, Cf. Jonville, 1800.

" The Europeans call this town Kandy and Kandya, I suppose
because of the image of the moon represented on the walls of the palace
and on the Royal Ensign. The Sinhalese word for moon is Hande,
which may have been corrupted into Kande." p. 25.
25. The Proceedings of the Board of Commissioners, 27th November,
1818, show that in March, 1815, lands were gifted to the following: . . . Sat
Korale . . . Torawatura, Bogomuwa, Wanduragala, Neylawa. Kawdumune,
Kandegedera, Paragahawewa, Kurundu Kumbura and Pannala Mohottalas.
Those given to Torawatura, Paragahawewa and Kurundukumbura were
forfeited during the troubles of 1817-1818.
Sabaragamuva . . . Mahavalatenna, Eknelligoda, Doloswela and Eheliya-
goda. By a clerical error this last name appears as Eknelligoda, which
name occurs twice ; the error is apparent by comparing among others the
entry in D'Oyly's Diary. Eheliyagoda was placed over Pata Bulatgama
and given the Gabadagama of Hiramadagama, while Eknelligoda received
the villages Medawela and Meddegama. Subsequently Hiramadagama also
was given to Eknelligoda and Eheliyagoda received Levangama.
Tumpane . . . Kiribatkumbure Mohottala.
Uva . . . Katugaha Mohottala, Dambewinna Disava and Eyllepola.
On 2nd February, 1815. the Collector of Chilaw was instructed to send
200 bullock loads of salt to Kurunegala in Sat Korale, to pay for rice which
friendly chieftains had given Captain de Bussche for the use of the British
Expeditionary force. Commissioner of Revenue to Collector, Chilaw.
Kavudumune, Toravatura and Kurundu Kumbura had accompanied
the Division which made its way through Sat Korale into Matale and thence
down to the Alutgantota. MLR. iv, 20.
Alutgantota is mentioned in a talpat of 1699 produced before the Temple
Lands Commissioners and quoted in Law II, p. 920.
In the Portuguese Tombo the Mohottalas . . . Mutiares as they are recorded
•—occupy a much more prominent place in Sat Korale than in Hatara Korale ;
Among the former appear.—
Doratiava, paravenia of Viziepala Mutiar.
Katuwellegedara, paravenia of Bamanu Mutiar.
(Div.) Ulgaspitiya, of Ramachandra Mutiar.
Tamita, of Anas Rala Mutiar.
Cujapitiya (Kulipitiya ?) possessed by Manaperiuma Mutiar.
Degallasse guedra by Erambalate Mutiar; with these might be included
Corodolua, by widow of Mundannaique Mudeliar.
Andrumailla, by Gabara Mutiar.
Nelumquanava, badavedili given to Dom Jermo Banaqua Mutiar by
Correa.
Madievala, by a Mudeliar, as badavedili from Correa.
In Satara Korale should be noted.— r
Pelamdua, possessed by the father of Dom Jermo Banaqua Mohottiar.

Cobevala by Cobevala Ralla as badavedili from Frco de Meneses.
Mampitiya by Sumdra Peruma Mutiar, as badavedili from Pinto.
The paucity of Mohottalas may be accounted for by the fact that nearly all
the important villages in this Province were possessed by Portuguese.—
Dimbulgamuva, badavedili of Curuppu Mudeliar from Jeronymo de
Azavedo.
434 NOTES
Mendeliya, badavedili of a Mudeliar from Pinto.

Golahela, of a Mudeliar, as Paravenia.
Keppetipola, paravenia of a Mudaliyar.
Talgama, by Dom Jrmo Banaqua Mutiar.
Under the King Dambavinna had been in charge of the Gon Badda and of
Meda and Kadavatu Korales.
On 16th January, 1815 Walbeoff, Collector of Chilaw, wrote to the
Chief Secretary that Corundo Coomhara Mohotiar was then residing in
British Territory and that the King had sent Dampitia Mohottiar to capture
him. Vol. 172 A. For names of Guides and Spies employed by the British,
and expences connected with the maintenance of Ehelepola and other refugees,
see Chief Translator to Chief Secretary, 9th September, 1814 and 8th. October,
Vol. 346 A. For the house which "Ehelepola occupied, see Jcbras X X X V I ,
Part II, pp. 81.S7
A democratic element permeated the entire system of administration ;
Knox has recorded that in the case of the minor headmen "the People
have this privilege, that upon complaint made of any of these Officers, and
request that they may be changed, and others made, they must be dis
placed, and others put in ; hut not at their Choice, but at the Choice of the Chief
Magistrate, or Owner of the Town." p. . 5 2 .
" Under Jehangir Everyone, whether prince, amir or mansabdar-
is granted in accordance with his rank the appropriate income, to be
derived from the administration of certain chief places. Some of the
grantees, who are in attendance on the King, send some of their emplo
yees to represent them, or else hand over their grants to farmers, who
have to take the risk of good or bad harvests." Pelsaert 54.
On the death of the grantee " The King takes back the whole estate
absolutely for himself, except in a case where the deceased has done good
service in his lifetime, when the women and children are given enough to live
on, but no more." 55.
26. " If anyone be taken stealing, he must restore seven for one or else
be made a Slave if he be not able to pay it." Knox, p. 102.
The following palm leaf Deed, (A.C. 1801) has been recently acquired
by the Colombo Museum. Translation . . .
Thieves stole 400 ridi from Meedeketiye Valavuva ; the thieves were
arrested and after inquiry it was determined that, theft had been committed
whereupon it was urged " At least restore to us our money." As they
were unable to give even this, out of the two, Tikiralaya and Naida, who
committed the theft, a hundred ridi were charged to Tikiralaya ; as Naida
declared it was not possible for him to produce the remaining 300 ridi, he and
the two girls younger than him bound themselves over to continue to serve
at the Valavuva till that sum was restored. As for Tikiralaya also as he
stated that the hundred ridi for which he undertook to be responsible was
not available and similarly he and the younger girl bound themselves to serve
at the Valavuva pending payment. Accordingly this decision was reached
on Wednesday the seventh day of the waning moon of the month Binara,
being the 30th day of the solar month Kanya of the year 1732 of the Saka
Era.
Witnesses from among those who know are Valgama Rala, Medagama
Rala, Velivita Korala, Rangomuve Mohundirama, Ambave Arachchila,
Namage Arachchila, With the knowledge of these the covenant was made
and duly recorded.
From the following record in the Judicial Commissioner's Proc. of
12th February, 1817, it would appear where one was made a slave under
NOTES 435
a judicial order, the fact was attested by boring his ears . . . " The Adikar . . .
made him and his wife . . . slaves. " By making a slave plaintiff means
he wanted to bore his ears." More probably a nick was made in the lobe :
the Sinhalese saying is " Take a man as a Slave by cutting the ear."
The importance of slaves in the domestic economy of a Chief is well set
out in certain representations made to the Governor in 1831, which are
printed in J. Campbell's, Ceylon, Vol. II, pp. 502-510. " Slaves that are
born of Hondrew Parents, retain the Honour of their Degree." Knox
p. 90.
According to a Census of Slaves laid before the Board of Commissioners
on 25th August, 1829, their numbers were :—
Males. Females
Uda Rata . . 380 2
4 5
Four Korles 82 81
Three Korles 2 8
Seven Korles 213 186
Ouvah 151 146
Matele 70 66
Suffragam . . 169 134
Total . 1,067 1,046
For Maruvaliya, see Some Blood Games of the Sinhalese, by P. E, P.

Deraniyagala. (Man., 1936, 55).
27. The following undated translation of a letter, apparently from
Karatota Unnanse, is among the Johnston Mss. . . .
For the information of the Honourable Alexander, Puisne Justice of the
Supreme Court of Judicature on the Island of Ceylon . . .
It is very expensive and difficult to me to enquire into any case brought
before me, because I must sent for priests who live at a distance from my
habitation and must furnish them and their servants with food until such
case is decided.
But it seems proper and easy to the Government as well as to me if the
same rules which are observed in the Kandyan Terrytory (where there are
a great deal more Priests than there) should be caused to be observed in these
settlements also. Therefore I beg that it may be ordered to be so viz :
That there are two Temples in Kandy and all the Priests residing in
Ceylon belong to the said Temples, to which Temples there are appointed
two separate Chief Priests who are nominated into that office as follows,
that is to say.—
A virtuous and wise Priest of rank who is fully acquainted with the
religion is chosen out and brought before the King, whereupon the first Adigar
by order of the King says in the presence of the Chiefs and high Priests that
he the said Priest is appointed Chief Priest to such Temple, but a Commission
in writing is never granted to him, and after that he the said Priest gets all
the lands, wages, flags, umbrellas, and men belonging to that Temple who
were granted to his Predecessor and afterward all the Priests belonging to
that Temple appear before him and abide under his orders.
Any Priest having a complaint comes and complains his case before
him who then together with four or five Priests or upwards enquire into the
case and decide it, but if it be a case which cannot be decided by them he the
Chief Priest himself reports the same to the King and then the case is enquired
into in the presence of the Chiefs and High Priests and so decide it.
436 NOTES
The date of this document is prior to 1S09 when Johnston returned to

England, to come back in 1811 as Chief Justice.
For documents regarding the appointment by the King of Nayakas in
the Littoral, see Tri Sinhala, Appendix C.
Resident states he has delivered charge of Asgiri Alut Vihare to Kirele-
gama Unanse in place of Doratiyawa Unanse who went into rebellion. Board
of Commissioners, 2nd December, 1818. " The Board in answer to the
reference made to them on the subject of the appointment of Kirelegama
Unanse begs to state that it has not been customary to appoint Priests,
Principals of Temples by any written Instrument and does not consider it
necessary to introduce such a practise." n t h December, 1 8 1 8 .
For Dalada Ge, see Kandavaru Sirita (xiii cent) ; Dalada Sirita (xiv
cent), Dharmapala's Sannas (xvi cent), (where in the Portuguese Mss. the
word is miswritten Daladasde. Pieris : Portuguese Era II, 40) and XVTIII
century reports of Sinhalese officials sent by the Dutch Company to the
Court. Maligava seems to have been a popular substitution due to the
two stories, mahal, of the building, probably due to south Indian influence.
Cf. Tamil malikai.
" The palace is crowded with houses ; a turret of gold is affixed at
the top of the palace . . . All the pillars, door frames, etc. are worked
in relievo, the handles embossed with gold and silver . . . Dalada Maull-
gauwe, its architecture is magnificent and boasts of two golden turrets
at both extremities of the roof." D. D. A. Dassenaike to W . M. Harvard,
Kandy, 23rd October, 1815, printed in Harvard, p. xxxvii. The golden
finial over the palace is shown in the illustration by Lieut. Lyttelton,
Davy, facing p. 366.
The walls of some of the rooms in the Palace were polished in the manner
familiar at Sigiri and described by Pelsaert in India as follows :—
Speaking of the houses " the walls are built with mud instead of mortar
but the white plaster of the walls is very noteworthy, and far superior to
anything in our country. They use unslaked lime which is mixed with milk,
gum, and sugar into a thin paste. When the walls have been plastered with
lime they apply this paste rubbing it with well-designed trowels until it is
smooth ; then they polish it steadily witli agates, perhaps for a whole day,
until it is dry and hard and shines like alabaster, or can even be used as a
looking glass." 36, 67.
Palmyra Jaggery was used in mixing this plaster.
Eliza Fay wrote about Madras on 13th April, 1780 :—
" Many of the houses and public buildings . . . are covered with
a sort of shell lime which takes a polish like marble and produces a
wonderful effect. People here say that the chunam as it is called, loses
its properties when transported to Bengal, where the dampness of the
atmosphere, prevents it from receiving the exquisite polish so much
admired by all who visit Madras." p. 161.
For the Vasala in 1803, see Tri Sinhala, Appendix D.
28. The recognised system of measures as published in the Government
Almanac 1814 was as follows :
4 cut chundus 1 cut Measure or Seer
U) 1/5 1 Corny
48 1 M'arcal
96 1 Parrah
768 1 Amunam
7,200 1 Last.
NOTES 437
The word Measure is a translation of the Portuguese Medida, which also

was in use, A naliya was generally regarded as the same as a seer, of which
32 went to the bushel.
On 25th August, 1815, Sawers from Badulla mote to D'Oyly that " there
is a great variety in the measures used at the King's Stores in this Province.
Of the Cooroony which I have found here in Badulla 40 goes to the Amunam,
which Amunam proves to be only 5 per cent, less than our Amoonam of
8 parrahs."
D'Oyly to Lusignan, Gampola, 29th August, 1818, " 16 medides accord
ing to the Temple Measure will be a trifle more than 20 seers."
In measuring the paddy from the royal fields 100 amunam by the King's
measure was equal to 1,500 marcals by the British measure. Sawers to D'Oyly,
Badulla, 29th September, 1 8 1 5 . ' Four by the King's neliya went to a
Kuruni. Knox, p. 98.
29. The quotation is repeated from the Note, Pieris : Portuguese Era,
Vol. I, p. 540. See Despatch 100 of 1st April, 1815, D'Oyly's Diary. In
-
1762 John Pybus, the Governor of Madras' Envoy to the Sinhalese Court,
.after many representations and as a very special mark of favour, was per
mitted to wear his pboes when he appeared before the King for his farewell
audience.
See the provisions of Proclamation of 21st November, 1818. Clause 1 5 ,
about sitting on chairs, benches and mats.
" The Maha Modiliar is always resident near the person of the
Governor, he never sits down in my presence nor appears befoie me in
shoes, but he is in fact the Grand Vizier of Ceylon. Every order I give
him is immediately executed and whatever takes place in the Island is
communicated by him to me." North to Mornington, private, 26th
October, 1 7 9 8 . Col. Mus. Mss.
Sunday, 21st March, 1830. " Mr. Gregory .nvited the second Maha
Moodelier de Saram to breakfast with us ; he was a very respectable and
intelligent native, and my friend was anxious that. I should have the oppor
tunity of conversing with him, and of extracting what information I could
from his knowledge of the national customs. Previous to his entrance to
the breakfast room, our guest took off his shoes,, and left them at the door."
Holman, 2 1 1 .
Harvard, p. lvii, mentions an incident where one of the Adikars, seated
in the drawing room at Government house, noticed an image of Buddha on
a side table, whereupon he hastily rose from his seat and would not resume
it till the image was removed to another room. «
With regard to the Prince's Miniature Bathurst wrote : (Despatch
31 of 30th August, 1815). " His Royal Highness has been pleased to
accede to the request made by Ehelepola of receiving the picture of His Royal
Highness." The. fact that the suggestion was Brownrigg's was not revealed.
D'Oyly's Diary is clear on the point and the idea would have been quite'
foreign to Ehelepola.
By the Instructions conveyed in Lord Liverpool's Despatch, No. 7,
of 30th. September, 1810, " The Great Seal of the British Settlements on
Ceylon " was to be kept in the custody of the President of the Council, who
was the Chief Justice, and it had to be affixed to all Legislative Acts ; all
Grants of Land : the appointment of Members of the Land Raad, and other
inferior Courts, Justices of the Peace, Sitting Magistrates, Modeliars, Mohan-
dirams of the Singalese part of the British Territories, and the corresponding
headmen of the Malabar parts.
As illustrating the fees payable on village appointments, at Nivitigala
the Dasi Lekama on appointment paid the proprietor a bulathurnlla of 50 ridi
.and an allasa of 35 ridi.
438 NOTES
In T 8 2 S Dehigama, at the time Diyavadana Nilame of the Maligava,

applied for a Sannas for his own lands, but the Board disapproved, reporting
" The distinction which was one granted under the late Government on very
rare occasions as a, mark of the Royal approbation. The distinction has-
been conferred by this Government only on the present First Adigar." Vol.
C4. What is referred to is the " honorary Sannas " dated 20th July, 1 8 2 7 .
See Board Proc. 1 7 t h November, 1829. Vol. 4 1 B .
30. Ahalepola in his Memorial used an obscure proverb to express his
disappointment at the treatment he received . . . hena %a$u t&nakata ulaka-
•batUavuvahmen. 1 he word ulaka appears to be applied to fire seen falling
from the sky.
The money promised for the wedding expenses was entrusted on 1 7 t h ,
July to S. D. Wilson for delivery and was brought to account under the Head
of Secret Service. Ref. to Resident No. 1 2 1 . Vol. 2 6 2 ^ A.
31. For information about the King's Treasures, see Tri Sinhala,
Appendix M, to which the following is added.
Evidence of Udupitiye Dukgannarala of Potdalgoda . . . Kandy, 16th
July, 1815. " All these articles were in a cave and the people of the village
were on guard above. About 15 days after the King's capture a person
calling himself Modeliar of Colombo came with 10 or 12 persons and brought
away four boxes from the cave . . . The Modeliar wore a comb in his hair—
no handkerchief on his head ; a white jacket with silver buttons : a sword or
Kastane with silver sheath in his hand. The rest who accompanied him
had no jackets nor arms." Before J. D. Oyly. The Mudaliyar referred to
was the Chief Guide, Tamby Mudianse (Don Adirian Wijesinha.
Jayawardhana).
D'Oyly to Wilson, 18th August, 15., acknowledges " a statement of
property said to have been furnished by the deposed King."
Dodanwala Attapattu Lekama mentioned that there were concealed
at Gabbly (Gabbela) in Dumbara
1 gold stick called Ellakole.
1 gold stick set with stones. (Ref. to Resident, 56 of 3rd May, 1815)..
" The Baton or Sceptre and the Javelin will be sent to England as
appearing to be proper accompaniments of the Throne and Footstool
already sent." (Ref. to Resident 162 of 16th August, 1815),
This " baton or Sceptre," is apparently the one now returned to Ceylon
and exhibited at the Colombo Museum.
The Javelin is the " Ellokole " (IUukkollai).
A long list of articles said to have been plundered by Kiriporuwe Mohot
tala from the Malabar, Kristneya of Tanjore, has been preserved. They
were in the house of the Vidane of Dunuvila in Haris Pattu and were seized
about the 12th March, 1815, when Kristneya was preparing to start for
Maha Nuvara to surrender to the British. It is noteworthy as helping to-
explain the designs of the few pieces of good jewellery of the period which
are known, that these were " made at Trichinopoly by a certain silversmith,
which I could prove by Mastian Chetty, a merchant of Trichinopoly." July,
1815. Vol. Letters and Proclamations. Ref. 140. Wearing Apparel and
Jewels of the late King and his Wives . . . It is alleged by the King that
a variety of valuable articles were given by him and his Family to Eknelli-
goda Nilame and some other Headmen present at the time they were appre
hended. Vol. ifyil A.
Vol. 172 A. contains details of the King's jewellery alleged to have
been removed by Tamby Mudaliyar. Among the articles traced to his house
at Madampe were three small silk carpets richly embroidered with gold.
NOTES 439
Probably these were the carpets of gold and silk thread which Pelsaert
mentioned as made at Ahmadabad. See Chief Secretary to Collector Chilaw,
2nd March, 1815, regarding two chests removed by Don Adrian. Vol. 91 B !
At Charts Edge, Westerham, Kent, I was shown by the late Mr. Edward
Giffard and Lady Evelyn Giffard
An ivory staff, about 40", elaborately decorated in the Kandyan style
and scroll work. The original top is of ivory. It is also fitted withan
alternative top, of a central garnet and three rows of amethyst, cinna
mon stones, and a third circle of various stones including the cat's
eye. Possibly this top was made in England with Ceylon stones.
The tradition in the family is that the staff belonged to the King,
and it is of sufficient quality to have belonged to him.
32. " This practice is no longer in continuance now but in its stead, the
British Government for the sake of convenience, has dedicated to the Chapters
of Malwatte and Asgiriya the following lands, to be enjoyed by them.—
(1) Gampola Keta, (2) Ugurassapitiya wela in Pata Hewaheta, (3)Wahala
wela in Getambe and (4) Talampitiya in Kurunegala District.
Of the above lands, the Dalada Maligawa is entitled to a one-fourth
share of the income of each of the above four lands, and from the share of
the first land, the Maligawa has to give 48 bushels of paddy to the four
Dewales in Kandy. (Ratwatte Disava, Diyavadana Nilame).
In the King's time the employees at the Maha Cabadava were
1 Arachchi in charge of the male servants.
1 Vitaranna Vidane, in charge of the women servants.
1 Telkara Mohundiram, in charge of the people who provided oil.
45 servants, partly slaves ; they measured, stored and issued rice, fetched
water, and washed the apartments.
16 boys who swept and cleaned the store, and fetched plantain leaves.
6 women who brought firewood and water and dressed victuals.
1 Korale Manage.
At the Uda Gabadava, or King's personal Store, there were—
1 Mohundiram in charge of the servants.
T Pita Viyademe Vidane, who took messages to the Chief.
13 servants, with similar duties as at the Maha Gabadava and also
extracted oil and dried arekanuts.
4 women who dried and prepared currystuffs and fetched firewood.
Generally these employees were remunerated by allowances of paUdy
from certain villages in Sat and Satara Korales. D'Oyly to Sutherland,
7th November, 1 8 1 6 .
The allowance was three measures of rice to each of the two Nayakas,
and two to each of the other principal Bhikkhus, with currystuffs and' some
small extras ; the remaining Bhikkhus received one and a half measures
each. Board, Minute of 25th June, 1819. Also, Board, Vol. 43, B. . .
Kelaniya Vihare claimed an allowance of 10 amunam of paddy a year which
had been granted to it by the King; this was admitted by the Chiefs and
conceded by Brownrigg. Kandyan Office to D'Oyly, 10th July, 1817.
33. Ref. to Resident 53 of 3rd May, 1815, Vol. 262J A. The first .batch
consisted of Unambuve Dissava, Diyavadana Nilame (of the Palace), Dodan-
vala, Attapattu Lekama, Eravvavala, Kunam Maduve Lekama and Mada-
vala', Batvadana Nilame, (D'Oyly's Diary). Eravvavala described himself
as "grandson of Senanayaka Modliyar." Ref. to Resident 7 2 : Letters
and Proclamations, 1 8 1 5 . In a puskola letter dated 4th October, 1 8 1 6 ,
he stated that his ancestor was Pandita Mudiyanse, otherwise Narayana
440 NOTES
Raja Guru Wahala Mudiyanse, who was employed at Peradeniya with

Buvanaika Bahu, 145th King of Lanka. He stated that there had been
44 Adikars and 85 Dissavas in the family. Kandyai Office to Resident,
1816. For the arrangements for the Governor's arrival, see G. O. 22nd
March.
Dodanvala Attapattu Lekama was the younger brother's son of Galagoda,
otherwise Peradeniya Lekama ; This latter had left Sinhale in an outburst
of temper and went to the Matara district where Bandaranayaka Appuhami
of Giruwa Pattu befriended him and gave him his daughter in marriage.
Peradeniya later returned to Court and held high office : he lived for
sometime in Sabaragamuwa and died in Uva (1817-1818), whereupon his
widow, known as Weligama Mahatmaya, returned to her home. Jud.
Comm. Proceedings, 25th February, 1819, Vol. 5 3 1 A . Tri Sinhala, 7 9 .
How a great personage travelled can be well understood from the account
left by Aegidius Daalmans of Antwerp, 1687-1689, of the Dutch Company's
Governor's trip from Colombo to Malvana. He started at three o'clock in
the morning, which apparently was the customary hour ; hence the necessity
for the large number of torchbearers all round the palanquin. With them
were mixed the talpat bearers. The palanquin was carried by eight men
who were relieved at short stages by others without halting. " The drums
and other music preceded. " Some played during the march, others during
the halt, others when the march was about to commence, and others again
when a halt was about to take place, so that anyone who was acquainted
therewith could tell by their playing what had taken place, was taking place
or was about to take place." The details of the military escort, the pre
paration of the road, the decorations, the use of white cloth, the refreshments,,
are worthy of study ; the dancers specially mentioned. Translated by D. A .
Ferguson, Jcbras, Vol. X , p. 146.
Schweitzer 1 6 7 6 : The Beravayo with their drums "beat distinct
marches with a great deal of Art, and the Soldiers understand them very
well. They beat morning and night, but differently." p. 277
As appears from the following letter, (found among the Johnston papers
in the present writer's collection) Armour had begun a Translation of the
portion of Valentyn relating to Ceylon and it is almost certain that this is the
translation which Johnston presented to the Royal Asiatic Society of Great
Britain, in whose Library it is preserved.
To,
The Honourable Alexander Johnston Esqr..
Second Member of His Majesty's Council and Puisne Justice of the
• Supreme Court of Judicature in the Island of Ceylon, &c. &c. Sec.
Honourable Sir,
Your personal knowledge of the Island of Ceylon induces me to signify
to your Honour, that I have it at present in contemplation, to prepare a
translation of its History by the Reverend Francois Valentyn, which History
your Honour is particularly acquainted with, and has been pleased to recom
mend it, as the best yet existing. The abilities of the Author seconded with
the best Sources of information, cannot fail of giving a superiority to the
work itself, and I shall endeavour, and take care as much as possible that it
lose nothing in coming through my hands. It is my intention to make
occasional illustrations in marginal notes with regard to points coming within
my own knowledge, and if possible I shall add something by way of an
appendix concerning the religion of the Cingalese and some of the Natural
productions of the country. Your Honour knows that my situation for these
last eight years past has given me opportunities of learning not only the
History of the Cingalese, but the Cingalese themselves ; what advantage I
have had in this respect above many of my countrymen I mean to communi
cate to them by presenting in English the Best History of Ceylon, that ever
NOTES 441
has appeared in over Language. I beg leave Honourable Sir to send the first
Chapter of the Book with you to England, not doubting but that on your
Honour's recommendation. Your Honour's Book-Seller will gladly undertake
the publication of it. In which case I humbly beg that Your Honour may
favour him with the Cuts, which are necessary for the work. With regard to
my remuneration, Your Honour will be best able to judge what it ought to
be. The first Chapter which I wish at Present to send home contains about
•one-eighteenth part of the History, and my intention is to have it ready in
:about twelve months from this date.
To Your Honour then I recommend myself and the work together,
assuring Your Honour, that it will be a particular pleasure to me, if I can by
my poor labour add were it ever so little to the General stock of Information
•of my country, and am with the Highest Esteem,
Honourable Sir,
Your Honours most obedient and humble servant,
Sgd. A. ARMOUR.
Colombo, February, 1 3 t h 1809.
On 29th June, 1817, Navimana Unanse appeared before the Judicial
Commissioner on behalf of Karatota. He brought with him the Sannas
for Pallebedde which the King had given to Karatota and a list of persons
who wer.e interfering with his possession ; he produced a talpat of Saka
1716, signed by Levuke, Dissava of Saparagamuva, to the effect that certain
fields were offered by the King to Sangapala Viharaya ; and another dated
Saka 1708 signed by Dodanvala Adikar, Dissava of Saparagamuva, inti
mating that Pallebedda was offered to him. Judicial Diary.
Among the Johnston Mss. at the Museum, No. 31, is included the following
unauthenticated copy of a petition addressed to him when Fuisne Justice,
by " caretotte Dammarame Naikey Teronnancy " . . . " That your Lord
ship with kind consideration was pleased to nominate the petitioner as a
principal Priest to enquire into the matters of the Priests or Oennancys and
the petitioner obtains salary for the same from the Government, which
circumstance the head Priest of Candy, known by the appellation of More-
tote Maha Naikey Oennancy, mentioned to the present King of Candy, who
in consequence discharged him the Petitioner from enjoying the produce
of the three villages called Pallebedde, Balvine and Ramenaike Game
amounting to more than 1,000 Rdrs. per annum which he obtained from the
then King who governed the territory of Candy now about 24 years ago."
He therefore applies for an allowance to cover the loss. For the British views
regarding Caratota, see the Resolution of Council printed in Sinhalese
Families, Part IV, pp. 134-139. A puskola with his signature is among the
Museum papers, dated 28th June, 1806.
All petitions to the Governor had to bear a stamp of 12 stuyvers, the
amount being credited to the Diakonie to support the poor. North to
Mornington, 26-8-1798.
See Introduction to Letters to Ceylon, 1814-1824. For Karatota, see
J. F. Tillekeratne in Orientalist III, pp. 204-207 (1889) ; Pieris : Ceylon
and the Hollanders, p. 144. Some Sinhalese Families, Part IV, pp. 30, 1 3 8 .
Caratotte Unanse allowed 12 rxd. a month for Palankeen coolies, Gay to
Collector, Matara, 31st January, 1815 ; Vol. 83 B.
35. Compare what took place when Philip of Spain was accepted as
Dharmapala's successor. Part. Era, Vol. I.
36. For Balma, see Tri Sinhala, for the views of Moratota, p.,76 ; Gala-
goda, p. 81 ; Pilima Talavuwa, p. 99 ; and Ehelepola, p. 105.
Since the reformation of the Sangha by Kirti Sri Raja Sinha, Bhikkus
do not participate in the affairs of Devales, except to perform certain services
442 NOTES
in connection with the Festivals. Before that period much laxity prevailed
in the Brotherhood, as pointed out by Ratnapala Sthavira in his translation
into Sinhalese of the Vimana Wastuva. (A.C. 1770). There is in existence
a Sittu issued by " Kobbekaduwe Gane Bandara Hamuduruvo " in Saka
1654 (A.C. 1732) who described himself as holding " the Nayaka Padaviya
of Poya Malu Vihare, the Basnayaka Nilame of the Four Devales of Udu
Nuvara, Panava Dissava with Puttalama Dissava." The position of the Gane
Bandara seems to have been similar to that of the Sangha Raja, and the
holder of the office was actively employed in diplomatic transactions in
1688-1692. It was probably Kobbeykaduva who in 1750 " came down quite
unexpectedly through the Hina Corle accompanied by 32 inferior priests and
a considerable escort of Lascoreens, standard bearers, and drummers, with
music and flags, and took up his abode with the Ambassadors present at that
time at Colombo." (Beknopte Historie, Trans, Jrcbras, Vol. X I , p. 140. Also
Pieris : Kirti Sri's Embassy to Siam in Saka 1672. Jrcbras, X V I I I , pp. 1 7 ,
46). A copy of the Sittu was sent to me by Bundala Chandraloka Bhikshu.
Pelsaert in 1626, wrote of Jahangir's Moslem subjects.
" They have among them as many pirs or prophets as the papists
have saints. They say that every earthly King has his regular
court of princes and lords, and that no one can approach the King unless
he has one of them for a friend ; and they argue from this example that
even in heaven a man must have a spokesman or advocate with God,
who will put forward his request or prayer, and obtain an order to grant
his petition according to his deserts." 69. For. G.O. See Despatch, 96.
37. C O . 54/56 deserves special study for details of the seizures. The
King when questioned stated that all the valuables found at Pitigoda belonged
to the Maligava. See General Orders, Colombo, 6th April, 1815 ; Mackay to
Acting Military Secretary, 4th May, 1815. Among the vessels were:—
A gold Patra, bowl, offered by Meda Wahala, Queen of Sri Vijaya Raja
Sinha, with cover, Saka 1670.
A gold Patra, bowl, offered by Queen of Raja Adhiraja Sinha, 1 7 1 3 .
No cover.
A gold Dalumura Tattuva, betel leaf (ray, set with gems offered by the
father of Kirti Sri, 1686.
A gold Koraha, oval cup, offered by Pilima Talavuva, 1719. The great
Chain now adorns the outer Karanduva ; in the Maligava Register
it is the Kurulla Bendi Torapat Sangili Malai, formed of 25 gold and
jewelled gedi, beads, with an emerald Nayaaama, and an emerald
suspended from the beak of the bird pendant, which measured six
inches between the wing tips. In the British records the description
of the chain occupies 28 lines.
The pollution arising from contact with the dead was regarded very
seriously. On 1 ith July, 1817 it was stated before the Judicial Commissioner
that when Angammana Adikar desired Talmooke Palihena Rala and his
stepson Coocla Palihena Rala to carry the Shield at Kirti Sri Raja Sinha's
funeral, they refused to do so. The Chiefs intervened with the explanation
that had they done so they could not have been employed by the succeeding
King, for all who assisted at the funeral were considered to be polluted.
A tenant of Malgammana whose Rajakariya was to bring flowers to the
Maligava touched a dead body whereon he was degraded and his holding
confiscated, Jud. Diary 3rd July, 1821.
A tenant who touched his father's corpse which he buried was incapa
citated from serving in the Kings Ulpenge. Jud. Diary, 3rd February, 1824.
Fires for cooking are not lit in a house of mourning and food for the
mates is sent by the neighbours. Those who attend the burial or cremation,
the and wash their heads before re-entering their homes.
NOTES 443
Doonpollagedera Punchi Rala. " After his mother's death, as it would

have been improper for him to bury the corpse, the men of his family having
performed service at the Palace, he desired plaintiff to go and get people
to do so." Jud. Commsr., 23rd September, 1822.
Jonville had in 1801 referred to the same subject. " The people enter
tain an idea that the dead defile a place ; thev, therefore, get rid of the body
immediately by burning it, or carrying it to' the neighbouring forest. The
house, in which a person may have died, is alwavs deserted for some months,
sometimes for ever . . . the following custom fills' one with horror, particularly
as the only cause of it is idleness. When a sick man is despaired of, the fear
of becoming defiled, or of being obliged to change their habitation, induces
those about him to take him into a wood, in spite of his cries and his groans,
and there they leave him, perhaps in the agonies of death . . . This atrociotis
custom is common in the poorer provinces of the Kingdom of Candy." Asiatic
Researches, VII, 435.
The feeling regarding the impurity arising from death seems to have
been carried to an extreme in some parts of the Littoral, as appears from the
following letter addressed to Johnston and which is in the present writer's
collection.
_ My Lord . . . Having considered the circumstances of Persons throwing
their sick parents, relations or children before they are death into the wood
for fear of impurity. I believe that they do believe that they may do it and
that it is no crime, to prevent it would be the best method according to my
humble opinion. That an order printed in Chingalee be published through
the whole Country prohibiting such deeds and announcing the crime or punish
ment to it, on the performer. . . . Lastly because it appears fully that these
lessons of impurity derives.from the Cappoas and Yackdesas, that they be
recommended to desist from such lessons and to give by their own person or
persons an example to the community at large that they do desist from that
principle, or on the contrary if they should be detected after the publication
of this Order still adhering to that principle or propogating the same that
they shall be tried as having acted against this Order and punished for it.
The officer who prepared the report added in his remarks.
" Above all is the system of the killa or impurity abominable for accord
ing to this system they may not approach a death body, consequently anyone
dying is buried with the greatest negligence, even Mr. Von Meybrink, late
Magistrate of Amblangodde was buried by his own servants because none
of the inhabitants was to be got on account that they feared the impurity."
From his personal knowledge he quoted a case from the Udugaha Pattu of
Rayigam Korale, where a child died while the father was away watching the
crop in his field ; In order to avoid impurity the father kept away for'fifteen
days and the mother was obliged to dig the grave and bury the body without
any help, Revata Thero declared that killa was not recognised in the Buddhist
teaching, and Siman kapurala. declared " The word Killa is not an order
to be found in any of the books ; the only order existing is that everyone should
worship pure and clean. But the world killa is more commonly used by
Yakdessas who perform all their offerings to pacify the Devil, namely writing
mantras, cutting enchantments or properly said breaking its force, cutting
limon to draw away the venom of some sickness or to cure what they call
Esvaha and Katavaha," I. H. Reckerman, S.M., Pantura, the 27th January,
1814.
In the course of an inquest held on 9th November, 1833 ,at Walasinelle
in the Hambantota District it was stated in evidence that when a man taken
to Talahagam wadoewne Pansala for medical treatment was found to be
dying, his relatives boie him outside the precinets, for fear of the place
being defiled. Col. Journal 4th December, 1833.
Nugawela Adikar has written this (17-5-194.)).
444 NOTES
Tbe note by you regarding the old method of disposing of Dead bodies
described by the Europeans is not true or correct—a dead body was never
thrown into the forest to be devoured by wild beasts. The European who
has written it has taken the Literal Translation of the word " Kelcgahanewa"
(sniSÔCOKJQo.) 63n®(5<3&)253S3 (Kelegahanewa) really means s x t S -
S5)<5ffi)£b. <£Q02S38a here means (cO®SaQ q?t£GCJ2SS© CszOoe&JoSJ
CoSiSS®). It is a respectable or a refined way of expressing Q(3Q2S53o
in the Villages even now this word is used, we use it. From the ancient days,
there were " Susana Govuwas " (g£83235@C»o§©SJ) who were incharge of
burial grounds and they have to bury or cremate dead bodies when they are
brought to the burial ground—their occupation is that. From the olden days
the Radale families and other respectable people, had their own " Sohon
Bhumiya," (@33o@03Dirfeg@Co) family burial ground, in their respective
villages, others had a common one.
It is entirely false to say that people are removed and put in the jungle
when thev are about to die.—There was no such practice at any time.—From
the ancient days, just before death the nearest relation pours a little water in
the mouth of a dying man (saSc^CO €)25j S5)dK)8o) a piece of cloth is offered by
that person'to a priest, the priest reminding him of all his good deeds, &c. All
these things are done in the house, it is absurd to say that a person is left in
the jungle to die, just because the houses gets polluted. I had consulted
various old people and priests from Anuradhapura and Wanni; they say
they never heard of such things even in the wildest parts of their Districts.
39. Eliza Fay found plantain trees being used £o decorate the entrances
to English houses for Christmas. 27th January, 1781. p. 1 9 1 .
In 1830 the Board paid for the plantain tress destroyed in opening the
Lake Road at the rate of 4 pice or 2 pence each, the Kandyan pice being
calculated at 4 challies. Vol. 42 B.
In Ah's. Will, 2nd April, 1829, he left to his Interpreter, Bastian Jaya-
wardhana, " The Singalese watch."
On 31st May, 1830, there was stolen from the house of II. Wright at
Maha Nuvara, " A gilt watch with Singalese Dial Plate, value, £25."
Knox, p. 53, speaks of the Adikar being preceded by one whipcracker.
Heydt, 1736, speaks of " six or eight " escorting the First Adikar, (Jcbras
X X V I , No. 71, p. 45). Cordiner mentions two (I, 132). See also Percival,
(1S00), p. 268 ; D a w , p. 145; on 3rd October, 1810 (D'Oyly's Diary) First
Adikar with four whips.
Two late British writers have left us descriptions of an Adikar's retinue
from personal observation. The first is Mrs. Heber, in her Journal (1825).
14th September. " At Warakapole about half way from Colombo we
were met by a very extraordinary personage, the second Adigar of Candy,
followed by a numerous retinue, and preceded by one man carrying a crooked
silver rod, and by another with a long whip, which he cracked at times with
great vehemence." rdo.
" There are two Adigars the first of whom is entitled to have nine
and the second seven of these whips cracked before him whenever he goes
out." 160.
" On the opposite bank we were met by the first Adigar in great
splendour, preceded by the silver rod, two men cracking their whips,
and followed by a suwaree of elephants, music and dancers." iGi.
The second is James Selkirk, who worked in Ceylon for thirteen years-
from:826, under the Church Missionary Society.
NOTES 445
" There is one custom peculiar to the Kandian Adigars, which is

worthy of being taken notice of, i.e. the custom of having a certain
number of whipcrackers whenever they appear in public. On all public
occasions, when they are carried on' elephants, or in palankeens, or in
carriages, in addition to the persons required to attend upon the horses,
palankeens or carriages, the first Adigar has twenty-four men bearing
immense whips, with a lash about three yards long, and the handle about
half a yard. These persons, curiously dressed, clear the way for them,
cracking their whips with all their might. Near the Adigar go two men
bearing talpats, large triangular fans, made of the talpat leaf and orna
mented with talc. On each side of him is one native headman, called
the Madige Nilame, then a Korala, a Lekam Mahatmaya, and two
Arachies, one bearing a gold cane, and the other a silver one, each holding
it with both his hands. The duty of these persons is to keep silence.
Then go fifty or sixty men with largespears, and in a peculiar dress, a mat-
bearer, a kettle-drum-bearer, a torch-bearer and a Kanghanama bearing
betel. These are his necessary attendants on a festival occasion at the
Wihara, or at a levee. In travelling the number of attendants is much
increased. The second Adigar is only entitled to twenty-four spearmen
and fifteen whipcrackers. The third to twenty-four spearmen and
twelve whipcrackers. No other headmen are allowed the honour of
having whipcrackers," pp. 64, 65. Recollections of Ceylon, London,
1844.
The anonymous writer of " Reminiscences of Kandy as it was in 1 8 2 5 "

(reprinted in 4 C.L.R., p. 270, from the local Times) mentions " Whips used
by them on state occasions . . . the number 5 or 7 varied according to rank."
An Adikar's whip was presented by Mrs. Heber to the Royal Asiatic
Society, London. Trans. I l l , Ap. XCVII. See also Tri Sinhala, A jp. D .
Regarding the Kasa, Nugavela Adikar has supplied the following :—
You are right in your opinion that the King was preceded b y
Kasakareyas, when he made a public progress, he had thirty Kasakareyas
in front of him whenever he went in State. The Adigars could not use Kasa
kareyas in the presence of the King, nor could they use them when going
within the town, Nagare, (jSCfldco) (CaZSldi&'Si'G&ioQ •SgsCj.) Hataregan
Thotatula.
The whips were supplied to the King's-Kasakara Maduwa(s3)S3S3)3 <3©§ S )

by Kinnera Badde Nilame (zSiSJ'ffld fi)@<3$ 213(3®'®).
The Kasakareyas, are Patti people of Kasakare Peruwe Katupulle Villages
and Patti people of the other villages.
The whips were made of Niyande fibre. The villagers of Ambale, Dum
bara, Dunuwila, Nugatenna, Bambe'rebedde and other villages, get them
made by Kinnereyas of these villages and other villages, and supply them to
Kinnera Badda Rala.
The two Adigars were allowed the use of 16 whips each.
They were also supplied by the same Kinnera Badda Rala ; from the
above villages.
The length of a whip was about ten feet. The length of a whip is expressed
thus : (di£f S ) ® ZQiSi Sootrf S33SG€) 832)odc3).
King's Whips were ornamented with Pesa Savaran Pohotta at the handle
They were made of dyed Niyanda fibre of various colours. (Prevailing

colours of the day).
446 NOTES
Importance was attached to a Chief's escort. Cf. the " tail " of a High
land Chief in Scotland.
• Lewis de Saram has left the following details of the escorts of various
Chiefs who met the Ambassador in 1731-32 :—•
Mampitiye Ralahami, Disava of Korala Tuna and Sat Korale : 10 kodi
tuvakku, 125 attuvaku karayo, 2 loku kodi, 15 kuda kodi, 12 horana karayo
and Sinharakkarayo.
Hendeniye Kuruve Mohottala : 9 tusked elephants with bells, 7 kuda
kodi, a few at tuvakku and lansakara men, 4 trambettukarayo, 2 tamboru
karayo.
Ambassador left Hitavaka under a salute of 15 kodituvakku accompanied
by tamboru, trambeet, horane, Sinharam and kodi.
Dumbara. Rate Ralahami, Disava of Satara, Korale : 10 kodituvakku,
20 at tuvakku karayo, the loku kodiya, 15 kuda kodi, 95 lansakarayo, 5
dunukarayo, a few sinharakkarayo and horana karayo.
Satara Korale Disava and Dehigama Nanayakkara Mohottala : n
kodi tuvakku, 23 at tuvakkukarayo, 2 loku kodi, 6 kuda kodi, 5 dunu karayo,
a few lansakarayo.
Hulangamuve deveni Adikaram Ralahami: A large host of armed
men, 4 kasakarayo.
When the Ambassador started for his Audience, there was a salute of
13 kodi tuvakku, and his escort consisted of many hevapanna people, kodi,
tramboru and trombettu karayo and Sinharakkarayo.
The Turampetto was the European trumpet ; the word also appears
as Turampetto and Turabetto.
On 14th August, 1736 Mahony recorded, when Andrews was starting
from Gannoruva with the Kedapana for the King: " Drums of European
manufacture and beat after the manner of the Dutch, with silver trumpets,
were brought into play on this occasion." P. 7.
The reference is to the Tamboru karayo and Turambetto karayo, whose
instruments were derived from the Portuguese as shown by the names. They
were all under one Mohundiram Nilame.
The Singarakkarayo were under their own Mohundiram Nilame.
Kahavatta in Otara was the badavedili of a trumpeter under Luis Gomes
Pinto Mudaliyar in 1614 ; his nationality does not appear.
The use of a Banner was jealously guarded. Macdowal's attempts in
1S00 to display a flag were resented. Tri Sinhala, p. 2 1 . Johnston on
circuit in 1806 was escorted in his palanquin by drums and flag. Jcbras
X X X V I , No. 97.
The distinction of Kodiya Sinharama was one of the highest honours
which the Dutch and British conferred in the Littoral. For example :
16th October, 1760. Don Matthys Seneviratne Ilangacon, Mudaliyar
and Coraal of Morrua Corle, " For his greater honour and respect" 1 horn
blower and 4 drummers are allowed him outside the Matara Gravets. Sin.
Families, IV. 61.
12th September, 1764. Don Joan Abeysiriwardhana llangakon, Modeliar
of the Atapattu and Adigarie Mandoe, first Tolk and Maha Mohottiar of the
Porta of the Matara Dissava, one horn blower and four drummers outside the
Gravets of Galle and Matara. IV. St.
23rd October, 1765. Same, Maha Modeliar in addition to the previous
offices ; 5 drummers, 1 horn blower, a flying banner, and as many Lascarins
as may be needed outside the Gravets of Colombo, Galle and Matara. IV. 85.
" Whereas the Mudliar of the Hapitigam Korale, Sameredewakere
Wickramasingha. Dassenaike, has rendered many important and faith-
NOTES 447
ful services t o the Hon'ble Company during the present war and especially
to the Garrison in Kandy at their retreat, we have therefore, and as
a reward of his good services thought proper to present him with a gold
chain and medal, as we do bv these presents with the addition further
of four (Tamblingeroes) tom-tom to be in future used by him and t o
wear the gold chain at all times and places. All which are to serve as
a mark of pomp among the natives and as further encouragement t o
him. In witness of which indulgence, this act is granted to him under
our usual signature with the seal of the Hon'ble Company affixed.
Given at the Fort of Colombo in the Island of Ceylon on the 5 t h
November, 1 7 6 5 . "
(Sgd.) 1MAN WILHEM FALCK,
Governor and Director of India.
(Sgd.) J. G. V A N ANGELBEEK.
Secretary.
17th April, 1766. Simon de Silva Siriwardena Jayatilleke Senewiratne,
Maha Mudaliyar, a flying banner, 6 torn toms, a horn blower, 12 Lascaryn,
outside the gravers of Colombo, iii, 52.
8th March, 1785. Nikolaas Dias Abesinge Ameresegere, Maha Mudaliyar
of the Governor's porta ; 1 flying flag, 6 drummers, 1 horn blower, 12
Lascoreens, III. 18.
24th September, 1 7 9 1 . Don Petrus Abeyesiriwardene Ilangakon,
Maha Modliaer of the Galle Commandeur. 5 drummers, 1 horn blower,
1 standard and Lascaryns.
1st February, 1799. Don David Jayatilaka Abeysiriwardhana Ilangakon
as Maha Mudaliyar of Matara, by Government North, x standard, 6 drums,
1 piper, 12 Lascoreens, IV. 132. '
4th June, 1809. The above repeated by Governor Maitland, and des
cribed as a Parade Guard, IV. 140.
1st January, 1810. To same as First Maha Mudaliyar of and Chief
Interpreter to the Governor's Gate, by Maitland. 1 standard, 6 torn toms,
2 pipers, Lascoreens, IV. 1 4 3 .
Mahagoda Indesara Nayaka Thera claimed the right to employ a drum
and flag, presumably as being privileged to do so by the King. Tri Sinhala,
p. 168.
From Wilbagedara's account of the Embassy to Siam, 1750 it appears
the ambassadors were accompanied among others by 3 Trampettu karayo,
3 tramborukarayo, 5 Singarakarayo and 2 Horanekarayo. Pieris : King
Kirti Sri's embassy to Siam, Jcbras, X V I I I , p. 39. Of "these the first two
groups were styled Nayida, but not the other two.
The presents sent to the King in 1731 included two camels, and he
proposed to employ them for carrying the drums when he was making a
journey.
In 1614 the Kinnaras (Quirias) of Beligalla provided bamdejas, esquifes
and trapessas or patuas as required, and 600writingolas a month; there were
other families subject to the like duties at Madycava (Madeiyava) in Deya-
ladahamuna and Ramupata (?) in Galboda. Akin to these were the Handee
who " had to furnish the royal stores with baskets and winnows," (Davy)..
In r6r4 they were to be found at Mayle in 7 K (these are mentioned in the
Kurunegala Vistaraya) and at Hegama (Ayagama ?) annexed to the Devalaya.
village of Alut Nuvara. There was in Matava of Tirugandahe an estereiro
matmaker, who supplied one esterio : as the value of this was as high as.
a larin, the large Magala generally used for drying paddy in the sun is probably
intended.
448 NOTES
In the Portuguese Foral the Quinirias were described as estereiros,

matmakers, who had to provide a number of mats as their decum, and this
the Vidana of the Badda had to deliver to the Factor. There was an ex
tensive Kinnara Badda at Matara, each member providing monthly a fine
mat worth a larin.
There are at present Kinnaro at Murutenge and TJdavatta in Dambadeni
Hat Pattu, who weave mats from havan pan.
Hendebadde . . . an inferior class of carpenters . . . their duty consist in
furnishing for the public festivals in Kandy a fixed number of couches, stools
and baskets of various kinds woven with rattan, and besides as many baskets
as may be occasionally demanded for the King's or Dissava's services.
D'Oyly.
Nugawela Adikar :—.
Hewisi, used by a Dissawe was not limited to drums only—includes
wind instruments too ( © S W ^ S i t ) " Horane ".
a n c
Drums for Hewisi consist of " Dawule " (<5§Cf) l Tammettama
(za©@lSQ®)—The "Dick Bere " (^25J'®g)d) is not used in Hevisi
for anyone. It is only used in Naiyandi Dancing (zOcBCOSrfS) £3t.c3©c))
and in Devil Dancing ceremonies.
In a procession within the Dissawanie Tom Tom and other dancing such
as Naiyandi and Udekki dancing was used.
The Dissawa or anyone else is not entitled to use the " Tamboruwa "
(235§©aJdiS). It was only used on the side of the Kunama (8^253®)
of the queen and the Royal ladies.
When anyone is taken in a procession—" Hewisi'" performed is Gaman
Hewisi (ca®'irf ©3393) and the Horenewa must be used. The Stationary
,
Hewisi is really performed in one place as in apoya Hewisi (©o3'eOS sJ§3co)
On a Poya day, some people get " Poya Hevisi " in the Temple
premises.—This is Stationary.—• I hope I explained this sufficiently.
40. Ranawana was appointed on 10th March, but Halangoda was sub
stituted on the 18th ; see Gazelles of 15th and 22nd March. Not every Chief
of a Devale—and their functions were strictly confined to its temporal matters
—was Basnavaka Nilame. The King personally made the appointments in
the case of the Four De vales at Maha Nuvara, and for these Adikars, Dis-
savas and other equally highly placed officials whose claims demanded special
recognition, were selected as Basnayaka Nilames. He also made similar
appointments for the important Devales in the Eataval close to the Capital,
but the rank of the Chief appears to have been Basnayaka Rala : these on
special occasions seem to have figured as supporting the Basnayaka Nilames.
In the Disavonis on the other hand the appointments were made by the
Disavas who were entitled to substantial payments for them : Devales so
important as Ruhunu Maha Kataragama Devale and Sabaragamu Maha
Saman Devale belonged to this latter category. In 1818 when Eknelligoda
pointed out that in consequence of this it was incompatible for him to be
both Disava and Basnayaka, the Board of Commissioners on 27th October,
while recording that the latter office was till then granted by the Disava,
proposed to get over the difficulty by making the appointment by the,
Governor's Act " as in the case of the Devales in Kandy and those in its
vicinity."
In this connection it is significant that in the Almanac for 1819, the only
Basnayaka. Nilames art} those of the Four Devales, with Ambokke and
NOTES 449
Sabaragamuva ; whereas the Chiefs of Lankatilaka, Gadaladeniya, Embekke,

Wegiriya, Dodanwala and Alwatugoda, were only Basnayaka Rala. It
appears that when appointments were made on 19th March, 1815, the last
six of these and two more were lumped together under " Dewale Gan to
Kobbeykaduwe, Brother's G. son of Nayaka Unanse." (D'Oyly's Diary).
I have .had the advice of Nugawela Adigar and Ratwatta Dissava, the
Diyavadana Nilame, in preparing this note.
It should not be overlooked that the King appears at times to have
appointed Basnayaka Nilames over the Dissavoni De vales.
As to Nekata, even at Jahangir's Court Brahman astronomers were
attached. " The Brahmans have consequently secured a great reputation
.&nd they have now acquired such influence over the great men, and then
over all the Moslems, that they will not undertake a journey until they have
inquired what day or hour is auspicious for the start and when they return
from a journey, or come to take up an appointment they will not enter the
city until the suitable day or hour has been predicted, and then they wait
until the exact moment has arrived." Pelsaert, p. 7 7 .
To touch the King was a grave crime. See Knox's story of the men
who touched R.S. in order to save him from drowning (p. 47) ; though no
doubt grossly exaggerated, it reflects the current doctrine of the sanctity of
his person.
On the divinity of Kings, Hocart quotes from the Bishop of Chartres in
1625 " that they are ordained by God : and not only so, but they are them
selves gods, which cannot be said to have been invented by the servile flattery
and desire to please of the Heathens, but truth itself shows it so clearly in
Holy writ that none can deny it without blasphemy or doubt it without
sacrilege." Kingship, Chapter I.
General Stuart's letter of 22nd June, 1796 was addressed, " To the Great
and Mighty King of Candia, blessed with all Virtues, like unto a Silver
Mountain, King of all Kings, Superior to all Warriors, in Beauty equal to the
God Vistnou, Superior in Wisdom and Power to the Elephant, God of the
Island of Ceylon, a King whose Throne is of Precious Stones, whose Crown
is also of Precious Stones, whose Generation is from the Sun, whose Court
is the Court of all that is good and just." C O . 5 5 / 1 .
Union Hotel, Penzance,
August, 10th 1946.
Dear Mr. Pieris,
Very many thanks for the kind gift of your pamphlet on Some Political
Conventions and Social Customs of the Sinhalese, which I have just received
here on my arrival from my holiday visits. I have read it through and found
it of great real interest. The godship of the King is very clearly brought
out and will not fail to be mentioned by me when next I have occasion to
touch on that subject. Another point of interest for the Egyptologist is
the great emphasis on Justice as a necessary attribute of kings ; this is a
virtue much emphasized in this connexion from the earliest historical times
in ancient Egypt ; the gods, indeed, are often mentioned as ' feeding on
Justice ' (this is usually translated as ' eating Justice,' a poor equivalent).
Another point of interest, to anthropologists in general, is the un-
touchability of the king ; it may be compared with the same quality as the
Old Testament of the Christian religion attributed to the divine ' Ark,'
with similar irrational penalty—see II Samuel, VI, 6-8 and compare I Samuel,
VI. 19.
I am far from full books of reference and so many of the terms used are
bey ond my understanding. I can gather what many of them represent and
others do not matter, but I should be exceedingly obliged if you could find
795 -P
450 NOTES
time to tell me what is the " Perahara " of page 9 and the " Festival of
Lights " which is the name of certain festivals in other regions.
With renewed thanks.
Yours very truly,
E. D. H O R N B L O W E R .
41., , Today during the Esala Perahera the Nata Devale Perahera is formed
at this spot where it awaits the blast of the conch shell and the report of the
kodi tuvakku which announce that the Perahera Karanduva had started
from the Maligava shrine. It is then joined by the processions from the
other Devales and all proceed to meet the Maligava procession at the Sanda
gala of the Maligava vahalkada ; at the termination of the Perahera they
similarly await at this spot for a like intimation that the karanduva had
been replaced in the shrine. (Ratvatta Disava, D.N.)
For an early dedication to the Natha Deviyo at Senkadagala, see Parana-
vitana, Ep, Zey. IV, 6, pp. 396-311.
See the very important article on Mahayanism in Ceylon by S. Parana-
vitana, in Ceylon Journal of Science, Vol. II, Part I.
42, The Deva Nitiya in the possession of the Pitihuma Kapurala at Kegalla
contains directions for the observance of Kapuralas. They may not eat the
flesh of swine or fowls or certain kinds of fish, and should entirely abstain
from meat on religious occasions. They may not drink arrack or toddy.
Eating and drinking vessels, beds, chairs, mats and articles of clothing, which
have been used by another, should not be employed ; mixing with others
is regulated. The head should be washed once in seven days. The various
periods of ceremonial impurity are set out.
D'Oyly's Diary, " I cannot go with that Tale." Probably the word
employed was heita valige, a colloquiai and somewhat contemptuous expres
sion for a crowd accompanying a leading person.
43. D'Oyly's Diary. Ref. from Resident, 22nd August, 1 8 1 5 . Vol.
521. His y ounger brother seems to have been Suriya Kumara Wannisinha
Mudiyanse: Vol. 262 \ A. Orr wrote to the Chief Secretary, dated Manar,
27th January, 1S15, that Nagara Wannien, who had fled from his country,
was of opinion that many of the Dissavas intended to let the English enter,
and then surround and attack them, as they had done formerly. The original
ola, which is in Tamil, is preserved ; it is signed Suriya Cula Comarasinga
Vanniah, A palanquin was purchased by Government for 46 rix-dollars
for the Vanniah's use. Vol. 159 A.
Nagara Wannia can return when he likes. If he has influence he might
use it to advance British aims in his District and distribute Malabar copies
of the Proclamation. Chief Secretary to Collector, Manar, 6th February,
1815. Vol. 90 B. See also Sutherland to Orr, Ruvanclla, 22nd March, 1815.
The tenure of lands in that part of Ceylon inhabited by the Malabars
is quite different from that in the western part of the Island ; for though the
principle that all land is the property of the lord is likewise acknowledged
there, it is in a much less positive sense. The reason of which is, that the
princes of this district having been subdued by the kings of Candy, the country
has been divided, and given to powerful chiefs, as the Wannyas, Ratterales,
Vidaans, Adigaars, Pediessen, etc., etc., subject to an annual rent and tribute,
as are still the Wannyas of Soerlie, Nogerie, Minery and others. All the
tributary chiefs, in the countries within the circumference of the island,
have been acknowledged so long as they have conducted themselves with
propriety, and deprived of their authority when they have acted otherwise,
as in Wannyas, for instance, in 1779 : but the lands "for the greater part re
mained in the possession of those by whom they were cultivated, which
changed the nature of the tenure into a sort of property which the Dutch
NOTES 451
Government respected. (Asiatic Journal, Vol. X I , 1821, Page 554). From

Burnand's Report, dated Colombo, 6th June, 1809.
Jacob Burnand, arrived in Ceylon in 1778 as a junior merchant, was
Chief of Batticalo and later Dissava of Jafanapatam. Died 8th March, 1816,
aged 64 years. Good translations of his report on the Batticalo District
are among the Colombo Museum Mss. Portions are available at the Record
Office, Chancery Lane. The original is among the Archivas.
44. Marriott, Paymaster C. to the Chief Secretary to Government, Fort,
St. George, dated Vellore, 17th March, 1816, which is to be found in Vol. 7 1 7 ,
is printed in Ceylon Literary Reg. Vol. V I .
For the preparation of food at the Vasala see Article by T. B. Pohath
Kehelpannala, " The Diet of the Kandyan Kings ": Monthly Lit. Reg. I l l ,
p. 200. Sri Vikrama and his party, on their way from the coast to Vellore,
consumed 4 sheep and 10-15 fowls a day ; there is a very interesting report
on the subject in Vol. 7 1 7 . Pelsaert wrote in 1626. " In India or Hindustan
again there are just as many (sects of) khattris but they are somewhat bolder,
or less strict, in their beliefs ; they can eat goat or sheep's flesh and indeed
they also drink wine in private," p. 76. A dinner sent from the Vasala to
General Mac Dowal when he came as Ambassador in 1800 consisted of
fifty cooly loads of rice, cakes, sugar, sweetmeats and other dishes, Cordiner,
II.298.
An important account of a banquet at the Palace given to the Dutch
Ambassador in 1736, has been left by Hevdt and a trans, of it appears in
Jcbras X X V I , No. 7 1 , pp. 48-51.
On 29th September, 1795 Andrews after being received by the King
was offered refreshments consisting of " sugar cakes, plantains, milk and
syrup." Jcbras X X V I , No. 70, p. 98.
Kapuvatta's office must not be confused with that of Maha Diyavadana
Nilame of the Vasala, to which Unambuva Dissava had been appointed ;
and that of D.N. of the Palle Vahale. See List, Board of Commissioners,
29th September, 1818, Vol. 136.
The German Sergeant Thoen in his statement, made the following
reference to the Magul Maduva which existed in 1803 :—
" The Hospital was situated in a long room in the Palace deno
minated by the Natives Manqal Maduva, where the Priests are fed."
As Thoen was twelve years at Maha Nuvara the feeding of the Bhikkhus
must have been an event with which he was familiar.
The site of this Magul Maduva is fixed by an entry in Lockyer's Diary,
or rather in the explanatory continuation of it . . . After referring to the
Magul Maduva which existed in 1815, and the range of buildings forming the
Ladies' apartments, he continues " A long building immediately behind the
audience room was made use of in 1803 as a hospital for our sick and in the
month of June on Major Davy's being obliged to evacuate this place for want
of provisions, he left in it 169 Europeans."
The King then used to' entertain Bhikkhus in the original Magul Maduva
which lay between the existing Magul Maduva and the modern Kachcheri.
45. In Saka 1 7 1 5 " Utum Sri Rajadi Raja Sinha Devi Svamidaruanan
vahanse " gave Nuvaragam pattuva in Nuvara Kalaviya to Nuvaraveve
Suriyakumara Vannisinha Mudaliva, in recognition of his fidelity and faith
ful performance of Rajakariya. The copper sannas, with the Royal emblems
and signature in gold, is an unusually fine example of the class.
At Pusulpitiya the Relic was said to have been hidden in the hollow of
a sapu tree which is now known as the Dalada sapuva.
452 NOTES
The account of the return of the Danta Dhatu which was printed in
the Gazette was almost beyond doubt supplied by Lieutenant W . H. Lyttelton,
73rd Regiment ; compare the account which he furnished to Bennett, p. 4 1 2 .
For the Moor settlement at Katukele, see Jud. Com,, Diary, 18th Nov
ember, 1822.
Ref. 181 of 13th September, 1815 regarding certain elephants " being
those in use under the Government of the late King for religious ceremonies
and services of state." In a letter by the Military Secretary to the Prize
Committee, 2nd September, 1815, occurs. " On the subject of elephants
in the Interior formerly belonging to the King . . . considering the absolute
necessity of possessing such elephants in the Interior for the use of Govern
ment connected with purposes of State, Religion and Public Labour." It
appears each of the King's elephants had its name. From the list of those
in charge of the Gajanayaka Nilame, a tusked elephant was described as
Namba, with the name of a locality preceding it : e.g. Bulatgama N ; Yahala-
tenne N ; Probably the locality was that of the animal's capture.
Occasionally the animal was named after its colour, e.g. Kalu N. The females,
etinni, were generally named after the colour, e.g. Rabbi, Kalu, Gomeri,
Kuda Gomeri, and in a very few instances after locality. Board Papers,
Miscellaneous 37, contd.
Granville to Gay, Matara, 13th March, 1815, Vol. 87 A, forwarding a list
of elephants captured at Cottawaya, which still survived, with their original
names, and those with which they were later " christened "; Among them
appear:—
Abey Rajah, tusked, later General Brownrigg
Pooswella Prince Regent
Kuda Gomaraya Blucher
Habbaragamua Wellington
Siribarie Princess Charlotte
Devundarie Sophia
On 20th January, 1819 Lusignan wrote to the Board " His Excellency
desires you to consider and state if some elephants may not be caught for
the purpose of being presented to the Dewales and other purposes of public
service." Vol. 218 B.
At the Perahara " The temple elephants are dressed in crimson velvet
and gold ; the tusks of the animal bearing the sacred relic are also covered
with gold sheath, which have a very rich and extraordinary appearance."
Lyttelton's advertisement 1st January, 1 8 1 9 .
46. For further information regarding sudda pan, see Chapter II.
47. To the great scandal of the European Christian Community ; see
Giffard to Croker, 28th November, 1817 Appendix T.
The respect shown to Buddhism and the offering made at the Maligava
were the subject of strong adverse comment in the Christian Observer of
January, 1816 ; others, like Mythologus writing in the Asiatic Journal, con
sidered the whole incident as "pleasing"; while Candidus, another
correspondent, after a pointed reference to that uncharitable judgment of
other religions which generally was the result of ignorance, insisted that " the
national religion is everywhere entitled to the respect of the rulers." Vol. I,
p. 19, 226.
48. Gazette, 3rd May, 1 8 1 5 .
49. Quoted in Despatch 104 of 20th July, 1815. On 25th April, Ehele
pola asked for the materials of one of the inner squares of the Vasala at
Kundasala, which contained carved pillars, to be used for a bungalow
which he intended to build at the north end of the city. Capt. Holies to
Brownrigg, Kandy, 2.5th April. Ref. to Resident 6 1 . Vol. 262^ A.
NOTES 453
Aspantiye Nilame—Chief of the King's horses and the people who

attend to them—was the son of Gallegoda Adikar and married to the daughter
of Eravvavala Adikar who was put to death by Sri Vikrama on the same day
as the Nilame's brother-in-law, Denegomuva Dissava of Uva, was killed.
The Nilame took refuge with the British who gave him an allowance of 190
rix dollars a month and later sent him to Kilakarai where he continued to
receive 20 star pagodas monthly. He had now been away from home eighteen
years and learning of the changes in Sinhale he applied for permission to
return, and this was referred to D'Oyly for his recommendation.
Letters and Proclamations, Ref. to Resident, 2nd June, 1 8 1 5 .
Aspantiya Muhandiram was the brother of Peradeniya Lekama, Note 33
above. Also Tri Sinhala. p. 3, 79.
C h a p t e r II
1. See Pieris, The Portuguese Era, Vol. I, Ch. X V .

2. See Appendix F,
The word bulatsurulla has acquired a bad odour, chiefly through mis
understanding the significance of a money present being included in the ata
of betel leaves. On the custom Nugavela Adikar writes :
12th January, 1945.
Bulath Thurulla ( g j Q j a f C g d i Q g )
This is offered to a person really as a mark of respect, whether offered
with or without any article of value.
Thurulla means, as you are aware, touching each other-—it consists of
40 leaves. It is also called Bulath Atha (gjQ&f £pQ}) Bulath Hathaleha
(gjjCffif S3255(§;»). It is a custom introduced from India—how far back
no one can say.
Betel is always considered an auspicious article ©^COfJji') Buddha
or the Priest Hood is not entitled to accept a Bulath Thurulla. Priests
do accept now as a Guru Pandure (eg<5i. oSjdi.
Gods accepts Panduru (£3§dl), Kings accept Dekum (<J.Sg®) Officers
and Radalas Bulath Thurulla—it sometimes is offered with articles made by
each caste—it may be offered with or without anything to a person of rank
as a mark of respect, and when a man may ask a favour—he may ask for
the favour without it only by saluting in the customary way.
There are people from whom we do not accept even betel—as you observed
betel is offered pointing the stalk end to the person offered you must have
observed when offered all the leaves are not one upon the other. £ under,
the top half slightly turned to a side from the stalk end—it is usual to have
a piece of clean cloth under the Thurulla when offering it or bend the last
betel round the finger and retain it in the hand of the man who ofiers it.
Thurulla or Surulla, some they cut the stalk.
The hulat urutuva was well recognised when Ra Siha Deviyo died, as
appears from the Portuguese Tombo, where occurs the passage " The duty,
costume, called Bulat Uruluva, whichis the same as decum." Dekum was the
cash payment which the great majoiity of the inhabitants were liable to pay
in respect of their holdings, and in Bulatgama the term Dekum was displaced
by bulathuruluva.
North, writing to Dundas (Private, n t h November, 1798), about Col
lectors. "All these gentlemen enjoyed 100 pagodas per month pay and one
per cent, on the entire collection of the Island. It is my intention to give
them 150 pagodas per month and five and twenty per cent, on the net. improve
ment of the revenue of their Collectorship." Col. Mu. Mss.
" I am directed in reply to your letter of the T5th instant to state
that His Excellency the Governor has been pleased to authorise the
Board to allow you to draw a Commission of 2% upon all salt exported
by you for the consumption of other Districts, at the selling price of
those respective Districts, after deducting the expences of collecting,
lodging and shipping of the same by you,"
454
NOTES 455
H. Rowney to the Agent, Chilaw, dated 22nd April, 1805.

Under the Dutch :
" Upon the nomination to every employment the person who suc
ceeded to it paid a sum of money under the name of Parasse, and under
this same denomination the native chiefs likewise gave money when
the Governors, Commanders and Dessaves made a tour round the
country. These chiefs lost nothing by this, as thev levied on the people
double the amount of what they gave; it was just as at Candia." Burnand,
1809, p. 5 1 .
" It is to be observed that both these nations (Portuguese and
Dutch) carefully retained the ancient forms and usages for the regulation
of the interior of the country, not thinking it wise to rule it upon the
model of a foreign one." Burnand.
3". Probably a metal gong.
It is possible that under hekande is concealed the South Indian Semak-
kalam, a thin metal plate slung from a cross stick by a cord ; in other words,
a gong. See illustration, Plate IV, Madras Government Museum Cat. of
Musical instruments, by P. Sambamoorthy, Madras, 1 9 3 1 .
Katugaha Basnayaka Nilame suggests a south Indian origin, shtnkande
according to what he has heard being a disc of metal which was struck with
a kambit, stick. Reference from Resident, 23 April 1815. Vol. 521, Pybus
in 1762, heard this curfew being sounded : pp. 36, 87.
4. See Pieris, Notes on some Sinhalese Families, Part I I I ; for the
son, see Part V.
Board of Commissioners to Deputy Secretary Colombo, 3rd February,
1829 :—
" Within the last few days Lekam Mitteyas (Registers) have been
discovered among the Native Records in the Revenue Commissioner's
office showing the mode in which the treasure, jewels and other move
ables of the deposed King were distributed among Headmen and others,
to be concealed on the approaching invasion of the Interior by the British
Troops in 1 8 1 5 . "
Turnour was of opinion that they were not iound with the King but were
later seized with Ahalepola's property when he was deported. Government
Records, Inwards, 38 B.
5. From Sawers' Memorial to Brownrigg dated 20th September, 1814,
it appears that he was employed in the Civil Service :—November, 1805,
Asst. Collector, Chilaw, Sitting Magistrate and Customs Master, Provinces
of Puttalam and Calpentyn ; July, 1807, Sitting Magistrate, Colombo.
1808, Sitting Magistrate, Trincomalee, and Asst. Collector. January, 1809,
Collector, Batticalo. C O . 54-55.
Boyd took over from Sawers on 23rd May, Vol. 106 A.
On 15th April, 1811, the wife, Mary Sawers, wrote to Robert Peel, Under
Secretary of State, about a passage for herself from London to Ceylon. C O .
54-4°-
6. Sutherland to Sawers. 22nd April and 18th May, 1815. Vol. 223 B .
His salary was 40 rix-dollars a month.
For David de Alwis, see Sinh. Families, Pt. III.
The unwillingness to serve in Simhale persisted for a long time and by
a Minute of 10th May, 1820, (quoted by Bennett, p. 424), officers in the
Maritime Provinces who refused to accept appointments in Simhale, where
pay was fixed at an increased rate, were threatened with dismissal.
456 NOTES
7. Ruvanella, 23rd March, 18x5. V o l . Letters and Proclamations.

8. See Appendix G ; also Vol. 262JA.
The bridge over the ravine at Bogoda, with turned columns supporting
a tiled roof, is an almost unique relic. Pybus (1762) saw a thatched wooden
bridge at Palapatwala (p. 61) ; the kos, jak, trees in the district he described
as " Amazing, " and " the most remarkable, I ever saw for height and size,"
p p . 32, 6 1 . Holman (1830), near the 36 M.P. on the C o l o m b o - K a n d y road,
" crossed a river on a toll bridge that was covered i n . " P. 2 5 1 . The old
bridge over the Nivala Ganga at Matara was also roofed, Spence Hardy,
p . 226. But judging from Cordiner (I. 193) this must have been done
after 1800.
A calamander Almira and a chest of the same timber, belonging to

Mullegama, n o w Basnayaka" Nilame of Pattini Devale, had been seized and
sent to the Ratnapura Fort. Gay t o Malcolm nt Ratnapura, 14th Jul)', 1 8 1 7 .
Vol. 530 A .
Mullegama who was B.N. of the Pattini Devale, was married t o the
widow of Yatavatta, D . of Vellassa, whose father's brother, also Yatavatta,
D . , received a Sannas when sent on an embassy t o Batavia, Saka, 1685.
Jud. Diary, rst January, 1 8 1 7 .
In 1822 the Chiefs of Galboda Korale built a bridge over the Hingula
O v a a quarter mile from Ganetenna, where the stream was known t o rise
eighteen feet in a few hours. It was 75 feet long and sixteen feet wide, and
was formed of great na, (ironwood) beams, planked with jak. On either
side ran an ornamental railing and seats, " but what is most striking and
novel the bridge has an excellent substantial roof raised upon handsome pillars
of fourteen feet high." Gazette, 2nd February.
For the Katugaha and Mattamagoda incidents, see Jud. Com. Diarv,
16th and 1 7 t h March, 1 8 1 6 .
9. Despatch 44 of 4th May, 1816.
10. Brownrigg's Minute of 26th August, 1816. Vol. 203 B.
1 1 . Major Hardy's Diary of his Tour through Uva, r o t h M a y — 1 2 t h June,
1 8 1 5 . C O . 5 4 - 5 6 . " I never saw anything in the figure of a woman from
the time I entered the Candian territory t o the moment of m y emitting it, "
wrote Percival (p. 395) w h o accompanied the British ambassador, Macdowal,
in 1800.
For Handurukama, see K n o x , p . 66 : " The highest are their Noble

men, called Hondrews, which I suppose comes from the word Homdrewne,
a title given t o the King, signifying Majesty : these being honourable
People."
T o the Handuru (Govigama) man, a blow from one of lower status was
a grievous degradation ; where the sufferer could not himself punish the
offender, rather than publish his shame b y an appeal to the constituted
authority for redress, he would deny that he was struck. Hence the proverb
handuruvata gahapu bate., like a blow on a Handuruva.
12. C O . 28th June, 1 8 1 5 .
13. Sawers t o D ' O y l y , n t h August, 1 8 1 5 , and 22nd September ; Kef.
t o Resident, 188 of 28th September, 1 8 1 5 .
14. British Agents of Revenue and Commerce while on circuit in their
districts exercised civil and criminal judicial functions as well ; for instance
in Jaffna thev could pass a sentence of three months imprisonment, a hundred
lashes or a. fine of a hundred rix-dollars, and deal with civil matters where
the subject of suit did not exceed 200 rix-dollars in value.
NOTES 457
Regarding the Ordeal b y hot Oil, the following unsigned document is

from the Johnston Mss : —
" The oath is also considered b y the Sinhalese as a very holy and
religious deed, and they take it therefore in presence of the Gods either
in pagodas or in hot oil.
No one among them ma)' take an oath without leave of the Chief
of the District, which having obtained and the oath to be made in hot
oil, both parties wash themselves head and body, they are then locked
up together in a house and watched by a guard. After that the right
hand of each of them is wrapped in a cloth and sealed to be secure against
all injury, that they mav not be enabled to harm themselves. N e x t
morning they clean themselves and put on clean cloths taking care t o
be thoroughly . . . because they d o not doubt but they are t o
appear before their Gods. Then they tie the leaf on which the
permission of the Headman is written on the joint of the hand and
go under the Bogaha tree, where there is boiling oil and very hot cowdung,
and in presence of many thousand people, each on one side, invoke
most solemnly the God of Heaven and Earth to be witness of their
innocence. The other party then does it the contrary w a y and if he be
the plaintiff he swears always first. Sometimes they use to make the
oath b y four different sorts of their Hods.
The cloths are then opened and one of them puts his two fingers
three times first in the hot oil and then three times in the boiling h o t
cowdung. The other party then does the same. This being done the
hands of both are again covered with the same cloth and both are secured
till next day. The cloth is then removed and the tops of the fingers rubbed
t o discover whether the skin goes off: does it come off he is declared
guilty and is obliged t o pay a heavy fine to the King. But 1 should like
t o k n o w what they d o if both parties (which very likely often happens)
loose ithe skin, for in such a case other means must be resorted t o solve
the doubt, but I believe for certain that the priests in this also make
use of unfair dealing and they preserve him whom they wish to favour.
1 5 . Brownrigg's Minute of 22nd July, 1 8 1 5 . V o l . 203 B . For a helpful
Article on the subject, see James Alwis, Terms of Address and modes o f
salutation amongst the Sinhalese, Jcbras, V o l . I l l , 1856-8, p p . 198-252.
For examples, see various Mss. printed in Sinhalese families, Part I V .
Ref. t o Resident 127 of 24th July, 1 8 1 5 .
1 6 . Evidence of John Jacob Evertsz, vaccinator, regarding the t w o
women w h o had been illtreated, recorded by Sawers, 1 7 t h September, 1 8 1 5 .
" I think it proper t o acquaint you that about the time this happened I
recollect t o have been informed b y the Dissava and his Adikaram that it was
the custom in this country when a woman of superior cast was known t o have
prostituted herself to a man of lower cast, for the family of the woman t o
put her t o death, for if they failed t o d o so, the whole family would b e
degraded t o such a degree as to exclude them from all future social intercourse
with the People of their Cast, but that it was necessary to obtain permission
of the King t o put the woman t o death." Sawers, 18th September.
This well-recognised custom is also mentioned b y Joao Ribeiro (Pieris,

Ribeiro's Ceilao, 3rd E d . p . 5 5 ) . See also petition of Chiefs, Headmen and
Wellales of Sabaragamuva to Sir Edward Barnes, 23rd June, 1 8 3 1 .
Vol. A / 4 8 B .
The practice of putting w o m e n to death in such cases seems t o have

lingered on and it was considered necessary to issue a Proc. on 3rd January,
1821, declaring the killing of a woman under such circumstances t o be murder
and punishable accordingly
458 NOTES
In order to obtain the correct perspective it is useful to remember that
under Governor Falck's Regulation of ist July, 1733, " A Pagan or Mahometan
or other un-Christian carnally conversing with a Christian woman, shall be
punished with death." A translation prepared for Sir Alexander Johnston,
a copy of which he gave to Cameron, of the Commission of Enquiry, is at the
Colombo Museum, No. 22.
17. Coxon to Resident, 27th May, 1815.
For onions and cabbages in 1810, see Maria Graham, p. 97.
18. Hardy to the Military Secretary, 10th July, 1 8 1 5 ; Sawers to
D'Oyly, 20th July, 1815, and ist August, 1815 ; H. Handy to Capt. Prager,
loth July.
19. Sawers to D'Oyly, 12th September.
The village Elapata was in 1614, possessed by a Mudaliyar as Badavedili,
assigned to him by Simao Pinhao.
Of the coconuts grown in abundance from Chilaw to/Tangalla, Burnand
wrote : " When cut in pieces and dried, it gives the lamp oil," p. lor. .
" When the natives have no opportunity to draw surie or Caloo from
their trees they leave them to bring forth nuts and if they cannot dispose
of the same, they make coperas, and from the copera oil, if the c.operas
be left unsold. The making of oil from coconuts is thus the less profitable
way of employing the produce of the coconut trees." p. 108, Burnand,
1809.
20. Sawers to D'Oyly, 22nd August, 1 8 1 5 .
" His Excellency is aware of the very great difficulty of completely
. preventing all commercial intercourse with Kandi in the District of
Chilaw, where there is so extensive a frontier and such intimate con-
nection and frequent communication between the inhabitants of the
different villages on the border ; but he trusts that by vigilance and
care the contraband traffic of salt may be rendered so dangerous as to
. expose the Kandians to very great distress from the want of so essential
an article." R. Arbuthnot to W . Ker, Chilaw. Dated qth July, 1805.
. By an order of 17th April, 1806 among the privileges granted to the
Chalias, they were allowed during peace to receive each man 4 parrahs of
salt a year at the rate of 20 pice the parrah ; during war each man was allowed
half a measure a month. Further during peace they were permitted to load
their boats with salt at the Levayas free of the duty known as Ay a kaxi.
Among the Johnston Mss. there is a report in French regarding the
Salt Farm ; this is with papers of 1807. and was probably supplied by Burnand.
The following extract is taken from it :—
Les Candiens en tirent Librement le scl dont ils ont besoin, en
consequence du traits de 1766. Cependant quand ils arrivent trop
tard et quils ne trouvent plus dans ces Marais Salans la quantity quilleur
faut ils en achetent ordinarment du Fennier A 6 Sols et quelquefois a
12 par Pelle qui equivaut a 2 parras.
Le Fermier se prdvaut aussi d'une ancienne coutoume qui est de
demander aux Candiens des prisens, soit de betel, soit de provisions de
bouche, lorsquils viennent prendre du sel dans ces marais.
The following note has been supplied to me by Nugawela Adikar :—
The oils used by the villagers before coconut cultivation spread in the
villagers, were Kekuna to a large extent in the central parts of the island;
Domba, Mee and Na oils were also used—Mee to a great extent in the drier
parts of the Kandyan provinces. There are two kinds of Kekuna usually
found in the Kandy district. The other is found in .forests. This has a
NOTES 45»
small, long fruit—(Kekun Mala) raisin of this tree is used for burning in
houses at nights to keep away Mapilas—both these Kekuna trees grow to a
great height.
Kekuna that has a round fruit which is found in Kandy district is the
kind from which oil is extracted. The outer shell which is "hard is broken,
inner white substance (Madde) —is taken, dried in the sun, pounded
in a Mortar and then put into a Pehe OlStOl, made of the outer cover of the
Kitul flower. This Pehe is about 10 to 12 inches in diameter, round. This
is" placed in the wooden press and the oil is extracted. I believe you must
have seen a press in Kandy or Kegalla. Kekuna oil is not used in any food.
Fresh Mee oil was used in curries. Eeriya was also used in poorer houses
like a Panthira.
Diary of Richard Morgan, 1858. I observed several young women and

children imprisoned (in the Chilaw jail) for offences under the salt Acts. These
Acts operate very cruelly in their results. Stores where salt may lawfully be
purchased are at a very great distance from each other and the people (all
wretchedly poor and leading a hand-to-mouth existence) instead of walking
these distances, scrape a little salt from the gatherings along the coast, or
prepare it by boiling the sea water ; they are brought up and punished by
imprisonment, fines they are utterly unable to*pay. . .
This was noted by him when acting as a Judge of the Supreme
Court, on his way to hold the Assizes at Jaffna.
Sawers to D'Oyly, 1 5 t h July(?), 1815 . . . sent Government advertise
ment that from the next day Government salt would be sold at Badulla
at 1 measure for 2 of rice or 1 seer for 18 challies or a parrah of 24 seers for
3 rdx.
In 1762, Pybus found the same ratio between rice and salt, wffich latter
was " now very scarce,"
According to information received by D'Oyly (see Diary)on 5th November
1810, the ratio was 4 to 1, and 2 to 1 , in the Upper and Lower divisions of
Sat Korale. On 9th November, 1 to 1 in Saparagamuva.
Among the controlled prices fixed by the King, 4th May, 1812, and
16th June, 1812, were :•—
a Coconut . . 1 challiya
Naliya of rice . . 1 pice
Naliya of salt . . 1 pice.
On 16th November, 1812 ; there was great scarcity at Talavitiya and ric»
had risen in price to 7 pice the naliya.
Regulation 8 of 1825, laid down the following exchange :—
1 Fanam = pence
1 Pice = 3 / 8 pence
Dutch Challia = 1 / 8 pence
Petition of Sinne Aliem Sayboo of Akurana, to Judicial Commissioner,
dated 23rd August, 1822. In 1814, he contracted to purchase paddy from
Ehelepola, Tamankaduva Dissave, at the rate of a pagoda for 3 amunams,
to be delivered at Matale, but the Dissave was executed before the transaction
was completed.
21, Despatch, 107.
22. An Account of the Interior of Ceylon, by John Davy, London, 1821,
p. 1 8 1 .
460 NOTES
The following letter from Sir Humphry Davy is preserved in C O . 54-72.

March 9th, 1 8 1 8 .
H. Davy,
23, Grosvenor Street,
" My Lord,
My respected friend Sir. Jos. Banks mentioned to Your Lordship
the circumstances under which my brother Dr. Davy is placed at Ceylon ;
but from the manner in which Sir Josh, informs me Your Lordship
received the application, I fear that I was misunderstood by Sir Josh,
in stating my brothers case, I therefore do myself the honour of imme
diately addressing Your Lordship ; and on an occasion when I believe
the interests of an important colony as well as the extension of Science
are concerned, I hope I need nor make a studied apology for the liberty
I- am taking.
Dr. Davy has been nominated Physician to the Forces in Ceylon by
the Governor and I have reason to know that his Excellency has strongly
stated the propriety of confirming the appointment both to the Secretary
of his Royal Highness the Commander-in-Chief and to the Director
General of the medical department of the Army.
Sir James Mc. Gregor indeed has authorized me to state to Your
Lordship, that he considers the appointment as connected with the
good of the service, that there is no obstacle at the Horse guards and
that Your Lordships sanction only is wanting to enable him to accomplish
his wishes.
This is now the beginning of the fourth year that Dr. Davy has
devoted to the service. In the campaign which ended by the occu
pation of Paris in 1815, he went through those severe fatigues and
duties which pressed peculiarly hard upon the inferior medical Attendants
of the Army with the highest approbation of his superior officers. Since
that time in Ceylon, He has nor only been constantly engaged in the duties
of his profession in a new Country where diseases unknown to many
Europeans called for all the resources of Chemistry and General Science ;
but has likewise been occupied in examining the uses and qualities of
the peculiar natural productions abounding in that fertile and hitherto
little investigated Island.
He has ascertained the absurdity of some remedies ever popular
amongst Europeans and has substituted for useless antidotes real and
efficient medicines. He has pointed out some new vegetable substances
which may be used for tanning, dyeing and in (ten . . .) ing for which last
purpose at his suggestion they are now generally employed in the colony.
He has shewn the source of the salt in the salt lakes which now yields
a revenue of io,ooo£ a year, and how its quantity may be increased to
any amount. He has examined the nitre caves in a district never before
visited by a European and I hope discovered the cause of the formation
of this valuable substance. He has ascertained the native rock of the
gems and shewn that here is a Zircon rock from which this gem may be
procured in any quantity.
Some of his labours are already recorded in the transactions of the
Royal Society of which he has been some years a Fellow ; and I could
put before Your Lordships eyes documents which will be published
proving that what I venture to mention form a small part only of the
objects of his extensive researches.
Nothing but a sense of justice would induce me to trouble Your
Lordship so directly with his claims and I have mentioned them slightly
lest I should be suspected of partiality.
NOTES 461
Your Lordships liberal and enlightened mind will have anticipated

what I am going to add. By keeping men of science and talent in the
medical department of the army the duties are not only better performed ;
but the reputation of the service raised and the public benefited at the,
smallest expence by their aid in pointing out the applications of new
substances to commerce and the useful arts and in advancing the progress
.of civilization. And the glory of a Country and its administration cannot
but be raised by advances made in natural knowledge decidedly under
the auspices of Government.
My Lord, I have the honour to be, with profound respect Your
Lordship's, Obt. st.
H. DAVY."
23. For a description of him by an eyewitness, see Marshall, Ceylon
(1846), p. 162. AlsoMajor Hardy's journal I " The venerable old man who
caught the notice of everyone in Kandy." Davy who gathered much
information from him, describes him as "an bid man of shrewd intellect,
a poet, historian and astrologer, and generally allowed by his countrymen
to be the most able and learned of all the Kandyan Chiefs." p. V I .
24. James Welsh in 1812, on visiting the Moplah village of Coniote on the
road to Tellicherry wrote. . . . "The Moplahs are a degenerate race of Mussul
mans, or I should rather say Arabs, who, having intermixed with the Natives,
have engrafted the Hindu superstitions on Mahomedan bigotry; and though,
industrious, are both worthless and despicable. They very much resemble
the Lubbies at Ceylon, praying in Arabic, a language which even their priests
do not understand, and circumventing all who deal with them." Vol. II,
P- 24-
Lubbie is the name applied by Cordiner to the Moors in Colombo.
Their position under the Sinhalese Government was set out in a report
by Molligoda Maha Nilame and eleven other Great Chiefs, dated 19th, Dec
ember, 1829. C.S.O. Vol. 48, to which my attention was kindly drawn by
Mr. H . W . Codrington, late C C S .
" Moors, who are like strangers and hold no land, but live by carry
ing goods to the Sea-Ports." Knox, p. 61.
" The Receiver of the Galle District should scrupulously see when
these same Moors die that the tax of the country, the Maralas, is paid
to the Honourable Company. This is a servitude which from ancient
times even before the coming of the Portuguese, as it was reported to me,
was imposed on foreigners being one-third of all their substance."
R. van Goens to Hustaert, 26th December, 1663.
Proceedings of the Committee of Investigation (de Meuron, Andrews and
Agnew), 10th June, 1797 :—
" The Moors were never considered as resident inhabitants but had
to get annual certificates of residence. Some of them paid a capitation
Tax and others did Uliam service or four months in the year." C O .
55-2-
For their Rajakariya in the Littoral see North's Proclamation of 2nd
October, 1802.
From Governor's Minute recommending the removal of certain disabilities
from the Moors and Chitties : 25th June, 1830. The claim to gratuitous
personal services . . . " a claim on this industrious class of subjects which
appears to have been grounded on the fact of their being foreigners and
originally imposed in some degree with a view to check their emigration to
this Island." . . . In consequence, of the important services of the Moors
462 NOTES
and Chitties of Colombo during the Kandyan War, Ouliam Tax has not been
exacted from them since that period. By Regulation 5 of 1830 . . . " Where
as it is expedient to afford further encouragement to this industrious class of
people and to remove all obstacles to their resorting and settling in this
Island . . . and placing them on an equal footing with the other classes of
His Majesty's subjects, natives of these Settlements," the obligation to render
personal service without payment, and the liability to the duty of Ouliam,
abolished.
The Court tradition cannot include the Puttalama Moors who seem to
have held a special position with their own chiefs. That district was in some
way which is not yet clear, connected with the assumption of Kingship ;
On 16th June, 1812, D'Oyly recorded the rumour that the King was proceeding
to Puttalama for his Kaau bandina Mangalya (solemnity of investing with the
sword). He also mentions such a custom at Kottai, the meaning of the
record probably being that the Kings at Kottai followed such a practise.
The tradition continued in the District and Casie Chitty mentions Narendra
Simha's alleged visit to Navakkadu (across the lagoon from Puttalama)
for girding on the sword, and his presenting the Moor Chiefs of Puttalama
with a flag, two chowries and 18 silver tassels which were preserved at their
mosque, pp. 170, 196.
For Kirti Sri's visit to Navakkadu, see Kav Rala's talpat of 1753. Lawrie,
p. 809.
In the Portuguese Foral, f, 161, appears the following :•—
"The Vannea who is a Moor, the Head, cabeca, of that people,
arranged with the VeedorAnt Vaaz Freire, in 1614, that he and the two
moutoens, which are the companies of people who here are liable to the
Elephant Hunt, should give yearly 7 tusked elephants and transport aleas,
for the villages which they possess free; and neither these Hunters nor the
Chandas who supply fodder to the said elephants, are liable to any other
service to the Vidana and Tanadar, of the Port, and only carry out this
Elephant Hunt,"
It should be remembered that the Kandyans used to dive for pearls
off the Kalpitiya Banks in 1754-7, The shore opposite was the King's and
the Coy. could not fish there unless the King allowed oysters to be landed on
his territory. Report of S. A. Hemme, dated 20th June, 1757, tr. Col. Jr.
13th March, 1833.
In view of the strongly hostile attitude of the Portuguese Government
against the Moors, it is pleasing to find that at least one official was prepared
to regard them without prejudice. On n t h February, 1620 Fernao d'
Alboquerque writing from Goa replied to the King's letter of 26th
February, 1619 as follows :—
From the experience gained in Ceilao while I was Captain of Colombo,
I realise that the Moors there are not a source of prejudice but rather of
great advantage to the Island's commerce ; for they are all traders and
factors of the shipping trade plying to and from the Coast, and it is they
who are responsible for the trade in commodities and stores carried there,
because they are men of faith and credit. Should they go away, there would
be a falling off in this commerce. Further they are people wdio do not use
arms or engage in affairs of war, but are exclusively merchants, buying and
selling ; from which there results a general advantage to the people of Colombo.
I consider them advantageous to Your Majesty's service and in no way harm
ful : it will be found that when hostilities occur none of them desert to the
enemy or turn against the Portuguese. They are only concerned with their
profits and well-being ; that is all they care about.
Documentos Remettidos, Livro X I I , f. 242.
Sheik Ashareth's shrine at Kachchi malai opposite Beruvala has a history
going back to about the tenth century. See judgment in connected D.C.
NOTES 463
Kalutara case reported in the Ceylon Morning Leader of 12th May, 1908.
See also Notes 14, 15, to Port Era. I, Ch. II.
Hadi Hasan in "A History of Persian Navigation," London, 1928, men
tions that Arabs had sailed as'far as Ceylon in Pre-Muslim days. p. 85.
Cufic Inscription on a gravestone at Colombo, tr. by Revd. S. Lee,
A H . 337, A . D . 949. RAS. trans. I, 545, 537.
25. The practise of collecting " certificates " for future use in appli
cations for appointments was already in vogue, as witness the following , . .
Certified that the bearer Haghee has attended the 4th Division from the
ist February to this date, and that he has discharged the duty required of
him as Interpreter and Guide to my satisfaction in all respects.
ALEX MACGREGOR MURRAY,
Colonel Commanding.
Bootel, n t h March, 1 8 1 5 .
Badulla, 1 8 t h March, 1 8 1 5 .
To all concerned . . .
The bearer Hajee who accompanied this Division as a Guide is now
employed in establishing a Bazaar and in endeavouring to indxice the people
of the country to bring in supplies for sale to the Troops and while he con
tinues to conduct himself properly will meet with every encouragement and
protection . . . R. Coxon. See also Vol. 262J A.
In order to transport rice from Mandur, at Sawers' request pressed all the
Bintenna and Velassa bullocks found in the District. Collector, Batticalo, to
Chief Secretary, 1 7 t h August, 1 8 1 6 .
26. Ref. to Resident 91 of 20th June, 1815, and 124 of 20th July. D'Oyly
to Coxon 4th and 17th June. The Authority to D'Oyly to remove undesirables
is worded as follows . . . 6th July, 1815. It appearing expedient to us that
the Representatives of the British Government in the Kandyan Provinces
should for the security of the said Provinces and for the maintenance of good
order within the same be vested with certain powers analogous to those
granted by His Majesty's Instructions to the Governor of this Colony for
the like purpose . . ." See Vol. 262J A.
B. probably did not know that when Raja Adiraja Simha appointed
a Moor as Madige Mohundiram of Tun Korale the inhabitants protested,
whereupon the Mohottalas were summoned to Maha Nuvara and after
inquiry two of them were punished for inciting the opposition. Jud. Diary,
3-4-17.
27. Sawers to Sutherland, Attulah, 14th June, 1 8 1 5 .
28. Millawa Rajakarunadara Ekenayeke Dammekirti Pandita Modliar,
Dissava of Velassa and Bintenna, wrote to Captain Coxon at Badulla complain
ing of the insubordination of the Moors. " A s a letter under your
signature was brought to us previously that no molestation be made to
Moor people, we took that matter into consideration and did not say even
a word of reproof to the Moor people. There exist much wilfulness and
villainy in the part of the Moor people and they frighten and terrify the people
saying that English soldiers will come to Velassa today or tomorrow for
plundering property and to catch women for wives."
In another letter he wrote : " As English officers came and perform
Government Service in Madige villages as aforesaid, they (the Madige people)
dont listen to a message that we warn them, and it being not proper for us to
send strict messages, we sat quiet." Miscellaneous Board Papers.
29. Davy, p. 414 ; Bennet, p. 295 ; Knox, p. 90 ; William Shakes
peare wore earrings. See also Vol. 262J A : Saar (1647-1657) andWouter
Schouten 1662, in Jcbras X I .
30. G.O. 1 5 t h September, 1 8 1 5 .
464 NOTES
" How can we sell the animal born in our fold ?" was the exclamation
of an ill-nourished woman in rags in a parangi-stricken village of the Demala,
Hat Pattu, when the present writer advised them in 1809 "to obtain some
money for their needs, by selling their cattle.
Why have they such a respect for the cows ?
That the Sinhalese do not kill cows or eat flesh thereof is not on account'
of any respect which they have for the same but from a certain gratitude for
the many services which these animals render to them, and the great use
which they have of the same in ploughing their fields, as well as on account
of the milk upon which they and their children subsist themselves ; and for
those reasons there is even a prohibition, as the Singalese learned authors
say, of a certain king against the killing of cows and eating the flesh thereof.
Bhikkhus' reply to Falk's cpjestionnaire, 1765. Johnston Mss., Colombo
Museum, No. 1 3 .
Henricus Christofel de Corea, late Mudaliyar of the Woods (Devapanne ?>
accompanied Kelly's Division to Kandy ; a Liena Arachchi and 8 coolies
accompanied him. Farrel, Collector,to Chief Secretary, Matara, 1 5 t h May,
1815, Vol. 87 A.
31. Sawers to D'Oyly, n t h and 12th September, 1815 ; Wright to
Sawers as Commissary of Supplies, dated Badulla, 12th and 1 6 t h July,
1816 ; Ref. to Resident 190 of 20th September, 1815. 120 Porto Novo
pagodas were equal to 100 Star pagodas. Schoekrafts' petition of November,
1815, Vol. VI.
For another beef contractor, Gibbons, and the people's unwillingness
to sell, see E. D. Boyd, Collector, to Chief Secretary, Batticalo, 8th February,
1816. A good bullock cost 12-16 rxd. Vol. 107 A.
For the serious reduction in the number of cattle owing to disease and
the attempts to get good breeding stock from India, see Vol. 435 A. See also
Dep. Com. General, Colombo, to I.t. Steel, 10th May, 1815, Vol. 415 A.
Even under the Moslem Jahangir " Oxen and cows are not slaughtered,
as they have to work while they are young, doing everything that is done
by horses in Holland, and besides their slaughter is strictly forbidden by the
King on pain of death, though buffaloes may be freely killed. The King main
tains this rule to please the Hindu rajas and banians, who regard the cow
as one of the most veritable gods or sacred things." 49, Pelsaert.
32. Information about Anderson's route through the Moor and Veddah
districts, can be obtained from R. Brooke's account of the exploration of the
Mahavili Ganga in 1832. Colombo Journal, 1833. pp. 72, 7 3 .
For Anderson's guides, see Sawers, Collector, to Chief Secretary, Batti
calo, 15th April, 1815, Vol. 106 A.
Sawers to D'Oyly, 15th July(?l, 1815. With this he sent an Advertise
ment that from the following day Government salt would be sold at Badulla
at i measure of salt for 2 of rice, or 1 seer of salt for 18 challies, or a parrah
of 24 seers for 3 rix-dollars, paper money. See also Ceylon and the
Hollanders.
33. Sawers to D'Oyly, 30th August. " With regard to the appointment
of Hadjie to be a Headman over the Moors of Velasse, I am of opinion that
he is not only a very fit person for the situation, but much advantage might
accrue to Government from it, both in regard to the services of the Moors
with their Cattle of Burthen, and in extending the intercourse of these people
with the Coast Provinces, which could not fail to increase the general trade
of the Island ; but from the impatience which the Moors have shown of the
authority of the Sinhalese Chiefs I am persuaded that it is a very delicate
point. In short the Moors are determined if possible to be emancipated from
NOTES 465
34. Badulla, igth August, 1 S 1 5 .
23rd March, 1 8 1 5 . Viyan cloths

uly, Vol. 7Q B.
36. Sutherland to Collector, 30th May, 1815, Vol.
37. General Orders, 30th May, and 2nd June.
38. Gazette, 7th June, 1 8 1 5 .
Dancing of Ceylon, by Miriam Pieris in
From the Memorandum of the expenses incurred over the visit the follow-
ippears :—
Account of the Collector of Colombo for Provisions
furnished for the Chiefs and their followers,
1,314 persons in all, and for decorating the
Rest Houses in the Hevagam, Happitigam and
Hina Corles with white cloth .. .. Rds. 831-6-2|
Account of the Padicara Mohundiram, (Purveyor)
at Colombo for Provisions . . .. .. ,, 2,672-5-3,1
Present to the Dissave of the Four Corles of a
horse bought for . . .. .. .. ,, 1,000-0-0
Total Rds. 4,504-0-xJ

C O . 54-56.
Political needs soon changed social customs. On 8th August, 1833
the younger Molligoda, then Pallegampahe Adikar, entertained the Governor
and his wife, and several high British officials and Sinhalese Chiefs, to luncheon
at his residence near Fort King. According to an account published in
The Colombo Journal, " Toasts usual on such occasions were given, the
Adikar prefacing each with a speech . . . The entertainment was very
handsome . . . strictly in the English style."
At the King's Court a distinguished guest like an Ambassador was led
by Chiefs into the Bojana Salava, Dining Hall, where he was left and the
Gabada ralala, served him with food such as was prepared for royalty, as
Lewis de Saram records in 1732. The refreshments offered to Andrews on
29th September, 1795, consisted of " Sugarcakes, plantains, milk and
Syrup."
39. Sutherland to Collector, 10th June, 1815, Vol. 223 B.
40. In a letter of 29th May, to the second Maha Mudaliyar and Abraham
de Saram. See Vol. 262^ A. Also Judicial Diary, 6th February ^ 1816.
In the Ahalepola Varnanava by Kavisundara Mudali of Veligala, 217
verses, he is described as Yuva Raja. Nevill Mss. Catalogue, No. 636.
4 1 . Despatch 104 of 20th July, 1815 ; 107 of 26th September ;
D'Oyly's Diary.
42. " While upon the subject of Mr. Tolfrey I cannot help mentioning
to you a nephew of his who although not in the Civil Service has been acting
for* sometime as Assistant to his uncle and has by his unceasing assiduity
made himself perfect master of the Sinhalese Language—an object of so
great importance to this Government that were anything to happen to
466 NOTES
Mr. D'Oyly, I should in my own defence be obliged to appoint him into his
situation" of Sinhalese Interpreter to Government as there is no other civilian
in the Island at all versed in that language." Maitland to Ed. Cooke, 8th
March, 1S09. C O . 54-35- A similar letter Maitland to Peel, London 16th
October, 1811. C O . 54-41. He died 3rd January, 1 8 1 9 .
43, Additional Minute, 10th August. The Minutes of 5th and 12th
August are found in Vol. 203 B.
44. " Wasala " was the King's house and the Mudaliyars immediately round
the King were known as Wasala Mudelivaru. When a Portuguese official
took the King's place in the Littoral, his residence continued to be known
as Wasala. But that word has in Tamil—and Tamil forms of Sinhalese
terms were largely used in Portuguese official records—the meaning Gate,
and that meaning was adopted for translation into Portuguese of the word
Wasala, the Mudaliyars of the Wasala becoming Mudaliyars of the Porta.
This last word was continued by the Dutch Company, who extended its
application to include the establishments of the Dutch Dissavas and Com-
mandeurs as well. With the arrival of the English they took over the word
Porta and translated it into their language as Gate. Hence the officers
described in their documents as being of the Governor's Gate signify those
belonging to the Governor's Establishment, appointments to which were
those most coveted by the Sinhalese. It is interesting to note how far this
kind of translation extended ; in a petition addressed to Brownrigg in June,
1815 by Ehelepola, his name appears as " Eheylopole Wiejesoondere Wiek-
kremee Singhe Chandree Seekeree Amerikoon Porta Pandiethe Modliaar.
(Ref. to Resident 97. Letters and Proclamations). The last three words
represent the Sinhalese Wahala Pandita Mudiyanse. The draftsman was
no doubt a Dutchman with a moderate knowledge of English. The King
was generally spoken of as Maha Wasala, Great House.
For the duties of officials of the Gate at Colombo, see Colombo Journal
1832 : reprinted in 4 monthly Literary Register, p. 53.
" Mauhawaul, a Phrase importing Greatness, but not expressible
in our Language." Knox.
The following information has been supplied by Nugawela Adikar :—
Palanquins may be.—
1.Ransilige, for Relics.
2.Ran doliya, for the Abarana of the Devas.
3. Kunama, for the King. This with the ran doliya has a gold finial
at each corner and a fifth at the centre top.
4 . Doliya, by the Chief Queen.
5. Idoliya, by the Junior Queens.
6. Pallakkiya, by Bhikkus.
7. Dolava, by Radalavaru.
Royalty was carried by the Kunam Maduve people, who belonged to
the Patti division and held lands for the Raja Kariya.
Priests by Koholane people of Viharagam.
Radalavaru by people of their Nindagam, and their ladies by Vahum-
purayo from those villages.
The King's Kunama was surrendered to the British on 20th February ;

it had a roof of silver. (D'Oyly's Diary, 20th February, and 29th March).
Alagiyavanna has left a description of the Portuguese Captain General's
palanquin in 1619 ; it must have been a copy of what the King of Ceylon used.
NOTES 467
His stately palanquin, dazzling with the nine kinds of gems and its fittings
of gold, and wrought with many a skilled device of ivory amidst rows of
pearls and quivering chamaras.'" Kustantinu Hatane, V. 90.
In 1731, special permission was requested for Lewis de Saram, Maha
Mudaliyar, who accompanied the Company's Ambassador as Interpreter,
to travel through the King's country in an andoruva, on the ground of his
advanced age and feeble health.
When in 1752 the Chapter of Siamese Bhikkhus arrived at Trinkomali,

they were conveyed in palanquins, and the Siamese Ambassadors who ac
companied them in Andoru. Pieris. King Kirti Sri's Embassy to Siam.
Jcbras, X V I I I , p. 37.
Nugawela Adikar :—It was usually the practice to use a crooked bamboo
or any other crooked pole for the King's Kunama. The most popular kind
2 3 3 T w s
of bamboo was " Kalu Una " (?Si& C ) ' particular kind is somewhat
r r
thorney. " Liyan Wood " {Qaîscaa'^d ° Q,a £]@V>o®ci) and "Nuga
Aralu" (Qracf 6&) were also commonly used. The object of using these three
kinds was that when dry they are not heavy and could easily be bent into
any shape required. The bamboo was cut into the required length and the
various joints (0551.0) inside the bamboo are pierced with a thin long pointed
iron rod leaving the joint at one end unbored. Gingley oil ^ZZiQiSZSScjf)
is poured into this hollow and the opened end is well corked and sealed and
it is left in one pkce and not moved about, until the oil inside gets absorbed ;
it takes several months before it is ready for shaping it. Several of these
are prepared in this manner at a time. After the oil is absorbed the bamboo
is fixed on a level ground by pegs and bent into the required shape gradually
The pegs are carefully shifted every four or five days and refixed until the
bamboo gets into the necessary shape. I understand that Liyan Wood
(gcoxrf ©raoi|J(5) was shaped by applying heated Hora oil (jS!S3od @iS>d)
and bent into shape by using pegs as in bamboo. As regards " Nuga Aralu "
(QeO (f d d ) they are bent into shape before they are dry, by same methods of
pegging them to the ground and allowing them to remain until they are dry.
The bamboos are procured from various places where-ever they are found
and prepared under the supervision of the Kunam Maduwe Nilame. There
s no particular place or bamboo bush for this specific purpose, so far as I
can gather. In the last letter I omitted to mention the fact that the King
sits in the Kunama when he goes about ; the position is said to be Dhahara-
mandiyagota.
In 1762, Pybus had brought a palanquin with an arched bamboo but

the Dissava who met him at Nalande Kadavata insisted on this being taken
off and a straight bamboo substituted. Pybus made repeated appeals for the
return of his bamboo, but in vain and he came to the conclusion that the
King's prerogative was regarded with so much awe that no one would dare
even to bring such an one across the river into the Capital. On his return
journey it was restored to him at Hulan Gamuva, 59, 72, 98.
Pybus' narrative well illustrates the extreme jealousy with which the
use of a palanquin within the limits of the Hataragan Totupola was regarded.
See also narratives of Boyd's and Andrews' Embassies.
Thexurved bamboo is mentioned by Ibn Batuta (134°). Garcia de Orta
(1563), and Fryer (1673). Linschoten in describing the bamboo says:
" They do commonly grow upright. . . . They bow them many times in
growing that they may bring them into a form or fashion to serve for their
Pallankin." Hak. Soc. Ed., Vol. II, p. 58.
468 NOTES
There were two divisions of the Kunam Maduwa Department, each under
a Lekama ; there were in all ten peruwas or groups, each with its Sattambi,
and each providing 28 men at a time. With those people were associated the
Pandankarayo, who carried torches before the King's palanquin at night;
and the Talpat Wadanno, who attended him with talpat when he went abroad
in the day time. Board Proc. 29th September, 1818.
The British were not forgetful of the respect attached to the curved
bamboo, as appears from the following Instruction sent by Sir Thomas Maitland
to the Agent of Revenue and Commerce at Jafanapatanam, William Mont
gomery. " From this you will find that an inveterate jealousy exists between
the Bramins of the old and the new Temple, Which it will be your business
to keep as much alive as possible, giving however in everything you do a clear
and decided preference in point of support to the Bramins of the old instead
of the new Temple, and you will cultivate as much as possible the head
Bramin whom yon will find extremely useful if properly managed. Enclosed
you will find a Warrant entitling him to make use of a palanquin with a
crooked Bamboo, the highest that can be conferred on him, and • you will
state to him distinctly that it is my design that he is to be considered as
the Head Bramin under Government in the District of Jaffna ; that it is my
intention he should investigate who are the real Bramins in that District,
and that he should settle all arrangement with regard to the Malabar religion,
submitting them first direct to Government for its approbation." Johnston
Mss.
The Commissioners of Enquiry wrote (8th October, 1830), to Sir Richard
Ottley, Chief Justice, to ascertain whether Simonsz's Code was still
recognised, drawing attention to the reference there in the Regulation 2 of
1821. In his reply, dated 29th October, the following occurs :—
" A case did occur in 1820 in which a Magistrate attempted to
justify by that Code an illegal proceeding, quashed by the Supreme
Court. A man was flogged for the alleged crime of travelling in a palan
quin, I believe, and after some time an attempt was made to justify
the infliction of the sentence under a clause which rendered headmen
and other Inhabitants liable to be imprisoned for causing themselves
to be conveyed through the country in palanqueens with a crooked
bamboo . . . The clause to which I refer is no, 51 where such persons
were prohibited from causing themselves to be conveyed in palanqueens
with crooked poles except such as had permission from the Governors
and Commanders of Jaffna." Col. M'us. Mss. 35.
46. A paper by Joseph Jonville, 1798-1805, "On the Religion and
Manners of the People of Ceylon " was forwarded by Governor North on
27th September, 180T, to the Secretary of the Asiatic Society, Calcutta, and
was published in London in 1803 in Vol. VII of Asiatic Researches. A
manuscript copy was prepared for Sir Alexander Johnstone from a copy
lent to him by Tolfrey and this has been used in correcting certain printer's
errors appearing in the following extract :—
" The dress of the Grandees of the Court is not so majestic as that of
the Turks or Persians nor so elegant as that of the Indians, yet it is
striking and pleasing. The Hip is covered with a large coloured cloth
descending downwards and folded in such a way before as to prevent
anj' obstruction to the motion of the Legs. This cloth is called Pano.
Over this they wear a kind of Petticoat of fine muslin called Toupete.
with a gold border folded up in the way of the Cloth. A Box made of
pasteboard is placed round their Bellies the projection of which it en-
creases 5 or 6 inches. This Box contains a Handkerchief, Watch and
other little Trinkets. Their servants always carry their Betel, Chunam,
and nuts of Areka. A large Sash with a gold Border ties up the whole.
It is called Ottou Katclve. The upper part of the body is covered with
NOTES 469
cloth worked in gold or variegated silk or plain white muslin. The

sleeves are always stuffed with Cotton in order to make the higher part
of the arm appear thick. This they call elk {printed Otte ; probably
Hette). Over their shoulders is a large ruff in the Spanish fashion which
they call Toupi. baloue. It is made of Pasteboard and covered with
a piece of red Cloth having a gold Border and sometimes of white Muslin.
This dress appears to have been partly introduced by Europeans.
The ruff and coat are to be seen in many of the Portraits of the 16th and
17th Centuries, and the covering over their Hips, resembles the large
Dutch Breeches of those days. They have two kinds of slippers, one made
of Leather or ornamented cloth, and "turns at the end ; the other is a piece
of wood about the size of the foot, raised from the ground by means of
two supporters a few inches in height. Near the end of it are two small
curves between which they place the great Toe. They never use slippers
where there is ceremony.
Those that are of an inferior rank to the first class of Courtiers
only wear the lower part of the dress, it being strictly forbidden them to
cpver the upper part of the body. The Vellale caste has the privilege
of wearing a white hat. The petty Chiefs of the other castes can wear
black hats. The people of low caste cannot wear a petticoat but simply
a piece of white cloth which is not to reach below the knees. Their head
is uncovered."
Among the articles of attire sent by the Resident to the Kandyan Office
for the King's use, were Mehoen Topie Haloe, embrodiered Caps; Manta
Haloe, mantels; Juvan Hettoe Haloe, Old Jackets (presumably of the Portu
guese fashion); Pattani Hettoe Haloe, Mussulman gowns, (Dated ist
November, 1815), Marshall (p. 22) has some useful information on a Chief's
dress.
" The dress of the principal people of his Court resembles much the
ancient style of Europe particularly the upper part—having a sort of
square bonnet generally made of scarlet cloth embroidered with gold
and a Tassel on the top, a short jacket of brocade with large full sleeves
drawn up above the elbow, and round the neck a ruff of white muslin
edged with lace much resembling those worn in the reign of Queen
Elizabeth." Andrews', 1795, Jcbras X X V I , 99.
Captain Mahony, in Asiatic Researches, Vol. VII, (1803) mentions among
the presents usually given to a bridegroom by the Bride's party:—
" An upper dress called by the Singhalais Jouanhette ", and in a foot
note explains this as " The upper dress worn by the Candians with puffed
sleeves reaching to the elbow ; the body part as far down as the navel."
Also, " a bonnet ", with the note " Toppieh. This word I imagine
they borrowed from the Portuguese." " 22 buttons for his dress " foot-note
Bottams. This is taken from the article as published in Monthly Literary
Register, Vol. II, but the original in the Annual Register should be
consulted.
The bronze mould on which the gold plates of the mirivadi sangala were
fashioned is in the possession of the Mangalagama family of Smiths and
copies in copper were secured by me for the National Museums at Colombo
and Kandy. There was an impression that the King's Chamara was sent to
Windsor Palace but an examination of the Archives there lends no support
to this. Rep. of Trade Commissioner, 1937, para 90.
According to Davy, p. 164, the " essential royal regalia " were :—The
White Umbrella, Chamaraya, Gold Sword, Gold Forehead plate and Gold
Slippers. The Pata Tahaduva has here replaced the shield.
Ah's statement must be taken as authoritative.
470 NOTES
47. Speaking of the King's Council Jonville, 1798-1805, wrote : " The
priests of the first class appear there also when particularly invited. The
decisions are not carried by plurality of votes ; the King listens to his Council
and then decides as he pleases. Priests can only give their opinions on the
private conduct of the King and on subjects of religion. In cases of war and
revenue, it is strictly forbidden them to utter a word." Loo. cit., p. 4 2 1 .
48. Asiatic Journal, 1843, Pt. 2, p. 126.
Chapter III
I . , For the trespass on Ehelepola's property see Gay to Sutherland; 22nd

November, 1816 Vol. 530 A. Regarding the asses, see General Order, 7th
May, 1 8 1 5 . The description of the Saparagamuva track is from the letter
of J. Maitland, Cinnamon Department, to Sutherland, dated Batugedera,
1 5 t h September, 1815.
In 1800 the stream half a mile from Tangalla on the road to the Kottava
Elephant Kraal was spanned by a bridge sixty feet long raised twelve feet
above the water and consisting of single planks, Cordiner. 1. 213.
Ribeiro frequently mentions that the fighting men had to inarch in single
file.
Aegidius Daalmang noted at the ceremonies held at Colombo in connec
tion with Raja Sinha's death, the Company's Lascarins marched in single
file. When the Portuguese left Ceylon no other method of marching was
possible on the route between Colombo and Kalutara till Ryckloff van Goens
widened the track sufficiently for eight men to walk abreast.
• Early British attempts at map making were not very successful. Jon-
ville prepared some sort of a map. Among my Johnston Mss. is a paper,
undated, with, the minute. . ," Honourable Sir, The above maps are in the
Revenue Board.
Your most obedient servant,
W. Vanderstraaten,
The list includes " A map of the Island of Ceylon with all the'Corlas, etc,
made by Mr, Jonville. " '• •
Joseph Jonville, writing to Robert Arbuthnot, Chief Secretary to Govern
ment, apparently from Chingleput, on his departure from Ceylon, under date
24th August, 1805, states that in the previous year " I was in the Mahagam
Pattu occupied in drawing the Charts of this Island. " This is a translation
from the original French. (Johnston Mss. with the present writer).
Atkinson was appointed by Dundas to be Civil Engineer on £500 and
North further appointed him Surveyor-General with an.additional £500 ; but
Maitland struck out the latter and fixed his salary at ^800 (Maitland to Peel
13th June, 1812). On 4th August, 1812, Atkinson wrote to Colonel Bunbury
requesting the return of the map which he had left at the Secretary of State's
Office for Liverpool's inspection, as he wished to publish it; he expressed
the hope that Government would purchase some copies to meet the cost
of engraving. C O . 54-45. Of this map William Orr wrote from Mannar
(ifrth March, 1815 : Vol. 159 A.) " Atkinson's map is a mere take-in : the
only position that appears to me truly laid down in the whole sheet is—
Snipe Lodge." Schneider compiled a map in 1813, and Bertolacci employed
it to illustrate his Book. Nine years later he completed another which was
a notable advance on the first, with the Title " A new and correct map of the
Island of Ceylon including an accurate delineation of the Interior Provinces
from Actual Survey. December, 1822." (Jcbras. Vol. xxii).
The curious notions entertained by early British officials regarding the
custody of the Archives is well illustrated by what Johnston did with the
Dutch maps which he removed from the Government Records : this extract
is from the Second Report of the Committee of Correspondence of the Royal
Asiatic Society (1829). . ," Sir Alexander Johnston has also given a collection
471
472 NOTES
of maps and charts relating to the coasts of Coromandel and Malabar, to the
Gidf of Manar, to the coast and interior of the island of Ceylon, and parti
cularly to the whole of the Pearl and Chank banks on the north coast of that
Island and the southern coast of the peninsula of India, the whole of which
was collected by Sir Alexander in 1809, for the purpose of explaining to the
late Lord Londonderry, the then secretary of state for the Colonies, the
manner in which the pearl and chank fisheries might be improved, " etc.
Tliis is referred to by Tennent as " a volume of Dutch surveys of the
Island containing important maps of the coast and its harbours, and plans
of the great works for irrigation in the northern and eastern provinces. "
Vol. i, p. xxviii. Note 1. These maps were obviously what Johnston was
known to have removed from the Government Records at Colombo. Some
of the maps he removed were at a later date recovered and are now at the
Surveyor-General's Office. See Paulusz. History of the Ceylon Govern
ment Archives. Jcbras. xxxvi. Pt. 1 ; Brohier : Ceylon in Maps, Jr. Dutch
Burgher Union, 1941-42.
A volume of Dutch Maps was sold in London in 1937.
On the use.tyof carriages, in 1732 the King owned a carriage (Rata
vahanaya, and mangalya vahanaya) which a former Company's Governor
had sent as a present.
From time to time the Company also supplied horses for the carriage ;
the courtiers stated that the horses used to be obtained from Europe, Turkey
and Persia. At this time the majority were dead and the survivors too in
firm to be employed. The Ambassador explained that it was very difficult
to get them from Europe or Turkey owing to transport and fodder troubles ;
possibly horses were obtained from Persia which was nearer but owing to
continued unrest there and the roads being unsafe, traffic in horses and other
merchandise had; ceased for .some time, but there was a rumour that matters
were settling down. Search at Colombo and Jafanapatam had been fruitless.
Lewis de Saram.
This carriage might well have been the one concealed in the cave at Pot-
dalgoda. Tri Sinhala, p. 232, evidence of Madugalla Basnayaka Nilame, p.
235, do of Velegedara Appuhami Sattambi.
Udagedera Galladda stated before the Judicial Commissioner on 28th
November, 1822 that " he was employed to make gold ornaments for the
top of the King's coach. "
Government Gazette, Wednesday March 27, 1816.. .Prize Sales . . .
On Saturday next the 30th instant, the Wood and Iron Work of the late
King of Kandy's State Carriage, as also the Silver Hinges and Nails thereof,
will be sold to the highest bidder, by Mich Loughlin Auctioneer for Prize
Property, at the House No. y Baillie Street in the Fort. The Sale to com
mence at 11 o'clock forenoon. Conditions of sale as usual.
2. See D'Oyly's Report, Tri Sinhala, p. 190. In certain parts of Orissa
the money remuneration paid to a Brahmin for purifying a house after death
is called dahshina (Man, December, 1940 p, 214).
" All the property which his subjects enjoy belongs to him. They have
only the use of it. " Jonville, 1 8 0 0 .
" It is a principle acknowledged from the earliest ages in Ceylon that all
land belongs to the Lord and that every inhabitant owes some service to the
Lord. These two principles are inculcated in the minds of every native of
the Island and the Portuguese and Dutch when they successfully conquered
it tacitly adopted these principles in the government of the country, confor
ming themselves wisely to the usages they found established. They departed
from the first of these principles only by giving grants and (Sic: in?) perpetuity
NOTES 473
of some lands which they granted upon different rents to the individuals who
applied for them. These grants without restriction differ essentially from
those^ made by the ancient sovereigns of the country who granted to an
individual a portion of land for his use in consequence of an employ with
which he was invested and to a Cast for some servitude which it was bound
to perform to the Prince.
The first of these concessions was for life and became extinct by death
or by a forfeiture of the title ; the second lasted as long as the service for
which it was granted was performed, which nevertheless depended upon the
will of the Prince. " Burnand 1809—The Portuguese and above all the
Dutch have conceded and formerly sold with too little circumspection the
freehold ownership of lands which the natives solicited and in spite of the
clauses inserted in these titles of concession it happened for the most part
that these lands were either not cultivated at all or onlv in a small degree.
Burnand 1809.
The tenure of lands in that part of Ceylon inhabited by the Malabars is
quite different from that in the "Western part of the Island"; for though the
principle that all land is the property of the Lord is likewise acknowledged
there, it is in a much less positive sense. The reason of which is that the
princes of this district, having been subdued by the Kings of Candea the
•country has been divided and given to powerful Chiefs as the Vanias, Itatterales,
Vidaans, Adigaars, Pediessen, etc. subject to an annual rent and tribute,
as are still the Wannyas of Siarlia, Nogerie, Mineri and others. All these
tributary chiefs in the countries within the circumference of the Island, have
been preserved so long as they conducted themselves with propriety and de
prived of their authority when they did not, as in Vannie for instance in 1779 ;
but the lands for the greater part remained the property of those by whom
they were cultivated which changed the nature of the tenure into a sort of
property which the Dutch Government respected, which was done by the
Dessaves of the King of Candea, when that country was under their domina
tion, several withdrawing these lands and granting them to the highest bidder
several times in the same year, for which nevertheless they were punished by
heavy fines when these extortions became known to the King or to his
Minister the Adikar. Burnand 1809.
Though there were no outright sale of public land, where a person desired
to obtain from the King a grant entitling him to the enjoyment of a land, it
was often the case that a decum in cash, proportionate to the importance of
the grant, was offered to the King. See Siyambalapitiya Nilame's evidence
before the J.C. and Assessors. 26 April, 1823.
As for the Littoral " That under the present Government since the total
subversion of the ancient institutions and usages, the evil has increased in
•everyway and has deprived Government of a considerable revenue which
might certainly have been drawn from the country had it been conducted
upon different principles. There was every facility of engrafting amendments
upon the ancient forms, and the neglect must be attributed solely to the want
of local knowledge on the subject. " Burnand 1809 p. 93.
3. Colonial Audit Office to the Lords Commissioners of H.M.'s
Treasury, 13th November, 1815. In 1810 the tax produced 14,540 rxd.
4. Report of Colonial Audit Office.
" 22nd May, 1830 : Madame Baboom, a French Belle of Pondicherry,
gave a grand Ball this evening. " Holman, p. 376.
" Don Simon and Adrian Rajapaxce, the two most intelligent and
experienced Native Headmen in that (Cinnamon) Department " expressed
the opinion " Notwithstanding the War with Kandi, . . if a guard of thirty
Europeans and seventy Sepoys posted a little beyond Rowanelly, there
would be no difficulty to collect eight hundred or a thousand Bales in six
474 NOTES
weeks or two months," Board of Revenue and Commerce to Chief

Secretary, Colombo 6th January, 1806 (Johnston Mss. with author).
For Cinnamon in Kiraveli Pattuva. See Jcbras xxxvi. Part iv.
5. Despatch 109 of 5th November, 1815.
6. Despatch 43 of 29th March, 1816 ; 51 of 7th August, 1 8 1 6 .
General Order 24th October, 1815.
7. Wright to D'Oyly, 18th October, 1815.
8. Cornelius Dias appointed Wright's Interpreter at Badulla, 16th
December, 1815.
9. Governor's Minute, Reference to Resident 212 of 1 3 t h December,
1815 Vol. 262 J A and 203 B. Ceylon and the Hollanders, 3rd Ed. pp.77,78.
Daniel was employed at the Kandyan Office. Cornelius was a Mohundiram
of the Atapattu attached to the Collector of Colombo with the honorific
name Gunasekera Abeyratna D. At the Criminal Sessions held at Maha
Nuvara on 23rd October, 1815 these two and David de Alwis were sworn as
Interpreters in Sinhalese, Portuguese and English,
10. D' Oyly's letter of 14th December, 1815.
The word had a very precise meaning, as appears from the following : —
" The Ordinances of the Colonial Government published here are usually
in one or the other of the following forms. . .Regulations (called in Mr. North's
time Proclamations) that are now enacted by the authority of the
Governor-in-Council, which with the Dutch Ordinances and His Majesty's
Charter form the Laws of the Island.
Proclamations, which are generally Acts of Grace on the part of the
Governor as the Representative of his Sovereign.
Advertisements, by authority of the Governor. These are founded on
the existing Laws and serve to call them into action by noticing abuses,
threatening prosecutions and stimulating the Magistrates and other Autho
rities charged with the execution of them. "
Brownrigg to Liverpool, ix of n t h June, 1812.
On 16th June, 1827 Sir Alexander Johnston presented to the Museum
of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain, " A Sinhalese hanclpunkah
or fan, made of crimson flowered silk and the handle of ivory, carved and
painted. This was the kind of fan the native Kings of Kandy used to present
when conferring the dignity of Chief Priest of a maritime Province in the
island, the dignity being held by the possession of the fan. The particular
fan presented to the Society was the property of the last chief priest on whom
the rank was conferred in Ceylon. " Transactions, R.A.S Vol. ii. app. cxx.
1 1 . Among my Johnston Mss. is a copy of " The Narrative of John Albertus
Thoen (a native of Leyden) Sergeant in the 5th Company of the ist Battalion
of the Bengal European Artillery, which Company was commanded by
Captain Richard Humphreys. " It contains the following passage " I was
always in communication with him (Davie) and by means of the woman who
lived with me, we used to correspond by letter. My woman made ink with
burnt rice and bought paper in the Bazaar, and she used to employ Malabar
and Kandyan people in carrying these notes. " The copy is undated but is
written on paper with the water mark 1812.
Writing paper was not made in Ceylon ; Bhuvanaika Baku's letters
which are preserved in Lisbon were on European paper. For these letters see
Ceylon and Portugal ; Kings and Christians, by Pieris and Fitzler, Leipzig,
D'Oyly to Sutherland, 30th December, 1815 ; Sutherland to D'Oyly
16th January, 1816. See a Note on Kandyan Paper, 20th May, 1853, Jcbras
Vol. ii. part ii. p. lxxiii. also iii. pp. 420-429
NOTES 475
- " I send you 20 quires of the paper—I have no doubt if Government will
give good encouragement to the poor fellow who makes it, it will prove very
beneficial to the Island as China paper is sometimes scarce. The man who
manufactures it is a native of the Coast and was formerly a Sepoy ; he says he
can make about 100 quires a month and the price is six fanams per quire. "
J. Walbeoff to Gay, Chilaw 12th October, 1815. See also Percival pp. 205,
2 0 6 : Cordiner ii. 181.
12. He was expected to start from his Province on 29th December
and the Collector of Colombo was instructed to arrange for the " honorary
arches " and other decorations. Sutherland to Collector 25th and 29th
December, Vol. 223 B.
13. Sutherland to Collector 23rd January, 1816. Vol. 223 B ; also Vol.
262 £ A.
Molligoda applied for the Satara Korale Madige as being usually held
by the Dissava of that Province, but Brownrigg declined to take it away from
Eknelligoda who had so recently been publickly thanked for his services.
Sutherland to D'Oyly 28th June, 1816, Vol. 21.5 B.
14. Despatch 129 of 9 t h February, 1816. Gazette. 24th January, 1816.
" Under the late King's Government it was the general practise not to
swear Chiefs to the evidence the} gave either in Civil or Criminal actions
and in cases where a Chief has since the Establishment of the English Govern
ment given Evidence, he has done so remaining on his seat. As there appears
no just reason why a Kandyan Chief should be exempted on any occasion
from making Oath according to the Forms of his Religion to the truth of the
evidence which he gives and it is decorous that when they give Evidence in
the Second Commissioner's Court they should do so standing, no Nobleman
in England being exempted from paying such mark of respect to the Court
before which he gives his evidence, the Board recommends such Rules being
established. " Board 27th October, 1818.
The procedure of these Courts was founded on the ancient Hindu model.
For an illuminating series of extracts indicating what were the ideals aimed
at in administering justice, see Appendix to the paper on Hindu Courts of
Justice by H. V. T. Colebrooke, Trans. R.A.S. Vol. ii. pp. 166-196. London
1829.
The litigation between Pusvella and Eknaligoda was continued on 16th
July, and 31st August, 1817 before the two Adikars, the Disavas of Matale,
Tun Korale, Valapane and Vellassa, Mullegama Basnayaka Nilame, Atta-
pattu Lekama and Vedikara Lekama. Judicial Diary.
15. Notice is hereby given that on Thursday next the 29th Instant,
will be disposed of by Auction by order of the Executors of the Estate of the
late Dedrik Thomas Fretz Esq. deceased, in the House lately occupied by
the King of Kandy, situated near the Galle Gate within the fort of Colombo :
Diamond Stones, Linnen, Gold and Silver Laces, Velvets, A Piano-forte,
and sundry other Articles.
The sale to commence at 10 O'Clock in the forenoon and the condition
of sale will be made known on the spot. Colombo 20th February, 1 8 1 6 :
G. W . Gambs, Auctioneer.
Sutherland to D. C. Fretz, 25th January, 1816, Vol. 223 B. The monthly
rent of the house and offices occupied by the King was 150 rds. Chief Secretary
to Executors of Fretz 5th June, 1815. For the purchase of the furniture,
Civil Pavmaster-General to Chief Secretary, 20th March, and 26th April,
1815. Vol. 216 A.
North to Dundas. 28th January, 1800 (private) " Pray present my best
compliments to Lady Jane, who, I am sure, will pardon me for stopping her
476 NOTES
Pearls. I have sent her two logs of Calmandel wood of extraordinary beauty
but have not been able to find a green Monkey. " Col. Mus. Mss. "Pearls
of a perfect form, of half an inch in diameter, (three of which size were
found during the fishery of 1797.)" Rep, by Honble Geo. Tumour, Lieut.
19th Foot, Commanding Manar, Oct. 25th, 1798. Col. Mus. Mss.
16. George Arbuthnot. Agent for Ceylon Government, to Chief Secre
tary, 15th December, 1815, Vol. 717 A.
Journal of William Granville, (reprinted in Ceylon Literary Register
Series iii. Vol. iii.) who states that this was the costume which he wore when
landing and which was identical with what he wore when he came on board.
A different description is given in the Ceylon Observer Christmas Supple
ment reprinted in The Orientalist, Vol. i. p. 63. See also Government Gasette-
24th January, 1816, and Asiatic Journal, Vol. ii. 1816.
With regard to the headdress which the King used, it might be noted
that on 10th January, 1816 gold to the value of 3,996 rxd. 1 f. which had
been bought for him in order to make a hat and other personal ornaments, was
sent to him in charge of Comarasamy Mudaliyar, Sutherland to Collector,
10th January', 1817. Joseph de Silva Mohundiram of the Chief Secretary's
office, accompanied Granville as Interpreter. Sutherland to Granville, 24th
January, 1816. Vol. 223 B.
5th June, 1830. At Vellore the King declined to be treated as an object
of curiosity to be shown to visitors, and refused to see the Governor of Madras,
Mr. Lushington. One of the wives and several of the children of Tippu Saib
were also kept at Vellore. Holrnan.
At the Oriental Library which is now established at the Pattirippuva
there appears hung a portrait in oils labelled as Sri Vikrama's. This identific
ation cannot be accepted without evidence ; all attempts to trace the history
of the painting have so far been unsuccessful, and it is not known how it came
to the Library.
The Viharadhipati of Niyanganpaya, N. K. Devarakkita Sthavira, has
sent me the following information. " The likeness of King Sri Vikrama
Raja Simha appeared painted on one of the walls of this Vihare. This was
repainted in my time, but following the advice of Mr. Codrington, who was
Commissioner at the time, a facsimile copy of the painting was first made on
cloth and that was reproduced on the wall, by the same painter. Conse
quently there was no change in the likeness. "
A print which has had a very successful sale as being that of the Queen
of Sri Vikrama is an outrageous fake.
On the King's trousers, Nugavela Adikar writes : The trousers now
we„use for our Kandyan dress ( d i g £ ^ § 0 3 ® ) was used by the King
only—It was called •• Kal hette Haluwa " (e55DC5 OOTSC) SOdS).
The Radalas used the trousers without the ( d i g ) frills— it was
called " Kal Hette " (jS)3(5 © i © O c o ) I believe the world ( i S i g s S ® )
is " Thelegu "—
There is another one which workmen use very short rather loose (called
udeya) (£§3co) You must have seen people working in fields—originally
people working in the fields used a Diyakachchiya.
What is probably the only authentic portrait of the King was sold by
Francis Edwards in 1943 (Cat. 669, No. 875), the present writer having
lieen too late with his offer.
At the Kandy National Museum may be seen a Diyakachchiya combined
with an Udeya : it was suggested that such was the King's bathing costume.
The Udeya is also known as Saruvaleya (Maha Nayaka Thero, Mai vat ta
Vihare).
NOTES 477
The King's death, which was due to dropsy, took place in the afternoon
and at the earnest request of his family the body was cremated at sunset.
17- H.M. Ship Salsette,
Portsmouth, June, 27th.
Sir,
I beg leave to transmit you a copy of a letter I received from Sir R.
Brownrigg, along with the animal it relates to, and with a view to facilitate
its conveyance to the Tower I have made the necessary inquiries at Ports
mouth and find that there is not any convenient conveyance likely soon to
offer by sea, but that by ' Clerks ' wagon he can be sent straight from here
to the Tower without any difficulty as that concern has very frequently per
formed such commissions and therefore as His Majesty's ship Salsette is
ordered to be paid off immediately it might be more advisable to send him at
once by this land conveyance than to keep him on shore at an expence and
perhaps for some time in waiting for a sea conveyance. If sir you will please
to signify to me your opinion or commands either way I will take care this
object shall be accomplished.
I have the honour to remain, Sir,
Your most obedient humble servant,
John Bowen, Captain, Salsette.
Henry Goulburn, Esqr.,
Under Secretary of State.
Endorsed :
Approve of the arrangement proposed and direct him to send up the
Leopard by the wagon to be delivered at the Tower and acquaint the
Home Department with the instruction given.
Enclosure :
King's House, Colombo, 4th February, 1816.
Sir.
I avail myself of your obliging offer to take to England in His Majesty's
ship under your command a Leopard or Chittah of Ceylon to be presented
with His Royal Highness the Prince Regents gracious permission to the
Royal Menagerie at the Tower.
On your arrival in England you will be pleased to report to His Majesty's
Secretary of State for the Colonies, the animal being on board the Salsette,
when probably directions will be given for its removal, and if not I beg the
favour of you to send it by the first sea conveyance to the Tower.
18. D'Oyly, n t h August. 1815, Vol. 521. The connected papers give
details of the Crown rights in the village : some of these were now reserved
as well as certain rights of the representatives of the Guard Mudaliyar of
Galle to whom the village was granted in 1768. Tri Sinhala,^. 132. Pecu
niary presents due to the grantee of the village :—
Panapuru Nile
Kahangoda Nile
Telpulagoda
Muruddawele 20
Rygala Parassenile 10
Hamanhari Parassenile 10
Hidurupita Parassenile . . 10
Kanduwa • • 10
Presents given formerly to the following situations :—
Dasie Lekama 20
Lekamship of Nivitigala 20
160
478 NOTES
The Kalu Ganga repoi-ted navigable as far as Batugedera, and six padas
were being sent to fetch Coxon's detachment from there. Collector, Caltura
to Chief Secretary ,30th December, 1816. Vol. 64 A.
10. See Vol. 262 J A.
" Doloswala Nilame who was Dissava Mohottiar of Sabaragamuva to
Cooruwe Modliar Abeyesekere Goonewardena. " For the Mudaliyar Johan
Louis Perera—See Sinhalese Families Part III.
20. Memo of Instructions to Mr. Ker, Kandyan Office 26th February,
1816.
Eliza Fay's account (r5r.l1 February, 1815) of a dinner at Bombay:
" We dined one day at Mr. Nesbit's, chief of the Marine, who gave us a repast
in the true old Indian style. W e (thirty in all) had every joint of a calf on
the table at once ; nearly half a Bengal sheep ; several large dishes of fish ;
boiled and roasted turkies, a ham, a kid, tongue, fowls, and a long train of
et ceteras. The heat was excessive, the hour two, and we were thirty in
company."
2 1 . Otherwise Samarasinha Jayavardhana Mudaliyar, md. the Kuruve
Mudaliyar's sister. D'Oyly to Brownrigg, Mattamagoda January 16th,
1815 : " I shall of course think it necessary to remain here, whilst there
appears any prospect of gaining over the Adikar, and hope that by the
arrangements made through our Adikar the. rice will be properly secured at
Batugedera." C.O.54-55.
Harmanis seems to have been already rewarded for his work in Sapara
gamuva ; the following is from the Diary of John Gerard Perera :
" 30th October, 1815 Harmanis Perera received an a (ct as) Titular
Modliar of Pasd (um and Wal) allawitty Corles. " Also Gay to Collector,
Caltura, 7th November, 1815. Vol. 80 B also Vol. 262J A.
Harmanis Perera's wife survived till 14th August, 1871, when she died
in'Colombo at the age of 87 years.
22. Harmanis Perera to the Second Maha Mudaliyar, Batugedera
19th January, 1816. Sutherland's letter 31st July, 1816. Vol. 223 B. The
Mudaliyar of the Washer Cast of the Colombo district was Matthews Gomes
Sameratne Rajapakse. Almanac 1815.
23. Board 9th October, 1816. Sutherland to Collr. Colombo 16th
October; to Sawers 1 7 t h October, 1816.
The Gem Quarry Rights of Tun Korale and Sabaragamuva when put up
for sale by Ker on 13th July, 1816 only realised 2,200 and 5,000 rix-dollars
respectively. The Vihare and Devale lands had been excluded and the trans
action was in the nature of a pure speculation. On the 16th an offer of 20,000
rix-dollars for the two was received and accepted, but the tenderer was
found to be a bankrupt who could not make the promised deposit and whose
expected sureties were not forthcoming. The fol'owing month the combined
rents were settled at 25,000 rxd. on Seyadu Mira Lebbe Cuppe Tamby of
Colombo, who in turn backed out. Ker to Sutherland 13th July. 16th July,
12th August. The system of farming appears to have been discontinued in
1827 and license to individuals on payment of a fee substituted.
'Iranslated from the Foral, Folio T6G V :—
Titulo of the Four Agras of gems which are in the parts and kingdoms
of Dinavaca, being.
In the four Agras which are four royal villages where the collection of
gens is carried on, and there are found there catseyes, topazes, rubies, white
and red, sapphires blue and white, and other kinds of gems ; among which
are found stones of value, as there was found in 1 6 1 4 a catseye weighing
NOTES 479
five calanzas or 100 manjedis which was sold by auction at Colombo for Soo
pardaos and in the gemming of this year 1615 another of better quality-
was found weighing three calan'as and sold for xer in auction awl
a sapphire weighing 4J ounces of very good colour which was r-old for
xer.
This collection is carried on from the first of January till the end of April
and during this the Vidana of the Agras must be present He must be a
person of great trustworthiness and with him will be an escrivao, clerk, with
a caderno, memorandum book, signed and numbered by the Vedor da
Fazenda, in which are entered the stones taken from each pit, the which will he
sealed in the presence of the Canacapoles and Mayoraes of the At'ras in
bundles, as they are entered in the caderno, those of each pit separately, as is
the practice and it is usual to do. And when the Vidana takes the said gems to
deliver them to the Factor, there shall accompany him-ithe escrivao with the
caderno, and all the Mayoraes and Canacapoles with the bias of the said
collection to be compared with the caderno. and the bundles, to be handed
over on a receipt to the Factor of Columbo in the presence of the Vedor who
shall sign in the receipt according to the Regimento. The inhabitants of
the Agras apart from their liability at the collection have to pay the
Fazenda yearly.
772 larins,
21 candis of rice
ir7 medidas of oil of the forest
58 large mats woith a fanam each
3,000 lumps of jagra worth 16 larins
600,000 betel leaves as garden rent worth 30 larin
13 amunams nelle from the parcels Cadadora Kanda and Na-
ramgoda Kanda
1 amunam areca as bada.
In the said villages are obtained according to the Tombo—
165 amunam arcca in exchange for cloth i.e. Jacavalla 112 amunam
including the 8 amunam which the Saparagamuva Dissava supplied and
in Nivitigala ,53 amunams.
See further Index, Port. Era, under Gem?. Ribeiro. p. 32.
Colombugama. in Navayodun Korale originally belonged to the Devalaya
at Saparagamuva, and adutta, attached, to it were several subsidiary villages ;
of which one was Bulatvegola. In this iatter there were 9 dancing women
and one drummer, who in 1614 appear to have danced at the Church which
the Portuguese built to take the place of the Oevalaya : this point needs
further investigation. Hunuvala was another village of the Devalaya ; the
Portuguese assigned it to the Franciscans, and at this same period there were
dancing women, drummers and singers there.
24. Petition of Demodera Mohottala. Bas. N of Alut Nuvara Devale of
the Kataragam Deity Kanda Kumaru. . .He had fled to Colombo with Ehele
pola and was granted an allowance by Government. His family came to
Matnra and he joined them there and was attacked with a severe illness
during the campaign to Kandy. He now holds the office of Basnayaka
Nilame, which his ancestors and relatives have held for many years. He has
lost all his property and begs to be permanently appointed, and for the
small village of Buturu Bage. This was sent with Sutherland's letter 88 of
21st September, 1816.
• Delgoda Attapattu Nilame came with Eknelligoda to meet D'Oyly at
Hanvella on 17th May, to ask for help for Ehelepola. D'Oyly to Brownrigg
Hanvella 1 7 t h May, 1815. C. 0 . 54-52. Delgoda and Demodara came with
Ehelepola ; Delgoda's family was sent to Pasdun Korale and De.modara's to
Matara District. Do Sitavaka 24th May. Demodara was married to the
daughter of Peradeniya Lekama ; see Ch. I note 33.
480 NOTES
" Delgoda Nilame, the Brother of the Lama Etanin of the late Eylapata
(arid also of the Wife of the late Leuke Dissave : " D'Oyly's Diary, 2nd
December, 1S12.
For Ratnalavinna, Jud. Diary 3rd July, 1817.
For the Devalaya dancers see Jud. Diary 25th September, 1 8 1 7 *
Regarding the Alut Nuvara dancers Barnes Ratvatte Dissava has
written to me as follows :—
I made enquiries from both Bolthumbe and Alutnuwera Kataragama
Dewales. Only in Alutnuwera Dewale these services are in existence. At
present 8 women perform services. After the Perahera returns to the Dewale
these women dance in the Digge (hall) in front of the Wedahitina Maligawa.
This service is only done during the annual Mahaperahera and 5 days during
the q?§c5ig raoJSfjSco and 5 days during snasJtSco. This raja-
kariya panguwa has 12 amunams extent of paddy land.
At Sabaragamuva the institution was on a more important scale, and
the Basnayaka Nilame, R. Ellawala, stated that there are twenty dancers ;
they dress in white cloths with a mantha hatta, (jacket) the frill behind
falling eight inches below the nape of the neck, and short sleeves. They
receive instructions from their leader, known as Manikka Mahage.
" They have to dance in the night when the last " Kumbal Perahera "
takes place. Then on the day previous to the last " Dewele (©<5<s€>@Cj)
Perahera, and again two days previous to the Maha Perahera, and once again,
the day previous to the Water Cutting Ceremonv, then in the night of the
day of return from Water Cutting Ceremony. "
Vijayapala brother of Raia Sinha, took some of the dancing women
with him when he fled to Colombo.
^ In 1806 Johnston found 17 or r8 dancing girls attached to the Kovil
at Tirukovil ; he described them as descendants of slaves from India, and
from others obtained locally. Jcbras xxxvi part 2.
25. Despatch ir.i of 5th June, 1816.
26. Palavala supplied .. .. .. 1.200 ingots
Vatupitiya supplied .. .. .. r,8oo
Kosgoda supplied .. .. .. 780
Nugadanda supplied .. .. .. — ,.
Atalialapanne supplied .. .. .. 2,825
Mudduva and Hangamuva each had four pangu of iron smiths, the latter
providing 155 spear heads a year. Port Tombo.
In 1825 a small quantity of " plumbago, of which Ceylon affords
inexhaustible stores ." was shipped to England and was sold for about 60s the
cwt. P. Anstruther's letter to Groves & Co., 27th June, 1831, mentions
that Government had contracted to purchase from the First Adikar 100 tons
at a half penny the pound. . .Col. Jr. 1 st February, 1832.
"The iron proper to forge into agricultural instruments is become exceed
ingly dear, especially since the taking of Tranquebar: that of Mature too
sharp and brittle, is not proper for this purpose and being transported in a
crude state comes too high. It is therefore thought necessary that Govern
ment should import a quantity from Europe which might be disposed of at a
profit to the labourer." Burnand 1809,
27. Vattorua fixing the time for Alut Sal Mangalya, see Gwtl? 29th
January, 1S25.
The translation of a similar document sent by the Adikars and Chiefs
to the Governor on loth April, 1832, is published in the Colombo Journal of
18th April, 1832. The following passage is extracted therefrom. . . At
this auspicious conjuncture it is recommended to H.E. the Governor who is
NOTES 481
illustrious, eminent and effulgent with glory, comparable to the conquering

Sun who destroyeth the gloom of combined foes, to direct his view to the
North-West, having a bunch of kolon leaves suspended over his head and a
bunch of Nimba leaves placed beneath his feet, then to be anointed with the
fragrant liquid composed of the five oils, various acids, and the juice of
imbul leaves, and then to be attired with raiment, flowers and ornaments of
red and blue colours, and this will be productive of happiness.
For the Sinhalese method of measuring time see Knox p. i n . A similar
system was followed by some remote Arab tribes. " Amm Mohamed tells
me that the husbandmen at Medina use a metal cup pierced with a very
fine eye, so that the cup set floating in a basin may sink justly at the hour's
end. " Doughty p. 199.
28. Major MacDonald, writing from Badulla on 24th Juno, 1816.
29. Ceylon and the Hollanders, 2nd Ed. p. 125.
30. Sutherland to D'Oyly, Kandyan Office 20th Mav, 1816.
31. Bisset in Gazette of 21st November, 1818.
32. The detailed report on the condition of the road was prepared by
Major Hardy with a view to the Governor's Tour and dated 24th March, 1816.
Route of Head Quarters from Colombo . . .
Hanwelle 18
Avisahawelle n
Madole 1. 4
Saffragam
Nakandelle 9
Kuruvita 10. 4
Ratnapura 6. 6
Leliopete 6. 1
Kotapetia 5
Opanaike 7. 6
Balangodde 7. 6
Aloutnoer 7
Halpe kadawatte 6
Uva
Ginigalle 5
Idalgasina Pass to Ratkarawe 6
Oudakumbalwelle 10
Badulla 10
Reddepane Hella to Taldine 12
Gonamale on the Medc Oya 8
Kalvella Rope on Badulla Oya 6
Banks of the Ouma Oya 5
Maduetta Gall Potta S
Gonagama 10. 6
Kandy 12. 7
Total : 190
33. Published in Gazette of 2nd October, 1815. See also Vol. 262!- A.
Collector of Colombo to Chief Secretary, 9th February, 1816, about providing
toddy tappers, gth February, 1816, Vol. 55 A.
The Kings gardens with their anticipated monthly yields were :—
Alutwatta 750
Rookmodera w. 1,000
Pitavela w. 125
Gira w. 100
Dambavila w. 300 Judicial Diary 8th May, 1816.
795—Q
482 NOTES
See The Coconut Tree by Henry Marshall, in Colombo Journal 1833.

On the system followed by the British in dealing with intoxicants Hardinge
Giffard has a significant entry in his diary written on 8th April, 1827 in the
Isle of France. . ." The temperance of the troops is wonderful; an instance
of a drunken soldier is rare, of punishment for crimes arising out of inebriety
still rarer; and yet one penny furnishes the means of intoxication. H o w
different is Ceylon ; but there they are fenced about with such restraints and
penalties as to (incite) them into disobedience. "
Before Portuguese times Gilimale and Bambarabotuva yielded
to the King 55,000 silver fanams as renda vari. Foral.
The value of the jaggery made from the toddy of the Kitul palm in the
villager's domestic economy can be better appreciated from the following
account of the British armies' experience in the fighting with the Japanese in
Burma.
" The greatest deprivation of all was undoubtedly sugar. I am quite
prepared to accept the medical doctrine that salt is a greater need ; but in
those extremities one does not crave for it as one does for sugar. That desire
becomes almost tangible ; it torments one with hallucinations ; it paralyses
one's very tongue. The first mouthful of sugar after a long abstinence releases
one from a bondage which those who have not known it can never appreciate. "
Brigadier Bernard Fergusson, " Upper Burma, 1943-44. " The Geog., Jour
nal, cvii. 1946, p. 4.
This is the local verse about Kundasala :—•
<2?ffl(5(3® &8Q S^stf© 63o (S<5

Quoted by Gunnapana Vajiragnana Istavira in Gurukula, Vol. T, p. 139.
34. Simplicity in dress was not in favour with the English who were
being attracted by showy uniforms. On 28th February, 1816 Lord Folkestone
in the House of Commons drew pointed attention to the tendency.. ."For
merly, when the King used to come to his parliament, he came in a plain
dressed coat of the usual fashion, and wearing his crown ; but the Regent is
always advised on such occasions, to appear in a field-Marshal's uniform,
and with an immense cocked hat upon his head. " Hansard, xxxii. 969.
For Ehelepola's costume at home, see Marshall, p. 23 ; for Maha Muda
liyar'--, Cordincr, i. 109.
For Ehelepola's stature see 4 Monthly Literary Register p. 1 4 1 where
appears the tradition in the family of Bastian Jayawardena, his Interpreter
at Mauritius.
R. Spence Hardy saw Ehelepola in exile and was impressed by the
" majestv " of his bearing, which he considered natural in one " accustomed
to rule, " p. 79.
As Boyd remarked of Raja Adiraia Simha's courtiers " No New England
man could be more inquisitive nor at the same time a Parisian more polite."
It would appear that some castes were prohibited from wearing the
Konda (hair knot) D'Oyly, 16th June, 1812. With this compare the custom
in the Littoral as shown in Laurens Pyl's Proclamation of n t h August, 1686.
" Laurens Pyl, Governor, etc. and Council of Ceylon.
To check abuses, disputes, and commotion, and to repress pride, prohibit
the Sinhalese, particularly of inferior castes, to wear long hair, or hats, caps,
shirts, or waistcoats, as contrary to customs, laws, and morals. In dresses,
long or short, and caps, they are to conform to ancient customs, on pain of
being punished with fine and chains."
NOTES 483-
Communicated by W . M. G. Colebrookc. fR.A.S. G.B. Vol. V. 1839

page 102I.
When in 1827 Sawers left Maha Nuvara for good the Chiefs " requested
and obtained permission from His Excellency trie Governor to accompany
Mr. Sawers in procession as far as the river."" Gazette 3rd January.
35. Gazette 24th April, 1S16.
At the time of Ra Siha Deviyo's death elephants were already,
troublesome in parts of Satara Korale ; for instance in Batuvatta Gabada-.
gama and its annexed Helamada out of 53 amunams sowing. 25 were
destroyed and continued uncultivated till 1614. Another Gabadagama,
Ambuvangala, was so devastated that it was abandoned by its inhabitants
who during cultivation time used to come back and live in shelters on the
trees. Hunuvala and Nangalla were the badavedili of 8 kurunayakas, and.
their two headmen ; the eleven King's elephants in their charge were reduc
ed to three aleas in 161.1 the rest having died. The Pannayo who provided
fodder for the elephants then lived in Vilgama of Handapandunu and
Kalugalla and Mologoda of Deyala dahamuna. There were others at Bata-
valla who originally looked after the elephant belonging to the Devalaya of
the god described as Naraina. in Alut Nuvara.
D'Oyly has preserved details of the Department in 1815.
Forbes had much experience of the Sinhalese method of capturing elep
hants, of which he was in charge in Matale. He has explained that the Gas-
mada was the stout hide rope which was used as a noose and was attached to
a tree on which the nooser lay concealed controlling the noose by a leading
rope ; while the Atmada was the lighter noose slipped on an elephant's foot
by hand. What he has to say on the subject of elephant s merits study, ii
57; ii'- 35-
Don Phelippe Mascarenhas' regimento of 1 7 t h July, 1645 mentions the
pachavaloin,s which formed a part of the reward given for the capture of
tusked elephants of exceptional size by the Manar establishment. Kingdom
of Jafanapatam, ed. 2. p. 1 6 .
36. See the widow's petition of ist February, 1816. According to her
the following lands, taken by the King for the Maha Gabadava, were being
possessed by Keppetipola. . .
Ratwatte gama in Matale
Imbula Talawa in Angammana
Payingamuva in Uda Palata
Pattapola, Minivangamuva and Alagalla in Tumpanahe
Mipitiya and Hakurugammana in Satara Korale
Daramitia and Polgollegedera in Sat Korale
Patti Kumbura and Pattipola in Uva.
For the maintenance of prisoners in goal, see Brownrigg's minute
8th November, 1816, Vol. 203 B also Gay to Sutherland, 25th October, 1816,
37. That is the word used by Keppetipola. D'Oyly to Sutherland,
6th August, 1816.
38. She was described as living with the King. Mattamagoda stated in
his petition (Ref. to Resident 184) that after Tun Koi lie was ceded to the
Dutch Company his grandfather's father obtained a document in respect of
the lands from the Governor at Colombo, Laurens Pyl. His family claimed
kinship with some of the Colombo families. See Evidence at Enquiry. Board
Papers. D'Oyly's Diary. Also Vol. 262J A.
Light appears to be shed on Mattamagoda's claim by the following
passage translated from a valuable palm leaf Mss. which once belonged to
Lewis de Zoysa Maha Mudaliyar and is now in my collection. Recounting
what took place at the death of Raja Simha, son of Mayadunna, it continues
484 NOTES
" Now the niece of Raja Simha Maha Raja, the Tikiri Biso Banda named
Mayadunne Biso Banda, was bringing up her two younger sisters : as well
as the orphan princess and prince whom her own daughter Menik Biso Banda
had borne to the Pandyan Prince Harinesvara Kumarava known as Kura-
gama Bandara. She with her own mother the Princess Biso Bandara was
living at the village Mattamagoda in Dehigampal Korale. . .At the same time
the Sitavaka army fired by lust of gain conspired together and marched
to Mattamagoda and brought thence the Royal Princes and the Biso Bandara,
removing Jayasuriya Kumarava from the palace to a house at the back of
the garden, while Rajjuru Bandara and Biso Bandara were led within. "
The Mss. was published by A. D. A. Wijesinhe Arachchiin Gnanadarsaya,
30. D'Oyly, 28th September, 1S1G. Misappropriation of the King's
property was more than a crime : it was rather an act of sacrilege.
Another incident illustrates the scrupulous care with which the King's
property was guarded.
18th December, 1818. Hook reported that some money had been found
with Kalootooagama Nilame Raale, viz 2,241 ridis. The Nilame explained
that six years ago his uncle Kalootooagama Mohottala was sentenced to
death by the King for treason, and all his movable property was confiscated,
though his lands were not. Accordingly about 27,000 ridis were taken away
by the King's officers, but before this balance could be removed, war broke
out and he himself had continued in charge of it, but he did not claim it.
Hook recommended that the British Government having succeeded
to the rights and property of the King the money vested in it. The Board
thought "that it would not be consistent with the Dignitj' of Government
now to take possession of it, and recommends it being restored to the infant
son of the deceased Mohottala. " The child was at the time seven years of
age. The Governor on this minuted " I think this money shd. be retained
on account of Government. "
For Palipana, See Jud. Diary, 17th May, 1816.
40. Codrington's Note, D'Oyly's Diary p. Ii, needs modification.
41. GaielW. 27th May, 1816.
42. Judicial Diary 2.|th January, 1816.
43. In June, T 0 0 5 Rankotdivcla Korala. then 75 years old, told me that
his ancestor and his brother-in-law Udattova came 700 years before with
30 others and settled at Gonadivela, being intimately connected with the
Kumarava at Ambulugala.
r
44. Huskisson, Colonial Agent, to Rodne\ , London 22nd February, 1817.
" The Coffee delivered to my order was distributed by Lord Bathurst's
direction to the different Members of the Cabinet as a specimen of Ceylon
produce, and the Coconut oil was delivered to Mr. Hoblyn for the purpose
of making a scries of Experiments in the Laboratory of the Royal Institution
with a view of discovering a process for correcting its rancidity. "
Further about Hoblyn, sec Sinhalese Families. Pt v.
" Sir Robert Brownrigg requests that Lord Bathurst will do him the
honour to accept a specimen of Kandyan coffee. The small bag is the produce
of the Province of Ouva, which is considered the best. "
Mount Lavinia,
25th April, 1810. C. O. 54-74.
45. Proclamation of 15th June. 1816.
46. For list see Board Proceedings 27th November, 1818.
47. The Kottai Badda of Satara Korale was important in Sitavaka
times and the following information is from the Portuguese Tombo :—
In Galboda Korale Pinto gave as comedia
NOTES 485
Badupalla (?) to an. ironsmith and goldsmith

Meddagoda to a carpenter, with Palleporuva in Taniperu Pattu
Utuvana, Unaraula (?) to ironsmiths and Guripos,
Kumbaldivala to carpenters,
The following were paravenias of Guripos :—
Amgampalla
Gamburalia
Mandurupitiya and
Daoagama.
Uratava (Udattava) paravenia of an ironsmith, potter, and a painter.
Denuvara Gampalla, paraveni of a painter and 2 stonemasons.
Alapalava paravenia of an ironsmith, goldsmith and carpenter.
Gamanagora of 2 carpenters.
Ytiapangu, of the painters of the pagodes.
Kindigoda Korale : in 1614 Pinto had given as badavedili
Wekoladeniya to three ourives, gold or silversmiths.
Mangalagama to two fundidores, whose ancient duty was to serve the
King when called upon. . xastersin metal, cf. brass founder.
Singuagora (Tfinabowa ? 1 to two carpenters,
Maagora (Mahagoda) to a carpenter.
Deldeniya, to a carpenter.
(Doramvela) was the paravenia oi an ironsmith
In Handapandun, Pinto gave Quegalla and Olagama as comedia to
Carpenters. Guripos were those who lackered spear staves.
48. Governor's Minute Vo'. 203 B.
49. " I think the expence attending young Davy's clothing and board
ing should be charged in the accounts of the Poor Funds as a contingency.
I approve of your idea of dressing him, and every thing else regarding him
I must leave in your hands. " Brownrigg to Bisset, 18th July, 1818.
" W e could not help observing at the Seminary a striking instance of
this proficiency in a boy whose circumstances are such as of themselves to
excite .some interest. When his Excellency,was lastrin Kandy, there was brought
under his notice a boy whose mother positively declared him to be the son of
the unfortunate Major Davie—This story was disbelieved certainly by some,
who were yet credulous enough to believe that a boy carrying in his complex
ion and appearance the most evident marks of European blood, or o£ being
what is commonly called half-cast, was the son ot a Kandyan woman by a
Kandian Blacksmith—The Governor however thought that any probability
of the boy's being the child of that unhappy British Officer entitled him to
some consideration and humanely ordered him to be clothed and brought
down to the Seminary at Colombo—this was only in the month of May last,
and the boy already reads lessons of short words and writes an exceedingly
good copy. " Gazelle, 30th October, 1816, See alro Vol. A.
" Died when about twelve : " 4 Cey. Lit. Register p. 2 7 1 .
In 1825 Mrs. Heber wrote "A half-caste son of his still lives in the plact
supported by a small pension from Government ." (September 18th :
Diary.)
Test. Case Adam Davie. . .487. Supreme Court Record.
On 19th June, 1804 Joseph Waltzell of Colombo swore an affidavit of his
belief that Davie died at Candy about 19th July, 1803 and asked for letters
of Administration which wex'e granted to John Rose, the Registrat.
Assets were arrears of pay and allowances and personal effects sold at
Trinco : total 5897-2-0^. Estate closed on 9th July, 1806.
NOTES
A claim against the estate shows deceased was supplied in January,

1S03 among other goods with—
Sth 2 bots. Cherry* brandy 4.8
14th 6 bois. brandy 15-0
19th I do?., madeira 20,0
27th 6 bots. brandy 15.0
6 bots. Jiumschrub 14.0
31st 6 bots. Madeira 10.0
2 bots. brandy 5.0
(For varieties of Madeira see Welsh I. 2 83).
Among his goods sold at Trinco on 25th November, 03 were his cocked
hat, regimental coat, 10 pair pantaloons, 48 pair breeches, 1 leather breeches.
3 pots pomatum, 1 lb. bag powder, 1 lb. hair powder and backgammon box.
There is an autograph letter by Davie dated Trinco, 22nd August, 1802.
Further regarding Davie see App. W . and Z.
Chapter IV
1. Gazette 5th June, 1S16 : General Orders 26th May, 1816.

2. Gay to Sutherland, 7th April, 1817. Vol. 530 A.
On 27th May, Sutherland informed the Collector of Colombo that the
two were on their way, and again on 13th June, that they were leaving the
following week. Vol. 223 B.
Translation of Memorandum dated n t h June, 1816.
By the Proclamation of 10th November, 1802 the Provincial Courts were
empowered to take cognisance of "all Matters or Questions of Cast arising
between Natives of this Island or of India. " Where only a question of
Honour or Precedence or of Religious Obligations was involved the losing
party could petition the Governor for redress.
3. The incident regarding Millava's vattapuva was mentioned in
evidence before the Judicial Commissioner on 16th December, 1822.
Clothes as a distinctive mark of rank have always caused much agitation.
The Regulation No. 6 of 1809 laid down the dress to be worn by Sinhalese
Headmen in the Littoral. The agitation on the subject spread to the Tamil
Districts and was the subject of the following letter.
Cutcherry, Trincomale,
3rd October, 1816,
Sir,
I beg leave to address you on a subject, which tho' of a trifling nature
has been thought so far of importance in the Southern Districts as to demand
a distinctive Regulation by Legislative authority.
The inclination of the natives of Ceylon for distinction of dress in propor
tion to their caste and rank is a matter so well understood that it is unneces
sary to say anything on that subject, but to add that in this District as well
as in that of Jaffnapatam from which all the customs of this place take their
rise the principal mark of distinction between the Modliars and other inhabi
tants has been for man}' years the right of wearing white jackets whilst the
males of the other classes of natives of whatever caste have been pro
hibited from wearing any cover on the upper part of the bodies except such
other persons besides the Modliars who obtained such privilege from the
grant of the Chief of Jaffna or Trincomale paying same fee of from 25 to 100
Rxd. to the Poor Fund.
This distinction was sufficient till of late years when the introduction
of Coast Servants with the British troops in the first instance and the imitation
of their mode of dress by the natives of the place, an increase of riches and a
desire to be more decently dressed in the eyes of Europeans, which is far from
meriting discouragement by a strict adherence to the former Regulations,
has rendered it inadequate to its original use, and this reason in addition to
other reasons seems to call for the substitution of some other marks to distin
guish Modliars and headmen as well from the people as the different classes
among themselves.
The additional reasons above mentioned are the application of the Odears
of the town of Trincomale to wear jackets which by former rule they were
only entitled to do when the Governor or other principal Officer visiting
487
488 NOTES
Trincomale, and the request of the Constables and Police Vidahns for the
same indulgence, and the propriety of their wearing some distinguishing
badge of office.
Upon these grounds I venture to suggest that all rules, prohibitions or
penalties against wearing white or other coloured jackets or upper garments
be abolished throughout this District and be no longer considered as the
distinguishing mark of rank or cast, but that all other laws and tides as to
the wearing of earrings or joys of other sorts and other ceremonial usages
of cast be still continued.
That the distinction for the Modliars and other Headmen be by daggers
or knives with various description of Hilts to be worn in the girdles over the
usual upper garment.
That the Constables of the Town and Police Vidanas of the Gravets and
Districts wear a semi-circular plate or gorget of silver with the Crown and G.R.
engraved, suspended by a ribband to their necks. This I mention to give
them a distinguishing badge from the usual one of office peons.
The annexed schedule contains a suggestion as to the distinction of Hilt
and scabbard for the different classes, something similar to that enacted by
Reg. No. 6 of 1809 for the Sinhalese Districts.
GEO. LUSIGNAN
Schedule of Proposed Badges

Vellales, Madepallys, Chitties and Musselmen.
First Modlr of Cutcherry and District. . . Hilt and scabbard, gold or silver
inlaid with gold.
Modlr of Cutcherry, Wannias, Modlrs or Manigars of Pattoos. Mara-
cayar of the Moormen . . . H and S silver, H inlaid with gold.
Ttlr. Modlr, A.sst. Wanniya and Asst. Maracayas . . . H and S, silver.
Odears, Nellemckaras, Arachys . . . H, ivory and silver ; S, cloth or velvet
with broad mounting in silver on upper and lower parts.
Canganys, Inferior Headmen, and Musselman Pattengetty. . . H of
horn or wood mounted in silver ; S of silver with narrow silver mounting
at hilt.
In February, 1829 the Chiefs petitioned the Government to regulate

dress in accordance with office. The signatures, all in Sinhalese, included
Molligoda Maha Nilame, Dulvave Maha Nilame, Mullegama, and Dunuvila
Gajanaka Nilame. Chief Secretary to Board Inward 38 B.
4. Otherwise Don Adirian Wijayasinha Jayavardhana ; see article in
Gazette of 15th May, 1830. Also a Sketch of the" Life of Major T. G. Jaye-
wardene by C. J. Staples, Colombo, 1911. For list of Guides, Hardy to
D.Q.M.G. Colombo, 10th January, 18x5. Vol. 405 A.
" His Excellency has been pleased to grant to Don Adrian, Modeliar of
the Guides, the property formerly possessed in your District by the Modeliar
of Madampe, as a mark of His F.xcy.'s approbation lor his spirited and
meritoiious conduct upon several occasions. "
R. Arbuthnot to Agent at Chilaw, dated 23rd April, 1805.
The Madampe Mudaliyar was Herat Scncviratne. Proc. 4th June, 1804.
In compliance with the petition of Don Adrian Moodeliar of Chilaw, and
in consideration of the expence incurred by him in repairing the Dam Caloowa
Modera Bemme, you are authorised and directed to make out in his favour a
NOTES 489
grant of the Government paddv fields called Nallanavagam Wille, situated

in the District, etc. " Commsri of Rav. to Coir, of Chilaw (J. Badger) 13th
June, T8TI.
The Chilaw Mudaliyar has long ceased to he efficient. He must retire
retaining the rank of Mudaliyar and his pay as Head of the Guides.
To Coir, Chilaw, n t h December, 1824.
5. The Magistrates were The Hon'ble and Revd. T. J. Twisleton at
Colombo, and J. M. Lavalier at Negombo. See letters to them from Suther
land, iQth June; to Colonel Kerr. Commandant at Colombo, 20th June;
to W . H . Kerr, Collector of Colombo, 22nd June, to Col. Kerr, 8th July, to
Dep. Commissary General, 24th July. V01.223 B.
Two large rooms in the Negumbo Fort were prepared for housing Kandy
an prisoners ; Gay to Chief Engineer, 6th October, 1815, Vol. 107 B.
6. Brownrigg to Johnston, C.J., -21st June ; Sutherland to Giffard,
Advocate Fiscal, 21st June, 1816.
7. Sutherland to D'Oyly 9th July, 1816. The wording is in accordance
with the terms of the new Warrant issued to D'Oylv after the opinion of the
Law Officers was rceived. It reads as follows . . .
Whereas at a Convention held on the 2nd of March, etc. (quoting the
Preamble and fourth Article of the Treaty). As by a certain Act or Instru
ment in writing passed between the said Contracting Parties, appears,
and whereas the said Act or Instrument of Convention has subsequently
received the approbation of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent and
certain constructions of the same have been declared and established under
the opinion of His. Majesty's Law Officers in England, by a Proclamation bear
ing date at Colombo the 31st of May, in the present year of Our Lord 1816.
And whereas divers Powers, Authorities and Duties are by the Provisions
of the said Act or Instrument of Convention and by the said constructions
thereof assigned to be exercised and performed by the Accredited Agent or
Agents of the British Government in the said Kandyan Provinces . . .
(D'Oyly is appointed! " Accredited Agent of the British Government
in the Island of Ceylon within and . . . the Kandyan Provinces for all and
singular the purposes provided in that behalf in and by the said recited Act
or Instrument of Convention and the said construction thereof.
To hold and exercise the said office during pleasure subject always to the
limitations in the said Act or Instrument of Convention contained and to the
construction of the same subsequently promulgated and also subject to all
Instructions issued by authority of Government. "
Dated, 1st June, 1816.
8. D'Oyly to Sutherland 19th July, 181:6.
9. The following is from the judgment of the District Judge of Kandy
in the Gampola Perahara case, D. C. Kandy 22466 of 1913, regarding the
Valahagoda Devalaya Perahara.
" Long, long ago, before the beginning of years, when the gods walked
among the children of men, an evil spirit was plaguing mortals whom he
entrapped into his vessel and devoured on the sea. And as the gods looked
down in compassion from heaven the Kataragam Deviyo volunteered to rid
the earth of the curse. Rendering himself incarnate in human flesh, he
descended to the world and slew the evil spirit in single combat on board his
own ship. Then, with the head of his vanquished foe and filling his golden
pitcher with water, he ascended into heaven. And the celestial halls rang
with happiness and the assembled gods danced in their joy, and Sakraya,
the Great God, made order that every year should mortals observe the
commemoration of this great deliverance. "
490 NOTES
10. For the gifts of iron, see Agent, Badulla, to Board, 23rd December,
1S29. Board, 42 B.
Wright to D'Oyly 25th July, 1816.
An amunam of sowing extent of paddy is more or less two acres.
12. D'Oyly to Sutherland, 1st August, 1816.
Sawers proposes to build a house " on the site of the bungalow lately
occupied by Lieut. Mc Lean in the garden now under cultivation for the
garrison,. . . convenient situation. . from its vicinity to the residency. "
Sawers to D'Oyly 23rd July, 1816.
In 182.5 he lived close to Malvatta Viharaya. Heber p. 165. There is
preserved-at the Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh, an exceptionally fine
bronze image of Buddha, about j 8 inches in height. Mr. R. Kerr of that
Museum kindly examined the records and has informed me that it was des
cribed as '' the present of Simon Sawers Esqr,, formerly Judicial Commissioner
in Kandy. This figure was discovered by Mr. Sawers in 1826 while carrying
•on some improvemmts in his garden which was situated amongst the ruins
of an ancient temple in the neighbourhood of the King's Palace. " It was
purchased by the Museum from the Mayne Collection in 1859, and a plaster
cast ha.s been obtained for the Kandy Museum.
Vilbagedara Herat Mudaliya, one of the embassy sent to fetch the
Chapter from Siam, received a Sannas dated Saka 1676 in recognition of the
service. He modestly describes himself as Vilbagedara Naida in his narrative
of the Mission.
For details of the conspiracy in 1760 see the translation of the
account of de Lanerolle Appuhami (Samuel ?) c. 1766, Colombo Museum.
Johnston Mss. No. 10.
13. See King Kirti Sri's Embassy to Siam, Saka 1672. Tr. by P. E.
Pieris Jcbras. v. xviii. pp. 17-44. Also Maria Graham p. 90.
14. Evidence of Eknclligoda Niiame recorded by Major Hardy, Ratna-
pura 20th July, and at Sabaragamuva Devale 21st July. Evidence of
Kapuliyadde Pinchi Rala, Colombo 9th and 10th September. Narrative
of James Holman, Ihagama's statement.
Eknelligoda, when examined a second time in Sabaragamuva, stated
" The Priest informed me that the Malay Mohundiram told him that he
had sounded Tambi Modliar, the Head Guide, who remarked to the Mohundi
ram " I am the man who took the King and all his property but I have not
been rewarded for my services in doing so. I had once much respect shown
to me by the English Government now I have not, so that I have nothing to
lose, and when you are ready I will join your party. " Annexure to Despatch
169. C O . 54-61. According to Eknelligoda's evidence Ihagama implicated
a large number of chiefs, some Mudaliyars at Colombo, as well as some of
the Mahabadda Mudaliyars whose peelers were engaged in various parts
of the Sinhale.
15, Under the Kings Attapitiya was the usual residence of the Dissava,
D'Oyly on Governor's Minute of 28th April, 1815.
When Scindiah's palace in the fort of Ahmed nugger was entered by the
invading British in 1803, James Welsh " observed in two apartments only,
several dozens of large handsome pier glasses, two electrifying machines, an
organ, a piano forte, lustres, chandeliers, globes, and many other similar
luxuries. " Obviously Sri Vikrama reflected the fashion of South Indian
Princes. Welsh i. 165.
NOTES 491
The following note has been supplied by Ratnatunga Mudaliyar:—

Gilan pasa (Pali Gilana paccaya) is orange juico or other permitted drink
served to a bhikkhu between noon and the next morning. Although pri
marily intended for the sick, gilan pasa may be giv -n even to a healthy bhik
khu to quench his thirst. When he is thirsty he can be said to be gilana
(exhausted). The Vinaya permits eight drinks which may be taken between
the midday meal and the next day, that is to say at) anytime of the day or
night. These eight are :
Amba pana drink made from mango
Jambu pana drink made from rose apple
Coca pana drink made from banana
Moca pana drink made from plantain
Madhu pana drink made from honey
Muddika pana. drink made from grapes (raisin ?)
Saluka pana drink made from edible root of water lily (? Ohi seed)
Pharusaka pana drink made from a certain bitter ftuit
(English meanings taken from the P.T.S. Pali Dictionary)
(Ghee may be taken after noon, but not milk or curd).
During the time noon to morning, the above are allowed in liquid form,
i.e., only their juice can be taken. For example, a bhikkhu may eat plantain
in the forenoon, but after meridian he is allowed only to drink the juice of it.
" Invalid's food " is not a very satisfactory rendering of gilan pasa.
Gilana bhatta is given the meaning " food for the sick " in the Pali Dictionary.
Malted Milk may be regarded as gilan pasa even in the afternoon for a
sick bhikkhu, but not for one who is not ill.
Gilan pasa is the Sinhala form of the Pali " gilana paccaya " which means
support or help for the sick. It is the last one of the set of four standard
requisites of a bhikkhu, viz:
(1) robes (3) lodging (a place to sleep at)
(2) alms (food) (4) medicinal appliances for use in sickness
(gilana paccaya bhesajja parikkr
hara)—P.T.S. Pali Dictionary.
Marshall (The Coconut Tree) mentions the fact that in many European
households in Ceylon Jaggery was preferred to sugar candy for sweetening
the cup of coffee.
For sudu hakuru from Saparagamuva presented to the two Princesses
I
of England see Report of Trade Commissioner in London for 1937, P- 5 -
16. D'Oyly to Sutherland with evidence of witnesses, gth and 10th
August, 1816—37 iron walking sticks appear in the inventory of Gonigoda
Disava (1858).
The parasols were probably Burmese paper umbrellas. The umbrella
of todav was not used by the Sinhalese of this time, who employed the tal-
atta instead, while the Kuda, (as they term the parasol) was treated as an
insignia of dignity. Paper umbrellas came with intercourse with Burmah.
Thus in the contemporary painting of Karatota Unnanse, circ, 1810, a green
cloth umbrella is held over him as one of his marks of honour ; it has a fringe
and is surmounted by a yellow cupola the wooden staff being also painted
yellow. A youthful Bhikkhu among his followers is carrying a folded black
paper umbrella with a bambu. staff, no doubt Burmese ; the paper seems
to be edged with red. Such articles soon became popular and sixty years ago
were in common use among the villagers, and were locally produced as well
till the industry was killed off by cheap foreign imports. The rarity of the
cloth umbrella is the more strange in view of its popularity in South India.
James Welsh in 1817, while in a crowd at Telicherry which he thought was
three miles long, remarked" Every man a.nd woman on this coast carries a
492 N O T E S
parapluie, so that from our elevated seat in the gig, it appeared as if we were
moving along amongst an immense shoal of turtles, some white, some brown,
"some red, some green, some yellow, some blue, but all spherical. " Vol. ii.
.p. 73. Apparently no one then used a black cloth umbrella.
17. Sutherland to D'Oyly 25th August.
18. D'Oyly to Sutherland 29th August.
19. Malay Mohundiram escaped last night; Smyth, Collector Galle,
to Gay, dated 8 p.m. on 29th July, 1816 from Ambalangoda. Announces
re-arrest ; Smyth to Chief Secretary, 3rd August, from Galle. He mentions
" the very great assistance that was rendered me by Don Abraham Dias,
Cutcherry Modliar, and Don Adrian de Silva, Modliar of the Bentota and
Walalawiti Corle. " Reward of 900 rxd. given for the apprehension of the
Mohundiram and two other Malays ; do 1 2 t h September, i 8 r 6 . Vol. 76 A,
The monthly " pay " later allowed for the Mohundiram and his family was
55 rxd ; do, "12th December, 1817, Vol. 77 A. For Abraham Dias, otherwise
Abayasinha Mudaliyar, see Pieris : Sinhalese Families, Part iii. There is a
reference to him in Mrs. Heber's Journal, 25th August, T826 : " The Moode-
lier of Galle, and all his family, are Christians ; he is a most respectable man,
in face and figure resembling Louis xviii, to whom his sons also bear a strong
likeness : the old man wears a handsome gold medal, given him for meritorious
conduct. "
In a petition dated Point de Galle, 3rd September, 1799 and addressed
to Major Dunbar J, Hunter, Commanding Point de Galle, Abeysinha.stated
" That his grandfather Don Joan Abeysiriwardene Ilangakoon and (his
father) Nicolas Dias Abeysinge Ameresegere have been invested with the
title of Maha Modliar. That after the death of the suppliant's father, the
eldest brother of the suppliant Don Dias Abeyesinhe Siriwardene likewise
has been appointed Maha Modliar and Sabandaar. That the suppliant him
self in Ano. 1797 has been invested by His Excellency Governor Doyle with
the Service of Modliar of the Guard of Point de Galle. "
Of the Guard Mudaliyar the Agent of Revenue and Commerce had written
on 30th April, TS04 that he " ever has conducted himself very respectable
and confidently . . . particularly has he signified himself to be a brave and
fidele servant of the Government when he went with me and the troops to
the country to destroy the batteries constructed by the rebels and enemy at
the village Kiembie. " Sinhalese Families iii. 1 1 8 .
He befriended the Wesleyan Missionary Benjamin Clough ; see Harvard
pp. 170, 171, 227, 230.
20. The Kandyan Throne, by Beatrice Brownrigg, p. 2 5 .
21. Sutherland to Collector, 31st July, and 14th August. He travelled
to Colombo by way of Sat Korale and Negumbo and returned through Galle,
Matara, Hakmana, Katuvana, Kadavat of Rikilla Pauva, Hanvana, Alut
Nuvara where Demodara was Basnayaka Nilame, Kadavat of Guru Kaduva,
Idelgashintta, Kahatevela, Kinigama to Badulla, Tr. of his letter C O . 54-61.
i2. The ceremony is correctly known as Aggasassa pujava ; the patra
employed by the King for such an occasion is still in use at the Dalada Mali
gava. Ratvatte Diyavadana Nilame.
23. He left Maha Nuvara on n t h August, to proceed to Matale and
thence through Sat.Korale to Colombo. Sutherland to Collector, 12th August.
24. Sawers to D'Oyly, 27th June, 1815. The office existed in Matara
in early Dutch times. See Sinhalese Families Pt. iv. p. Details of the organi
sation there as set out in Burnand's memoir, shed much light on the practice
in Sinhale : see 4 Monthly Litt. Reg. p. 74.
25. D'Oyly to Sutherland 22nd August, 1816.
NOTES 493
26. Sutherland to D'Oyly, 12th August, 1816, with evidence of Abdul

"of the 6th recorded by Wilson.
27. D'Oyly to Sutherland, 14th September, with evidence of Deldeniya
Unnanse of Yati Nuvara.
28. Kandyan office to Tvvisleton, n t h July, 1 8 1 7 .
See Superintendent of Police, Madras, (Secret Dept.) to Chief Secretary,
n t h January, 1817 and folio wing letters. Vol. 435 A. Sutherland to Resi
dent, 144 of n t h October, 1816.
29. D'Oyly to Sutherland, 16th September, 1S16. A full report of the
proceedings has been preserved.
30. For vas kavi see Some beliefs among the Sinhalese by W . P. Wije-
tunga, Ceylon Antiquary vii. 150-153. Also, Sinhalese magic and spells, by
W . A. de Silva. Jcbras. xxx. pp, 193. There is much about Charms and
Magic in Young Ceylon 1850-1852.
" Mr. Sawers sends Tombear a guide with a charge that he was found
entering Col. Kelly's house, having a large knife apparently run through his
throat, which presents a most disgusting and horrible sight and had he
been seen by Mrs. Kelly might have occasioned her miscarriage.
Tombear appears at the door of the Hall of audience with the knife as
described and his throat all bloody and is ordered to be confined for one week
in the Main Guard. " Jud. Diary 26th February, 1817.
For the Brahmin's petition see Vol. 135 A.
For instructions about Madugalla's conveyance see Military Secretary to
Chief Secretary, 21st November, 1816. Vol. 405 A.
3 T . D'Oyly 28th September. At the request of the brother of Uda
Gabada Nilame and of Gajanayaka Nileme who represent that the rice of
Colombo is unwholesome to those who are unaccustomed to it, I have per
mitted them to send persons with the following articles to be produced before
you and given to the state Prisoner, if His Excellency has no objection, viz.
4 Pingos of Rice.
1 Pingo of other provisions.
1 Glass vessel of oil for anointing the head.
" Mangalor . . . There, many ships always load brown rice, which is much
better and more healthy than the white, for Malabar. " Duarte Barbosa,
East Africa and Malabar c. 1 5 1 9 . Tr. by H. E. J. Stanley, London, 1S66.
On 7th December, Madugalla left for Jaffnapatam by land; as his wearing
apparel had not arrived a stock for immediate use was supplied. As his
health was bad he desired that his Vedarala should be sent up, he had his own
servants. Memo, of 9th December. He also had an Arachchi with him; his
own allowance was ;
in money 1 rxd.
3/4 seer good rice
1 /40 seer salt
5 lbs. fuel
Arrangements should be made at Jaffna for an Interpreter. He was to
be treated with respect and might be allowed occasional walks on the ramparts
under proper guard. Instructions to Commandant. 10th Derember, 1816.
Kulatunga Mudaliya had held the office of Kankanama of the Aspa-
pantiya. His Gateya, youth, Punchappuva, received a sannas when he
accompanied the Sinhalese Mission to Sinna pattanam, the name for Madras
or Fort St. George as appearing in the Sannas of Vak masa of Saka 1 7 1 7 .
494 NOTES
The Raja Simha Charitaya speaks of this King's journey to Navatkadu

for the Kadu Bandina Mangalya. On the road he killed a man destroy?
ing elephant in the forest of Ottukachchiya in Demala Pattu, and then
proceeded to the Gaman Maligava at Tammannava and from there to.
Navatkadu where the ceremony took place. For Sannas to Navaratna Vannia,
see Casie Chetty, 191,285.
33, He was released on 23rd June, 1817 on the petition of the Malvatta.
priests. Sutherland to D'Oyly 23rd June, 1817.
From the Judicial Commissioner to the Judicial Agent, Kornegalle.

8th September, 1S30.
Sir,
In reply to your letter of the 6th instant reporting the conviction of a
Buddhist Priest (whose name is not mentioned) of robbery and false affidavit,-
and the application of the Assessors who sat on his trial, to have him disrobed,
I have the honour to acquaint you, that it is customary on such occasions
to make such act of degradation a part of his sentence, which is to be carried
into effect immediately after the trial, by the prisoner being sent in custody
to the Pansala of the Ami Nayaka Unnanse in the Sat Korales, belonging tr>
the establishment of either the Asairiye or Malwatte Vihares in Kandy,
to which the prisoner may be amenable—and there to be disrobed by the said
Anu Nayaka Unnanse, who is to be likewise directed to report the circum
stance to his immediate Superior the Maha Nayaka Unnanse in Kandy—
the remainder of the sentence is then to have its course.
Statement from the Bhikkhus of the two Great Vihares at Kandy, dated
September, 1849. (Appendix to Minutes of Evidence, Parliamentary
Committee, p. 236).
" A priest having committed a crime, or treason, when punishment is
imposed his robes are taken off, even forcibly (if the person who awards the
punishment is a Buddhist) and he be punished ; if the person who awards or
causes the punishment to be inflicted accordingly is not a Buddhist, and people
who profess Buddhism say " we regret that a priest is punished in his robes "
and request that he be punished taking off his robes, then that request should
be complied with. This has generally been the practice."
(From a study of the whole statement it is apparent that the Bhikkus
were straining every point in order to find a justification for the shooting of
a Bhikkhu in his robes).
33. The following Dutch Plakaats regulated the sale and possession
of firearms, ammunition and deadly weapons. . .25th March, 1658; 2 1 s t
August, 1668 ; 3rd December, 1744 .' 25th July, 1757 ; 24th August, 1769,.
and 2ist August, 1792. Headmen and other reliable persons could on
license, possess " one or two firelocks for the purpose of Hunting and other
uses. " Among deadly weapons were " sabres, swords, Klewangs, Krists and
other swords. " Johnston Mss. Col. Museum. 43.
The Sinhalese were pathetically weak in firearms. When on the 29th
September, 1795 Andrews was received at the Palace, all available lighting,
men were assembled ; he calculated there were 2,000. " from which I do not
believe 100 serviceable firelocks could have been collected. " p. 94.
The following well illustrates the position of the Sinhalese . . . Return,
of Ordnance, Ammunition and Military Stores captured in the Kandyan,
Country , . . Colombo 26th June, 1816,
NOTES 495
Iron: Serviceable Repairable Unserviceable

12 pounder 3
a
9
6 7
1
4
1
3 • . .. '
i
Brass %
1
9 pounder
'- C a
3Ii.-; 3 4
I a
Swivels 4
2 «
5 J inch howitzer i
3 j inch howitzer 2
4 2 / 5 in cohorn 5
•Gingalls 87
Muskets :
English • ... no
• ; Country 473
Barrels 587
Rifles 40
Pikes with staves 21
Bayonets * 133
Swords 139
Pistols 57
Wallpieces 9
Musket balls, lead, country lead. 11,568 360 lbs.
Flints, country, old 1,450 lbs, -.
Iron, old 400 lbs.
Powder, loose, country, 1,076 lbs.
1
Sulphur " •" 1,240 lbs.
Saltpetre 157 lbs. '
;
"" "' ' BROOKE YOUNG,
Col. Royal Artillery.
Public Record Office, C O . 54-60
For the jewelled firelock of Raja Simha sec J. F. Pieris : A King of
Ceylon's Gun, The Connoisseur, September, 1936.
A second gun of the King has been presented toCeylon by the Council of
the Royal United Service Institution, which received it from Vice-Admiral the
Hon'ble. Donald Hugh Mackay. He was b. 31st December, 1780, son of the
Hon'ble George Mackay of Skibo, M,P. for Sutherland, and after being trained
at the Royal Naval Academy, he served in the Ea°t India Station, command
ing in turn the Volage (26), Malacca (42) and the Minden (74) to which last
he was appointed in 1815, The Minden was at Trincomali on ist August,
of that year, and in September the auction sale of the booty captured from
Sri Vikrama which was adjudged to be prize, began in Colombo. The gun was
probably among the articles sold. Mackay brought back his ship in
April 1816. He attained Flag Rank in 1838 and was promoted Vice-Admiral
in 18.(9. When his brother succeeded as the 7II1 Baron Reay, Donald was
raised to the rank of the younger son of a Baron. He died on 26th March,
1850 while at breakfast in his apartments at the Albany. See Trade Com
missioner's Report for 1938 p. 10.
490 NOTES
(On iOrli June, iSzy Sir Alexander. Johnston presented to the Royal
Asiatic Society of Great Britain " A musket, formerly the property of the
late King of Kandy. It wa° manufactured by native artists from an Euro
pean model: the barrel is richly plated with silver chased in flowers ; the
lock elaborately inlaid with silver, and the stock is cased with tortoise shell. "
On 2nd February. 1828 William Huttmann similarly presented " Two
Ceylonese ginjals the barrels ornamented with silver chasings ; they, were
taken in the last Kandyan war by General Brownrigg, from the palace of
the King of Kandy. " Tram R.A.S. ii. app.
34. Despatch 16 of 20th June, 1817.
35. Sutherland to D'Oyly, 18th September, 1S16. ditto 106 of 7 t h
October, 1816 with the two statements.
It was stated before the Judicial Commissioner on 2 1 s t March, 1 8 1 7
that. Medagama was granted to Widagama Srimitre (?) Maha Thero Sami
Unnanse by a copper Sannas of the third year of Bhuvaneka Bahu of Kotte,
and that the land was assigned for the use of Medagoda Vihare in Seven
Korales. See in this connection The I'adakada Sannasa, by S. Parana-
vitana Jcbras. xxxvi. pt. iii. p. 130.
36. Kandyan Office to Collector, Calutara, 8th September, 1817 ; do
to Malcolm 19th October, 1816. Vol. 223 B. A force is reported to have come
to Batugedara from Uva and Basnayaka Nilame (Demodara ?) the Saffra-
gam Chief at the head of the Insurgents in that quarter, is said to have re
turned to the Kolonna Korale near the limits of the District of Matara.
D'Oyly to Brownrigg, 23rd May, 1814. C O . 54-52. On 74th May, 1814
Mahavalatenna Nilame had come into Morowa Korale; Macjuvanvela had
arrived at the frontier and written to the Vidane Arachchi of Morawa Korale
for people to carry his propertv. D'Ovly to Brownrigg, Hanvella 29th May,
1814, do.
37. Capt. Smith to Sutherland, Ruwanella, 12th September, 1 8 1 5 .
" The coconut garden Palamgama watta is in a high state of perfection and
might be let to considerable advantage. "
Stewart to Sawers, Ruvanella 21st August, 1816. There were bids of
740 rxd. for Palangamawatta and 1 1 5 for Petangoda. The renter would
have the right to draw tod.dy and make arrack.
The King's gardens at Ruvanella and the attached staffs were :
Palangomuva, 1 Kankan, 11 men, 2 lascorins.
Petangoda, 1 Lckam, 1 Kankan, 8 men, 2 lascorins.
Timbiripola, 1 Lekam, 1 Kankan, 7 men.
In the King's time their duties were to take care of the garden and attend
to their cultivation ; they were allowed the fruits of all the trees except the
coconuts.
In Palangomuwa there were : 106 jak, 171 areka, 5 mango and 6 jambu
trees, and attached 2 paddy fields of 17 laha.
In Petangoda . . . 1,040 areka, 107, jak, 2 mangos ; attached 9 paddy
fields of 54 laha.
It was at Petangoda that Ra Siha Deviyo met with the injury to his
foot which led to his death (Portuguese Era I. p. 259) George Stewart,
Agent at Ruvanella to Sawers 19th October, 1816. Vol. 557.
An article in the Ceylon Almanac, 1819, draws attention to the regularity
of the planting and the wide spacing.
38. A letter from the olficer-in-charge at Kurunegala illustrates the
system of executive administration. Wanduragala Mohottala was in charge
in the District, and had been blamed for indifference in supplying men to
NOTES 497
erect the fort. In August the barracks were already out of repair and the
roof leaking badly and the Mohottala was again appealed to for assistance in
men and materials, but with no result. The officer therefore requested to
the Resident to apply to the Adikars to order the Mohottala to do what was
necessary.
Lt. Alex. Killett to de Bussche, A.D.A.G. 3rd August, 1 8 1 5 .
39. Sutherland to Collector, 14th September, 1816.
40. Governor's Minute, 23rd August, 1S16. Correspondence of Board,
21st October, Vol. 203 B.
Franciscus Joseph de Silva Mohundiram, Second Sinhalese Translator
at the Chief Secretary's Office, was appointed Gay's Interpreter. On ist
January, 1817 he was made Atapattu Mudaliyar with the name Wijewikrama
Ekanayaka.
41. Despatch 61 of 14th December, 1816.
42. Gazelle n t h September, 1816. Don Cornelius Dias was appointed
Interpreter to the Second Assistant, n t h December, 1816. Vol. 223 B.
43. Wright to Resident, 24th October, 1816. On 6th January, 1819
the Kandyan Office wrote to the Board that the arrangements for rebuilding
the Dam were approved and that the soldiers also would be employed on the
work.
44. There were ten Sattambi Ralala under the Diyavadana Nilame of
the Palace, of whom two had to be in constant attendance upon the King.
They took care of the King's bath and poured water upon him, those of the
best families being permitted to touch him and wash his feet. They were
the headmen of the large number of persons attached to the Department.
Davy, p. 153.
For a tradition of how Raja Sinha while rewarding an official for saving
him from possible drowning at the same time punished him for venturing
to touch his person, see The Portuguese Era, v. ii.
45. D'Oyly to Brownrigg, 2nd November, 1816. They are now exhi
bited at the Colombo Museum along with Raja Sinha's Throne. A search
among the records at Windsor Castle do not support the belief held by some
people that the King's chamara were surrendered and sent there. Trade
Commissioner in London's Ad. Report, 1937, Para 90.
46. For an informative article on Sivuru, a Bhikkhu's robes, by Veli-
vitiye Dhammaratana Unnanse, see M.L.R. I l l , 56-58, 79-82.
Metal needles were used in the time of the Buddha, but Bhikkhus
employed quills or Bambu strips. Ratnatunga Mudaliyar has sent me the
following references. , .
From Vinaya Cullavagga . . .
" Now at that time the Bhikkhus sewed their robes with quills or bits
01 bamboo rind, and the robes were badly sewn. They told this matter to
the Blessed One.
" I allow you, O Bhikkhus, the use of needles. " (Pali suci)
The needles got blunted (rusted ?)
" I allow you, O Bhikkhus, the use of a needle case made of bamboo.
From Buddhaghosa : Visuddhi Magga : 5th Century A . C .
" For as in doing needle work on a fine piece of cloth it is desirable that
the needle also should be fine, and the instrument for borrowing the eye of
the needle should be still finer . . . "
Bambu needles have been discovered by Mr. Deraniyagala, Director of
National Museums, in recent cave explorations.
498 NOTES
6th November, 1816 Resident to Sutherland, List of cloth to be pur

chased at Colombo and sent before the 15th, for the customary annual present
to the Priests ; this was in addition to the stuff available at Kandy : Of the
species called Fine Kasa Wellatchambu or yellow silk, 2 | yards wide, length
about, 288 cubits.
Of the coarse red cloth or Serge, if z \ yards wide, length 45 cubits.
If wider the length may be proportionately diminished.
Of the species called Salla Kawanis 21 yards wide, length 240 cubits.
To be presented to Kandyan Temples and Priests at termination of
period of Was . . .
20 cubits Europe cloth at 6 pence per cubit 10.0
34 cubits striped cloth at 6 3/8 pence per cubit . 18,of
I
45 cubits coloured cloth at 4 7 / 8 pence per cubit 8.3|
105 cubits suruttu cloth at 2 1 7 / 3 2 pence per Cubit . 1,2.if
51 cubits coarse white cloth at 2J pence per cubit • 9.6J
100-needles 9
Thread . . _ _ ; 9
17 wax candles at 3 pence 4.3
50 lumps jaggery at J pence each ... :;3.1.5-
Betel leaves 9 ,
66 tel katchy cloth at 1 0 . 1 \ each 33.8.3
For Maligava * . . . . ' "
54 cubits of tel katchy cloth at 3 3/8 per cubit ' I5.-2J
1 Kayani cloth 3.0.
Board to Deputy Chief Secretary, 24th September,, 1831 38-14-iJl
Memorandum of Annual Expenditure incurred by Government (1833)^
Festival of New Rice
New Year •
Upasampadava
Maha Perahera
For the Waas or presentation of Robes to the different Temples
For the Katteya or Illumination.
Vihares also were illuminated for the Katti Mangalya ; see the services
of the tenants of Talgahagoda, Lawrie ii. 810-815.
47. See Sutherland's letters of 4th, 14th and 20th October ; 5th and
12th November ; 5th and 12th December, Vol. 223. Also Farrell to Secretary
Kandyan Provinces, Tangalle, 19th July, 1817 Vol. 97 A. Gazette 18th
December, 1816. Kandyan Office to Collector, Tangalle, 17th December,
1818. Governor's Minute, 14th December, 1816, Vol. 126 B : 16th and 22nd
April, 1817, Vol. 203 B.
For the tower at Hambantota see Johnstone's Diary, 17th November,
1806 Jcbras. Vol. xxxvi. pt. 2.
Giruva Pattu was in the Matara District. With a view to increasing
the collection of salt, J. A. Farrell, Collector of Matara, recommended attach
ing it to the Mahagam Pattu, which was under a separate Collector residing
at Hambantota, who could then have the advantage ot the labour available
from there as well. Brownrigg approved of this and out of the two Pattu
formed the District of Tangalla. Brownrigg to Bathurst 200 ot 28th Febru
ary, 1817.
48. Board of Commissioners, gth December, 1818.
49. Despatch 192 of 6th February, 1817. The Supreme Court Record
of the Proceedings in Lunacy is incomplete and bears the recent number,
52, in blue pencil. North calculated that out of his salary he lost £1,500
NOTES 499
" by the quantity of wine necessary to keep the Civilians and a large garrison
in good humour." North to Dundas. 11-11-98.
Wealthy Sinhalese in the Littoral, following the European fashion,
started their own wine cellars. On 7th January, 1810 Ulangakon Maha Mudali
yar wrote from Matara to the Gate Mohundiram Martinus de Saram at
Colombo, sending him 290 bottles with instructions about tapping a cask of
beer. The bottles were to be washed several times first in hot, and then in
cold water, with gritty sand and small shot, the resin round the mouths
removed, and set to drain ; then they should be filled from the cask and
corked, and placed flat for a day. Coconut oil and resin should then be
melted and spread over the corks, and the necks buried in a heap of fine sand,
after which the bottles can be stowed away. The necessary porop (corks)
could be obtained from Mr. de Haan on the writer's account. The letter is
in Sinhalese.
50. Appendix H, Estimates of Revenue.
About tilemakers from Colombo for King, see Hardy to Prager 23rd
December, 1816, Vol. 405 A. King's plan of the fort is among the K i n g -
Church collection of drawings at the Colombo Museum. The Durayo of
Pamunuve were charged with keeping the fort and its buildings in order,
and were consequently exempted from all other Rajakariya. Board, 3rd
November, 1829. Vol. 41 B.
51. Despatch 198 of 28th February, 1817. Secretary of State's Desp.
No. 54. Governor's Minute of 24th September, 1816. Vol. 126 B.
52. In 1802 paper currency in rix-dollars, payable at the rate of 48
stivers, was first issued by the British and in July, 1812 the whole currency
of the Settlements consisted of copper coin and Treasury Notes. The amount
of the latter issued up to 30th June, 1813 was 1,928,296 rix-dollars, of which
about thirteen lacs were in circulation. Copper was excessively scarce
and was estimated at a lac; in 1814 so little copper remained that it
was barely sufficient for purposes of small change in the markets for buying
provisions. (A. Bertolacci: Ceylon, 1817),
The discovery of Sri Vikrama's hoards of Dutch copper coins brought
about a material alteration in the situation.
53. General Order 28th September, 1813.
It was Major Willerman who had provided the charts which the Expedi
tion used and collected information about the various Passes into the King's
Country. He had served in Flanders, Sicily, Portugal, Spain and Holland
and died on 13th June, 1815. De Bussche p. 21 G.O. 13th June, 1 5 .
54. G. O. 26th March, 1817
55. Despatches, 169, 192 of 6th February, 1817, 227 of 29th May, 1817.
56. At Levella a rattan was secured across the river and the ferryman,
Tcteya, pulled the boat across by the help of this. On 12th June, 1818
while Captain Truter was being ferried across with twelve men, the rattan
slipped out of the toteya's hands, and the boat was carried swiftly down
stream 150 yards where it overturned. Four privates were drowned but
the rest who clambered on to the vessel were saved when it went aground on
a rock 400 yards away. James Truter to D.A.A.G., Kandy, 12th June.
The ferry boats at Katugastota, Walpolaya, and Kundasala consisted
of two ricketty canoes with a wicker platform, accommodating six men at
a time. Hardy to Prager, Colombo, 12th January, 1816, Vol, 405 A.
Regarding the haulage of timber see Pybus p. 32,
The Adigar's officers " All which, to be known, carry staves in
their hands like to Bandyes, the crooked and upermost, which none but they
500 NOTES
dare carry. The sight of which staves signifies as much as the Adigars Hand
and Seal. " p. 40.
57. Sutherland to D'Oyly 16th July, 1 8 1 7 ; Board Proceedings 5th
October, 1S18 : and 10th November, 1830, Vol. 45 B.
On 1st May, 1816 two thousand Challeas will be employed around
Kuvanella and Ratnapura, peeling cinnamon ; Gay to Military Secretary
3rd April, 1816, Vol, 173 B. For wild Cinnamon see Young Ceylon, Vol. iii.
According to D'Oyly, Alutgantota and Levella were in charge of Palle
gampaha and Gannoruva and Katugastota under Udugampaha; this seems
to be an error. His account contains important details about their manage
ment and the fees levied at them.
There is a valuable report on Cinnamon dated 25th February, 1697,
a translation of which was published in the Colombo Journal, 1833, pp. 212,
213. From this it appears that the Portuguese included among the peelers
the Pallaru of Hambagama in Siyane Korale, and the Pannayo of the
Demalagattera and Tondegattera, in the Walalwiti Korale, north and south
respectively of the Bentara River.
58. Gay to Sutherland 7th April, 1817, Vol. 530 A.
59. 13th June 1817, Vol. 203 B.
Similar inquiries had been once started in the Littoral. The following
is from the Gazette of 19th February, 1812. At a Council held at the Kings
House, on December 31st, 1911.
Present:
His Honor The Lieutenant Governor.
The Hon'ble The Chief Justice and President of His Majesty's Council.
The Hon'ble The Puisne Justice.
The Hon'ble The Chief Secretary to Government.
The Hon'ble The Commissioner of Revenue.
An extract of a Letter from the Earl of Liverpool to His Excellency the
Governor of these Settlements is read—Communicating His Royal Highness
the Prince Regent's pleasure that all the different Classes of People who inhabit
the British Settlements on this Island should for the future be governed as
nearly as circumstances will admit according to their ancient customs and
that the Chief Justice do prepare for their use a short and simple Code of Laws
founded upon those customs and divested of all technical Language.
The Chief Justice and President of His Majesty's Council thereupon
submits to the Lieutenant Govcrnor-in-Council the following as the plan which
he intends to adopt, should it meet with their approbation, for carrying into
effect the wise and benevolent object which His Royal Highness has in view.
1st. The Chief Justice will with the Concurrence of His Honor the
Lieutenant Governor immediately select a certain number of persons from
each district to report to him upon the nature of the Laws and Customs which
at present prevail in the different parts of this Island and to point out to him
such alterations in them as they may think expedient.
2nd. The persons whom the Chief Justice will select for this purpose
will be such only as are the most distinguished in their respective districts
for their integrity and good conduct as well as for their thorough knowledge
of the Religion, Customs, Habits, and local interests of the People.
3rd. As soon as the Chief Justice shall have received the reports from
the several Districts he will draw up from the information contained in them
such a Code of Laws as the Prince Regent has Commanded.
NOTES 501
4th. The Chief Justice will cause a Dutch, Portuguese, Cingalese and
Tamil translation of this Code to be publickly exhibited for One Year in
each district in order that everyone of His Majesty's subjects in these settle
ments may have the fullest opportunity of considering the Code and making
such objections to it as may occur to them.
5th. The Chief Justice having thus taken the sense of His Majesty's
subjects upon the Code and made such alterations in it as the further infor
mation he shall have received in the course of the year may have rendered
necessary, will then submit it for the consideration of the Governor-in-Council
in order that they may forward it to His Royal Highness the Prince Regent
for His Royal approbation.
The above plan being fully approved of by all the Members of Council
the Lieutenant Governor-in-Council Orders that it be published together
with the proceedings held thereon for the information of His Majesty's
subjects on this Island.
60. Gay to Sutherland 14th December, 1816, Vol. 530 A.
Reference to Board 6th February, 1817.
61. Don David Jayatilaka Abesiriwardana I, see Pieris, Sinhalese
Families, Pt. iv. Maria Graham (16th February, 1810) discusses his religion,
opinions and official dress.
62. Sutherland to D'Oyly, 10th June, 1917, enclosing evidence recorded
by Ulangakon on 22nd March, from Piyadassi Unanse and Bavala Unanse
at Matara. The priest was stated to be " living at a daily expence to Govern
ment".
63. See Pieris, the Portuguese Era, vol. 1.
64. Sutherland to D'Oyly, 4th July, 1817, with petition from Malhamy
Bandara.
65. Sutherland to J. Deane, Col. of Colombo, 27th May and 7th June,
1817.
66. Sutherland to Col. Colombo, 1 7 t h June, 1817. This curiosity and
Sir H. Davy's investigations are mentioned in D'Oyly's correspondence. See
Letters to Ceylon, pp. 69, 94 and note 128.
For Raja Sinha's fondness for rarefies see Ceylon and the Hollanders,
and Knox.
A large Dutch brass gun was discovered and reported by a man of
Rahupola near Paranagama ; appears to have been found at Poose near
Kivulegedera, Kandyan Office to D'Oyly, 20th May, 1817, Major Macdonald
to Kelly, 19th May, 1817. A reward of 25 rix-dollars was given to the finder,
Sutherland to D'Oyly, 2nd June.
67. For instance, see Judicial Commissioner Proceedings 19th and
23rd February, 1816.
68- Judicial Diary 17th December, 1817, Gay to Malcolm, Agent at
Ratnapura, 7th July, 1817.
69. " I beg leave to recommend to the Board to authorise me to establish
gaming rents at Calpentyn and Puttalam on the same conditions as that at
Chilaw, which will without distressing the inhabitants in the smallest degree
bring in a considerable revenue to s>overnment and in a great measure con
tribute to check gambling which is so common and destructive to the inhabi
tants of this Island. " From Collector, Chilaw, n t h April, 1804.
Chapter V
1. Daniel Dassanayaka had apparently returned from Maha Nuvara,
and on 7th January, 1817 the Colombo Collector was instructed to furnish
him with 10 bearers and 4 coolies as he was selected to accompany the
Governor on a tour into the Interior. (Vol. 223 B.)
Similar instructions were sent on 29th July, since he was attending the
Governor on his tour to Sinhale. There are other letters asking that he should
be exempted from Jury Service before the Supreme Court as his presence was
urgently needed at the Kandyan Office in view of the great number of people
he had to interview.
The correction of the name Sitavaca was made by General Order of
8-12-1814.
2. J. Davy, M.D., Appointed Physician to the Forces, General Order
of 20-5-1817.
For Brownrigg's tom-john see Campbell ii. 375 . . . " A ionjon, or open
chair, carried like a Palankeen. " M. Graham, 15th January, 1 8 1 1 . p. 166,
3. The following notice, reprinted from the Essex Chronicle of January
2nd, 1824, appeared in a recent issue of that paper ;—. " On Saturday last,
a poor but honest and hard-working labourer brought to the market house
at Ongar, encircled with a halter, his wife, who it was well-known was more
industrious in a certain way than virtuous, and exposed her for public sale ;
she was purchased by a son of Cyclops for 10s., which sum, with the market
toll, he immediately paid, and received his frail bargain. After regaling
themselves with some strong brown, they left the town amidst the shouts of
the idle rabble who attended to witness the disgusting scene.—From a corres
pondent. "—-Rev. G. Montagu Benton, F.S.A. (Honorary Secretary of the
Essex Archaeological Society), Fingringhoe, Colchester.
Women of the humbler castes were not permitted to cover their bodies
above the waist. On 30th December, 1828 the Agent of Revenue at Ruvan-
alla inquired from the Board of Commissioners if the custom was to be en
forced, and on 2nd January, 1829 it replied that it must be enforced, mention
ing that under the late Government a few persons had been allowed to cover
the bodies " Under peculiar and urgent circumstances. " Inward 38 B,
Record Office. In February, 1810 Maria Graham referring to South Ceylon
wrote " Neither sex wears any clothing above the waist, excepting when
they become household servants to Europeans, when they put on a jacket. "
p. 92.
The Alatti women at the Maha Kataragama Devale ceremonies have
only a handkerchief knotted round the neck to cover the upper portion of
their bodies.
4. On 5th September the Collector of Colombo was instructed to furnish
the necessary coolies to Madugalla who was under orders to start for Maha
Nuvara the next day. Vol. 223 B. See also Col. of Colombo to Secretary
Kandyan Provinces of 17th October, 1817. Vol. 56 A.
5. Jonville on the Religion and Manners of the People of Ceylon,
1801, Asiatic Researches Vol. vii. has the following about Tibbotuvava. . .
" About twenty years ago a learned priest passed several months in the
archives of the King of Candia. The work he has written is much esteemed'
and great reliance placed on its exactness. I have only seen the latter part
of the work. The author's name is Tibouwave Naike Ounanse. I hope soon
502
NOTES 503
to get possession of it, " p. 419-420. Knox, p. 70, has stated explicitly that
only three divinities were associated in the Perahara, the place of honour
being assigned to Aloutneur Dio, behind whom came Catteragom Dio and
Potting Dio. Therefore Natha Deviyo must have joined at a subsequent
date.
The recognition of. the Devas was regarded with disfavour in Ava.
In the remarks of Revata Terunnanse ot Patahavatta Vihare referred
to elsewhere (Circ. 1813) occurs the following . . .•• He said also that he heard
tJaat the King of Ava speaks with indignation of the King of Candy on account
that the King of Candy permits Yakkadoerakan namely the Cappoas and
Yakdesas to offer to the devil. "
u
The full moon day of Vesak is regarded as the anniversary ot the Buddha's
birth and of his attaining Nirvana. In 1888 it was declared a public holi
day, owing mainly to the efforts of an American, Colonel Olcott; it was on
that occasion that the inartistic " Buddhist flag, " of six colours, was
devised.
For acrobatic feats by women, cf. what Maria Graham wrote on 20th
October 1811 . . ." With one procession I was much pleased . . . It was called
the coconut feast, and is, I believe, peculiar to this coast. The evening closed
as usual with music, dancing, and exhibitions of tumblers . . . The tumblers
are usually from Hyderabad, the jugglers from Madras . . . The agility and
strength of the tumblers, particularly the women, surpassed everything I
evef saw ; but the sight is rather curious than pleasant. " p. 35-6.
Kamachchi Natima, 38 verses, describes the girl Kamachchi's dance on
the tight rope. Nevill, Cat. 658 Mss. ascribes this to 1838.
The following was kindly supplied by Mr. C. M. Austin de Silvia, Librarian,
Colombo Museum.
The Story of Uggasena Setthi (Saddharma-Ratanavaliya)
Five hundred dancers came to the city of Rajagaha once in a year or in
six months, and they gave a performance before the king, and thereby received
much gold. During that time they were lavishly entertained with food in
boundless measure. Many people erected lofts one above the other, and
witnessed the performance of the dancers. One day the daughter of a rope
dancer by means of her skill in the art of dancing danced in the air, displaying
her performance to another dancing at the top of a bamboo ; and as she danced
she did sing. On that day a Setthi by the name of Uggasena, seated.on a
loft watched the movements of that dancing girl, who danced about in the air.
Not considering that her buoyant figure was a mere phantom, he conceived
great love and affection for her. " If I get her, I will live, if not I will die, "
so thinking he crept into his bed and neither ate nor drank. When his
parents inquired from him, he said that it was due to his love for the dancing
girl. On hearing, this, the parents remarked that the alliance was neither
suitable for him nor for them. They promised that they would fetch him a
bride from a suitable place. He disapproved of their suggestion. At his
rejection, the parents summoned their son's friend and giving him a thousand
pieces of gold said, " Give this money to the father of that dancing girl, who
dances in the air, and request him to wed his daughter to our son." On hearing
this request, that dancer replied that he was not willing to sell his daughter.
'-' I will not give her for gold. We live because of her, and if not for her we
will die, and what is the good of dying. To one who will join us in our trade,
,we will wed her." The parents informed their son accordingly. " If it is
so, I will join them, " he said. His relations thought that even if they were to
prevent him, still as he was determined, in mind, he would be heedless to
them. Hence, he went to meet the dancer, who knew that the Setthi himself
had knowledge of some aspect of dancing, that was directed to capture his
daughter. As he himself needed assistance, he wedded his daughter to the
Setthi, and with them he went about entertaining the whole land with
their dancing . . .
504 NOTES
The story goes on to narrate that Uggasena Setthi himself took to the
profession of a rope dancer, and became skilled so as to dance at the top of a
bamboo and to somersault several times in the air. One day he was giving
a public performance when the Buddha appeared on the scene. The Buddha's
sermon on that occasion converted Uggasena Setthi, who renouncing the
world entered the Order.
6. Desp. 245 of 25th September 1817 ; also Gazette, 16th August.
7. Sutherland was on 1st December, 1817 succeeded as Secretary
Kandyan Provinces, by George Lusignan. Chief Secretary to Lusignan
14th November, 1817 Vol. 114 B ; do to Sutherland, 17th December.
I thus certify that James Sutherland Esqr. Secretary to the Kandyan
Provinces, experienced in June last a severe attack of illness—that his life
for several days was in danger from apoplexy with which he was threatened,
and that tho' the attack by the application of active remedies was warded off,
yet this health materially suffered—a considerable degree of permanent debi
lity of body being induced, and the sensorial powers, excepting the judgment,
being in some measure impaired.
In addition to the above certificate I may add that judging from the
experience of the last two months during which time I have almost constantly
attended him without observing any material amendment, I am decidedly of
opinion that a long sea voyage and a residence in a Temperate Climate are
essential to his recovery, which under those favourable circumstances, I
trust in God will be complete.
JOHN DAVY, M.D.
Kandy, September 16th, 1817. C O . 54-66
8. Brownrigg to Bathurst, 40 of 30th April, 1813, recommending Wilson,
then Asst. Dep. Paymaster-General to the Regular Regiments in Ceylon, for
appointment to the Chief Secretary's office to relieve the pressure of the
work.
9. Appendix J.
10. Cf. Davy p. 157 : " If commissioned by the King had the title of
Nilame but if by the Dissave only of Widane. "
1 1 . Wilson to Sawers, 6th September, 1 8 1 7 .
12. Minute of 8th November, 1816.
13. See Illustration, Cordiner's Ceylon, (1807) p. 94. At Galle the
dress was thus described by Mrs. Heber (p. 149) in 1825. " They wear rather
a pretty uniform of white, red and black, and a conical red cap, with an upright
white feather on it. "
14. Letter from Wilson, Badulla 20th February, 1817.
15. Wilson's letter of 14th April, 1817.
Foral F. 114 Book 4. " In the Dolosdas Corla there are 44 villages which
in the time of the gentile kings were and still even today are possessed by the
Cornacas and Cassadores of the elefantes, and by reason of enjoying them free
of rent they are subject to the ancient liability of hunting and giving the
King yearly thirty head of elefantes reales and aleas de cargo. These people
were and still are divided into two companhias, Chingalla Betmas, viz. Alava
Betma and Jatigala Betma. Each Betma has its Cabeca, Chief, and each
cabeca has in his charge 54 persons liable to the said hunt. These Cabecas
besides their liability to the hunt pay yearly on account of the sowing fields
they possess 117 larins decun and the 108 persons subject to service pay yearly
86 larins and 7 fanams tor the duty called Bulat Urulua, which is the same as
Decum, and the total recoverable from the two betmas is 203 larins and 7
fanams. And as for the 30 elefantes de dente and aleas de cargo, the Vedor
and the Factor at Galle must exercise all diligence over their hunt.
NOTES 505
For details of Elephant capture in the North in Portuguese times, see
Pieris : The Kingdom of Jafanapatam.
Lieut. Mahony who visited Kelaniya Vihare on 7th February, 1797
saw there a large tusk presented bv the Sinhalese King. Asiatic Researches
Vol. vi.
For Samuel Daniell see Letters to Cevlon, pp. 1 5 , 1 1 6 , Bennett; and
Young Ceylon i. 43.
16. Wilson to Sawers, 26th August, 1817.
17- See The Hindu Goddess Pattini, by L. Meerwarth-Levina, Cevlon
Antiquary, i, 29-37 .' Pattini Devi, by W . A. de Silva do. 127. Also Knox
p. 97 ; Selkirk 504-508.
For the celebrations of Ankeliya, horn contest, Pol Gehima, coconut
contest, in honour of the Pattini Deviyo as a safe guard against smallpox,
see Ankeliya, by C. J. R. le Mesurier, Jcbras viii. (to which are appended
numerous references from other writers); Peli Yema, by F. W. M. Karuna-
ratna, C.L.R. iii. 1 0 7 ; C.L.R. iii. 1 2 0 ; The worship of Pattini Deviyo,
anon, C.L.R. v, 10. In 1830 the Kapuralala of Ovilakanda strongly opposed
the introduction of vaccination. Holman p. 282.
For the treatment of the disease in the seventeenth century see Ribeiro,
pp. 67, 68.
" The most important Acquisition which Humanity has gained in this
Island is the Introduction of the Cowpox. "
" Many threads steeped in vaccine virus had been sent from Bombay
and tried without effect. But one which had been sent from the place on the
10th of July, was inserted into the arm of a healthy boy of 12 years of age at
Trincomale on the n t h of August, and produced a Pustule on the 20th from
which matter was taken by Mr. Gilbert Hall, Surgeon to H.M.'s Malay Regi
ment, who inoculated 15 patients with it, and I had this day the satisfaction
of hearing that they have all shown the discriminating marks of Vaccine
infection. "
North to Hobart 10th September, 1802 C O , 54-7.
" Upon this subject (smallpox) I think it right to mention to you that
a disease called the Cow Pox has of late years been introduced in this country
as a specific against Smallpox, and as the symptoms of it are admitted
to be much milder when produced by Inoculation than those of the Smallpox
contracted by the same process, I have directed an enquiry to be made to
ascertain whether the peculiar virus of the Cow Pox can be conveyed to
Ceylon, and in case, as I have reason to believe it can, I shall endeavour to
have it taken out, by the present opportunity, by some person acquainted
with the mode of applying it, and the treatment of the Patients during its
operation, as now practised in this country.
Dundas to North, Downing St. 16th March, 1801. C O . 55-61.
Berkley, 17th January, 1803.
Sir,
The letter you did me the honour to address to me in Bond Street has at
length reached me at Berkeley in Glostershire. I should have been happy in
seeing Mr. Morton and of conveying to him the most ample instructions in
my power on the subject of the Vaccine Inoculation ; however measures are
at this time concerting between me and Mr. Rollo at Woolwich which I sin
cerely hope may give effect to Mr. More ton's mission to Ceylon as far as regards
the introduction of the Cow Pox in that part of the world. I do not quite
despair, of finding that my efforts, thro' you, may prove successful in the
first instance. I cannot but lament the uncertainty of this present mode of
proceeding, when an absolute certainty is within our reach of stopping the
506 NOTES
progress of the smallpox among the people of the East Indies. Were I
myself on board a ship bound to India, or any other person well versed in
Vaccine Inoculation, and had only about ten persons on Board who had not
had the Smallpox, nothing would be more easy than to convey the Cow Pox
to our most distant settlements there. We are now, sir, about to form an
Institution for the general extermination of the Smallpox. The Metropolis
of England has an undoubted right to take the lead in tins pliilanthropiq
design. Wednesday next is the day appointed for the first discussion at
the London Tavern. The Lord Mayor will take the Chair at 12 o'clock; I
hope it will meet with the approbation and support of Government, should it
once be established upon a broad basis, the ravages of that horrible disease
the Smallpox might soon be subdued throughout all His Majesty's.Domi
nions. The arrangements necessary for this purpose would be easy and in m y
opinion not very expensive.
I have the honour to be, Sir, your very faithful and obedient humble
servant.
E. TENNER
Dr. Morton was the Surgeon selected to proceed with the Ordnance
establishment to Ceylon. Dr. Rollo was the Surgeon General of the Board of
Ordnance. Instructions were given to the Surgeon to carry out a course of
vaccine inoculation during the voyage out and the Directors of the E.I. Com
pany . ordered the Captains of their two ships which were preparing to sail
to give all assistance possible to further the scheme. C O . 5 4 - 1 2 .
Marshall, p. 277 p. for Kappitipola's being vaccinated.
18. Robert Knox, in Ceylon 1659-1670 ; his "Historical Relation"
was published in London in 1681.
T. B. Paranatella well illustrates the simplicity of village life.
" Sumptuary Laws, etc. " Jcbras. xxi. pp. 119-128.
19. Maha Vishnu, at Devi Nuvara, is in charge of the whole Island ;
Ruhunu Rata is the special domain of Kanda Kumaru ; Saman Deviyo is
Adipati at Samanta Kuta, with jurisdiction over Maiyangana as well ; Vibi-
sana is Adipati at Kelani pura. Katugaha Basnayaka Nilame has drawn my
attention to Vidagama Maha Thero's Hansa Sandesaya. Circa 1450 verse
198, which mentions these four:
Verse 198 :
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8 S s ) £§co 8srf? 8&> e ^ g ) @KBD

3 Q
The Lily coloured God of great Majesty—he, chiefest of all ; Saman
Boksal, the Radiant One ; The Six—-headed God ; Vibhisana, and the rest . . .
chant thy words of good omen, offer to them the Merit, and gratify their
minds. -
See also Nikaya Sanghrava, Wikramasinha's Ed, p.
The representation of the God as found at Devundara Devale in 1800
(Cordiner i. 196) probably approximates to what it was at Kataragama.
About 1780 the Fakir Purana Poori, a Rajput, visited Ceylon. The
Capital he speaks of as Khundi, and also Noora ; he went to Catlgang on a
river called Manic Gunga, where there is a temple of Cartica or Carticeya, the
son of Mahadeo, as well as Sree pud. Duncun, Asiatic Researches, V. 37.
Among the Johnstone papers now at the Government Archives, section
No. 40, there is a representation of the Kataragama Deviyo. Of his twelve
hands two are empty and appropriately posed ; the remainder hold.
NOTES 507
Doenne Eyay (bow and arrow)
Triesoeleme (trident)
Cadoe (sword)
Issay (human head)
Nagea (cobra weapon)
Seula dajeye (banner with cock device)
Halembe (discus)
Hakgaydie (conch shell)
Keterieyay (battle axe)
Yamejoere (two edged dagger)
The Sinhalese names are spelt according to the Dutch system, and the
list was probably written out by a Dutchman. The source of the information
appears from the following endorsed on the paper . . .
" Katregam Deiyo
Wisnoe Deiyo
Saman Deiyo
Nate Deiyo 4 Deities
Tho' the above names the Caporal says to be the four deities but
the Karetotte Priest says the following are the real names in Sanskrit but
not in Singalese —>
Drete-rastre
Wieroede
Wieroe Pakse
Waysrewene.''
The information then was obtained from a Kapurala at Matara, and
represented the knowledge of a Kapurala who can be expected to have visited
Kataragama as a matter of course.
Ratnatunga Mudaliyar has sent me the following note :—
Kataragama (SkandaH ™_ . , ,
Saman f These two are local gods.
Vishnu is local and Indian (Rama was his incarnation according to the
Ramayana).
Natha is the future Buddha (Metteyya). The Mahayanists call him
Avalokistesvara. Quoting Geiger (Culavamsa translation, page 243, note 6),
Malalasekera says that Nathadeva is a name given to Vishnu (Dictionary
Of Pali Proper Names). Geiger cites no authority.
According to traditional belief, the four Guardian Gods (Satara varam
deviyo (varam=chief, noble) ) are :
Dhrtarfishtra, the chief of Gandhabbas, in the east,
Virudha, the chief of Kumbhandhas, in the south,
Viriipaksha, the chief of Nsgas, in the west,
Vaisravana, the chief Yakkhas, in the north.
This belief is supported by the Samantakuta Vannana (edited and trans
lated by W . S. Dhammananda Thero and Mahagoda Nanissara Thero, pp. 44
and 45, verses 165 to 168). These four live (see Sabd&rt'ha Ratnakara under
Satara varam) in the celestial abode Catum maha rajika, the second of the 22
heavens mentioned at end of the Dhamma cakkappavattana Sutta in the
Samyutta Nikaya. On Satara varam deviyo (Catum maha rajika gods) see
Moultpn, Zoroastrianism, 22-7, 242.
It is not known what Karatota's authority is for his identification.
20. Ribeiro
21. The word Betme as used at this Devale has been explained as mean
ing a division of ministerial duties, as between the maha and kuda or Teres
Betme. They were expected to supervise the ceremonies for a fortnight at
SOS NOTES
a time, but the offices have not been filled for many years. The original
numberof twelve Kapu Ralala, one for each month in the year, has:ncrw dwind
led to ten by the extinction of some families of hereditary tenants. (Katugaha
Basnayaka Nilame). The position of the Basnayaka at this time is not
clear ; apparently a Basnayaka Rala was appointed by the Disava ; but it
would seem that the King sometimes appointed a Basnayaka Nilame,
for in a Sittu of 1788 Erawwawcla, Maha Dissava of Uva and Matale,-
described himself as Basnayaka Nilame of Ruhunu maha Kataragama
Devale. Lawrie's Gazetteer, ii. 664. under Owili Kanda.
Captain Mahony (Asiatic Researches vii, 1803) referring to the Katara
gama Devalaya, states " This has a variety of civil officers but no priests
belonging to it. The head officers are stiled Mahabitmeh ralehammee, Kooda-
bitmeh ralehammee, and Basnaikeh ralehammee. Then follow Maha Kapoo-
raleh and Koodah Kapooraleh. "
In C. L. Ferdinand's account of what he saw at Kataragama, published
in Young Ceylon, iii. in 1852, it appears that the chief official at the Perahara
was the Basnayaka Nilame, who was supported on one side by Ydalgama
Adikarama, and on the other by the Basnayaka Rala p. 87. It seems clear
from this and Mahony's reference that the Basnayaka Rala was only third
in rank; the Maha Betme was the first and presumbly when appointed by
the King was known as Basnayaka Nilame.
22. Also Major Hardy's Diary, 10th May—12th June, 1815 C O . 54-56.
23. The other Bhikkus were Olapaliawe, Colombo, Gallu, Radgolla, and
Punchi Olapaliawe Unanses, and a pupil of Colomba Unanse. Evidence of
late Maha Betme, recorded at Badulla, 1st May, 1819, by Major Macdonald
and H. Wright, the Accredited Agent; he was described as the son of Vede-
welle Rala. Enclosure to Despatch 344 of 8th July, i 8 i y .
Doombra Unanse appeared at Kataragama sometime before the Prince
and accompanied him to Wellasse. The day on which Hadji was put to death,
when the Prince was made King, he also threw off his robes and was made
Gabada Nilame, and was known as Sirimalwatta D.G.N, from his village.
When the Prince went to Kotmale he was sent on to Tamankaduva to stir
up the people there. Agent at Alupota to Resident 22nd June, 1819.
The priest was originally a hewapanne of the late King and came to
Kataragama about 1811 and was robed by Kadurupokune Unanse who was
head priest of the temple there as well as of Kadurupokune Vihare in Matara,
to which he returned a year before the Prince arrived at Kataragama. ditto
24th June.
24. In September. 1S28 Dehigama Diwe Nileme, Wattaratcnne Bas
nayaka Nileme and Pamoonoowe B.N. concurred, in the interpretation of
CI. 37 of the Proc. of 21st November, 181S, " under the term Superior Koralles
may be also comprehfnded Ratteralas, Liyena rallas, Unduyarallas, etc..
Headmen vested with authority inferior to that of a Dissava or Ratte Mahat-
maya over a whole District or sub-division thereof. That such construction is
reasonable and proper for otherwise that part of the Proc. will not be available
in the Dissavonies of Walapanay, Neuwera Kalawa and Uda Palata, which
have no Korallas, and but one Dissavoney Mohottala each ; nor in Bintenne
and Tamankaduwe, which have neither Mohottales and Koralles, but Adika-
rams, Ratte Ralles, etc. " Also Davy p. 147.
Butava is in Vellassa, due north of Buttala in Uva. In the

first account of the outbreak, which was printed in the Gazette of 4th
November, 1817, Butava Rate Rala appeared as " Rattcrale of Boottale, "
though the Proclamation of 6th November, gave the name correctly as
Butawe Rattcrale " Boottale was not unnaturally' confused with Buttala,
though the other circumstances mentioned in the tirst account should have
prevented the error. In subsequent Gazette references to him the correct
NOTES 509
name was used. Marshall (1846) failed to distinguish between the two names
and adopted Booth. The error has had a long life and in a recent work
Butava continues to figure as •• the Raterale of Botale. "
25. For Raja Sinha's assertion of the propriety of that title (1650}
see Pieris : The Portuguese Era ii. 357.
26. By Brownrigg's Minute of 31st July, 1818 the Mohandiram's two
orphan children then at Hambantota. aged eight and six years respectively,
were granted a monthly allowance of three rix-dollars each ; each on com
pleting his fifteenth vear, was to receive 15 rxd. to set him up in life. Vol.
126 B.
27. Brownrigg to Bathurst, Despatch 248 of 7th November, 1817
contains a detailed narrative of these incidents.
Carpenter's tools and metal work are unusually numerous in Gonigoda
Disava's Inventory (1858). It includes :
9 planes, 1 large pit saw, 2 cross cut saws, 6 hand saws, 10 axes, 10
adzes, 6 chisels.
This was no doubt the result of his residence among Europeans during
1817-1818.
" The privilege of possessing or living in houses covered with tiles
within the Kandyan Provinces has hitherto been confined (excepting in the
Town of Kandy and in the instance of Religious and Public Buildings else
where) to the Principal Chiefs and to such other persons as obtained special
permission from the Supreme Authority." This privilege is now extended
to all persons receiving office under the Governor's signature. 10 December,
1818, Volume 126 B.
28. Sawers to Gay (Badulla 13th January, r8i8, Vol. 531 B) sends a
list of property lying there which had belonged" to the late Don Carolis Dias
Mohundiram Interpreter, and valued at rxd. 734.7.2. Deceased had a brother
Don Cornelius Dias, and several other brothers and sisters and his mother in
the Galle District. Cornelius claimed the following as lent by himself to the
deceased . . .
24 gold buttons rxd. 70
1 silver hanger mounted with gold, with belt rxd. 60
I silk cloth coat rxd. 35
1 blue cloth coat rxd. 15
4 shirts rxd. 6
8 jackets rxd. 20
2 soman cloths rxd. 50
2 malaya cloths rxd. 30
1 pair tortoiseshell combs rxd. 18. (Vol. 531 B.).
Wilson's property which Sawers was sending to Gay, seized by the
rebels of Valapane. Gay to Lusignan 2Sth March. Vol 531 B.
29. In a marginal Note to the Despatch Brownrigg explained Devale
as " a temple for the worship of the Avenging Diety. " An unwarranted inter
pretation. The Itanawatta Devale is dedicated to the Goddess Pattini.
30. " Enclosed is some information respecting Mr. Wilson's property
that was captured on their way to Kandy in February last, and two Caffres
murdered. " Macdonald, camp Paranagama, 12th September, 1818.
31. Don Bastian, Commissioner Appuhami, probably one of the two
attendants who conveyed the first news to Newman. Of him Brownrigg
wrote that he was " detected in so much falsehood that he is liable to a suspi
cion of being himself guilty of criminal and treacherous misconduct. "
(Desptaches, 225 of 15th December, and 258 of z8th December, 1817). The
only person actually with Wilson at the time seems to have been the Lascarin,
Toonchy, who died of his wounds. (Gazette 20th December, 1817).
510 NOTES
32. Sawers to D'Oyly, 24th and 27th October, 1818 Vol. 548 A. Migaha-
pitiya was seized by Palwatte Raterala's men when he visited that village to
procure grain, and the captors were rewarded with presents of cloths, hand
kerchiefs, and salt. The first arrows were discharged by Polgahawela Bade-
helaya of Egoda Pattu, Dodangolle Hettipolaya and Ikirigamploa Miti
Gammahe both of Megoda Pattu, and Etunnatota Badapissa of Egoda Pattu.
Migahapitiya was proscribed under the Proclamation of ist January, 1817,
Butava was long considered responsible for Wilson's death, but he was not
present at the spot as he was incapacitated by the wounds he had received
in arresting Hadji.
A pillar by the roadside at Yalkumbura now marks the site of the tragedy.
33. Gazette 6th December, 1815.
It may be that the account has been influenced by some reminiscence
of the European method of breaking on the wheel. This as described by
Schweitzer (1676) who witnessed the execution of twelve runaway slaves at
Batavia was as follows . . . " There are four Posts drove into the Ground
and stand out about two foot : To these they Tie the Malefactor's Hands
and Feet : Then comes the Executioner with a Bar of Iron, and breaks his
Limbs one after the other and at last gives him one Blow on the Breast. "
p. 250.
The Sinhalese method was first to put to death by a dagger stroke on the
back, as the convicted person lay stretched out on the ground face downwards.
34. Capture of Alamulla Maha Betme and his family : D'Oyly to
Wright, 29th April, 1819.
Pybus when received by the king saw three officials on each side of the
throne holding the Ran Ayudha, Golden Arms, ready for the King's use when
demanded. They included lances, bows and arrows p. 78. Such figures
appear in the Illustration of the King published in Davy, see also Journal
Andrew's Embassy, Jcbras. xxvi. No. 71. pp. 14-15.
35. Evidence of Maha Betme Rala ; he gave a long list of the Chiefs
who were present on the occasion ; the images he buried in a cave in Kandu-
kara.
36. This agrees with the boy's account. The description given by
another six months later appears in Lusignan's letter to Bisset, 5th June, 1818:
" He says he was not nearer the Pretender than twenty yards. He is a young
fair man and little beard. " According to a palmleaf letter from the Prince
found at Pilime Talavuva's Walauwa at Arawe on 19th April, 1818 his regal
name was Viravikrama Sri Kirti. According to what is recorded as Dore
Swami's statement to the Board on 22nd March, 1830, Kivulugedara replaced
his yellow robe with a white and a coloured cloth, a fine shawl, and a turban
•of red muslin embroidered with gold such as he had not seen before, but
different from what the King used to wear. (Obviously the speaker was
familiar with the King's head-dress). Board Vol. 42 B.
37. In September, 1815 Ehelepola informed the Governor that several
of the exiled Malabars had made their way back to the. Island. Ref. to Resident
174 of 12th September.
" Bills for subsisting, etc., the Maha Nilame during his continuance in
this District on his late visit viz.
No. 1. For subsisting himself and his people . . 542.6.0
2. House rent . . .. .. 18
3. Sundries .. .. .. .. 14.3.0
4. Boat hire . . .. .. 40
Total 614.9.0
Vol. 121 A.
NOTES 511
38. General Orders 26th and 30th October, and 6th November. Wilier-
mans were made locally of canvass and painted. The materials cost each
rxd. 3.5.2 and the making and painting 2 rxd. For 50 there were required
i 3 i j yards canvass and 2 skeins cotton. Dep. Com. General to Prager, 28th
January, 1816. (Vol. 7 A ) .
From 25th December, 1813 in the 1st, 3rd and 4th Ceylon Regiments
composed of Malays and Caffrees each Sergeant, Corporal" drummer and
Private shall have for clothing once in every two years:
1 Red cloth uniform jacket, Sleeves unlined
1 Regulation Cap, with or without cockade
1 Cumley or Country Blanket Annually
1 White cotton jacket
1 Pair of white cotton pantaloons.
In the 2nd Regt. of Sepoys, instead of a cap was issued a quarter yard
of narrow blue cloth for covering turbands, annually. G.O. 26th
August, 1813.
39. The Diary of Colour Sergeant Calladine, Ed. by M. L . Ferrar,
London 1922.
F. Lewis has recorded that when employed in the Forest Department
in Ceylon he on one occasion found 462 leeches on his legs from the knees
downwards, p. 2 1 1 .
TnOctober, r 8 i 7 a n officermarching with a body of men fromBintenna
to Minneri, noted the ruins of Polonnaruva. These were again visited by
Lt. Fagan of the Second Ceylon Regiment on 28th June, 1820, and his Diary
with valuable notes regarding them was published in the Gazette of 1 s t
August, 1820, and reprinted in the Colombo Journal of 24th July, 1833 ; the
name by which the place was known to them was Topary.
As the spire of Rankot Vehera came into sight, the Sinhalese pros
trated themselves in deep reverence, after removing their head-coverings.
The wooden door of the small Gal Vihara was still intact and within under
its painted roof the few villagers used to assemble in worship, led by the
one Bhikkhu available to them, whom they had to fetch from many miles
away. The stone images stood out in serene majesty ; the lithic inscrip
tion was undamaged.
The Irish artist Andrew Nicholl visited Polonnaruva in July 1848 ; in
addition to some important water colour paintings of the place (which have
now been secured for Ceylon), he contributed an account of his visit, under
the title " A sketching tour of five weeks in the forests of Ceylon," which
was printed in The Dublin University Magazine, Vol. X I , 1852.
40. Camp Hansenvelle near Etanawatta, 2nd November, 1 8 1 7 .
41. See Tri Sinhala p. 72.
42. Sawers to Brownrigg, Badulla 2nd November, 1 8 1 5 ; toSecy., Kan
dyan Provinces, same date. For the Lascarins see Hook to Collector,
Galle, 28th October, 1 8 1 7 and 1 3 t h January, 1 8 1 8 , Vol. 77 A. Also,
Collector, Colombo, to Granville, 1st November, 1817, Vol. 56 A.
43. The Dutch had seriously considered raising a body of Tegular soldiers
(as distinguished from the Lascarins who were under the Mudaliyars) from
among the Sinhalese ; on igthAugust, 1791 van de Graaff appointed Nikolaas
Dias Abeyesinge Ammeresekere. first Maha Mudaliyar of his Gate, to be
Captain of the First Company of the Sinhalese.
The following are from a Diary, which is in a very fragmentary state :
4th Company of Lascoreens of the Attepattoo has given into my charge,
i 6 t h March, 1 8 1 5 .
512 NOTES
I have put a bolt on my shoulder according to the directions I received

from Ker Esqr., as Mohundiram of the .jth Company of Lns. of the
Attepattoo, 24th March, 1 8 1 5 .
. . . ed ray commission as Mo . . . ram . . . mpany of Lascoreens . . . 2 7 t h
. . . put on me my belt as Mohm of . . . 4th Company at the presence
of His Excellency (the Governor by the Maha Modliar llangakoon 5th June,
1S15.
This Diary seems to have been kept by John Gerard Perera and was
placed at my disposal by O. G. D'Ahvis, of Kalutara, grandson of David
D'Ahvis Mudaliyar mentioned in this book.
44. Withdrawn by Proc. of 2nd October, 1819.
Chapter VI
1. Sawers to Lusignan 26th September, 1 8 1 8 .
2. Regarding Ahalepola's advice :
Raja Sinha, writing on 14th November, 1658 to Ryckloft van Goens
and referring to plots against himself, continued " on account of which act
my Imperial person and the prelates and friars of our law and the nobles of
this Court with the other royal vassals both of the low and high country,
are doing all that is possible to utterlv extinguish all these traitors. " Tr.
by D. W . Ferguson, Jcbras X V I I I , p. 244. The original is not available at
present but the word translated " law " is no doubt the Portuguese lei
which also rnaans religion. This reveals the fact that this King's severity
against traitors, was in strict accordance with constitutional practice and
on the advice of his responsible ministers, the Sanga also being consulted in
view of the gravity of the matters involved.
3. Despatch 240 of 8th November, and 251 of 27th November, 1817.
4. By Dom Joao da Costa, afterwards Manamperi Rajapakse Mudi-
yanse, Valentyn, Voi. V, p. 203. The Vedda.s' relations with the Royal
Household were intimate and almost personal ; the high compliment was
paid to them of entrusting the Queens to their custody in times of peril.
Pieris, the Portuguese Era.
According to da Costa on reaching the Veddah country he was challenged
by so.ue archers, who conveyed his explanation to their superior and then
conducted him to the next kadavata ; passing twelve of these till after seven
days he reached Batticalo. All the way he and his twelve men were supplied
with food free . . . venison soaked in honey, yams and fruits, but there was no
exchange of words. The Veddahs were extremely jealous about their
women. Their bows were of areca wood hardened in the fire, the arrews
of bamboo with heads of iron. In shooting, one end of the bow was fixed in
the ground between the toes, the right foot behind. An iron pin at the
other end of the bow converts it into a pike. The Moors traded with them
and those near Batticalo knew the use of money. As for religion, they merely
lit lamps round bo-trees, but had no images. They had a rough judicial
system, and considered themselves of the caste of the highest Chiefs.
" They do not know what untruth or treachery is. " Memoiie of
Rykloff van Goens, Snr. 24th September, 1673.
For da Costa, see Pieris : Joao da Costa. Jcbras, X X X V I , pt. iii.
(The Veddas) " have the reputation of being good archers. Their
bo.vs are remarkably difficult to draw. Their arrows have a piece of iron at
the end, six or eight inches long, and about one and a half broad. With this
they can kill an, elephant by striking him between the eyes, a thing very
possible from the construction of boue about that part. " Jonville, p. 434.
. . . Once a year the Vedas send two deputies with honey and other little
presents to the king. When they arrive at the gate of the palace, they send
word to his majesty that his cousins wish to see him. They are immediately
introduced. They then kneel, get up, and inquire of the kins, rather
familiarly, about his health. The king receives them well, takes their presents,
gives them others, and orders that certain marks of respect be shown
them on their retiring from the palace." Jonville, pp. 434-435.
In 1832, Forbes examined a tusked elephant which had been killed by
a Vedda, whose arrow entering between the second and third ribs had
513
7 95—R
514 XOT.ES
pierced the heart. The bow used was not of great strength : the arrow blade
was von- thin, sharp, one foot three inches long and one and a quarter
broad at the centre, from which it tapered off to the stalk as well as the point.
The shaft, two and a half feet lung was of very light wood. fi. 388).
Tlie evidence of William Lambias. who had contemporary knowledge
of the Veddahs, was recorded by Bonnet in 1826-27 ; the arrows which they
showed him wen.- three inches long and of the exact shape of the leaf of the
Na tree; there were also some 14 inches long and i j inches broad, used for
killing elephants. Bennet p. 253.
(Bennetwas a man with many grievances and he was outspoken about
the' snobbery which prevailed among the British in Ceylon. On 6th October,
1810 he wrote to Bathurst from Parliament Place: " Being one of the
verv few gentle women by birth and education in Ceylon, my wife's society
was" courted by everyone, and by many who pretended to feel honoured b y
her acquaintance. " This attitude, he complained, was completely altered
as the consequence of the failure to appoint him into the Civil Service. C O .
54-75. Bennet at one time edited the Gazette but his independence
displeased the higher officials. See Young Ceylon, v. ii).
" The arrows they use are of a different fashion from all other and the
Chingulays will not use them. " Knox, p. 63.
Calladine has recorded two interesting cases : " One poor Malay came
into camp with the blade of an arrow sticking in his head close by the back of
his ear. I held the man's head between my knees and the doctor by main
strength with the artillery knipper pulled out the arrow which was buried
not less than between three and four inches in his head. " p. 58. In the
case of another " the arrow passed through both sides of his jacket and like
wise through his neck, and the man did not know anything about it until he
saw the arrow drop in a bush to his left." p. 59.
Sadda Vidda ; shooting by sound was recognised among other races . . .
" . . . entered Daylam. This country possessed an army of Day-
lamites and Gels, all mighty archers and javelin-throwers. On a dark
night they slay from far by the sound of (their victims') voices ". Vis u
Ramin a Parthian Romance, one version written circ. 1040 A . D .
Bulletin of Sen of Oriental and African studies. Vol X I , part 4, 1946.
P- 752-
5. The Flag of Uva given to Katugaha the Elder remained in his
family till on the separation of Uva from the Central Province in 1880 or
x88a it was lent by his great grandson Katugaha Dissava (Katugaha Ban-
daranayaka Herat Mudiyanselage Tikiri Banda) to a Civil Servant who failed
to return it.
6. Desp. 258 of 28th December, 1817. For Kennedy's appointment,
see Ga:e/tt\ nth September, 1816.
" Mr. Kennedy to be admonished for his very reprehensible and
indecorous language and manner towards you" on 28th June. Secy,
to Walbeoff at "Chilaw, 8th July, 1817. Vol. 114 B.
In 1830, Johnston presented to the Royal Asiatic Society, London,
a Mss. copy of A Memoir on the Art of War as practised among the Singhalese
from the earliest times . . . by Major Wahifart. See Jr., Vol. III.
7. His grandfather had distinguished himself in connection with Van
Eck'sexpedition in 1765. Pieris, Ceylon and the Hollanders, 2nd Ed. pp. 122
124 ; The Dassanaike Family by L. A. Dassenaike Mudaliyar, 1923. Cod-
rington in his Note to D'Oyly's Diary, p. xiv, has confused" Daniel with his
brother Don Conic lis, First Mudaliyar of the Residency.
Harvard, p. xxxix. Along with this passage should be noted de Bussche's
curious exaggeration when he says of Ahalepola's wife " After this her own
NOTES 515
throat was cut. " Even B . had nut suggested that. De Bussche's letter
19th June, 1 8 1 5 .
8. The weekly reports published in the Gazette bv Brownrigg's brother-
in-law, Revd. George Bisset, illustrate the incidents of the period bdt are far
from being a full narrative. " Whatever of interest belongs to the paper
is to be attributed to your kindness in taking charge of the Kandvan intellig
ence. " Brownrigg to Bisset. 4th September. 1818.
9. By Desp. 58 of 30th September, 1S16, Bathurst conveyed to B. the
Prince Regent's order. " A. Moone " reported on 6th May, 1817, that the
collections were being prepared. C.O. 54-65. Thev we're forwarded by
the Ajax in December, 1 8 1 7 . Desp. 253 of 8tli December, 1 8 1 7 .
10. Despatch 259 of 30th January, 1 8 1 8 ; Gazette 1 7 t h January, 1818.
The others proscribed were: from Uva . . . Ketakala.Palagolle andWatte-
keyle Mohottalas, Polgahagedera Pihana Rala and Passerawatte Vidane.
From Valapane . , . Yalagoma and Udamadure Mohottalas.
From Vellassa . , . Kohukumbure Walauwa Mohottala, Bakinigaha Wela
and Maha Badullegammena Rate Ralas, Bulu Pitiye Mohottala and Palle
Malheyae Gametirala.
1 1 . D'Oyly to Sawers at Badulla, 9th, n t h and 16th January, 1818.
D'Oyly to Sneyd at Hambantota, 22nd June. 1818. Ehelepola in his exile
had something to say about the treatment he received over the horse ; see
his Memorandum from Mauritius ; Sawers to D'Oyly, 25th August, 1818.
Iddamalgoda Basnayaka Nilame was alleged to have dedicated to
the Maha Saman Devalaya an elephant captured in 1874 at the Mapota
kraal ; the animal was named Huratala. Iddamalgoda died on 16th February,
1888andEknaligoda, hissuccessor in office,brought D.C. Ratnapura case 158
against his daughter, to vindicate the elephant for the devalaya. The
ceremonial to be observed in making such dedication was detailed at the
inquiry as follows :—
Dewalegawa, 4th June, 1892.
D . C . 158—Ratnapura
The order of reference dated 23rd May, 1892 to the arbitration is read
out in presence of plaintiff and the defendant.
Ekneligoda Dissawa, affd.
I also was present at the kraal, this elephant was caught in that kraal.
Several were caught and two elephants were offered to the temple and
Kapurala Mudiyanse of Weralupe sprinkled them with saffron water at the
kraal even after they were noosed. That is the ceremony of dedication to
the temple—-after that they were removed to the village Iddamalgoda and
later on to Dewalegawa.
Ekneligoda Madduma Banda, affd,
I am R.M. of Three Korales. I know the elephant Horatala. I have
seen and identified it today. That animal was caught at the Mapota Kraal
at the end of 1873 or '74—others were caught then—this elephant and another
were separated for the temple.—The Kapurala sprinkled saffron water over
theanimals. I was asked to bring men. The kraal was a t . . . of Iddamalgoda
B.N. The Kapurala performed the ceremony of dedication in my presence
at request of the late B.N.
E. J. Mapitigama, affd.
I have seen the elephant Horatala today. I know the animal—it was
captured at the Mapota kraal. Iddamalgoda B.N. got up that kraal; the
Dissawa was there—Marambe Kora'a was there—-Muttettuwegama Korala
was there. After the kraal in which nine elephants were caught two elephants
NOTES
were dedicated to the temple at order of the late Iddamalgoda B.N. I saw the
act of dedication. This was in '73 or ' 7 4 .
I.L. Itolamure, afftl.
I know the elephant Horatala. I have seen it today. I saw it captured
at the kraal at Mapota in 1S74. After capture Iddamalgoda B.N. ordered
the kapurala to sprinkle saffron water over the elephant to set it apart for
use of the Dewale the Maha Saman Dewale. I saw the animal then sprinkled.
12. To Sawers, 25th April, 1 8 1 8 .
13. Vol. 126 B ; See Appendix ft".
14. Gaulle, 31st January, 1818. Muttusamba, brought from India, was
sown in Sinhale for the first time in 1829. For Hantia Nilame, see Jud.
Diary, 28-8-17.
For the Alut Sal Mangalya of 4th February, 1830, the Government gifts
were—
£ s. d.
81 Amunams paddy . . .. .. .. free
169 Cubits Anakatchy cloth costing .. .. 1 16 1 1 }
6 Cubits Suruttu cloth .. .. - 1 io\
1 Patchevadan .. .. .. . . - 4 6
24 Wax candles ., .- - 6 -
1 j lbs. Sandal-wood . . .. .. .. - 3 4i .
4 Mats .. .. .. .. - 1 - '
8 Skeins thread .. .. .. - - b
I* 14 2.1
Board, 42 B.
15. General Order, 16th January, 1818. Board 42 B.
16. Sawers to Lusignan, 22nd June, 1818.
My parents' rooms were notable during my childhood as possessing the
only two baths in the house, reserved for them alone. Our weekly tub was
given in the nursery and later after Bertie and I grew up, in our tiny
bedroom 0:1 the second floor. While York Cottage and Marlborough House
contained some modern conveniences and had electricity, the last two
houses each had but one bath, situated, of course, in my father's rooms.
Duke of Windsor's Memoirs, 1047.
17. D'Oyly to Malcolm, Aetg. Agent at Ratnapura. 9th Jaiuaiy, 1 8 1 8 .
18. D'Oyly to Sawers, 6th February, 1818.
ly. D'Oyly to Sawers, . . . February ?
20. D'Oyly to Sawers, 20th January. 1818.
21. D'Oylv to Sawers 29th January, 1818.
22. See Bissct's letter of roth January, 1818,printedinSinhale.se Families,
Part, IV pp. 146-148.
23. Lusignan to Forbes, Collector at Matara, 22nd January and isl
February, 1818.
In Saka ; i 2 the Red Sandal-wood Image of Vishnu reached Magul valla
at Girihela pura, and King Dapula Sen of Matara established Devi Nuvara
so that the worship of the God might be maintained with becoming splendour,
apparently in imitation ot what existed at Ramesvaram, from where he
obtained the necessary Brahmins, smiths and other attendants. (Sinhalese
Families, l't. II. Galle, 1903).
The office of Benaca, Basnayaka, was recognised by Portuguese, Dutch
and English. The Tombo contains a Titulo of the lands belonging to the
NOTES 517
Pagode of Deunara amounting to about 200 ortas, the holders of which all
served at the Pagode. Among them are dancers, drummers, goldsmiths,
blacksmiths, carpenters, turners, painters. All the villages subject to the
Pagode paid to a certain Benaca yearly 75 hrins as Huvandiram. There
was one group of 40 Careas who for their 40 ortas used to pay the pagode,
43 larins as Augabadda-
In 1700 the Careas of Devundara explained to the Company's Commis
sioners that the King who had built the Devalaya had given them a tract of
land at Gandara which they were to plant and "live upon ; owing to certain
disputes which had arisen they wished to surrender the lands to the Company
as overlord. There is another document of 1758 full of complaints against
the Chiefs of the South, among whom was included the Bannack of Devundara,
brother of the Guard Mudaliyar at Galle, who was taken in chains to Colombo
and put toworkatthe PakHuys. On 12th March, 1773 a letter was addressed
to the Maha Mudaliyar by Wikramasekera Gunapala Mohundiram, Bandara-
nayaka Appuhami, late Basnayaka of Devundara.
In 1796. Captain Colin Mckenzie visited the place, which he refers to
as '" a Hindu Temple, orDewullum, on Dewunder head, or Devi Noor, called
in the charts Dunder head. " His description, published in A sialic Researches,
Vol. V I , is more detailed than is usual and deserves study ; he particularly
refers to the flat roofed stone building as- dewul (devalaya).
" At Dunder Head there is an old Hindoo temple, and the remains of an
extensive stone-pillared choultry ; but all the Chingalese are Buddhists,
having the image in a large building, like our bungalows." James Welsh,
Vol. I, p. 43, 1799.
The smiths formed a special colony in 1 8 1 9 , under a Maha Vidane
Mohundiram of the Devale Badda.
There is at the Matara Church a tablet to the memory of a Basnayaka
of Devundara. He seems to have been a Government official ; when did he
develop into Nilame ?
Johnston presented to the Rojal Asiatic Society, London, some
Drawings of the Hindu Temple at Dewunder. Jr. Vol. iii Appendix, p . iii.
1831.
For a useful collection of references to Devi Nuvaia, sec Parani
Devi Nuvara, by L. M . Leelasena, Matara 1949. Also, TJpulvan Shrine at
Devi Nuvara, by S. Paranavitana; Jcbras xxxviii, pt. ii.
24. Hook to Bisset, 28th August, 1818.
25. D'Oyly to Sawers, 12th February, 1818.
26. D'Oyly to Sawers, 1 7 t h February, 1 8 1 8 .
27. D'Oyly to Sawers, 1 3 t h February. Also Governor's Address to
Chiefs and People of Hevaheta, 1 3 t h February, 1818. General Order, 22nd
February, 1818.
28. D'Oyly to Sawers, Secret and Confidential, 22nd February, 1 8 1 8 .
29. Desp. 267 of 20th February, 1 8 1 8 . On 10th January, 1815, the
Military Secretary asked for a supply of bamboos suitable for two men carry
ing a load ; also for Halmanilla for musket stocks. Vol. 405 A.
Sinnapattanani was the name by which Kirti Sri's ambassadors (1750)
spoke of Madras at the Siamese Courts. Pieris. King Kirti Sri's Embassy
to Siam. Jcbras X V I I I , p. 44.
30. D'Oyly to Malcolm, 1st March, 1818.
3 1 . D'Oyly to Malcolm, Actg. Agent at Ratnapura, 24th February, 1 8 1 8 .
The late Delwala Nilame (1812) was married to Hapata's younger sister ;
Elapata's Lama Etanin was Delgoda Nilame's sister. (D'Oyly Diary p. 149).
518 NOTES
Leuke's wife was another sister of Delgoda. Keppetipola was married

to Delwala.
Doloswala was married to Warigama's sister.
32. For a frank exposition of the policy of destroying the power of the
Chiefs in the Littoral and the devious measures adopted, see Maitland's
Instructions to Eden, printed in Some Sinhalese Families, Part IV, pp. 1 3 4 -
139. " That veneration with which Cingalese are accustomed to look up to
their Headmen ought to be as much as possible done away with. " Capt.
Ritchie to Major Macdonald, 22nd September, 1818.
33. Withdrawn by Proclamations of 12th February, and 2nd October,
1819.
34. Despatch 269 ot 27th February, 1 8 1 8 .
35. Davy, p. 330
Chapter VII
1. Despatch 278 of 1 2 t h April. 1818.

2. Brownrigg in his Minute of 3rd March, admitted the delay was due
to the difficulty of collecting the necessary attendance for the Resident.
3. Forinstance, Mullegama was "Dissava of a Division of the Saffragam
Korale " Kandyan Office, 21st July, 1 8 1 5 . Dambavinna was Uva Gombadde
Nilame, and Dissava of Meda and Kadavatu Korales; D'Oyly's Diary,
P- 245-
4. Vol. 224 B.
Orders were given on 21st January, 1813, to transfer the Cutcherry
from Chilaw to Puttalam, and Mr. Walbeoff to be appointed Assistant at
Chilaw.
Owing to the Collector's bad health he was allowed to re-transfer his
Cutcherry from Puttalam to Chilaw on 24th December, 1813, his Assistant
being at the same time sent to Puttalam. Commissioner of Revenue to
Collector of Chilaw.
At Walbeoff's death he owned two houses in Colpetty (Colombo, Jr. 7th
January, 1832), and the Island, Duva, at the month of Kelani Ganga (do
1833, p. 127).
5. Minute of 3rd March ; Gazelle 7 t h March ; D'Oyly has consented
to Ehelepola's wife being sent to Colombo and has written confidentially to
ascertain what accommodation was available for her and his niece : Lusignan
to Bisset, Kandy, 2nd May, 1 8 1 8 . Letter enclosed to Kossinna Nilame,
cousin by marriage of Ehelepola, to send three female slaves of the family
to Colombo to serve his wife : Lusignan to King, Attapitiya, 29th June, 1818.
Vol. 224. Some women from Hettimulla were sent along with their children
to attend on Ehelepola's wife : King to Lusignan, Attapitiya, 3rd and 9th
July, 1818.
" The Second Adigaar in whose house the Desave resided, having
resisted the Authority of the Government and being supposed to have
aided the escape of the Desave, was made prisoner. " 2nd March.
6. A stone pillar on Galle Face central drive bears the legend " This
road made A . D . 18:4 " on one face, and on the other " One mile from the
King's House. "
Cabook seems to have been the material employed for constructing roads
at this time. In the " Plan for a Regulation " about the Repair of Public
Roads which Gay forwarded to Johnston on 15th November, 1815, appears
the following: " That Persons possessing Bullock carts shall be obliged
to lend the aid of such carts with two cattle in each during . . . days of each
monsoon to bring Cabook to the Road side." (In writer's collection).
Torepair Bankshall St. and the Cross Rd. cabookearth was broughtfrom
San Sebastian and Hill St. Is the latter Boralugoda ? Colombo
Journal 22nd January, 1833, p. 40.
7. Tamil vandil.
This word was applied to a horse-drawn conveyance from early British
times till the introduction of the motor car. By Despatch 9 of 29th May,
• 519
520 NOTES
1812, Browrigg sent to Bathurst the following list prepared by Bertolacci.
Comptroller of Customs, " of the different articles, their kinds, and the
quantities of each which would compose an investment suitable to the usual
wants and probable consumption of this Colony—
Sadlery.
8 Bandy Harness plated mounting with neck collar.
8 Bandy Harness brass mounting with neck collar.
n Hunting saddles and Bridles complete.
12 pair of spare Girths.
6 spare Cruppers.
12 pair of spare Sturrup leathers.
12 setts of spare Head Stalls and Reins.
6 spare Brides (sic).
6 spare Bitts for Bridles.
loo Bandy Whips assorted.
3 Setts of Curricles Harness with plated mounting complete.
3 dozens of Hunting Whips assorted.
2 dozens of Jockey Whips. C O . 54-43.
Bennet has a good illustration of a Dissava in his Muncheel (palanquin),
p. 412, and of a Mudliyar of the Littoral in his " Triacle ", p. 97.
"Where coachmen are kept, they are invariably Europeans; the
Cingalese have not the slightest idea of driving, and the " horsekeeper "
is invariably from the Coast. Those persons who have not European
coachmen have the horses of their palanquin carriages and " bandies "
or gigs, led by these men. and the pace at which they run is surprising.
Gigs and hackeries all go here by the generic name of bandy". Mrs.
Heber's Diary, 31st August, 1825.
Friday, 10th March, 1830 : I accompanied Capt. Armstrong in his
bandy along the Galle Face or Southern Esplanade : this is a very delightful
airy drive, close to the sea shore, and just without the Fort. Holman, p. 219.
" A gig, called heie a bandy ". Valcntia, i, 269, in 1802.
The Frontispiece to Harvard's Mission, etc., by P. 1' van Houton, shows,
among other items of interest a Bhikkhu's watapata, a Mudaliyar's Talatta,
a woman's coloured sunshade, a palanquin, triacle, bandy, and torn John.
" Dandies, in plain English gigs" wrote Maria Graham from Galle on
16th February, 1810. Triacles and palanquins were seen in the Colombo
streets in 1887.
8. Inst, dated Kandy, 3rd March subsequent Secret Addl, Instructions,
Vol. 224. As the Governor desired to see J. J. de Saram at Maha Nuvara,
Lusignan wrote on 10th March, to request the Collector of Colombo to furnish
him with 12 bearers and 6 coolies on the 19th. He was absent on service
in the interior from April, 1818, to November. Collector, Colombo, to Chief
Secretary, 28th December, 1818. Vol. 56 A. See Appendix V.
9. Desp. 299 of 24th July, 1818: See also Ehelepola's Representation
to the Commissioners of Enquiry, prtd. Cey. Lit. Reg. Vol. IV.
Those with knowledge of Court matters had nodifficulty in identifying
what was King's property. Before the King's capture Kalugama kariya
karana Rala was sent by Ah. D'O. and ft. to Kimbulgantota in search ol
King's treasure, and he tound at Kaluvella in Dumbara some boxes, in one
of which " there was found a cover of a betel box composed of silk, cotton
and gold threads such as could be used by no one but the King."Jud. Diary,
n t h December, 1817. The name Kalugama in the record is Kalugomuva,
belonging to the Dalada Maligava. and the.Kariya karana Rala figures later
in this book.
NOTES 521
The Testamentary proceedings of Dolosva'a Disava, whose Will was

executed on ist August, 1837, can be studied with advantage in this con
nection. (D.C. Ratnapura, Case N"o. 1 5 ; . The Inventory shows how
limited was the quantity of articles in the precious metals which a wealthy
Chief possessed, while even more marked is the rarity of the gems of the
country ; on the other hand the list of cloth stuffs is very lengthy.
The Testator is described in the Will as " Dolosvala Disa Mahatmava
residing at Batugedara Valauva, generally known by his Mudali name "of
Dolosvala Kotalavala Vijesundra Vikramasinha Tennekon, who has received
and is administering the Disava formed of the three Korales Navadun, Kukul
and Kuruviti. " His son was Ratnapure Banda, he had adopted as a "on
Muttettugama Loku Banda, who was related to him as grandson, and
Varigama Nugavela Banda was his nephew (bana>.
Also see Testamentary proceedings of Horombuva Rate Mahatmaya,
(August, 1839! in D.C. Test, Case No. 6, Kurunegala and of Dambaliadde
Rate Mahatmaya (d. August, 1851) in Case No. 101, Kurunegala.
Gonigoda Disava died on 8th September, 1857, and his estate was
administered by his wife Galenihey Kumarihami, in D.C. Test. Badulla
No. 209. She swore to the Inventory on 18th June, 1858. and this is deserving
of special study. See also Gonigoda Dissave v. Parea Tamby Police
Headman, D.C Batticalo 2985 of 19th August, 1835.
See also Test. Case of the widow of Mahavalatenna Adikar, Will daled
22nd March, 1852, died 5th March, 1856. D.C. Ratnapura, 234. 'Vol.
45 B. Board Correspondence, contains a petition dated ist February, 1830.
from Waiigama, Basnayaka Nilame of Alut Nuvara Devalaya, signing in
Granthe. It appears that Dangamuve Basnayaka Nilame of Uva was
his cousin; Dangamuve's maternal coiisin was Muttettuvagama Mohottala,
whose property was confiscated on his being outlawed. Muttettuvagama
was nephew of Passeramulle Loku Mohottala. Dangamuva, B. N.'smother's
brother seems to have been Dangamuva Mohottala There is a report on the
petition by Mahavalatanna Disava dated 18th September, 1830,
10, Its receipt was acknowledge by Brownrigg on 23rd July, 1818.
Goulburn to Truting!?^ 2 1 s t November, 1817. He is sending a " Batr
addressed to Lt Gen Sir Robert Brownrigg in which besides his Lordship's
Despatches are contained two Medals which it is essential should be forwarded
to Ceylon as soon as possible." Goulburn to Huskisson, Downing St., 10th
June, 1817. " T am directed by Earl Bathurst to transmit to you the enclosed
account of Messrs. Rundell Bridge and Rundell for Medals furnished bv
order of His Lordship and I am to desire that you will defray the amount
thereof one hundred and thirty pounds, sixteen shillings, charging the same
to the Government of Ceylon."
For further information about the jewellers, see Pieris : Letters to
Ceyion, p. 130. For the Navaratna medal, see Sinhalese Familier, Part 1.
and Ceylon and the Hollanders, frontispiece. For Sri Vikrama's daughter,
see Lusignan to Chief Secretary. Fort St. George, 2nd April, Vol. 224.
The honorific applied to the Maha Nilame's wife should be noted.
Tn a Dutch document dated Mature. 20th March, 1742, the widow of
Wikeliye Punchi Appuhami is described as " Koemarie Harny, wedue van
Mende Corle dessave." This use of the princely honorific Kumarihami
for a Disava's widow, is probably an early illustration of the tendency for
each class to appropriate honorific* proper to the class above it. In the
Portuguese Tomto it is strictly confined to those of royal origin. Knox
correctly ranks it immediately next to the title used for the Queen, (p. 105).
In intimate life the late Eknaligoda Disava addressed his wife as Menike.
c. 1900.
522 NOTES
1 1 . The Chiefs' letter of 22nd November, 1 8 3 1 , already mentioned.

In the Littoral a Chief's body was borne by Appuhamis. See Sinhalese
Families. Part III. The bodies of the more important families at Matara
were borne by Burghers, to whom a small fee, fooitje, was paid. Sinhalese
Families, Part IV. p. 1 1 9 .
See also Sawers' Digest oi Kandyan Law, tinder " On Slavery " For
Domestics in Dutch and British households, see Cordiner I, 8 1 : Percival,
p. 141 ; referring to Malay ferocity he says " at present it is very uncom
fortable for Europeans to be as much afraid of their servants and attendants
as of a mad dog. " p. 180.
At Malagammana Viharaya in Haris-Pattu, Beravayo carried the corpse
of the resident Bhikkhu (Lawrie, p. 525). The same class carried the pro
prietor's corpse at Ovilikanda (p. 664). In 1793 a Duraya carried the body
of the Mahatmeyo of Dodanvala Mohundiram Rala which was wrapped in
a mat, (p. 379). Tenants from Siyambalagoda carried the palanquin, baggage
and dead bodies of the Mampitiya family, (p, 796).
Mudeligedera Punchi Rala : '' The tenure of the land was the performance
of Vedikara Lekam's service, and as the service was severe Viruda Rala
presented 100 ridis to one of the King's concubines and had the service
changed. This was in the reign of Rajadi Raja Singa. The new service
was that of Demana Dugganna TJnnancy, furnishing an attendant to wait
upon the concubine, who was the present Dangalle Duggana TJnnansey."
Judicial Commission, 27th September, 1822.
12. The custom was not different in principle from the system of
indentured labour by which people, especially from London, sold themselves
for a fixed period of servitude in Maryland and Virginia. For the horrors
which attended indentured labour, see London Life in the xviii century, by
M. Dorothy George, London, 1925.
Van Goen's Plakaat of 27th September, 1660, reveals that owing to
debt, poverty and hunger, whole families were selling themselves to Portuguese
and wealthier Sinhalese and others. This was forbidden, and the sales an
nulled. Bv Plakaat of n t h June, 1704, a free-born native woman becoming
the concubine of a Company's slave was liable to have her hair cut off and
sentenced to labour in chains for three years and any child born to her was
to be declared the Company's slave, in spite of the provision of law that the
fruit follows the mother's condition. This was repeated by Plakaat of 30th
April, 1732. The inhumanity with which slaves were treated appears from
Becker's Plakaat of 27th April, 1712. He there recites that many turn out
their slaves, servants and others living in their houses in case of sickness or
shortage of food, so that they are left to die in the streets . . . " at last are
found dead in the open air, on the public roads, or in the streets, or any
buildings, and become a prey for animals, so that . . . the same may in time
be filled up at distant places with corpses and skeletons."
Pyl, van Gollenesse and Falk all passed legislation regarding the property
in slaves.
By Van der Graaf's Proclamation of 23rd July, 1787 formal documents
were declared essential for the purchase and sale of slaves, following previous
proclamations of 13th March, 1683, 20th June, 1749, 31st May, 1 7 5 7 and
ist August, 1771. Desertion by slaves was dealt with by Schreuder's Plakaat
of 31st May, 1757, which followed Van Goen's of 1 7 t h April, 1674 and 13th
August, 1677. By this any slave found outside the Gravets without an ola
from the Colombo Disava, was liable to whipping and hard labour for five
years. Any escaping from the Company's territory will when apprehended
" be punished with death without any mercy. " Vessels on the river were
subject to search for runaways and if any were found the crews could be punish
ed with five years hard labour. Anyone assisting deserters by giving them
NOTES 523
lodgings or pointing out the road " will without dissimulation be punished
with the rope at the gallows until death follows." Colombo Museum Mss.
p. 40.
13. On 27th October, 1818 the Board of Commissioners recognised
that in some cases Moors were liable to perform certain services to temples
under the Chiefs' orders, as in transporting grain and salt ; these rights could
not be infringed and the services must continue.
14. D'Oyly to Sawers, 6th and 9th March, 1818.
13. D'Oyly to Capt. King at Attapitiya, dated Gampola, 16th March,
D'Oyly to Lieut. Col. Mapper at Amunugama, dated Dodanvala, 24th March,
1818.
16. D'Oyly to Capt. Stewart, Atg. Agent, Ruwanwella, dated 14th
February, 1818. D'Oyly to Stewart dated Gampola. 15th March.
17. Stewart to Lusignan, Ruwanwella 1 6 t h March. On Eheliyagoda's
advice Doranava and Vaharaka Mohottalas were arrested as suspects and
their removal to Colombo ordered. Ditto, 17th April: Doronava's son was
baptised and married the daughter of Dissanaike Appuhami of Eswatta in
Hevagam Korale. Vol. 557.
18. D'Oyly to Stewart, Dodanvala, 20th March.
19. D'Oyly to Thomson at Gampola, dated Dikgala, 19th March.
20. D'Oyly to Thomson, Dodanwala, 2 1 s t March.
2 1 . His detachment was sheltering itself in the house of Batalawatte
Lekama. D'Oyly to Thomson, Dodanvala, 24th March.
22. Lusignan to Walbeoff, 10th March, 1818.
23. Walbeoff to Secretary, Kandyan Frovince, 12th and 14th March ;
to D'Oyly, 1 3 t h March.
24. Lusignan to Mead, n t h March, 1818.
25. Lusignan to Wright, 13th March.
26. Lusignan to Walbeoff, 14th and 16th March.
27. Lusignan apparently referred to this scar in a letter to Bisset of
5th Tune, when, regarding the evidence of a certain spy, he wrote " He says
he was not nearer the Pretender than 20 yards. Of the scar at that distance
he could not judge and therefore I did not ask him."
Regarding the Vilbava Devalaya, Nugavela Adikar mentions that a
Basnayaka Nilame is regularly appointed there, and the office was for a
long time held by Veragoda, son of Maralanda Kumarihami the representative
Sinhalese lady when the late King Edward VII, visited Ceylon in 1875.
He adds: " There are two shrine room buildings. 1. Pattini
Dewala, which is the actual principal dewala. 2. Bandara Dewala.
There are 11 Nilapangus. There are about 10 acres of Paddy Land—
8i acres of Bandara Lands.
High lands about 12 acres. There are number of villages as Nilapangus.
Officers of the Dewala—Basnayaka Nileme, Vidane, Lekama, TJndiyarala,
Maha Kapurala, Kuda Kapurala, Loku Pattinihami, Kuda Pattinihami,
2 Anumeteralas, Multenge Kapurala.
The Present Basnayaka Nileme is one Mr. Rekawe."
The Unnanse's claim of a royal origin might be an echo of the tradition
regarding the local deified hero, Vilbakada Bandara.
28. On the 23rd D'Oyly who was at Dodanwala, wrote to Lusignan:
" I return the letter and Informations received from Mr. Walbeoff regarding
the Priest Wilbawe supposed to be the Pretender. I have not here the least
means of obtaining correct Information, but I have reasons to believe that
the village is Wilbawe and that it is situated in the Ihala Dolos Pattu of the
Seven Korales."
524 NOTES
Brownrigg's Proclamation was dated the 19th March.

For the evidence of Horombava and Pannala, see Board. Vol. 43 B.
20. Gazette, t h July. 1818.
4
The " impostor " propaganda was followed during the abortive rising of
1820 as well; of the claimant who then came forward Lieut. Colonel James
Campbell, who was at the spot, wrote : " He is, of course, represented to be
an impostor ; but Lieut. Colonel Macdonald believes that he may have some
claims to the crown ; not as the son of the dethroned King, but of his
predecessor. Raja Singha I, p. 81.
30. Vvattegedera Lekama, a relative of the Mattamagoda family who
surrendered on 18th June, described the Prince as a relative of Muddu Swamy
who was executed at Uduwela, and who had been proscribed by Sri "Vikrama,
but had taken refuge in the Vedi Rata and assumed the robe. Gay to
Lusignan, Hattera Liadde, Thursday, 18th June.
31. Dated 8th June and 17th August.
A restraint which copied Brownrigg's was exhibited by Davy, who in
a foot-note (p. 327) stated " In the course of the rebellion it was ascertained,
in a satisfactory manner, that this pretender to the throne was a native ot
the Seven Koralef."
Some first-hand evidence regarding the secrecy which surrounded Dore
Svami was placed before the Board in March, 1830. "(Vol.42 B). Moladanda,
Attapattu Lekama, saw him as King at Diabetma, Maturata and Diyata-
lava in Hevahata. He personally spoke to the Prince on the last occasion,
and heard him speak to others on the first. Gonigoda, Basnayaka Nilame of
Alavatugoda Devalaya, 31 years, stated that he was with the Prince for
five months in 1818 and was with him when he was arrested by Madugalla ;
he used to write the Prince's orders to Chiefs. Ihagama Lekama stated that
when he first attended the Prince was behind a screen and he himself spoke
from outside this, only confidential attendants being allowed behind.
32. A star pagoda was worth approximately 8 shillings, and a rix-dollar
2 shillings at this time.
33. Lusignan to Richardson, Collector at Trincomali, 26th August, 1818.
34. General Orders, 13th April, 1818. From an Adv. of 17th July,
1829, it appears that Lieut. Col. P. de Latre was the owner of Jouarria
watta. 8 acres, at Wellewatta, identified by Mr. Leo. G. de Alwis as the site
of the present Police Station.
35. Walbeoff to Lusignan, ist April, 1818. Walbeoff to Lusignan,
28th March. Lusignan to Walbeoff, 27th March. For Kurundu Kumbure's
petition mentioning his intrigues see Letters and Proclamations,
36. He was appointed on 10th March, Walbeoff to Lusignan, 1 5 t h
March and 4th April. The Dissava of Seven Korales has sent Beminiwatta
Korala to remove the Ginjals belonging to his Dissavoni which are now at
the Cutcherry ; he should be allowed sufficient powder for 15 or 20 charges.
D'Oyly to Brownrigg, Gampola, 1.6th March. The Dissavas on first entering
their Provinces were entitled to a salute of these guns, the number varying
according to the status of each. On nth December. 1818 the Board recom"-
rnended that the First Adikar as Dissava of the Four Korales should be allowed
to possess and use in public, seven Gingals, and the Second Adikar as Dissava
of Seven Korales, five Gingjals.
21st February, 1828. The Agent at Kurunegala reports to the Board
about " the ragged state of the Hags, etc. of the Dessavony of Seven Korales
and requesting that new ones may be furnished in lieu of them."
Pybus described the kodi tuvakku as patararoes, which is the Portuguese
pedereiro, a kind of swivel gun, (p. 60). The word appears in the form
pedereneiro in the Parangi Hatana translation, published in Ribeiro,
NOTES 525
Pieris' Translation, first Edition, Bennett mentions •• the morning and
evening Patterero of the Honourable John Rodnev " when staving at
Kalutara Fort, p. 374.
37. ' Walbeoff to Lusignan, 12th April.
38. Hook to LusKman, igtli April.
39. Dated, 31st March, see also Lusignan to Wright, 22nd March,
1818.
40. D'Oyly to Wright at Ratnapura, dated Kandy, 4th April. This
additional mark of recognition took the form of a large gold Medal with a
chain; see Gazette 5th June. 1819. printed in Sinhalese Families, Part V,
p. 75. For a List of lands given in reward on 5th April, 1818, see Proceedings,
Board of Commissioners, 27th November, 1818.
41. Vol. 551 A.
42. See his Sevul Sandesaya.
43. The Sirit Pota of the Maha Saman Devalaya was according to my
informa'ion originally in the custody of Muvagama Attanayaka Mohottala
from whom it was removed by Iddamalgoda Basnayaka Nilame. Tt was
lent to me by Vijenarayana Mudiyanse Kapurala and a copy was made for
me by Siribohami Gan Arachchi in 1900.
In the Portuguese Tombo Yeralupe is described as the ancient property
of two heads of Capuas, servidores do pagode de Sofragac.
The Deva Nitiva ascribes to Pandita Parakrama Bahu the following :—
Munnessarama .. . . Vishnu's Tri Sula
Saparagamuva .. . . Saman's Soma Saraya
Ramunugama in Satara Korale Kanda Kumara\a's footprint
Doravaka .. .. .. Virhisana's Rati Kaduva
Ukgal Alutnuvara .. . . Vishnu Senevirat Devaâ
Bandara's ran dunna
Wilava Rock .. . . Pattini's Naga Mini Halamba
Veragoda .. . . Devol Bandara's Ran Kaduva
In addition there were forty-eight others which are not named. The
writer refers to further details in Vihara Asna.
According to the Raja Simha Charitaya the following Devalayas were
restored and re-endowed by this King . . .
Saman at Saparagamuva; Saman at Bintanna; Hatara Devala at
Munnessaram ; Kataragama in Nuvara Kalaviya ; Kataragama in
Tamankaduva ; Kataragama in Badulla ; Pattini at Itanavatta in
Vellassa ; Vishnu in Yapapatuna.
44. Wright to Lusignan, 8th April and 6th October. Vol. 551 A.
Makandura Mohottala had the Basnayaka Nile of Ammuduva Devalaya
but was removed from it by Dumbara Migastanna Adikar when Disava. At
the time Elapata was appointed to the Basnayaka Nile at Saparagamuva ;
he fell ill after six months and Makandura was given the office, paying25 star
pagodas as Bulat Surulla. The King was then at Hanguranketa as the
British had occupied the Capital. Tud. Diary, 23rd August, 1817.
When Eknaligoda died in 1822, in recognition of his services his eldest
son. then a boy at school, was appointed Basnayaka Nilame of the Sabara
gamuva Devalaya, but proved so unsatisfactory that on 4th March, 1824,
he was " Dismissed from service under the exception that his future employ
will depend on the manner he may conduct himself while out of office, and
his endeavours to improve his mind and render himself fit. for the public
service. " Delgoda who was appointed to the vacancy, resigned owing to
ill health in July, 1929, whereon the young man was re-appomted. Board,
Vol. 40 B.
Chapter VIII
1. The quotation from Knox is from the edition by James Ryan,
Glasgow I Q I I , p. 394.
'' The rebel Dissava marches in a common cloth with a handkerchief over
his head and always carries with him the Kataragama Deo or God with three
Priests." Evidence of Tikiria Mallia of Passara, dated Paranagama, 20th
February, 1818. Ralph Fitch who was in Ceylon on 6th March, 1589, wrote
of Ra Siha Deviyo: "His apparell is a fine painted cloth of cotton wool
about his middle ; his hair is long and bound up with a little fine cloth above
his head ; all the rest of his body is naked." Quoted in Early Travels in
India, W . Foster, 1921.
It is noteworthy that in 1942, the Australian troops in Malaya learnt
to strip to the waist before going into action with the Japanese. Picton
fought at Waterloo in a top hat. " There is no fixed rule about the com
missariat. Sometimes the soldier lives at his own expence, sometimes the
King maintains him." Jonville, 1800.
Cf. the description of Tippu Sultan's dress when his dead body was
recovered at the storming of Seringapatam : " His dress consisted of a
jacket of fine white linen, loose drawers of flowered chintz, with a crimson
cloth of silk and cotton round his waist. A handsome pouch with a red and
green silk belt hung across his shoulders. His head was uncovered, his
turban being lost in the confusion. " (E. W . Thompson, Siege of
Seringapatam).
2. Kandy, 12th Juiy, 1 8 1 7
NAPE UNANSE
\~ersus
V I D A H N o f Pannava, Weydirala, and S I E M B E L A = A N = D U W A in Uva.
This is the Caption of a case as preserved in the Diary. It is possible
that the name I had read as Wyatli is identical with IVrytli. and that the
Kataragama Kangan was also Vidane of Pannava.
For Kangan, see Burnand's Memoir of Ceylon, 1809, under List of
Officers in Matara Dissave. Prtd. in 4 Monthly Lit. Reg.
Velayuda, the most important of the God's ten weapons, and shaped
like a spear.
The Hak gediya was blown at his religious ceremonies.
The Taliha was probably a metal tray : the Sevul Sandesaya mentions
the tali in the hands of the singing women at Saparagamuva Devalaya.
The Tire was hung across the door to screen the shrine : it was generally
painted with a representation of the divinity. The Kukul Kodi was his
flag with the blazon of the Cock, Kukul, to which there is reference in the
Selalihini Sandesaya, , \ 25. There are two legends regarding this emblem,
one connecting it with his tight against the Asura King and the other with
his courtship of his consort. Vallimathavo, the adopted daughter of the
Veddah King who brought her up at Sella or Parana Kataragama, four miles
from the present Devale. (Katugaha Basnayaka Nilame).
The Taliha was a small metal gong, sometimes also called gantare; it is
suspended by a loop through which the thumb is inserted and it is beaten
520
NOTES 527
with a stick. It is figured by Davy, p. 241 ; and described by Bennett,

Ceylon and its Capabilities, p. 102. The Taliha is used as the brand mark of
the Beravayo of Gampola, Ceylon National Review, January, 1907, p. 336,
and by the Beravayo of the Kuda Badda in Matale (M. S" Crawford in 4
Monthly Lit. Reg., p. 2G3). For its use at Talgahagoda Viharaya, see Lawrie
II., p. 815, under Berakara Panguva. In the Sannas of the Sabaragamu
Saman Devalaya mention is made of rati tali, ran teti, ridi tali, tidi teti, as
being offered with a variety of other fittings for the Devalaya. This favours
the interpretation of taliha in the present instance as tray rather than gong.
3. Macdonald took post at Paranagama on 20th February ; the Sinhalese
appeared before it on the 26th and retired on the 8th March, General Orders
14th March.
When Angammana was Dissava of Uva, in view of many acts of robbery
and violence by the Rhodi of Paranagama, the people of the other casts
surrounded their kuppayama and fired on them killing all except one man
and a few women and children; the hamlet was then utterly destroyed by
fire. The Rhodi had six hup pay am in Uva ; the Hirage Kankanama appointed
one of the Rekavallo to be Hulavaliya over them. Generally the Rhodi were
under the Adikar, but in Uva they were for all practical purposes under the
Dissava.
4. Lusignan to Colonel Young, 14th April, 1818. F'or the removal of
the women to Colombo, see Giffard to Croker, 15th April, Appendix T
Instructions to Colonel Young, 1 7 t h April.
5. D'Oyly to Sawers, 5th April; Lusignan to Young, 17th and 18th
April; Sentence was passed on Milleva on 1 7 t h April ; he died at Colombo
in 1822. He signed as Dunuvila Vellassa Dissava. On 29th December,
1818, D'Oyly wrote to Lusignan that Milleva's two sons had started for
Colombo with the slaves Kira, Pulinguva, Ukkuva and Gunamala, two of
whom were to remain with the prisoner. For Polyandry, see Port Era,
Vol. II, p. 105.
The inference from the early English practice is that the Maha Gabadava
contributed towards the expences of a Chief's cremation by sending the
necessary cloth for dressing the body and presenting to the Bhikkhus. The
Board Letters for November, 1830, Vol. 45 B. show what were sent for
Mullegama Basnayaka Nilame . . .
£ s. d.
1 Gopala tuppottiya - 6 9
1 Surattu tuppottiya - 5 3
1 Pulli kachchi - 9-
1 / 2 lb. Sandal-wood - -9
8 Measures oil - 3 9
2 Earthen pots - -3
Total 1 5 9
For Mampitiya Disava of Pahaladolos pattu —

I Gopala tuppottiya
1 Sarasu tuppottiya
1 Surattu tuppottiya
2 Pulli kachchis ..
1/2 lb. Sandal-wood _
12 Bottles coconut oil - 4 -
4 Earthen pots
- - 6
Total 2 2 41
528 NOTES
The change in the customs of corresponding classes in Sinhale and the

Littoral resulting from European influence can be -well realised by comparing
the statement of the funeral expences of Don Joan Illangakon Maha Muda-
livar, d. 1782, and Dona Florentina de Zaa Bandaranaike, d. 1835. Pieris,
Sinhalese Families, Part v, pp. 109, 118.
When TJsgalwewa Anu Nayaka of Malvatta died on n t h March, 1830,
the BDard provided . . . for the" funeral . . . 54 cubits white cloth, 1 3/6 ; 1 8
cubits surutti. 5/3 ; 18 cubits kangan, 5/3 ; 1 palampuri 4 / 6 ; 2 . . . 3/0
5 measures coconut oil 2/6 ; I pot ; for subsequent ceremonies . . . 36 cubits
white cloth and 18 of surutti. Total £2-8-4.;.
For Diyakelinawala TJnnanse's funeral, d. 16th March . . . 1 KalunooJ
katchy, 1 0 / 6 ; 4 bottles oil, 1/6 ; 1 pot. 1.} ; Total 1 2 . i j . Vol. 42 B.
6. Sawers to D'Oyly, Badulla, 27th March ; ist, 12th and 16th April.
7. Sawers to D'Oyly, 21st April.
8. Sawers to Lusignan, Badulla, 16th April; also Jcbras X V I I I , pp. 1 8 5
and 201.
9. Sawers to D'Oyly 27th April. Proclamation of 3rd September,
1801.
The following list, showing the distribution of badavedili in 1758 in
the Littoral, will help to understand the Sinhalese system. It has been
courteously supplied by Mr. Pautusz, Archivist, from Governor Schreuder's-
official record :•—•
Ammo- Coer-
nams. nies.
(A) an een Mahamodliaar van den Gouverneurs Porta.. ande- 20 •—
Een tweede Modliaar van den Gouverneurs Porta do 18 —
Een Mohotiaar van den Gouverneurs Porta do —
Mohandiram der Lascoryns Guarde van den Gouverneur do 14 - -
Modliaar van den Gaalzen Commandeur do 14 .._
Modliaar van den Colombozen Dessave do 12

Modliaar van de Corles zonder onderscheid ieder do 12
Aan een Mohotiaar van de Majtureese Dessave do 12
Aan de Mohandirams, zo die van Gaals Commandeur
als van den Colombos en Maturees Dessave mits-
gaders der gezamentlyke Corles zonder onderscheid
ieder do 8 —
Aan de Araatjes zo die van den Gouverneurs Porta als
van den Gaals Commandeur niitsgaders die der by
de Dessaves en in de gezamentlyke Corles ieder do 6 —
Aan de Cangaans invoegen als vooren do 4 -----
Aan de Lascoryns ad idem do 2

Aan de Coraal der Hewagam Corle do 10 —
Aan de Coraal der Salpitty Corle do 10 —
Nota :—de overige Coraals der verder Corles dienen geene accomedessan
te hebeen also die genoegsaam hun bestaan kunnen vinden uyt de gewoone
pyhindoes die volgens oude usantie aan dezelve maandelyks door de Maioraals
werden geontribueert, en welke verphgting die der Hewegam en Salptity
Corles nooyt zijn subject geweest.
Aan den Wibadde Vida^n behoord 00k geenâccomodessan te hebben,
maar kan blyven genieten de van oud< aan hem g'accordeerde 2 parras nely
per maand, dewelke zulk een bediende van de aan hem door de pagters
geleverd granen kmot te korten.
NOTES 52®
Ammo- Coer-
natm rates,
Aan een Mahavidaan der goud en zilver smeeden in de
Colombose Dessavony ande 6
Dog de verdere Mahavidaans dienden uyt de voordeelen —
die hunne bediening geven bun bcstaan te vinden . .
Aan een Vidaan van een Pattoe of district do 4
—
Aan een Attoccoraal do 3 —
Aan een Mohotti der Corles do
Aan een Dorp schryver 110
3
2 —
Aan een Dorp Vidaan do I —
—
Aan een Terriecoorlea do 30
Aan een Saffremadoe do 3
Aan een Majoraa! do 2
Aan een Naynde .. .. . . . do —
20
Aan een Gagenayake of hoofd der Eliphanten do —12
Aan een Coerweraal of jaagmeester van Eliphanten . . do ro
Aan een Bitmeraal of Eliphants vanger do 6
Aan een Pantiaraatje ofte stalmeester dierholbuyken . . do —
Aan een Baddenaaraatje ofte behulp van een Eliphants
3
—
vanger . . . do 2
Aan een Mahapannikel of hoofd der Eliphants dryvexs do 2 —
Aan een Koedapannikel of adjunct van evengem: hoofd dr. I 20
Aan een Cornak of Eliphants dryver ande I
Aan een Mahadoerea of hoofd der Pannieassen do _- 30
Aan een Lienedoerea of schrijver der Pannieassen do —. 20
Aan een Koedadoerea of adjunct van de Mahadoerea do 20
Aan een Hoelewalia of boodschaploper do 20
Aan een Dekkunkarea of oppasser der Eliphants stallen do 20
Aan een Pannea of graskapper do
Aan een Baas der goudsmeeden te Colombo do 6
Aan een Baas der steenslypers do 4 —
—
Aan een Bass over de goudsmeden der Corles do 3
Aan een Baas der ijsersmeden do 2 —
—
Aan een Baas der timmerlieden do 2
Aan een Goudsmidt do
— —
Aan een Gannatjarea of smith der dorpelingen do 20
Aan een Timmerman do —
— 2530
Aan een Porovekarea of houtkapper do
Aan een Cangaan der Pottebakkers do — — I
Aan een Pottebakker do
Aan een Vidaan of Pedia der wassers do — 30I
Aan een Wasser do 20
Aan een Tamblinjero do — — I
Aan een Gamberawaye of Tamblinjero der dorplingcn do 2D
Aan een Graanmeter do — 3o
Aan een Koely do I
Aan een Vidaan der baardscheerders do I——
Nota:—de gemeene Baardscheerders behoven geen accommodessans
te hebben maar kunnen gelyk van ouds derzelve bestaan zoeken met hun
ambagt.
Ammo- Goer-
natns. nies.
Aan een Cangaan der wildschutters .. ande I 20
Aan een wildschutter .. do I —
Aan een Camboecarea .. do I •—
Aan een Horinacarea .. do I —
Aan een Provisie bezorger der Candiase gesantcn .. do 6
530 NOTES
(Dus ziet u w Edele dan aan we Ike diensteling accom odessances toegestaan
zijn).
The following is an early Act of Appointment by the British Govern
ment :—
We, Frederic North, Governor,
having great confidence in the good qualities of Don Balthasar de Livera
Wijeyewikkreme Senewiratne have thought proper to appoint him and
hereby do appoint him Moodeliar of the Hewagam Corle with the same
degree of state as was allowed under the Dutch Government to the Modeliars
of the said Corle and we allow him an accommodessan of twelve ammonams
which will be pointed out to him by the Collector of Revenues . . . this first
day of February, in the year of Our Lord one thousand seven hundred and
ninety-nine. (See Sinhalese Families III. p. 1 1 4 ) .
The resumption of the lands conceded to all the chiefs great and small
of the country as accommodessans, was not only good in itself but founded in
sound policy ; and we shall remark but two things on this subject —
1. That the use of the lands resumed has not been of the greatest
advantage to Government.
1, That the salaries granted as an equivalent to the principal chiefs
had been twice as great as they ought to have been, there being not the
least necessity that they should build their houses after the European manner,
and burn two wax candles in silver candle sticksinstead of the lamp to which
they are formerly accustomed. Burnand, 1809.
10. Samuel Alphonso Wijesekera Gunasekera, Mudaliyarof the Chandos
and Chunamberos casts of Negumbo, and of the Chando Lascorins of Alut
Kuru Korale ; Almanac. 1 8 1 7 . Cooly loads were again raised to fifty
pounds; General Order, 16th April, 1818."
In a certificate given by Colonel H . Hardy to Don Salaman Dias
Bandaranayaka Mudaliyar, dated Yattenewere, 5th October, 1822, occurs
the passage . . . " Sir Robert Brownrigg, whose Medal conferred upon you
for prompt and effectual aid during the late rebellion, when you turned
out the population of your district to carry provisions to Kandy and pro
ceeded thither yourself with them . . . (your) praise worthy example to all
native Headmen in Ceylon by espousing the public object of making a
carriage road from Colombo to Kandy."
" One of the first acts of the Collector General in 1796, was the
abolition of the Corvees and the enfranchisement of the casts subject
to this direct servitude. He by this means deprived the Government
of workmen necessary in many parts of the Island and also without any
compensation, of a considerable revenue proceeding from the redemption
of the Corvee by individuals who were subject to it, and who possessed
both inclination and means to purchase. Thus was this measure doubly
hurtful to Government. We may affirm that, in fair equity, this ins
titution is not only more moderate than several usages of Europe, in
many of which the Corvees for men, their horses and beasts are still
in vigour, to say nothing of the Press, conscription, etc. Besides, any
attempt to govern the people of India not according to their own usages,
laws and customs, but according to those of the most civilised nations
of Europe, is the very height of absurdity . . . The personal services
of every kind are founded upon an original convention and form an
essential part of the constitutional government of the Island. "
Burnand 1809,
11 Brownrigg to Bisset, 7th May ; Desp. 290 of 1 7 t h July.
12. Brownrigg to Capt. Paterson, 25th March; Vol, 1 1 4 B. Brownrigg
to Bisset. 30th April.
NOTES 531
13. Tlie Return of Troops dated Kandy 3 1 s t March, 1818, showed
a few members of the General Staff, Ceylon Light Dragoons, Royal Artillery,
Gun Lascars, Royal Engineers and Royal Staff Corps ; H . M. 19th, 73rd
and 83rd Regiments with 531, 624 and 656 men respectively; the First and
Second Ceylon Regiments with 997 and 814 men, Total 3,956.
On 1 3 t h , April the sick numbered 501.
On 30th April, Brownrigg wrote to Bisset that there were 396 sick inclu
ding 186 Europeans in hospital. On 6th May, 360 cases, in spite of daily re
movals to Colombo (Lusignan to Bisset, 6th May). "I think that a few of
those (books) sent out by the S. P.C.K. would be acceptable to those soldiers
in the Hospital who are disposed to reflect on their situations. "
Brownrigg to Bisset, ist June. "Today we have 32 men in the convales
cent barracks (Eheylepola's House)." Brownrigg to Bisset 3rd June.
On 2 1 s t June, in Flospital 451 men. (Lusignan to Bisset, 21st June).
In 1810 the Bible Society sent to Ceylon a stock of bibles in English,
Portuguese and Dutch tor free distribution.
14. Brownrigg to Bisset ,25th April, 1818. Smallpox has broken out
in Hevaheta and Matale. Lusignan to Bisset, 28th April.
" The supply of gunpowder which the late King possessed when he
recovered his capital of Kandy in 1803, and with which he succeeded in
expelling the British forces from the Kandian kingdom, would not have
formed more than twenty thousand musket cartridges, or about as
much as is usually expended by one regiment on a common review day."
Forbes, II. 53.
" lhe British troops had been but a very short time in possession
of the capital of the late Kingdom of Kandy, ere attention was drawn
to the extraordinary facts, which had been elicited after particular
inquiry, and were fully corroborated by the First Adikar (Molli-
godde) that at the time Major Davie capitulated, on 24th of June, 1803,
the Royal store of gunpowder did not exceed 750 lbs. avoirdupois
and that the best Kandyan arms were inferior, in point of efficiency,
to those of any temporarily excited European rabble." Bennett,
P- 4*7-
15. On smuggling sulphur, Chief Secretary to Collector, Manar, 8th
June, 1818, Vol. 90 B. Also Hooper, Collector, Jafanapatam, to Chief
Secretary, 1 2 t h January, 1818, and 12th March, 1818, Vol. 138 A. Collector,
Galle to Chief Secretary, 5th February, 1818, Vol. 77 A. Chief Secretary to
Collector, Galle, 12U1 February, 1818.
For Benson, see Appendix Z .
16. Brownrigg to Bisset, 2 1 s t April; D'Oyly to Capt. Dobbin at
Punahela, dated Gampola 17th April.
For the dedication to Senkadagala Deviyo, see Codrington: The
Ampitiya Rock Inscription, Ep. Zey. IV. Part 6.
17. Brownrigg to Bisset, 4th May. For coconut cabbage at Sir
Edward Barnes' table, see Mrs. Heber's Diary, 1 7 t h September, 1 8 1 5 .
18. G.O. Colombo, 2nd June, 1 8 1 9 .
ig. ist May, 1818. In January, 1830, when a prisoner convicted at
Kandy had to be hanged at Ratnapura, the Agent there wrote to the Board
that as there were no people in h is Province to act as executioners the Reka val
Dureya should be sent. He was accordingly despatched with four assistants,
the prisoner being entrusted to Katupurule officers. Board, 42 B.
20. Gazette, 1 6 t h May, 1 8 1 8 .
2t Lusignan to Bisset, n t h May, 1 8 1 8 .
532 NOTES
22. Brownrigg to Bisset, 24th May.

23. Sawers to Lusignan, 27th May.
24. " It there are any young priests to be ordained, then a procession
of elephants willtakeplace, and if there be Rice in store, a Gift of provisions
the next morning. I have written to Uda Gabada Nilame to do what is
necessary." D'Oyly to Lusignan, 18th May.
The late Sir S. M. Burrows, not long before an undergraduate at Oxford,
witnessed the ceremony on 8th June, 1883, and thus recorded his
impressions:—
Two points strike one as worthy of note —
1. The total absence of reverence and yet the extreme (Impressiveness ?)
of the whole ritual. There is no mysterious sense of the presence
of an Unseen Deity ; in its place a sense of the Practical fulfilment
of an abstract idea.
2. The republican character of the final ceremonial, the will of the
whole Assembly expressed by the absence of dissent: there is no
final laying on of hands, no delegation of functions to the President
by a mysterious and higher Power, but no observer could fail to
be struck by or to admire the purity and high moral tone ol the
servire.
(This was kindly supplied by the late Lady Burrows).
25. They were allowed 40 rix-dollars and 30 pariahs of rice a month.
Lusignan to Boyd, 19th June. Vol. 224. Bintenna Adikaram was allowed
too rix-dollars for June and subsequently 150 rxd. Collector of Batticalo
to Chief Secretary, 3rd September, 1818, Vol. 108 A.
26. Lt. Wentworth to Lt.-Col. Hardy, 2nd May, 1 8 1 8 . Lusignan to
Bisset. 2nd May.
•27. Lusignan to Bisset, nth May.
29. Davy, pp. vii, 33T, 442. " I consider myself as doing hard penance
when I listen to Uda Gabada for an hour, for he never spares me when he
gets hold of me, because I know there will not be 1/10 credible or 1/20 true
of his narrative." Lusignan to Bisset, 5th June.
31. Lusignan to Bisset, 13th May. For the white flag incident, see
Lieut. W . Lewis to Adjutant General, dated Etgalla, 12th May, 1818,
reprinted in 4 M.L.R. from Ours, " the Green Howards' Gazette- Also
Brownrigg to Bisset, 9 t h and 10th May,
32. Jcbras. xviii, 214: Knox on names among Sinhalese. For
example, Narendra Sinha was Ktmdasala Maha Vasala and Sri Vijaya Raja
Sinha was Hanguranketa.
About North's letter to the King which Macdowall conveyed,
Jonville wrote : " Attendu quelle porte le nom du Roy, on lui doit des
honneurs tous particulier." 1800.
33. Vol. 551 A. Galatare in Katugampola supplied 20 field tents and
the inhabitants had charge of the campo, of a league in circumference,
where the Talapete trees grew. Quimbella in Otota Pattu contained
12 tendeiros who made tents for the King and were liable to supply lewdas
do campo when called upon. Foral.
The Tal plantation in Galatura (Dambadini Hat Pattu ?) was sold
away by the British Government.
NOTES 533
The f ollowingis from the Sirit Pota of the Maha Saman Devalaya :—
Sunday, Selet Mudaliya the great tusked elephant on which Ra Sinha
Hamuduruvo used to ride, was bathed and rubbed with sandal paste and
milk and then led up the hill by the six stonasteps ; there as it did obeisance
with forelegs bent and trunk curved upwards, Ra Sinha Hamuduruvo with
his royal hand sprinkled it with turmeric water and dedicated it to the
Deviyo.
From the King of Portugal's letter of 3 1 s t March, 1625, it appears
that Simao Pinhao had given an allia in charity, esmola, to the Monastery
of St. Antonio at Colombo ; the animal had given birth to a young one
which the monastery was allowed to retain as an act of grace, mevce.
Documentos remettidos, Livro, xxi, f. 1 9 5 .
34. Alutwela in Kandupalla Korale near the Saparagamuva
boundary; Sawers to Lusignan, 16th May. "Alutwella near Wellawaya, "
Wright to Lusignan, 20th May. Vol. 551 A.
35. Wattegedera Lekama declared that Ehelepola had sent a box of
Sri Vikrama's clothes with four head-dresses and gold worked hats.
36. Sawers to Lusignan, 30th May. The Maha Betme Rala had heard
that what was brought from Kataragama was taken back to the Devalaya
by its Oil man in'January, i 8 i g .
According to him the Chiefs present on this occasion were : Keppiti-
pola, Harispattu Rate Mahatmeya, Dunuvila Dissava, Dodanvala Dissava,
Moladanda Hewaheta Rate Mahatmeya, Udu Nuvara Rate Mahatmaya,
the Sattambies of Kotmale, Demodera Mohottala, Muttetugama Nilame,
Peradeniya Dissava.who died there, Mirahatte Dissava, DambavinnaDissava,
Mattamagoda Dissava and all the Mohottalas of Uva and Wellassa.
As to the Nata Devale arms, see Rambukpota Mohottala's evidence :
Sawers to D'Oyly, 28th July, Vol. 548.
37. The English record says Swarti, which almost certainly represents
Sarasvati. Parakrama Barm's theatre at Polonnaruva bore that name,
Maha vamsa, Ch. 7 3 .
38. Compare the arrangements in the camp of another " rebel, " the
Prince Mayadunna, (1619-1620) as described in the Kostantinu Hatane
(tr. Pieris ; Ribeiro's Ceilao, 2nd Ed. 1909, Ch. P.)
39. Appendix L.
40. These triangular sections of the leaf of the Talipot were
the protection from the rain, and a circular section fixedon a long ornamented
handle, Avuatta, protected a great man from the sun.
The two are shown in Bennett's illustrations, " A Singhalese Gentleman
in his Triacle, " p. 97, and '' A Kandyan Dissave in his Muncheel, " p. 4 1 2 .
Talatu were used by European officials as well, Heber, p. 149. In afew years
they were displaced by Chinese paper umbrellas with bambu handles.
" The Singhalese use a large leaf of the Talegaha tree to shelter them
from the rain ; it is called by Europeans Talipot. Tt is made to fold
up like a fan. Another species of fan is used in Candy ; it is a leaf of the
same tree, its folds are open and form a wheel, which is fastened to
a stick seven or eight feet in length. It is only used to keep off the
sun. Men in place alone are entitled to the benefit of it." Jonville,
p. 429.
The British appreciated the economic importance of the tree and pro
posed planting it round Colombo ; it was much grown in Talpe Pattu. Chief
Secretary to Collector, Galle, 30th December, i8r6, Vol. 82 B. In 1812
Samuel Daniell exhibited at the Royal Academy his painting " The Tullipot
Tree : View in the Kiribodgoda district, Island of Ceylon," Letters to
334 NOTES
Ceylon, p. 1 1 6 . Note 3. Kiribodgoda is Kiribatgoda, near the seventh

mile post on the Colombo-Kandy road, adjoining the hamlet Talvatu
henpita. A woodcut of this painting forms the frontispiece of The Saturday
Magazine, 15th November, 1834. See also Oriental Annual, Vol. I.
Nugavela Adikar has supplied me with the following Note :—
Dandagamuwa, 10-42.
The inquiry by you regarding the correct etiquette re " WadanaTalatta "
commonly known as "Talatu Muttuwa" (zsiQoQs ^©QS)' -It was custo
mary whenever the King went out of the palace on important occasions to
carry the" Wadana Talattas " though there is the " Mutukude " (g^gêg")
with the 48 "Bhandes" tooSSfS) 48). Wadana Talatta is one of the
Bhandes—.Whether there was rain or not " Wadana Talatta's " were carried.
Kings" Wadana Talattas " were decorated with " Bopath " (©Sboss*"")
at the broad end and with various ornamental work with " Potu Miniran "
mica — The broad end and the two sides were covered with a 3 inch broad
piece of red cloth " Pachchawadan ". (esfiSSa)^) and along the " Tala-
a
kooras " (jSiQtS£<$) narrow binding is stitched with the same cloth. This
is more to prevent the leaf easily being torn from, the '' Kure. '' The narrow
end is also covered with the same kind of red cloth.
King's Wadana Talattas were held by Atapattuwe Murepola
Appuhamis—who were sons and nephews of big Radalas.
It is held from behind and the person holding has to cover himself, the
narrow end going over his head along the back, broad ends meeting each
other covering the person intended to protect when it is raining ; at any other
time they were folded and carried, and the man walking behind.
Radalas' wadana talattas were decorated as at present. The people
of Katupulle villages were employed for the purpose by the Radalas, and
those Radalas holding no Katupulle villages, their Walauwa Vidanes held
the Talatu Muttuva.
Wadana Talattas used by the temples and Dewales at the four Mangalles
and at the Pereheras were similar to those of the Radalas but with a Waranna
cloth covering at the narrow end and they were held by Nilakarayo.
41. Calladine in 1824 saw at Westport a spy glass taken from the
Vasala at Maha Nuvara in 1815, which had previously belonged to a British
officer who was killed during Johnston's retreatin 1S04.
42. Wright to Lusignan, 20th May, 1818.
43. The eyewitnesses who supplied the information were Kaikara
Maduve Mudiyanse and Ha'iyadde Sattamby. Of these the former who saw
the Prince twice expressed the opinion that he was not a Malabar or Telugu,
and one or two people had in secret suggested that he was the son of Vilbave
Kapurale. The Sattamby stated that the common people declared they did
not know who he was and he had heard no surmise on the subiect. D'Oyly
recorded the evidence of both but the date does not appear in the copy at the
Colombo Records.
44. Brownrigg to Bisset, J2th and 18th May.
46. Wright to Secretary, Kandyan province, 4th May.
In Case D.C. Ratnapura, 10289/346 the following tudapota was
produced .—
In pursuance of the Royal Decree and Command of our great Lord the
Supreme Ruler of Sri Lanka . . . the 12 amunams of mud land within Miyane
NOTES 535
deniya Nindagama in the Uda Pattu of Kuruvita Korale of Saparagamuva,

and the high and mud lands, houses, gardens, trees and jungles thereto
appertaining have been granted for possession by Welandure Loku Jaya-
sundara Mudiyanse, his children, grandchildren and generations in praveni
tenure, and this tudapota is granted by the command given through the
divine, gracious, and unexampled Wisdom of our divine and supreme Lord,
whose glory is like the Sun and Moon, on this Thursday the tenth day of
the increasing Moon of the month of March in the year of Saka 1728 by
me Pilime Talawwa Vijayasundara Rajakaruna Seneviratna Vasala
Abeyekou . . . Maha Adikar . . . (regt. No. 81, 30th December, 1867).
Jayasundara is probably identical with Walandure, Ahalepola's Valauve
Mohottala, whose name occurs frequently in D'Oyly's Diary.
A jacket which Kiriporuva is said to have torn off the body of one of
the Queens when Sri Vikrama was captured, showing traces of blood from her
injured earlobes, is now at the National Museum in Colombo.
47. Wright to Secretary, K. Pr. 2nd May.
By Reg. 4 of 1 8 1 1 a civil prisoner's allowance in the Littoral was fixed
at 33 3/4 seers rice, and i i seers salt a month, with 3 pice a day in cash.
As to the namePachchavadan Induruve Unanse has drawn my attention
to the fact that rubies are divided, according to colour, into three
classes— T. Laliita, the deepest, of the colour of blood; 2. Rakta and
3. Pachcha, light red.
For some reason, emeralds are locally known as Pachcha. Green colour
is nil, or kola pata, leaf colour.
Pachavaloins were among the special rewards which under Mascarenhas,
Regimento of 1 7 t h July, 1645, were allowed for the capture of tusked
elephants of the greatest size. Kindom of Jafanapatam, p. 3 1 .
On 1 6 t h June, 1827, Johnston presented to the Royal Asiatic Society.
" A Painting upon Linen, representing the Introduction of some Cotton
Weavers into Ceylon." The R.A.S. proposed to publish this with an ex
planation. (Vol. ii, App. p. c ii). An engraving of this was till lately to
be seen at the Colombo Museum with the label •* The Flag of the Salagama
Caste." The incidents shown in the painting are well-known; verses
referring to them are still preserved among the Chaliyas of Etnavala in
Satara Korale.
For the weavers of Chilaw, see Chief Secretary to Collector, Chilaw
8th November, 1813, and 22nd November, Vol. 91 B ; also Ceylon and the
Hollanders, (Pieris). On Cloth dyeing in Jafanapatam, Appendix U.
For Pariah Weavers in Jafanapatam, see Kingdom of Jafanapatam,
p. 13-
Tn the Maritime Provinces a number of Resthouses had been established
for the convenience of travellers, who would be mainly European, and by
a Government Advertisement of 2nd March, 1814, it was ordered that the
men in charge of these shoul d keep a stock of necessary foodstuffs with funds
provided by the Collectors, to be sold at approved prices with an addition of
2 5 % which was to be their profit. The following is the List of such
goods and the approved prices for the Resthouse at Bentota, and is
helpful in understanding living expences at the time ; the ultimate price,
paid by the traveller would be substantially more than a European would pay
in Colombo, which in turn would be higher than the amount charged from
a native of the country. The list, is in both English and Sinhalese—
536 NOTES
Rxd. Fanams Pic >

i S « r of Cingaiess Rice - 2 -
i Seer of Coast Rice i 2
i Large Fowl
i Young Fowl
r Chicken
i Egg I
I Bottle of Milk
i Measure of Cocoanut Oil
i Cocoanut
i Seer of Salt
i Measure of Butter
I Pine-apple
i Orange or Sweet Apple
t Pumhlemus
4 Lemons
12 Plantains of the ist Sort
12 Plantains of the ar.d Sort
i Measure of Coffy
i Measure of Gorke
I Pound of Pepper
i Pound of Suffran
i Pound of Oeluwa Seed
t Pound of Chilly
l Pound of Cottemally or Coriander Seed a kind of
Currvstuff
[ Pound of Soedudooroo
t Pound of Maduroo
r Pound of Kaluduroo . .
r Pound of Garlick
i Pound of Onions
[ Pound of Ginger
i Pound of Assemodegam
r Pound of Fish
IOO Oysters
Firewood to the burden of one man
t Rag of Charcoals
i Large Pan or Chatty
i Small Pan or Chatty . .
i Large Pot
i Small Pot
i Servant of the Resthouse lor a day
The Sinhalese translation deserves some study. What was imported
was distinguished as rata (coast rice); chill v was rata miri* and pepper merala
(pepper, today gam miris) : a young fowl was Namba, a word which can be
applied to any animal of that age. Milk was measured by the botale. (bottled
oil, coffee, gorke, and butter, by the naliya. Butter was duntel, which is the
white buffalo ghi, as distinguished from the golden coloured ela ghi tel.
Pine-apple was annavasi. today annaii : the alternative " sweet, apple "
for the orange might be a mistake for'' sweet orange, '' the Sinhalese appearing
as peni dodan • while pumbl»mus, now jambola. was maha naran. Plantains
of the first sort were puvdlu, and of the second sort soranavalu (now handara-
valu) and such like. A chatty was haliya, and a pot kalagediya or muffiya.
There is appreciative reference to the Bentota oysters by Harvard.
See also the Schedule of allowances for the maintenance of Sri Vikrama
in Colombo. Tii Sinhala, p. 201.
48, Wright to Secretary, K. P. > June, and 20th June.
NOTES 53,
49. Wright to Secretary, K.P. 23rd June.

50. On 2nd May, D'Oyly at Gampola wrote to Lusignan acknowledging
receipt ot the proceedings : the evidence he thought might have teen more
convincing but the punishment seemed suitable. In a letter of the ?rd
May, addressed to Dobbin at f unahela, he mentioned the Estate of the late
Mattamagoda Wannaku Nilame. There is confusion regarding the various
members of the family. On 23rd June, Lusignan wrote to Bisset " Matta
magoda is of the family of the Three Corles village near Idemalpane. One
of them is in Colombo under sentence of banishment for having been Dissava
of Sabaragamuva by appointment of Keppetipola. The one in Tumpane
has not yet appeared be lore Gay."
51. Sawers to Lusignan, 22nd May.
52. Wright to Secretary, K.P. 16th May.
53. Wright to Secretary, K.P. 20th May. Regarding the Wariagama
salt see Wright to Lusignan 26tn May. It was recommended that the
owners shouid be paid 3 rxd. a parrah. Stark to Lusignan, 7th November.
At Boltumbe Devale in Saparagamuva, may still be seen a quantity of
salt brought in Sinhalese times, now solidified into a compact block four
feet long.
There is a letter from Wijesoendere Ekanayake Abeykon, Mandoeanwille
Modliaer, to Illangkon at Matara, dated 31st June, 1768. The writer states
that his daughter was marcied to the son of Ratnaike Rale of Hookoeroe
Wille in the Giruwa Pattu, who died leaving her with a child of two years
The writer had been contributing for her maintenance whatevei he could,
but none the less she had been sent back to her paternal home. Later, on
receiving news of the death of Maha Ratnaike Rala, leaviug the child as his
sole heir, the writer sent the mother and son in charge of his great grand
father Badde Rale to Hakoeroe Wille, where Manampari Mudaliyar and the
widow of Kahandawa (who was Maha Ratnaike Rale's daughter) had taken
possession of the Estate : his daughter was received with abuse, the child was
taken from her, and the chests, boxes, Tskertortjes, gold and silver articles
and clothes were seized. An appeal was made to the Disava, who promised
to direct Kahandawa's widow to desist: but this had no further result except
that she surrendered a few things oi little value. Galle Records, -Vol. 6 1 5
p. 135. Also, Sinhalese Families, IV. p. 87.
Among the refugees in Matara during November and December, 1814,
were Wiiesundara Ekanavaka Abeykon, of Maduanvela, (allowed 65 rxd.
a month for self, family and servants) ; Wikramasinha Dahanayaka Nava-
ratna (50 rxd. for self and family) and Ratmalavinna V'irekon Rajapaksa
Mudaliyar, allowed 20 rxd. in January, 1 8 1 5 , Farrell to Chief Secretary,
Matara, igtfo Sept-ember, 1 8 1 5 . Vol. 87 A.
In Police Court Ratnapura, Case 17635 a copper sannas was produced
granted under date 1733 of the Saka era in the Prajatpatte on Sunday the
third day of the first lunar fortnight of the month of Poson. " By this the
village Eraporuwa in Kolonna Gampatia of Kolomna Korale in Saparagamuva
was granted to Maduvan vala Veda in consideration of loyal services ; the
boundaries of the village are recited. In addition his inherited property in
Embilipitiya Udagama, Modaravana, Kumburugamuva, Pamunuva and
Tenketiya are included.
54. Wright to Secretary, K.P. 17th May.
55. Wright to Secretary, K.P. 26th May. iSSSiO^QuSdQ CO\^j
<âdzJ3©J is the proverb_
56. Sawers to Lusignan, 30-th May, 4th and 12th June. For abuse
thus employed see Caladine p. 59 ; for its use in Portuguese times., see Ribeiro,
(Pieris) 3rd Ed. p.
538 NOTES
57. For the alleged visit of the Buddha, see Samanta P&sadika Vinaya
Atnvava; for Rahats at the spot see Parapanna Sudani Atuvava. It is
the popular belief that 3u3u c s emanates from this shrine, as at Ruvanveli
Seya and where the Danta Datu is enshrined, for that is an emanation from
the body of the Buddha, Davy has recorded that it was seen at Maha
Nuvara in January, 1820, at midday in a clear atmosphere : a European
who saw it described it as " rays or beams of light in motion intersecting
one another, faintly resembling the northern lights," p. 7 1 1 .
Dehigama Diyavadana Nilame stated that Budu Res was seen once
during the reign of Raja Adiraj aSinha, and in honour of the e vent all prisoners
confined in various places of imprisonment were released. See also Campbell,
II. 395-
It is said that before the time of Kirti Sri Raja Sinha, Sri Pada, Kelaniya
andMulgirigala were also under the jurisdiction of Asjririya. I am obliged
to the Nayaka The'-o of Mutiyangana for information embodied in this
Note.
Galagoda throughout.continued on the British side and later applied for
the restoration of lands in Medagoda and Lankatilaka in Udu Nuvara which
were confiscated when Aravvavala was put to death by Pilima Talavuwa
shortly after Sri Vikrama succeeded to the throne. Sawers to Lusignan
14th July, 1 8 1 8 .
58. Sawers to Lusignan, forwarding the evidence, 1 2 t h June.
While announcing the Kankanama's return Sawers expressed the hope
that the Kapurala who carried off the Symbol and Property of the Badulla
Devale would also return. Sawers to Lusignan, n t h August.
60. Sawers to Lusignan 9th, 12th and 14th June.
61. Sawers to Lu.-ignan, 4th June. Also see Davy pp. 435-437
62. Brownrigg to Bisset, 16th and 25th May.
63. To the Right Honourable Hugh Elliott. Private and Confidential,
25th May.
" The native races disappeared with incredible rapidity before the
lust and cruelty of the white man . . . The next few years (i.e. after
1804)of Tasmanian Flistory are overshadowed by deed? of unexampled
brutality." Greville Treijarthen, pp. 184, 195-198.
6th March, 1833 Colombo Journal, from an unacknowledged source
" The exterminating war lately carried on with but little success
against the aborigines of Van Diemen's land has been given up as
fruitless and the field of combat resigned to the peaceful exertions of
the Missionary . . . We might have persisted in our murdering warfare
for years, and ultimately succeeded in dyeing the rocks from Hobart"s
Town to Launceston with the blood of the natives, but what satisfaction
could there have been in even a necessary butchery?"
After the 1914-18 war a British White Paper revealed the appalling
story of German atrocities in South-West Africa, when the Hereros, a fine
and civilised people and excellent cattle farmers, were deliberately reduced
from 80,000 to 15,000.
64. Brownrigg to Bisset, 22nd June.
65. Lusignan to Bisset, 17th May. Brownrigg to Bisset 19th May.
Davy noted the absence of gout in the Island, p. 492.
66- Brownrigg to Bisset, 12th May.
67. Brownrigg to Bisset, 4th June.
NOTES 539
The. following two letters illustrate some social customs among the
British in Ceylon at the time :—-
Chief Secretary's Office,
Colombo, 1 9 t h June, 1818.
To Lt. Richard Gray,
H.M.'s and Ceylon Regiment,
Slave Island.
Sir,
I have the honour to acknowledge receipt of your letter of the 15th instant,
applying for a license from Governmentto enter into the Holy State of Matri
mony with Miss Henrietta Cripps, spinster, and am to acquaint you that
the license shall be prepared as soon as the usual Certificate under the hands
of the Parents or Guardians of the Ladyis transmitted to this office showing
that no legal impedimentexists either on her side or on yours to the Union.
Vol. 114 B.
" I have a favour to ask of you which is to christen my young infant
and accompany Mrs. Lusignan in private thanksgiving at her house
as she professes heiself too weak to go to Church, and she postpones
going out even for air till after she has performed that act of Devotion."
Lusignan to Bisset, Kandy 1 2 t h June, 1818.
In similar circumstances a Sinhalese woman would carry her infant to
the Pattini Devale where after an invocation to the goddess by the Kapurala
the mother would make her offering, generally a coin, or the figure of a child
cut out of a thin sheet of silver.
" The reverend Mr. Rosenhagen is dead so we have no Chaplain,
and I have been already obliged to church a woman. Pray get a decent
clergyman sent out to me. " North to Dundas, 22nd October, 1798.
Col .'"Mus. Mfs.
69. Letters to Ceylon, p.43.
Chapter I X
i. Hook to Lusignan, 1 7 t h May.
a. Brownrigg to Bisset, 5th May.
3. Ola from the Dissava of Seven Korales to Pallegampahe Adikar.
The English knowing that we cause the rebellion to be increased remain
ing in Kandy, by sending letters to Dissavonies and Countries, took Ehelepola
Adikar to the Audience Hall at midnight on Monday the 21st day of the
Cingalese month Kumbaravi, corresponding with February or March, and
sent him on the same night to Colombo, after which a detachment with four
European officers came to our house on the same night for the purpose of
taking us. We knowing this left Kandy the same night and crossed the
river towards Domberah through which we went into Matale and placed
strong guards in the mountainous paths of that and the Seven Korales Dissa-
voni as well as in the high roads, and we will try to take the forts of Nalanda
and Coornegalle in a few days more by blockading them, and as the rebellion
of the Four Korales did not increase, we will be going there in a few days to
increase the rebellion and to block up the roads.
By the Dissava of the Seven Korales.
This is a fair sample of the style of translation available at the period.
" It may convince D'Oyly that P.T. and Ehelepola were traitors before the
attempt to seize them, which I believe he does not in his heart believe yet."
Brownrigg to Bisset, 28th May, 1818. Lusignan pertinently asked : " W h y
was it left at the writer's house at Ovile "? Lusignan to Bisset, 2nd June.
4. G.O., 15th May, 1818.
5. Brownrigg to Bisset, ist May : " He will prove a zealous Agent."
do 4th May. For Nadoris, see Jubilee Memorials of the Wesleyan Mission
by R. Also Spence Hardy, Colombo, 1864. A trans, of the Demonstration
is at the Colombo Museum. Nadoris' account of the Origin of the people
of the Mahabadda (Fourth Annual Rep., Colombo Auxiliary Bible Society
for 1816) was criticised with much asperity by A. de A. Rajapakse, Maha
Mudlr. of the Mahabadda, in a letter addressed to Johnston, dated Colombo,
25th October, 1816 ; he repudiated Nadoris' claim to kinship with the
prominent families of the caste. Colombo Museum, Mss. 28, Bennett, p. 340.
For Panditasekera, see Harvard, 354-360.
6. Lusignan to Bisset, 17th May.
It was the Moniteur which on 17th April, 1802, published Bonaparte's
Edict announcing that the Concordat had been passed and the Treaty of
Amiens ratified. In 1811, The British Review expressed its view of the Journal
thus : " Mr. Faber has divided his volume into two chapters each of which
may be considered in its separate department as a counter expose founded
on truth in reply to the pompous falsehoods which are annually announced in
the Moniteur."" Vol. II, p. 152", London.
7. Nadoris to Bisset, n t h May. Also Lusignan to Bisset, 19th May.
8. Nadoris to Bisset, 19th May.
The Government Advertisement of 10th June, 1812, restored to " the
Headmen of the Fishers at Colombo and its Dependencies . . . the Accom-
modessans heretofore enjoyed by " them, namely a share of the fish caught,
but at a reduced rate. The fish brought on shore by " Chaliah Donies " were
however specially exempted from the levy."
10. Hook to Lusignan, 30th May.
1 1 . Vol. 543.
12. Referring to looting by his Interpreter, the Moors and the camp
followers from Colombo, Hook continued . . . " Indeed it was not possible
540
NOTES 541
to prevent this. Remember he was under Badger for a time. John was
always inclined to dabble in trade, those under will naturally adopt the same
steps. " Hook to Lusignan, Private, 12th December, 1818. Badger in
1814, was Collector of Chilaw, Puttalam and Calpentyn, and in 1 8 1 5 ,
Harbour Master and Export and Import Warehouse keeper. (Almanac)
B. had decided to remove him from office but after reconsidering a
Committee's report decided to suspend the order. Governor's Minute,
Kandy, 1 5 t h May, 1816. Vol. 126 B.
13. Hook to Lusignan, 3rd June, 1818.
14. Hook to Lusignan, 3rd June, 1818. Vol. 543.
" The . . . Resident has proclaimed a Fast on Tuesday. I think
he might be forgiven his apparent Apostasy if he had got at a little
truth from his new friends. It is hard on him being libelled in England
and in the Four Corles also. There some Anonym has got being ? , . .
as a monkey in leading strings. Molligoda too is much libelled in these
productions which if you are fond of seeing Kandyan libels I will send
you." Lusignan to Bisset, Kandy, 19th June, 1818.
1 5 . Brownrigg to Bisset, 16th May.
16. Lusignan to Bisset, 1 7 t h May.
17- Lusignan to Bisset, 2nd June.
19- Brownrigg to Bisset, 6th and 13th June ; Lusignan to Bisset; 6th
and 8th June.
20. Brownrigg to Bisset, ist and 18th June.
2 1 . Lusignan to Bisset, 9th June.
In March, 1810, Samuel Daniell spent some days sketching at the elephant
kraal. "The night air in the woods occasioning intermittent fevers, " "to
defend himself from the bad effects of his sylvan life, he smokes and lights
great fires within and without his tent. " M. Graham, p. 106. In other
words he avoided malaria by driving away the musquitos.
22. The returns of Sick furnished by Ch. Farrell, Deputy Inspector of
Hospitals, show the following :—
In Hospitals on 21st March 601
Since Admitted 1,603
Discharged 1,243
Died 51
In Hospital on 21st April 911
Since Admitted 2,073
6
Discharged i,7 3
Died 61
In Hospital on 20th May 1,160
Casualties from ist April to 30th June
Killed 32
Wounded 70
From 23th July to 24th October, 1818 •
Killed 1 Rank arci File
Wounded 5 Rank and File
1 Field Officer
8 Subalterns
Died of Sickness 11 Sergeants
2 Drummers
296 Rank and File
Total . . 318
542 NOTES
On 24th July the total number of troops engaged, including the Battalions
of the Honourable Company's 7th, 15th and 18th Regiments of Infantry,
was 5,193 souls, on 24th October, 6,130 souls. Regarding Leeches, see
Ribeiro, Pieris, Tr. Ed. 3, p. 71 Skinner, Davy, p. 103.
23. English attempts to grow sugar-cane on a commercial scale all
ended in failure. Sir Edward Barnes opened a plantation, with the same
lack of success, and in 1832, the Colombo Journal advertised the sale of this
on ist February, as " of a land above 200 acres in extent with the buildings
and standing crop of sugar-cane, situated at Horagolla, near Weyangodde,
23rd mile post on the Kandy Road."
24. Brownrigg to Bisset, 21st April, 1818.
Almanac 1915. In 1819, he was Wikrama Pandita Tilaka Mudaliyar
of the Governor's Gate. R. W . Horton in forwarding his widow Dona
Isabella Perera's Memorial to the Secretary of State spoke of him as " a man
possessed of a considerable degree of literary acquirements. Fie was
employed in translating the scriptures from English into the Singhalese
language ; it was in a great measure owing to his assistance that such a
translation had been effected. " Despatch 148 of 9th October, 1837.
25. The statement which was made before Hook shortly before the
final invasion of Matale, is not dated ; it may shed light on the obscure
statement in. Sawer's letter to D'Oyly, 18th August, 1818, "His intimate
association with the Rodiyas is not forgotten as a matter of reproach. "
At the same time Rambukpota Mohottala the Younger stated on 22nd July,
that though K. did not like the honours conferred on Madugalla and Ellepola,
there never was any unpleasantness between him and the Prince. For
Rodi, see Appendix M. From various references it would appear that their
services were utilised by K. to terrorise people who failed to support the
Prince's cause.
27. Sawers to Lusignan, 17th June.
28. Kelly's report, Vellanghena, n t h June.
" Mainik Etana says that she is the daughter of Karim Khan who
died while she was young and that her mother Kiri Etana is now living
in her native country at Passere in Oowe that she was married to Sayadoo
Hasseu who is now in prison. " Recorded, 2nd February, 1819, by
Kelly. On this Lusignan wrote to the Board on 26th February,
" Sayadoo Hassen was sent here under the name of Setoo and to the
best of my recollection was taken in Doombera, being of the class called
Gooroowas, who accompanied Keppetipola from Ouva."
" The reasoning your pursue respecting the claim of the Guroowas
employed collecting arms in Ouva meets H. Ex's, ideas." Lusignan
to Board 4th March, 1819. For the King's Malabar Guards, see Tri.
Sinhala, p. 25. For Guri, see Thurston, Castes, etc., ii, 309 ; V. 458
Vizagapatam Manual, i860 : Madras Census Report, 1891.
According to Ah. the King had the following Malabar soldiers . . . 32 in
Uva, 14 in Saparagamuva and 36 in Kandy. Tri Sinhala, p. 187.
Faria y Sousa, xvii century, has recorded the current saying, that
among the divine gilts to the live great Kingdoms of Hindustan
Bisnagar (Vijayanagara) received people skilled in the use of sword and
buckler.
Of Ramcsvaram Pcrcival wrote : " The pagodas are surrounded with
the houses of the Brahmins, priests, and other religious persons . . . among
them in particular may be seen the descendants of the Tamuls, Telingas,
Canarians, Mahrattas and Orias." p. 79.
NOTES 543
The swords of the guards who accompanied the Adikar when he came
to meet Macdowal at Gannoruva in 1800, attracted Jonville' notice : " They
had also in their train twelve men carrying enormous swords, which most
certainly they could never have wielded." " Each Adigar had in front of
him, two men fanning him with large round fans and walking backwards."
" In the mountains of Ooda Kinda there is a small community
known as the ' Padu-guruwas,' who profess Islam, but conform to
Kandyan customs; and it seems to be doubtful whether they are
Mahometan converts or the descendants of a tribe from the continent
of India." Tennent, ii, p. 267.
2 9 . Sawers to Lusignan, 1 7 t h June.
The Judicial Diary for 7 t h December, 1816, contains reference to
Wierabuddam, a Kandyan Malabar, formerly a Jemadar. This may be the
Gooriah Vidane.
Ragoo Vidane was a Kandyan Malabar who was once a domestic in the
house of Sinne Sami, Chief of the Royal Villages, who appointed him Vidane
of Vatuvela, Eladetta and Pupuressa. He also served in a Company of the
King's Guard as a spearman, with a stipend of 5 rxd. a month. He married
from the Govigama family of Liyanagedara of Makadavara in Satara Korale,
and was removed to Colombo in 1816, being allowed rxd. 50 a month by
Government, Later he appears to have returned to Sinhale where lands
were given to him. Board, 26th October, 1830, Vol. 45 B.
30. That is the version contained in Brownrigg to Bisset, 23rd June.
Brownrigg added : " I dont believe a word of his story. " Lusignan writing
on the next day states : " The latter (Doreswamy) he saw not distinctly
but his voice was not the voice of Dore Swamy his old acquaintance. " For
the Malabar Colony, see Jcbras iii, 400.
31. Gazette, 1 3 t h June.
32. Sawers to D'Oyly, 30th June.
33. Lusignan to Bisset, gth July.
34. Macdonald's Diary, gth—•14th June.
35. Lusignan to Bisset, 15th and 21st June.
36. Approve the respite to Rahapola Pihanerale, in hopes his relatives
and people of Meda Kinda will be won over. Blankenburg failed to get any
of the Pretender's property in Maturata and only captured Siya Pattu Adikar,
whose attendants fled but who on his arrival in Kandy informed that at the
time the Pretender and Keppitipola were close by at Wellegiriya. On 7th and
8th rebels attacked Godamune. D'Oyly to Sawers, 10th July.
37. Sawers to Lusignan, 23rd June. Wilkinson to Macdonald, Passara,
22nd June
The years 1824 and 1825 were very dry and unhealthy and in 1826 on
the application of the Chiefs the Government sanctioned the holding of a
Bana Pirit ceremony to propitiate the Gods to send rain and prevent sickness ;
the total cost of this was ^26.8.9 which it provided. In 1830, there was
a drought of two months and much sickness and the Chiefs asked for another
similar ceremony as they feared an increase of sickness from the influence
of the evil planet Angaharuva in eight days. On 2nd March the Board met
the Chiefs . . . the Dewa Nilame, Uda Gabada Nilame, and the Basnayaka
Nilames Madugalla, Pamunuva, Gonigoda and Millava, who brought a
statement showing what was the usually prevailing weather for the various
months. The application was refused as it was harvest time and rain would
be prejudicial. Vol. 42 B. The statement divided the year into six seasons
commencing from April, the rain expected during each being much, none,
much, little, very little.
544 NOTES
38. Coxon to Sawers, 22nd June.

39. Sawers to Lusignan, 23rd June. There was a similar letter to the
Mudaliyar from Dambavinna, promising to come in as soon as his family
was safe, if assured of pardon. Sawers to D'Oyly, 30th June, Vol. 548, for
David de Alwis, later Mudaliyar of Kalutara and Rayigam Korale ; See
Pieris : Sinhalese Families, Part III.
40. Sawers to Lusignan, 1 7 t h June.
41. D'Oyly to Lt. Mackenzie at Pasbage, dated Gampola' n t h May.
D'Oyly to Stewart at Ruvanvella, dated Paduwala, 1 2 t h May. Rewards
amounting to 600 rix-dollars were paid in connection with this capture.
D'Oyly to Lusignan, 31st May. For the recalcitrancy of the people of
Dolosbage see Judicial Diary 26th August, 1817.
42. The applicants, who were all of Kuruviti Korale, were
Jayasundara, Wattedora, Kiriporuva, Marem.be, Delkandura and Peloopa.
Wright to Resident, ist May; Wright to Lusignan, 7th August, Vol.
55i A-.
43. Lusignan to Wright, igth June, Vol. 224.
44. Wright to Lusignan, 20th and 23rd June. " He was I find taken
by the Interpreter of Lieut. Colonel Cother who accompanied the party,
and will I trust meet his reward. As Eknelligoda has not yet thought proper
to report to me the circumstances under which this desirable object was
effected, I am unable to convey to you the information I could wish. It
seems rather singular that he should have left it for an Interpreter to
accomplish. " Dias' services were rewarded by presenting him with a gold
Chain and Medal in June, 1819, at the same time as the Second Maha
Mudaliyar, Eknelligoda, George Nadoris de Silva, David de Alwis Mudaliyar
and others were similarly honoured. Gazette, 5th June, 1 8 1 9 . See also
Tri Sinhala, p. 158.
As there has been confusion regarding Dias' identity, (See Jcbras,
xiv, p. 107), the following are of interest:—•
The arrears ot salary as Interpreter at Chilaw Cutcherry, April, August,
1813, being 200 rix-dollars, are to be paid to Don William Adrian Dias Bandara-
naike. Chief Commissioner to Collector, Chilaw, n t h July, 1814, The
claim of Don William Adrian Dias Bandaranaike for his pay and allowances
for 2 Lascarins and 7 palanquin bearers during service in the Kandyan country
from 26th January to 26th March, 1815. Rds. 208, was paid on the Governor's
order. Ref. to Resident 103 of ist July, 1815. " Lieut. O'Neill speaks in
favourable terms of the Interpreter to his party Don William Dias, who
volunteered his services both on this and a former occasion and rendered
great assistance." Reports of Lieuts. Neill and Maclean, 13th Regt. The
recent services of William Adrian Dias Bandaranaike, Mohundiram of the
Governor's Gate in the Kandyan Country with de Bussche's Division are
mentioned in letter of 30th June, 1815. Deputy Chief Secretary to Collector,
Colombo, Vol. 79 B.
45. The manner in which Deyo Raja's summons was conveyed to the
villagers has been preserved by Nadoris. " They used to lay a thorn branch
upon a rock and over that a stone, in the several villages in the night time.
When the inhabitants happen to see this they express a great surprise
exclaiming loudly O see here, the Maha Wasala was here last night." Nadoris
to Bisset, 13th June, also Hook to Lusignan, 14th June.
This seems to refer to the manner in which a judicial injunction
was published by the Katupurule people, which was known as bola bandinava
(fastening the bola); the bola was in the nature of a broom of twigs with a
handle, and this was set up on the property in respect of which the injunction
was issued : the prohibition continued till the bola was removed. Sometimes
a coconut stalk from which the nuts had fallen, buvalla, was used instead of the
NOTES 545
bola ; the suggestion being that infringement of the injunction would be

punished by chastisement with the biwalla. A case is known of a man being
punished by cutting off his hand for removing a bola. See Appendix C.
46. Hook to Lusignan, 3rd June.
47. Lusignan to Bisset, 10th June.
48. Hook to Lusignan, 13th June.
49. Lusignan to Hook, ist and 7th June. Vol. 224.
50. Hook to Bisset, 28th August, 1818.
51. Brownrigg to Bisset, 6th September.
A curious document of which the following translation made for
Sir Alexander Johnston is preserved among the Colombo Museum Mss. No. 29,
serves to illustrate the intimate connection of the caste, with India:—
Today the 5th March, 1682, appeared before me Daniel Cartie, Junior
Merchant and Secretary of this Town (Nagapatam) in the presence of the
undermentioned witnesses . . . Caniguna Chetty, an Inhabitant without this
town, and Headman of all the Heathen Casts of the whole Carnatic,
Coromandel, Malabar, Ceylon, etc., and to me Secretary well-known, who
informed me (proceeds with the establishment of casts by Manu Chakravarti,
and the establishment of the sumptuary laws governing them) regarding,
" ceremonies, state and pomp observed at the customary Feasts, Weddings,
Burials, and at other public domestic solemnities. " (A list of castes follows.
The regulations were contained on a copper plate deposited at the Pagoda
of Casie Waron of which a copy was furnished to him).
The appearer further declares that in consequence of some disputes and
differences which arose in regard to the said ceremonies, preminencies and
solemnities at Feasts, Weddings and Funerals between the Chalier or Cinna
mon Peelers caste ,and the Chandos or Toddy drawers in the Island of Ceylon
in the District of Colombo, Galle, etc., and in consequence of the applications
made to him by the said castes . . . he the appearer declare . . . that he had
found and read in the copy of the said copper plate, first—•
That the Chalias may at any time at their Feasts, Weddings, etc.. eujoy,
use, carry and ornament they and their houses with the water flowers called
Pattenatillever, as also make use of a flag or colour in which being a Tiger,
called Pillicodie. They bore the name of the river called Nadackinadie.
That may likewise make use of a Trumpet called Betieman, horses of five
colours called Pancewaneturegoin, the flowers called Magelampou male
made use of at their Feasts and Weddings, a white Umbrella called Velledoe-
day, and other white honours called Velle Viredoe, and the Caste of Chandoes
have the name of Allengare Purier, and Ellengapouni talever and the Title
of Myniram Calloewadaever. They may make use of at their Weddings and
Feasts a white Umbrella called Vellecoeday, a white Horse and a garland of
Mango Flowers called Sondenalle. These are the flowers allowed to the
said two Casts agreeably to the tenor of the copy of the copper plate.
Done and passed in the Town of Nagapatam in the presence of Arieappa
Pulle and Pieti Chitty, inhabitants of without the Town, and Tolequen,
witnesses (who all signed with me, D. Cartie, Secretary, on Minute and
Protocol. Attested : D. Cartie. Agreed : Van Doomick, first clerk.
Watermark on Paper : J. Whatman, 1811 and Company's mark VEIC
52. lllangakon's letter was in Sinhalese and of this a Dutch translation
preserved in the First Maha Mudaliyar's family was given to me by the late
Edwin de Livera, Gate Mudaliyar.
" Our friend George is desirous of venturing his neck into the matrimonial
noose and requests your assistance. He wishes to obtain a written promise
795—S
546 NOTES
from the old lady that she will permit her daughter to unite her fate with
his. He adds he knows the person to whom the lady had formerly been
affianced, is deranged, and under this had committed the crime for which
he is in jail. Nadoris has no alarms as to the claims of such a rival on the
heart of the young Damsel and trusts his fate to your kind offices. " Hook
to Bisset, 6th June, 1818. See G. N. de Silva, to Bisset, 6th and 16th
June. For other amusing letters about Nadoris, see Hook to Bisset, 24th
August, 28th August and ist September. Brownrigg to Bisset, 6th
September.
53. Lusignan to Hook, 19th June.
54. Hook to Lit.-Col. Hardy, 15th June.
55. Hook to Lusignan, 16th June.
56. Lusignan to Bisset, 20th June.
57. Gazette, 20th June.
58. Lusignan to Bisset, 3rd July.
59. Lusignan to Bisset, 5th July.
61. Lusignan to Bisset, 15th June,
62. Vol, 543 ; also Lusignan to Bisset, 10th July.
63. Hook to Lusignan, 7th July.
65. Brownrigg to Bisset, 4th July.
66. " An officer lately joined from the Cape who is well acquainted
with the habits of that class of people." i.e. Africans and Malays. Wilson
to Liverpool. 26th February, 1812. C O . 54-42. ist Ceylon Regiment.
A. D. C. to Brownrigg. Almanac, 1815,
De Bussche " who is not gifted with much discretion. " Brownrigg
to Bisset, 22nd June, 1818.
67. Gazette, 8th August, 1818. Pay, Christian 25 rxd ; Arachch (4)
1 2 ; Cangany (16) 1 0 ; Lascarin, 8, and rations. Disbanded on 3 1 s t
January, 1819. General Orders, 27th January, 1819.
The corps of Armed Las. to be disbanded on the 31st January, 1819.
He proposes to raise a fresh corps for service in any part of Ceylon for three
years. The establishment will include five Native Capts,, 25 Native Lieuts,
7th August, 1818. To be Native Captains . . . Isaac Dias Abeyaratne
Bandaranaike, Capt. ist Addl. Coy. of the Colombo Native Militia, Domingo
Perera Wijesundara Seneviratna Capt. 2nd Addl. Coy. Abraham
Siriwardana Seneviratne Soodesinha Capt. 3rd Addl. Coy. See also
Vol. 56 A.
68. Lusignan to Forbes, Collector, Matara, 21st July ; to Hook, 26th
August. Brownrigg to Bisset, 21st July. Lusignan to Forbes, 26th August.
Lusignan to Deane, ist December, 1818. Vol. 551 A.
Chapter X
1. Gay to Secretary K.P., 26th August, 1818.

2 . An early European instance of similar rewards was that of the two
Corla Gameas, the paraveni owners of Lenagalla in Kiraveli Pattu. They
had at the risk of their lives brought the son of Pero Lopez de Souza from
Maha Nuvara, where he was a captive, and Jeronymo de Azavedo rewarded
them b y freeing them from the decum and pingas which they were liable
to pay for their village. Portuguese Tombo.
3. Thoen's Narrative, Johnston Mss. For Thoen, see Tri Sinhala;
De Bussche, p. 63.
4. Despatch 298 of 24th July; Brownrigg to Bisset, gth July ; It is
generally believed, and no doubt correctly, that the key of the shrine was
kept in the King's own possession ; at any rate D'Oyly would have had its
custody as Resident. Among the parties whose presence would have been
essential for a scrutiny were the Adikars, the two Maha Nayakas, the Diya
vadana Nilame, perhaps the Maha Dissavas, and various Maligava officials.
At present three of the Karandu are fitted with locks of which the keys are
held by the Diyavadana Nilame and the two Maha Nayakas. Lusignan to
Bisset, 9th July.
5. This information was supplied by Rambukpota Mohottala the
younger on the 22nd July, after his surrender. Sawers to D'Oyly, 28th
July, Vol. 548. The iron grille which now surrounds the shrine was erected
later ; on icth January, 1819, Lusignan reported to the Board that Dassa-
nayaka Mudaliyar declined the charge of the Dalada Maligava and suggested
certain arrangements " till the completion of the rail work with which is
intended to surround the Relic and which will render so constant an attend
ance daily, unnecessary." On 13th August, D'Oyly instructed Starke,
Acting Secretary, K.P., to examine the Kapu Rala and Madappuli of the
Nata Devale, then in prison in Colombo, regarding the disappearance of the
Ran Ayuda, Image and other property of the Devala.
D'Oyly to Sawers, gth August.
D'Oyly to King at Attapitiya, 31st July, 1818.
" With respect to the Enquiry of the Priests I beg you to assure
them that I am aware Keppetipola has circulated a report that Dalada
Hamuduruwo, the object of their worship, has been removed from
Kandy and is in possession of the rebels, but it is a falsehood invented
by him to deceive the People and the Temple has for many months been
so well guarded that no such Robbery could have or has been effected.'
On 7th February, 1797, Lieut. Mahony found three of the images of
Buddha at the Kelaniya Vihare enclosed in a glass case. Asiatic Researches,
Vol. V I .
6. Brownrigg to Bisset, 9th, 13th and 14th July. " You have I suppose
heard of Lieut. Elmslie being trampled on by two wild elephants in Dolos-
bage. " Lusignan to Bisset, 6th July. Ensign Tydd, commanding at
Medawalatenna, was struck by a musket ball and lost three front teeth.
Brownrigg to Bisset, n t h July. " I t is but too plain that Keppetipola
has bribed them (the elephants) by some deceitful promise of more unres
tricted liberty than they at present possess to induce them to give their aid
to disconcert our plans and drive us out of the Island. " Lusignan to Bisset,
2gth August.
547
548 NOTES
7. Reed to Macdonald, n t h July ; Macdonald's Diary.
8. Sutherland to Smyth, Collector at Galle, 26th March, 1 8 1 7 .
Vol. 223 B ; Sutherland to Collector, Colombo, 12th June, 1817 ; Lusignan
to Collector, Galle, 23rd June, 1818, Vol. 224. To Collector, 8th July, 1818 ;
On 27th December, 1818, the Commanding Officer, Galle, was asked to report
on the Mohundiram's application for relaxing the severity of his confinement.
9. Hardy to Brownrigg, 23rd July : Brownrigg to Bisset, 18th July.
10. Hardy to Brownrigg, Gantoone, 20th July; Dobbin to Hardy,
Udugama, 20th July ; D'Oyly to Sawers, ist August. From the Board
Proceedings of 20th January, 1819, it appears that in July, K. carried oft
from Gampola the Uda Palata Dissava's elephant, and this was recovered by
Macdonald at Kivulegedara about December.
11. Hardy to Brownrigg, Mianagalle, 22nd July. " I hope some
shoes of a large size will be sent to Gampola for the Europeans who are bare
foot, " ditto Pallygamme, Gantoone, 21st July.
12. Hardy to Brownrigg, 23rd July.
13. Evidence of Alakum Mudiyanse who was captured near Passara
on 24th July.
1 4 . . Brownrigg to Bisset, 23rd July.
15. Despatch 300 of 26th July.
16. Lusignan to Bisset, 27th July. According to Hook Keppetipola
entered Sat Korale " through the vale of Parape, turning to his left by Patteni-
pitiya, skirted the Pilassy hills, through the most obscure unfrequented paths
over the Pallicode Pass about five miles from hence (Kurunegala), crossed
the country between this Illakavelly to Hevavisse into Paragode valley in
Madurah." Hook to Gasc ovne, Kurunegala, 26th July. See also G.O.
28th July.
17. Captain Mahony (Asiatic Register V I I , 1803) mentions the Tadde
of plantains and foodstuffs usual in a wedding procession, giving a foot-note
" Taddeh, a burthen carried by two or four."
Tada Pili were sometimes elaborately painted (lacquered ?) by the
Hangidias of Hapuvida in Matale, who were under Ellepola, and who as their
Rajakariya (besides constant attendance at his house) were obliged at the
four Mangalyas to present a number of painted sticks, canopy and flag staffs,
Dancerj sticks, Pingo laths, and pieces of wax for sealing pots with rice.
These men originally came from Satara Korale. Judicial Diary, 24th and
26th January, 1818.
North to Dundas, Private, 18th May, 1800.
P.S. Pray excuse my writing on China paper. My honourable employers
send out such bad gilt, that I am obliged to reserve it for my Dispatches to
them. ' Col. Mus. Mss. North's private letters to Dundas were written on
gilt edged paper ; his " employers '' were the Honourable Company.
" The Chinese paper is extremely brittle, and the best is composed
of two or more sheets pasted together, pressed and glazed. " M. Graham,
20th May, 1810, p. 114.
18. Lusignan to Bisset, 27th July : " Moffat reports the capture of
Keppetipola's breakfast oil or his cook's mate. He by the advice of the
Adikar has hanged the second mate and others, to check which system being
too prevalent the Governor has issued a General Order bringing matters back
V.J the .system in January last. " See also Brownrigg to Bisset, 27th July ;
Lusignan to Bisset, 24th July. lor Golahela's case, see Appendix N.
Reference to China paper. Vol. 203 B ; ;o Pelican quills, Vol. 173 B.
NOTES 549
io. Brownrigg to Bisset, gth July. Lusignan to Bisset, 29th August.
20 Brownrigg to Bisset, 24th July, Despatch 303 of 1 7 t h August.
21. Sawers to Lusignan, 7th July ; Evidence of Rambukpota Mohot
tala to Younger, 22nd July.
22. Sawers to Lusignan, 1 5 t h and 21st July; Lusignan to Bisset
26th July
23. See Regulations 12 of 1814, and 3 of 1813. Gay to Officers of
Ordnance, 20th February, 1 8 1 5 . Vol. 106 B. Gav to Supt. of Mint. 8th
June, 1815, Vol. 107 B.
Silver fanam Tokens were coined and circulated in 1814-15 in order to
meet the serious shortage of small coin ; their intrinsic value was much less
than the normal rate at which they were circulated. With the stocks
of Dutch copper seized in the Sinhale in 1815, and the supply of double,
single, half and quarter pice from Engl, the necessity for further coining the
tokens ceased (Despatch 7 of 28th March, 1822). Spurious coins were found
to be in circulation in large quantities and orders were given that after 31st
October, 1822, the tokens were no longer to be accepted at public offices ;
the Governor proposed with the metal thus collected to coin half rix-dollar
"in exact proportion to the rix-dollars sent from England." (Despatch 40
of 22nd October, 1822).
12th November 1814 . . . Two soldiers prosecuted for counterfeiting
fanam tokens. There was no regulation by which such counterfeiting was
made a crime and the necessary regulation was prepared by Giffard.
Johnson Mss.
The Moors were introducing forged fanams in large quantities from
Trincomali. " I found that on an average not more than 20% of silver
fanam coin now in circulation at Batticalo was original or good, the rest
being the most gross species of forgery and of a quality not exceeding one pice
each in proportional value . . . The difficulty however of knowing a good
from a bad silver fanam, the original coin being small and of country work
manship, cause the same inconvenience still to exist. " Collector, Batticalo,
iothMay, 1817, Vol. 108 A.
24. Sawers to Lusignan, 14th July.
25. Despatch 303 of 17th August ; Sawers to D'Oyly, 28th July:
D'Oyly to Sawers, ist August ; G.O. 28th July.
26. Despatch 303 of 1 7 t h August.
27. Lusignan to Bisset, 26th July.
28. Sawers to D'Oyly, 28th July. In Rambukpota's evidence of 22nd
July, appears the following :—" In fact he is not a Malabar but a man of the
family of Kondena Kappu Rala of the village Vilbawa. " That statement
might well have been made to suit the circumstances in which the informant
found himself.
29. D'Oyly to Sawers, gth August ; At the request of Eheliyagoda
Mohottala and on his giving security, Doranawa and Waharaka Mohottalas
and four others could be released. D'Oyly to Stewart, 10th August.
30. The King's revenues from .Batticalo—
" The annual revenue of the King was as follows :—• first, the paddy
of forty-two king's moettettoes (fields as we have already stated), culti
vated for the use of the state, the crop of which yielded annually three
hundred and sixty amonams of paddy, after deducting forty-five amonams
for the temples ; 2, from the washermen, pariahs, mercadors or trades
men, a hundred and forty-two gold pagodas ; 3 , thirty chelas, or fifteen
550 NOTES
pagodas from the weavers of different castes ; 4, a thousand measures

of rice from the proprietors of the fields to he delivered at Candy, by the
persons liable to servitude ; 5, a thousand salted fish, to be delivered
as before by the fishermen ; 6, a thousand measures of salt to be delivered
by the headmen ; 7, from the brass founders, twelve copper dishes,
and one pagoda and a half ; 8, from the Blacksmiths, six areca knives ;
9, from tne gold and Silversmiths two kalenje's weight of gold ornaments,
and two pagodas ; 10, from the Wedas headmen, on account of certain
forests, nine maunds of raw wax (of twenty-four pounds each). " From
Bumand's report, dated Colombo, 6th June, 1809. (Asiatic Journal,
1822, Part 2), Vol. X I V , p. 328.
The tradition of marriage from families of Batticalo District continued

in the Taldena family, see D.C. Test Batticalo 546, of Muttu Banda Muttu
Menika Kumarihami of Pothuvil, daughter of S. D. Muttu Banda (Vannak-
kappen Kapukanan Muttu Banda ?) ; Her stop-sister Ramat alias Sama
Kumarihami married G. B. Taldena, and her own second husband was
Mutukumaru Murugesu pillai, by whom she left a daughter Madama
Kumarihami.
31. Alutpanne, a new body of regular troops raised by Sri Vikrama.
Dangamuva had originally failed to submit according to his undertaking
and Sawers informed him that he could only hope to expiate his offences
by exerting his great power and influence in Uva for the benefit of the
British as he had previously done in Dore Swamy's interest. Sawers
to Lusignan, n t h August.
32. " I suspect the Mattamagoda Dissava is doing no good here . . ,
I confine the whole of that vagabond race yesterday, for they would not
get in their families. I will try Mattamagoda Dissava tomorrow and if he
is not hang he ought at all events to be sent to Colombo. They found 10 bottles
fine Madeira in one of the jungle Hutts when they were started from about
a mile from Andewalla's house. " Macdonald to Sawers, 2nd August, (?)
33- P- 43i-
34. D'Oyly to Sawers, 13th August.
35. Sawers to D'Oyly, 5th August ; to Lusignan, 5th September.
36. Wright to Lusignan, 15th July, 28th July, 1818. Brownrigg to
Bisset, 31st August; Lusignan to Bisset, 31st August; Sawers to Lusignan,
5th September.
The services due from the tenants of Rannantalave to the Kataragama
Devalaya at Morape in Kotmale illustrate the importance attached to the
Valiyak Mangalya. They appear printed in Lawrie pp. 774-776.
Knox, though he does not name the Valliyakun, has the following
regarding the ceremony . . . " A t this time they have a superstition which
lasteth six or seven days, too foolish to write ; it consist in Dancing, Singing
and Jugling. The reason of which is lest the eyes of the People, or the Power
of the Jacco's, or Infernal Spirits, might any ways prove prejudicial or noisom
to the aforesaid Gods in their progress abroad." p. 80.
The following account of the Saman Devalaya Perahera was noted by
me in 1900 or 1901 :—
I witnessed the Maha Perahera on the 1 4 t h August. The road up to the
devalaya was lined with boutiques. The road itself, the Disava Eknaligoda
told me, was made by Iddamalgoda but was not sufficiently barrelled, and
hence has fallen into its present state ; and that is as bad as it can possibly
be : the mud is almost eighteen inches deep, so deep that I three times have
turned away from the Devalaya rather than ride my horse up to it.
NOTES 551
On this day there was the usual large crowd ; I was told however that
the crowd was smaller than in previous years. In the courtyard about ten
elephants were assembled. The inner hall was decorated in a poor fashion.,
There were four pair of exceptionally fine tusks; one was 7J feet long and
I was told that the root of it had from time to time been cut away. Its fellow
had embedded deep within a Veddah's arrow head. There was an interest
ing cloth used as an awning. It is of Indian work and printed with scenes
from the Ramayana with the descriptive texts below. So far as I could
make out in the light the texts were in Tamil.
The ceremony began with the silver karanduva from the Buddhist
Vihare attached being carried out by Vijenarayana Kapurala on his head.
To do this he wore a peculiar three-cornered turban. He was in full dress
like a chief's, with crimson scarf draped round him in Tamil style. The
karanduva was made under Iddamalgoda by Siman Vidane and is above %\
feet high ; I was told it weighs above rs. 1,000. The work is very massive.
At the Buddhist shrine I noticed a porcelain dragon, probably the offering of
some Chinese devotee.
The Pattini Devala emblems were next produced, and then the emblems
of the Saman Deviyo one by one . . . the bow and the arrows. Before these
latter were produced two of the devalaya women knelt at the steps in front of
the curtain and with lighted candles performed an interesting ceremony of
salutation to the God. " W e bid thee hail, oh Lord ; five times we bid thee
hail; as the Moon and Sun endure, endurest thou." Their words were spoken
softly, and quite lost in the music ; the women were in full white drapery.
Each of the sacred emblems is separately taken to the steps to be placed
on the elephant's backs. One of the two Kapuralas bears each. He walks
on a thin strip of cloth of a dingy brown, originally white, taking extreme
care not to let his feet touch the bare ground. Each step is taken with a
jerk and firmly planted on the ground before the next foot is moved ; the
movement is crab-like. Accompanying each go the musical instruments—•
the horanava and purampettuva: the latter is shaped like a trombone but is
immovable. It is of silver and also made by Siman Vidane from an old silver
model still in the devalaya. Saffron water is sprinkled in front from a silver
vessel. Two chamaras are waved on the two sides. Then come the kumara
talpat, the red and white umbrella, the large silver parasol (larger than an
ordinary lady's parasol) the silver paliha which is about two feet across and
set with what looked like crystals. The noise of the trombone is very powerful
and can be distinctly heard from the Judge's house.
The display of silver was great. The ends of the ark in which the first
arrow, I believe, was carried, is covered with silver work beautifully chased;
so are the forks on which the ark is^placed when at rest. The bow is carried
in the procession which goes round the temple, in a car dragged by men. It
is guarded all night during the festival. Dancers also accompany the
procession. The people taking part in escorting the emblems have white
linen straps fastened under their jaws ; originally they were over the
mouths. During the Perahara a Bhikkhu has to perform Pirit every night
at the Viharaya : that is his rajakariya.
About 9 p.m. began the dancing of women, two by two, to the accom
paniment of music and singing. The dance is very stately, a few movements
of the hands and feet and of the head, and directed towards the holy place.
There is nothing in the least vulgar : it is essentially an oriental women's
dance. Old women of about sixty and children of eight took part in it.
They are specially trained for the work. They rank among the temple
women.
On the 16th was the water cutting ceremony. This is done some distance
above the iron bridge on the Rakvana road, the devalaya barge starting there
about 3 a.m. The ceremony is performed with the arrow. I saw the barge
552 NOTES
on its return about 8-30 a.m. The -whole of it was draped in pure white, and
with the music of the silver flutes, was very effective as seen from my house.
r
(Siman Vidane was a member of the Bellana Mestrige family of
For the Paliha, see Deraniyagala :
37. Sawers to Lusignan, 8th September.

38. G.O. 15th September.
39. The Maha Betme who was considered the main supporter of the
Prince was not captured till April, i 8 i g ; see letter from Badulla, published in
Gazette of 10th April,
40. Sawers to D'Oyly, 25th August.
41. Brownrigg to Bisset, 16th September; Proclamation of 1 5 t h
September.
42. Sawers to Lusignan, n t h August; D'Oyly to Sawers, 13th August.
45. Brownrigg to Bisset, 25th August.
46. Kandupalla had originally along with Kadavatu Korale formed
the EteraVe Korale of Sabaragamuva and Mahavala tenna suggested its
restoration to that Province but Brownrigg did not think this desirable unless
the inhabitants expressed a clear wish on the point,
47. Sawers to Lusignan, 26th August.
48. Despatch 317. " Famine begins severely to be felt in Ouva—the
distress of the people, who have been thus urged to ruin by their unprincipled
Chiefs," Also Gazette 5th December.
Macdonald to Sawers, Paranagama, 2nd August ; Sawers to D'Oyly,
Badulla, 18th August ; Barnes to Macdonald, Paranagama, 2ist August;
Sawers to D'Oyly Badulla, 25th August; Capt. Ritchie to Macdonald,
Kotabowa, 22nd September.
Even the turmoil could not check the desire for the rare calamander
(Diospyros quaesita) of the Sinha Raja Adaviya. " To enable Atkinson to
cut your calamander trees, he must send the cutter with the enclosed to
Mr. Wright in Saffragam." Lusignan to Bisset, 25th August, 1818. Under
North's Proclamation of 30th December, 1802 a duty of 30% ad valorem
was levied on all calamander, ebony and satin-wood which was exported.
" During my residence at Caltura before the commencement of hostilities
with Kandy, I caused a quantity of calamander wood to be cut in the Saffragam
Corle, which has remained in the jungle there ever since." W . H. Ker,
Collector of Colombo, to Sutherland, 15th November, 1815.
The following from the Gazette of 12th February, 1812, will explain the
designs of many specimens of what locally pass as Dutch furniture . . .
A Card . . .
Mr. James Hartley, Cabinet Maker from London, most respectfully begs
?ave to acquaint the Ladies and Gentlemen on Ceylon, that he has taken
house No. 27, in the Main Street of the Pettah, where he intends carrying
1 the business of his profession, and will endeavour to execute every com-
ission to the satisfaction of those who may honour him with their orders.
49. Lusignan to Bisset, 25th August.
29th December, 1818. Board read letter from Wright at Badulla,
December 22nd. " He saw few lands under cultivation in Medakinda, many
NOTES 55a
of the lower classes being gone to the other Provinces from want of seed and
cattle. He heard a melancholy story of two families who assembled round
a small fire in a room and unwilling or unable to rise from it perished in
the night of cold and hunger."
" The representation conveyed by the letter from the Agent of
Government in Ouva of the distress of the lower orders in that. Province
consequent on the rebellion into which they were forced by their un
principled Chiefs, has much affected His Excellency's feelings, and he
begs that you will suggest such modes of relief as may be feasible to the
existing evil, besides what has been decided on of lending seed grain
liberally, to prevent a continued famine. " Lusignan to Board, 6th
January, 1819.
His Excellency fully approves of the suggestion of Mr. Wright
that Government should stand forward to protect and sustain the
wretched children reduced to starvation by the ill advised conduct of
their parents. Lusignan to Board, ist February] 1819.
The countryside was almost denuded of the cattle which were essential
for agriculture and on 2nd February, 1919, a Proclamation was issued "for
recruiting^ the stock remaining of Horned Cattle in Ouva, Welasse and
Bintenna in which Provinces much destruction necessarily took place during
the late Insurrection."
Despatch 325 of 8th February, 1819. " The great distress felt in Ouva
from a want of food which although the best endeavours of Government
are and will be used to relieve, I cannot but expect has proved and will be
fatal to many of the inhabitants and long affect the prosperity of that
extensive Province.''
I have received His Excellency's directions to call your attention
to the important subject of providing against the depopulation of the
extensive Province of Ouva which reports received by His Excellency
state as a very probable result of the misery and want now experienced
in that Province consequent on the necessary severities with which it
has been visited in suppressing the rebellion there first organised."
Vol. 218, Lusignan to Board, Kandy, 27th August, 1819.
50. Lusignan to Bisset, 1 7 t h August; Despatch 303 of 1 7 t h August.
51. Lusignan to Bisset, 24th August and iotti September, 1818.
52. To Bisset, August ?
53. Brownrigg to Bisset, 28th May. Lusignan to Bisset, 2nd June ;
Brownrigg to Bisset, 27th August ; Lusignan to Bisset, 29th August, and.
ditto, no date probably August.
54. Not the Veragoda appointed Dissava of Kandukara, the salary
given to whom roused much dissatisfaction among the other Chiefs. They
could not understand why a man should be paid for filling an honourable
and lucrative post for which under the King's Government he would himself
have had to pay; Sawers remarked they would understand when the-
abolition of fees and the new system of taxation was introduced. Sawers.
to D'Oyly, 28th July and 25th August ; D'Oyly to Sawers, 9th August.
55. Brownrigg to Bisset, 28th July.
56. Sawers to D'Oyly, 18th August ; Despatch 306 of 9th October,
1818. The immunity of the Caffrees was noted by Campbell during later
outbreaks, Vol. II, pp. 316, 317.
58. Sawers to Lusignan, 8th September ; Demodara and Muttettuva
gama proscribed today, Lusignan to Wright, 9th September.
NOTES
Coane to Macdonald, Gampahali, ist September; G.O. 15th

iber.
a. For the expulsion of Moors from Kotmale, see Judicial Diary of
14th May, 1817.
61. Lusignan to Bisset, 1 7 t h August.
62. Gazette, 22nd August.
63. Fraser to Hardy, Navangama, ist September.
64. D'Oyly to Brownrigg, Mawela, 2nd September.
65. D'Oyly to Brownrigg, Mawela, 3rd September.
66. Lusignan to Bisset, 20th September. See Ring of Waterfalls in
Central Ceylon, by D. N. Wadia. Spotia Zylanica, Vol. 23, pp. 19-2-0 :
For Fraser's Map of Ceylon, pub. by Arrowsmith, see Bingham.
Chapter XI
1. Hook to Lusignan, 31st July.

Useful information about the Viharagama of Ridigama is contained in
the Judgment in the Kurunegala case, Hevavitarana vs Dangan Rubber
Coy., printed in the Ceylon Independent, 14th November, 1912.
2. Hook to Stark, Secretary Kandyan Provinces, 12th August. These
customs live long. On 1 3 t h March, 1881, C. P. D. Bandaranayaka, writing
of the reception of the Maldivian Ambassador by the Governor, recorded :
" The Maha Mudaliyar put the piece of blue cloth on his shoulder and poured
some scent on the Ambassador."
3. Hook to Lusignan, 1 7 t h August. Vol. 543.
4. Hook to Lusignan, 9th September.
6. Hook to Bisset, 24th August.
7. Hook to Bisset, 25th August.
8. Hook to Bisset, Kurunegala, 28th August.
9. There is much about Mutukon Sinha in the Sirit Pota of the Maha
Saman Devalaya.
The Ceylon Literary Society was inaugurated on 17th December, 1820,
but the name was later changed to The Literary and Agricultural Society.
Its Minutes are in the Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch,
and were published in The Ceylon A ntiquary and Literary Register, Vol. VIII,
1922-23, with notes by T. Fetch, under the title " In Ceylon a Century ago, "
Kirti Sri's Sannas was returned in 1938. See Administration Report of the
Trade Commissioner in London, for 1938, page 10.
The Sannas is figured in Daily Telegraph and Morning Post, 8th February,
1938.
The inscription on the Sannas is as follows : (Copied by L. B. Bandara-
nayake, Curator, Kandy Museum).
Extract :— S<5,©0§ £3-€«za ifl®*M*.d»e£B)<5ve>50 SSiSdzrflZ) §)4<§C0A
— (names of lands gifted).

" To forward the petition of the padre of Mooneseram requesting me to
cause the paddy renter of Chilaw to deliver to him the quantity of grain
formerly granted annually by the King of Kandy. I beg leave to observe
that 12 (elsewhere 512) parrahs is too much to be paid by the renter for
Chilaw alone. The Grant was made by the King of Kandy long before the
District was ceded to the Dutch, at a time when it was full of inhabitants,
and the whole country in a state of cultivation. At present it is not one
quarter inhabited and not a third of the paddy grounds sown. " From
Collector at Chilaw, 10th February, 1804.
Philip Colas, renter of the Chilaw District: there was a balance of
rds. 5,865.7.2, due from him, and from this the Agent at Chilaw was authorised
555
556 NOTES
to deduct 1,025 rix-dollars on account of exemption from duty granted to the

paddy fields belonging to the Pagoda of Moonesaram, 27th April, 1805.
It appears from a Report by the Agent at Chilaw, dated 28th October,
1822, that though by North's Deed thirty-two amunams of field covered by
the original Sannas were confirmed to the Kovila, before many years it was
dispossessed of all except four amunams, which seem to have been what the
Dutch Company had allowed to it. Complaints followed to Lieutenant
Johnston " and the copper plate or Kandian Grant was by him taken to
Colombo, with the view, it was understood, of procuring a restoration of the
lands." (Vol. C.4).
The name Sannas gedara seems to indicate the family entrusted with
the preparation of the royal grants.
On 5th September, Brownrigg with the Board of Commissioners, Suther
land, the Adikars and the Chiefs, heard a case in which a Sannas of Kirti
Sri Raja Sinha was produced. It was there stated : " It was Wilbagedara
Mohundiram who made out such Sannas and Elldeniye Hangediya is the
man who cut them.
D'Oyly : Is the person now living who engraved Sannas at that time ?
Am : The family he has mentioned were engravers at that time ; they
are now alive, except the eldest." Judicial Diary.
For Wilbagedara, See King Kirti Sri's Embassy to Siam, 1750. Jcbras,
xviii. pp.. 17-44.
Ola Sannas to Wilbagedara, Saka 1672, before he started for Siam ;
and copper sannas to him as Wilbagedara Herat Mudiyanse, dated Saka 1676,
after his return. Judicial Diary, 18th March, 1817.
In the hamlet of Eldeniya in TJdu Nuvara there were smiths of the
Rankadu Pattale. See Lawrie, p. 213.
What took place in Jaffna is thus stated by Maitland in his Instructions
to Montgomery : " The landed property too in the District of Jaffna has
been completely unsettled in consequence of the late Mr. Farrel when sent
there as Registrar having in a most unjustifiable manner seized all the Land
Thombos for the purpose of compelling the Inhabitants to come before him
and take out Title Deeds which he wished to issue. This measure has un
settled the whole Tenures and Titles of Landed Property on the Jaffna District
and produced the greatest possible confusion amongst the Inhabitants."
Johnston Mss.
10. Hook to Bisset, 24th August ; Lusignan to Bisset, 24th August
and 7th September. Mcmorie of It. Van Goens, Senior, 24th September,
1673 : see Valentyn.
11. Lusignan to Bisset, 22nd August; also of 19th (August?). On
20th July, D'Oyly wrote to Maitland, Supt. of Cinnamon Plantations, as
follows . . .
Dear Maitland,
The priest Nawela mentioned in your letter accompanied the Second
Maha Mudaliyar to Kandy some months ago with the intention of being
employed as a spy . . . From the result of one affair in which I employed
him before I entered the Kandyan country and two circumstances which
he brought forward when last in Kandy, I am inclined to think that he is
a deceiver and that his principal object is to obtain money from Government
without being able to perforin any adequate service for it." For Potuhera
Unanse, see D'Oyly to Truton at Amanapura, dated 29th August.
12. " Hook has written two very objectionable olas to Pilima Talauwa
and Hannaspolle Mohottala, or rather I suspect George Nadoris did not
let him know their real meaning. He holds out a promise of non incarceration
NOTES 557
and of remaining in the country, neither of which I think Pilima Talauwa

can have the indulgence of." lusignan to Bisset, Wednesday, 19th (August ?).
" I wish you would ask George Nadoris how it happened the olas to
Pilima Talauwa from Hook promised a security from deportation and
imprisonment." Lusignan to Bisset, 24th August. Hook to Bisset, 24th
August.
13. Brownrigg to Bisset, 29th August.
14. Brownrigg to D'Oyly, 6th September.
15. Cleather's Report, 6th September.
16. Brownrigg to Bisset, 31st August; Lusignan to Bisset, 31st
August; Macdonald's Journal, 7th-9th September.
" Our highly respected Member, Mr. Lusignan, has furnished us with
an accurate observation of the Transit of Mercury." Sir H. Giffard at
the Ceylon Literary and Agricultural Society, 16th January, 1823. Gazette,
17. G.O. 8th September. His Estate was valued for Administration
at rxd. 122,078-9, and included house property at Tanque Salgado, Corte-
boom, Vuystwyck and Pasbetal. For the flagstaff, see Prager to Gay, 20th
March, 1816, Vol. 405 A ; also letter of 12th February, 1816, Vol. 79 B. For
the Mt. Lavinia flagstaff, 20th January, 1816, Vol. 79 B.
It will be noted that the Modera district, north of Colombo and up to
the Kelaniya mouth, was popular among English officials. Giffard lived at
the Rock House, which belonged to him.
At this period the English often confused hoya with teak, Tektona grandis.
Teak was introduced by the Dutch Company which opened plantations in
different parts of the country. An echo of this is contained in the Govern
ment Advertisement of 20th September, 1829, by which " Government
relinquishes any right it may have had in respect of teak growing on private
lands. " Jak and teak trees were planted by Barnes, along portions of the
Colombo-Negumbo road, Colombo Journal, 1833, p. 35. Nicnoll, p. 527.
ig. In 1817 Sir Stamford Raffles wrote of the people in Java . ,. .
" Neither men nor women cut their hair, but allow it to grow to its natural
length. The men, except on particular occasions, gather it upon the crown
of the head, twist it round, and fasten it by means of a semi-circular tortoise-
shell comb fixed in front. " History of Java, 2nd Ed., 1830, London, I,
p. 99.
The Sinhalese on the Coast adopted the practice from the Javanese
several of whose Chiefs were exiled by the Dutch to Ceylon. (Raffles, Vol. II),
and who wore them here (Cordiner, I, 94, 97, 142).
To wear on the person tortoise-sh'ell which entailed the taking of the
turtle's life would have been repugnant to Buddhist instincts, and the habit
never extended far from the sea. Neither Saar (1647) nor Schweitzer
(1675-1682) both of whom described the long hair of the Sinhalese men,
refer to combs being worn, though the latter says turtle shell was used
in making combs, i.e. for combing the hair.
No reference to the wearing comb appears in Dutch Inventories of
Sinhalese Estates hitherto scrutinised. The tradition that Governor Van
de Graaf recommended the Mudaliyars to use them may well be true, but one
Maha Mudaliyar is shown wearing a high comb in the painting presented by
Johnston in April, 1828, to the Royal Asiatic Society in London as depicting
the reception of the Sinhalese Ambassadors in 1766. Bishop Wilson of Calcutta
who in a fit of iconoclastic zeal had described Sinhalese " tufts and combs "
as " devil's ornaments " later thought better of it and in a sermon publickly
apologised for his words. Ceylon Herald, 21st January, 1843.
558 NOTES
For illustrations of modern Javanese men wearing the circular comb

see illustrations, pp. 28, 77, 83. De Inlandsche Kunstnijverheid in Neder-
landsche Indie, door J. E. Jasper en Mas Pirngadie, Vol. 111,'s Gravenhage,
1916. The second comb, straight and fan-shaped, which was fixed on the
knot of hair and was jealously regarded as a sign of rank, might well have
been confined to Javanese Chiefs, but evidence is lacking on the point.
20. Macdonald's Journal, Paranagama, 3rd-6th September; Sawers
to Lusignan, 8th September ; Coxon's Report, Alupota, 5th September.
21. Brownrigg to Bisset, 21st September.
22. Lusignan to Hook, 10th September; Nayaka to Gay, 6th
September, 1818, Vol. 531 A. The troops quartered at Padeniya "Vihare
could not be removed, Lusignan to Hook, September 6th. For Padeniya as
a military post, see Excursions in Ceylon by James Campbell (London,
1843), Vol. II, pp. 16, 17,
The details given by the Bhikkhu about the tiles of Padeniya Vihar,
need not excite doubt ; such details were sometimes embodied in Sannasese
for instance the Kelaniya Sannas of Kirti Sri Raja Sinha recites that
Mapitigama Buddharakkita had used 55o,coo bricks and 500 amunams of
lime in re-building the Dagoba. Saka 1701. See also the Lankatilaka Sannas.
Lusignan to Bisset, 6th September.
23. Brownrigg to Bisset, n t h September, 12th September. " I have
left my letter unfinished in case any more news should drop in but there is
none except you will accept the arrival of Major Levnos and his Adjudant,
and a consequent dinner of Malekatanis here today. " Lusignan to Bisset,
n t h ? September.
" The unfortunate Kandyan who was shot yesterday is not dead.
He declares that he had no arms, and that no armed pjerson was near
him ; that whilst he besought and called out that he had already made
his appearance, he was shot by one Malay and struck on the head by
another and left for dead. That his jungle hut was plundered of his
property but no bow and arrow. We can now only endeavour to cure
him. " D'Oyly to Cleather at Hanguranketa, dated Ganneywe, T4th
September,
2<j. Governor Barnes when he visited Maha Nuvara had to occupy
" a mere temporary thatched building." On 10th November, 1831, the
present Residence, known as the Pavilion, was still being built under the
supervision of the Officer Commanding the Troops. Despatch 4 of that
date.
" The places where they (Kings) resided have in manv instances
retained the addition of nuvara to their names, although they may
never have had a royal residence more permanent than a leaf-hut."
Forbes, II, 1 2 1 .
Certain temporary buildings which Sri Vikrama caused to be erected
in Talvatta in the ninth year of his reign, are described as Nuvara in a
contemporary Kaviya mentioned in The Nevill Catalogue, 691.
25. Despatch 306 of 9th October.
26. See D'Oyly's Diary, p. 1 1 . A mat was the normal seat in a Sinhalese
house ; a chair would not be expected even in the Prince's temporary
residences, but stools were fairly common. At religious ceremonies every
one would use mats. For an example see D'Oyly, p. 23.
27. Sansiviera zeylanica. " In the Kandyan country excellent rope
and twine is made by the Rodiya people . . . and so rooted is the prejudice
of cast that no other description of the Kandyan people will descend to the
making of cordage." Brownrigg to Bathurst, 240 of 31st July, 1817.
NOTES 559
28. Macdonald, Paranagama, 12th September. D'Oyly to Brownrigg,

Ganneywe, 13th and 1 4 t h September. Evidence of Ganneywe Mohundiram
before Gay, 14th September; evidence of Vedikkara Arachchi. Among
D'Oyly's informants were a Moor of Pattiyagama, who got his news from
Kandambe Korale and another, said to be eyewitnesses ; Karandamba
Mohundiram, who learnt from a Kunam Maduve man of Veygama ; Vegiriye
Sattamby, an eyewitness, who informed Uda Palata Dissava ; and Ganneywe
Mohundiram, the Mohundiram of the Musicians.
30. Lusignan to Bisset, 8th June. Nad oris had a plan of his own and
Lusignan wrote again to Bisset (no date) : " I am sure Maitland would
not acquiesce cheerfully in the Chaleas going in search of the Phantom King
instead of real Cinnamon. " Maitland was Snpt. of the Cinnamon Dept.
31. Sawers to Lusignan, 1 2 t h and 15th September; Gazette 3rd
October ; " I send a curious manuscript which may entertain you and Lady
Brownrigg; you will see the origin of the report of the Pretender's capture
being effected, by the aid of British troops. We lent the name or at least
Madugalla borrowed it for the occasion. " Lusignan to Bisset, Michaelmas,
1818.
32. His letter dated Camp Paranagama, 12th September.
33. Brownrigg to Bisset, 1 5 t h September. By a G.O. of the 1 5 t h
September, the new fort at Paranagama was named Fort Macdonald " in
commemoration of the gallant defence made by Major Macdonald near that
place in the months of February and March last."
34. Lusignan to Bisset, 1 3 t h ? September; Brownrigg to Bisset,
12th September.
35. Bathurst received the first news of the capture from a commercial
house in the City which had learnt it from a private letter, dated Madras,
9 t h October. Despatch 1 1 of 3rd February, 1819.
Regarding Dore Svamy's capture, see Chief Secretary and Board
Inward, 42 B. and, 45 B. of 1830 . . . under 23rd November.
37. Despatch 13 of 1 2 t h September, 1811. One of the Commissioners,
Colonel W . M. G. Colebrooke, was a near relative of the Director of the R.A.
Society, and had served in civil and Military offices in India and Java,
under the Crown and the Company.
38. Hook to Bisset, 1 3 t h September.
39. Hook to Lusignan, 1 5 t h September ; The Collector of Colombo
was sending the Mudaliyar of Alut Kum Korale to Ruvanwella with
4 Arachchies, 16 Kanganies and 402 labourers to be employed on four trips
in conveying stores to Maha Nuvara, Lusignan to Capt. Antell, D.C.G.,
13th September. The Mudaliyar was Marselis Perera Wijesundara Sene-
viratne Samarasinha ; his services were rewarded.with a gold Medal on 6tli
June, T 8 1 9 . Gazette.
40. Brownrigg to Bisset, 1 4 t h and 16th September.
41. Lusignan to Hook, 16th September, Vol. 543.
43. Evidence recorded by Hook, 15th September; also Brownrigg to
Bathurst, Despatch 333 of 24th April, 1819.
44. To Bisset.
45. Hook to Brownrigg, Ambitiavah, 20th and 21st September.
Tulloch (?) Asiatic Journal, 1S43, Part 2, p. 122.
560 NOTES
In 1824 the British distributed among the Chiefs belts of broad gold lace
3£ cubits in length (Col. Secy., 2 1 ) .
The diadem of the early Roman Emperors, the emblem of imperial rule,
was of eastern origin, and consisted of a band of linen or silk, richly
embroidered, which was worn tied round the forehead ; it had nothing to do
with a crown. The Sinhalese Nalal pata is the survival of the early emblem.
Tn recent times the significance of the band has been forgotten. The metal
strip for the name was originally very small in size ; two of Raja Sinba's
period are available for reference, namely Pinnavala Rupusinha Mudaliya's
now at the Kandy Museum, with the silk band, and the other of Vikeliye
Punchi Appuhami which is with the Tillekeratna family of Matara. Eleven
of these slips were found among Sri Vikrama's treasure, and their combined
weight was 4 oz. 1 dwt. (Tri Sinhala. Appendix M) of an inferior quality
of gold.
46. Hook to Brownrigg, " Ehevlepollv's Walluah, Paldeniya, 23rd
September "; Hook to Hardy, D.Q.M.G. do.'
47. Hook to Brownrigg, Ruins of Nalande, 24th September.
4.8. Lusignan to Bisset, 26th September.
49. Hook to Kelly, Dambool Vihare, 25th September.
50. Hardy to Kelly, Alle Vihare, 23rd September.
5 1 . Kelly to Hardy, Dambola Vihare, 28th September,
52. A charming story has been preserved by Forbes (Eleven Years in
Ceylon, Vpl. I. p. 233): that in his flight the Disava insisted on alighting from
his palanquin and walking past the tomb of Elala, in reverence for the edict
passed by Dutu Gemunu in the second century before the Christian Era,
commemorating the virtues of a vanquished foe : one would like to believe
the story. " This edifice (Elala's tomb) however I did not visit, the natives
Having some unaccountable objection to show it, as is stated on the Map b y
Major Skinner. " Capt. I. J. Chapman : Additional Remarks on
Anuradhapnra, R.A.S. Jr. Great Britain, Vol. X I I I , p. 170. Nicholl, p. 694,
indicates the site.
53. Hook to Lusignan, 15th October.
.54. Sawers to Lusignan, Sth September ; he remarks on the advanced
age of the elder Rambukpota.
55. Lusignan to Board of Commissioners, 29th September.
56. Sawers to Lusignan, 7th October.
57. Brownrigg to Bisset, 21st September.
50. Sawers to D'Oyly, 1 7 t h and 27th October; D'Oyly to Sawers,
22nd and 31st October.
60. Sawers to Lusignan, 7th October.
61. Sawers to D'Oyly, 17th October. Harispattu, R.M., the family
of Moladanda, the younger Dodanwala, and Amunugama late Wadana
Tuwakku Lekama, Dodanwala Dissava, Anunugama, R.M., and a
younger Halangoda, have submitted ; also Mattamagoda late Nanayakkara
Lekam, Weliwita, R.M., and Pahalawela Dewa Nilame ; while Ellepola,
the two Tennegewatte Chiefs, one Iriyagama and 2 Miwatures were captured
in Dumbara, and another Iriyagama and the families of Pilimc Talavuwa
and Keppetipola in Matale. D'Oyly to Sawers, 19th October.
62. D'Oyly to Macdonald, 2nd October.
63. Sawers to Lusignan, 23rd October.
64. Sawers to Lusignan, iSth August, 21st and 27th September.
65. Sawers to D'Oyly, Badulla, 24th October.
60. Sawers to D'Oyly, 26th October.
Chapter X I I
1. For Annan Chattiri, see Judicial Diary, 23rd September, 1818.

Dobbin's Report, Taldeniya, 23rd September; Dobbin to Hardy,
Taldeniya, 27th September. " I hope many others will follow the physician's
example, " Lusignan to Bisset, 28th September; Lusignan to Bisset, 2nd
October. Aliadde Mohundiram was on 27th November, approved by the
Board of Commissioners for appointment as Chief of the Blacksmiths of
Dumbara. Board Proc.
For the Nilame's capture. Gay to Lusignan, 4th January, 1819
Vol. 531 B. For Aberah, Judicial Diary, 14th February, 1817.
2. Board Proc, 18th December, 1818.
The signatures of Madugalla Gaja Nayaka Nilame, Amunugama, Chief
of Dumbara and David de Alwis, Interpreter Muhundiram, appear in the
testamentary proceedings ot Alutgama Dugganna Unnanse Chandra Rekava,
under date 1 7 t h November, 1815. Judicial Diary.
The honorific Mahatmeyo is correctly applied by persons of the same
social status with reference to the wife of a Chief, See Lawrie for Dodanvala
(379) Kobbekaduva (599) Vatavatta (6to) Rambukwella (697) Haliella
(735) Weligama (753) : Hulangamuva (779) ; also Judicial Diary for
Elapata (25th March, 1817^ Mu'llegama (5th April, 1817). The word is
omitted in Knox's Titles to women (p. ros).
3. General Orders, 1 7 t h and 26th October.
4. General Orders, 15th, 1 7 t h and 19th October.
6. Judicial Commissioner, to Secretary Kandyan Provinces, 20th
December, 1819.
Caiiiltd 31st October; Lawrie I, p. ^76. Appendix O for sentences
inflicted under the Kings.
On executions as a popular spectacle :—
In 1796 the two Malays who were convicted of the murder of the brutal
Van Schouler. Chief of Matnra, and his wife, were hanged at Galle " in the
presence of all the men and most of the women of the place ; many Dutch
ladies of respectability being seen in the fort most ranks of spectators, exulting
in the afonies of the poor mistaken wretches. " Welsh, I, 40. The Malays
in accordance with their code of honour, had killed the Dutchman in reta
liation for flogging an aged man, the father of one of the avengers, to death
there was no intention to do harm to the wife.
Amazing stories have been invented about the cruel deaths inflicted by
Sinhalese Kings, and the authentic accounts of punishments for high mis
demeanours inflicted under European law are not without interest for pur
poses of comparison. Petrus Vuyst, removed from his office of Governor
of the Dutch Company's Settlements in Ceylon, was tried for what he did in
the Island, and was convicted of Crimen Laesae Majestatis, the murder of
people under the pretext of justice, and other excesses. His punishment
has been described by an eyewitness and the account, translated by the
late E. C, Buultjens, is as follows :
561
562 NOTES
Meanwhile, as the day approached on which he was to be executed, so

for this purpose that it might be carried out decently, there was erected
at a short distance away, the scaffold, or a sort of a gallows. This was partly
round, but above at the height of six feet somewhat running to a point,
with a round gap, and below at the ground with three gaps in its circuit,
archwise for the play of the flames, with red brickwork, built loose without
mortar, and within it was also placed a roaster of iron, in extent three feet
high, five long and four broad. Further the paraphernalia on the
scaffold were an arm chair, a butcher's board, a bucket for the entrails,
a large knife, and an executioner's hatchet. All this then being made ready
it was on. the 3rd July, of this year (1732) at about four o'clock in the morning,
that he was brought forth from the Company's prison, and amidst a large
concourse of spectators led by the minions of justice to the place of execution.
There he had to keep his place till such time as he was to receive the reward
of his works, and also till the honourable Council of Justice arrived to take
their seats there. After this had duly happened and the hour for this great
execution was meanwhile about to draw near, then was Mr. Petrus Vuyst
led to the fatal scaffold. He did not however let the slightest fear about his
death, so dreadfully near, appear. He conducted himself as if everything
which happened to him, was done only to make a bugbear and that by the
light of his character and well-meaning vigilance for the welfare of the
Honourable Company, and so too was it declared. But it was now too late,
and therefore the Honourable Council proceeded with their work, for as soon
as the prayer was ended, the executioners received the order to lay hands
on him. And they stripped this fellow stark naked even to his drawers,
and then set him in the arm chair and bound his hands fast to the chair.
After this performance he appeared in some degree to flinch. Now the
Members of the Council and also the crowd of people who were there as
spectators (among whom 1 also was present) to witness such an unheard
execution, were of opinion that something would have been spoken by the
Council in favour of again putting him in prison. But the same President,
having seen that Vuyst as yet remained quite hardnecked, gave the signal
to the executioner, who meanwhile had drawn his head a little backwards.
And with the knife which he had in his hand, in three or four blows, which
fell one after the other, he cut off the neck, and after a moment's pause he
seized the head and broke the neckbone in pieces. At once the dead body,
which was left behind on the chair, was set free and laid on the board, and
cut up by the executioner, who tore out its entrails and threw them down
into the bucket, which was expressly got ready for the purpose, meanwhile
the second executioner had already taken up the hatchet and chopped the
body into four quarters, which as quickly were given over one after the
other to the Compam''s slaves ordered thereto. They at once threw the
pieces into the fire. Similarly at the same moment the arm chair and the
board (on which such a great personage had been massacred to the great
astonishment of the whole world) were broken to pieces and together with
the other paraphernalia and his clothes, which were taken off, were cast into
the'ifire so as to be burnt at once. After this never heard of e xecution was thus
ended, each one went his own way, full of amazement on account of what
they had been spectators of there at that moment, when the clock was not
yet half past eight in the morning. Meanwhile it went on towards midday
before that the flames had consumed Mr. Petrus Vuyst, wherefore in the
afternoon his ashes were put in wooden chests, and together with the stone
structure, iron roaster, and all what was employed to that end for that strange
and never heard of work, were placed in a flat bottomed boat and being towed
moreover by river out into the sea, it was sunk to the earth with everything
that was in it. Such then was the wretched end of the late. Governor of
Ceylon, Petrus Vuyst.
Compare Jonville's account (1800) of the execution of Arauvavala

Adikar at Gannoruva a year before, which he obtained from the person in-
NOTES 563
charge of the Tanayama there, who probably was an eyewitness : " He

examined the sword to make sure it was well sharpened and begged the
executioner not to prolong his sufferings. Thereupon the executioner flung
away the sword and fled. It was handed to a second man but he also took
flight. Finally they so intimidated a third that the head was severed. He
picked it up, placed it on the breast of the corpse and at once withdrew.
Only the wild beasts dared to touch it."
The skull was seen by him placed on a sapu tree under which the execution
took place, and appears to have been buried by Jonville, who set up a small
mound of rough stones over it.
The punishment under the English Law for an offence similar to Alle pola's
is illustrated by the case of Townley who was convicted in 1746 on the charge
of holding a Commission in the Pretender's army. After he had hung
six minutes, he was cut down, and, having life in him as he lay upon the
block to be quartered, the executioner gave him several blows on his breast,
which not having the effect required, he immediately cut his throat; after
which he took his head off : then ripped him open and took out his bowels
and heart and threw them into the fire, which consumed them ; then he.
slashed his four quarters and put them with the head into a coffin." Quoted
by Lecky from State Trials.
In 1300 the Earl of Cornwall's body was anatomised and the flesh sent
to one religious establishment founded by him and the bones to another
and there interred in the presence of royalty. The Earl had bestowed on
each of these establishments a portion of the blood of Christ which he had
purchased in Germany. L. Margaret Midgley: Ministers' Accounts of
the Earldom of Cornwall, R. Hist. Soc. Camden Third Series, L X V I , 1942,
pp. x, xii, xvii.
In 1832, Dennis Collins was tried at Abingdon for an attack on the
King and was found guilty of throwing a stone at him with intent to cause
him bodily harm ; he was sentenced to be hung, beheaded and quartered but
was later respited.
When Pattapola Atapattuve Mohottala, one of Kirti Sri's Ambassadors
to Siam (1750) died at Bangkok, the body was prepared for cremation by
.dressing it in four cloths, with an inner and outer vest, and a jagalat toppiya.
So Wilbagedera, quoted by Pieris: Jcbras XVIII, p. 42.
7. At 11 p.m. on 7 t h August, D'Oyly at Dodanwala wrote to B. that
Gannoruwa people informed him that the Chief Iriyagama came there with
7 or 8 men with 2 or 3 guns and 2 or 3 bows and burnt two houses.
G.O. 29th October.
Judicial Diary, 14th October, 1 8 1 5 .
D'Oyly to Sawers, 31st October.
At this period it was a common practise in England, where a man
succumbed during the infliction of a sentence passed on him, to complete
the punishment on his dead body. There is a recorded case where a man
was sentenced to be flogged with a cat through the fleet, which meant that
a portion of the flogging was earned out before each ship. " The punishment
was so terrible that very few lived through it all. Joshua Davis tells of a
corpse being bi-ought alongside, with the head hanging down and the bones
laid bare from the neck to the waist. There were still fifty lashes due to
the man, so they were given to the corpse. " John Masefield : See Life
in Nelson's Time, p. 165.
The Dutch had the same practice which they were prepared to follow
to its logical conclusion ; Saar has recorded that after the capture of Colombo
in 1656, the corpse of a Hollander who was adjudged a traitor was dug up
from its grave and hung on the gallows. Jcbras X L 304.
564 NOTES
8. Lusignan to Bisset, 19th (August) ; Hardy to Kelly, Alle Velicre,

23rd September.
9. D'Oyly to Kelly at Pannagama, dated Kandy, 29th September,
10. Gazette, 24th October. See Appendix P.
1 1 . " The erecting of a machine in the District to convert the paddy
into rice is an object which appears to me desirable and demands
consideration." Hook to Lnsignan, 3rd November, 1818.
On 28th August, 181.1, the Council considered the scheme of Schneider,
Colonial Lieutenant of Engineers, to alter an oil-mill to adapt it for husking
paddy ; it was calculated to turn out 60 parrahs a day out of the Government
share" from the fields, and the rice would be used for the military. C O .
54-40. In 1812, there was much correspondence about a steam mill for rice
cleaning. C O . 54-45. The milling steam engine has turned out a white
elephant; perhaps the navy can put it to some use. Brownrigg to
Bathurst, 30th August, 1813", C O . 54-48.
12. Hook to Gay, Second Commissioner, 25th October, 1 8 1 8 .
13. Board Proc, 3rd November, 1818.
14. Goruwewey Unnanse reported that he had seen the Mohottala very
ill of a boil in the belly ; he was not expected to live more than two weeks.
15th September. For Gregory, see C.L.R. I. 400.
15. Hook to Lusignan, 20th and 31st October; D'Oyly to Sawers,
22nd October.
16. Hook to Lusignan, Private, 12th December.
17. " An indirect measure preparatory to the intentions of Nadoris
to gratify his ambition of being placed as Maha Mudaliar of the Kandyan
Challiahs. Such a step would in my humble estimation be impolitic. I
trust he will be otherwise rewarded. This man's mind is calculated for storms
and war-strife and discord. " Lusignan to Hook, 16th December, 1818.
On this appears " I quite agree with Hook. George should be rewarded but
not with power which I do not think safe in his hands, R.B."
18. Hook to Lusignan, 13th, 15th, 20th, 27th and 28th October,
Vol. 543 A. Hook on 31st October, suggested to Lusignan rewarding Wandu- •
ragala Rate Lekam, Nilleway Kodituvakku Nilame and Bogoomoah Atta-
pattu Lekam, all of Ihala Dolos Pattu, with " some distinguishing mark of
grateful approbation " as they had " very materially assisted by an un
shaken fidelity throughout the entire rebellion. " Vol. 543. See Appendix Q.
19. The shameful treatment of Arampala once again strained Bisset's
skill. On the 31st October, he announced in the Gazette " The only two
Mohottales from the Ehcle Dolas Pattoo who have hitherto persisted in
rebellion had just surrendered . .. Their names are the Arempolly and Hoono-
polly Mohottales."
On 7th November, he published the following :—" The Arunpolly
Mohottale is to be executed this day at Kornegalle. He had been once
received and forgiven upon making his submission, but he again joined the
Rebels, and is therefore a proper subject for an example."
Bisset's information was supplied under the Governor's directions, and
it is therefore clear that the dishonourable treatment of Arampala was
sanctioned by Brownrigg.
20. D'Oyly to Sawers, 31st October. O'Neil to Fraser, Kahala, 28th
October; Fraser to Brownrigg, Amunecola, 29th October.
Pybus, on being introduced to the King's Ministers, was led into an apart
ment " after taking them by the hands, which is the usual ceremony on
meeting, " p. 88.
NOTES 565
20th September, 1 7 9 5 . The Company's Ambassador Robert Andrews
on parting from the messengers from Court " by desire as a token of Amity
and Adieu we took the two hands of each within ours giving them an hearty
shake. " Jcbras 26. p. 70.
" The Ambassador went up to him with both hands open, the palms
uppermost, and joined : the Adigar advanced and took hold of them :
after which the Ambassador paid the same piece of respect to the three
Mottiars." Macpherson's Diary of Embassy of 1800, printed in Cordiner
II, 228.
14th September, (1825) " Sir Edward Barnes and the Bishop go out to
meet him (the Second Adigar) and shake him by both hands, and the former
then brought him to me for the same ceremony. " Mrs. Heber, p. 160.
2 1 . Gazette 7 t h November ; Despatch 315 of 31st October ; Lusignan
to Hook, 31st November.
22. ' D'Oyly to Sawers, 4th November; Despatch 317 of Sth January,
1819 ; General Order, 4th November; Gazette 7th November.
23. Despatch 317 of 8th January, 1819, and 333 of 20th April, 1819.
No. 197.
By HIS E X C E L L E N C Y T H E RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR ROBERT
WILMOT HORTON, Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Guelpliic Order,
Governor and Commander-in-Chief in and over the British Settlements
and Territories in the Island of Ceylon with the Dependencies thereol.
(Signed) R. W . HORTON
(Seal)
To all to whom these presents shall come Greeting. Whereas the services
and good conduct of Doollawe Nawaratne Wickremasinghe Samarakon
Panditte Mudianse Second Adikar have entitled him to some mark of Royal
Favour and Munificence, and it is our desire to mark the sense we entertain
of the same by a permanent Grant of Lands which by enduring to his posterity
shall be a proof for the future of the estimation in which their Ancestor was
held Now Know Ye ; that we have by virtue of the powers in us vested by
His Majesty, granted, assigned and set over, and do by these presents grant,
assign and set over unto the said Dullaywe Nawaratne Wickramasinhe
Samarakone Pandite Mudianse, Second Adikar, the fields of Eighteen
Amoonams, Three Pelahs and Four Lahas in Extent mentioned in the annexed
list and situated at the village Nikawella in the Udasiapattoo of the Matale
Korele in the Disawany of Matale with the rights and appurtenances (formerly
enjoyed according to the custom by the chief or grantee of the said village)
being the property, etc. in the possession of Our Sovereign Lord The King—
To have and to hold the said Dullaywe Nawaratne Wickremesinghe Samara
kone Panditte Mudianse Second Adikar the fields of Eighteen Amoonams
Three pelas and Four Lahas in extent mentioned in the annexed list and
situated at the village Nikawella in the Udasiapattoo of the Matale Korele
in the Disavany of Matale with its Rights, etc. appurtenances unto the said
Dullaywe Nawaratne Wickremesinhe Samarakone Panditte Mudianse,
Second Adikar, His Heirs and Assigns for ever in full right as Paraweny or
heritable Property subject to the condition of paying from the produce of
the same in Grain One-tenth annually to the Crown, either in kind or in
money as may be agreed between the present Grantee or his Heirs or Assigns,
and the Revenue Department of Government in place of all gratuitous Service
and subject also to all the existing Laws and Customs in respect to Escheat
or Forfeiture, and to such other General Regulations as may from time to
time he enacted by the Authority of Government.
566 NOTES
Given at Nuwwera Ellia in the said Island of Ceylon this Third day of
April in the year of Our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Thirty-Three.
By His Excellency's Command,
(Signed) P. A N S T R U T H E R
Deputy Secretary.
A. P. K.
Dawaka I 3 6
Medakate 3 6
Lianne Kumbura -
I —
Udewelle
Pallewele
I
—
-22 8
8
Medakete 3 2
Aswedduma
Karandegaha Ireweile
-
i —
I -
Udewele Gamwassama -
I I --
Kosgahakumbure I —
Depala
Gamwassama Aswedduma
—
I
I
—
-8
—
Pallewele I I 6
Nitulegawa I 4
Kanatiya - —
Gal Kanatiya - —
3
3
Mananna Kumbure
Wagabapela
-- I 2
8
Darande Nille — -2 —
Gambirigaha Cumbura 2
"Widawe Muttettua
Lekampangoowe - 2 —
2 4
-
Pallewele Gamwassama -
I —
Vitarempangoowe 2 -
Kotoowe Koombore
Wagahapela
— I -
6
Aswedduma -
I
I -
Total . . T8 3
-
4
(Signed) GEORGE T U R N O U R
Revenue Commissioner.
24. Vol. 543 A-

25. Printed in The Kandyan Throne, by Beatrice Brownrigg.
In 1851, the Anglican Archdeacon of Clombo described the Relic as " this
disgusting relic from the jaw of a baboon or some such sacred animal. "
Boake, p. 97.
Forbes (I. 333) saw what was shown to Sir R. Wilmot Horton at the
Maligava as the Relic. A comparison of his illustration of it (p. 292) with
Davy's and the dimensions given by him, render it doubtful whether the two
saw the same object. Forbes' illustration was followed by Emerson Tennent
who states the Relic was "about two inches in length and less than one in'
diameter, " a description which would be unnatural in the case of Davy's
illustration ; he does not expressly state that he ever saw the relic.
It is probable that the explanation of the difference between the illus
trations of Davy and Forbes is supplied by the following extract from
Mrs. Heber's Diary, 17th September, 1825. " The famous one (temple)
containing the tooth of Buddha we had no time to visit, but we were shown
NOTES 567
a facsimile of the precious relic, more like a wild beast's tusk than a human
tooth. " Probably it was the " facsimile " which Forbes has illustrated.
The legend concerning the size of the Relic varied in amusing fashion.
Knighton wrote : " It had not the form of a canine tooth at all: more
resembling indeed the top of a small elephants tusk sawn off." This writer
had four years experience in the country planting coffee and editing a news
paper ; but, though he describes himself as " Formerly Secretary of the
Ceylon Branch Royal Asiatic Society " his book is not a serious contribution
to knowledge. I I . 1 1 2 .
During an exposition of the Relic about 1825 the present writer met at
the Maligava an English missionary lady who expressed her disappointment
at the size of the Relic, as she had been told that it was a cubit in length,
26. Lusignan to Hook, 1 7 t h November.
27. Despatch 3 1 7 of 8th January, 1819, G.O. 24th November.
28. Brownrigg to Bisset, 25th August. Davy (pp. 484-5), and Marshall
p. 23, contain information about this troublesome complaint.
29. Letters to Bisset, 10th, 14th and 26th June, ist, 25th and 29th
August and 2 1 s t September.
Colombo, 6th January, 1820.
W e the undersigned certify that His Excellency General Sir Robert
. Brownrigg, G.C.B., during the last three years has laboured under a cutaneous
complaint, the History of which is briefly as follows : The complaint first
made its appearance in the hands and feet; it soon left the hands, increased
in the feet, spread to the legs, and even extended above the knees. The
character of it more resembled Prurigo than any other disease of the skin :
the eruption was papular, bright red, itched insufferably, discharged con
siderably, and the parts affected were generally much swollen—many different
modes of treatment were tried—but with little success. In addition to this
complaint of the skin His Excellency during almost the whole period he was
in the interior, at the time of the Rebellion in the Kandyan Provinces, was
labouring under a chronic gout which for about eighteen months deprived
him almost entirely of the use of his lower extremities. At one period, from
the joint effect of the two diseases, His Excellency's life was in considerable
danger, change of climate then appeared absolutely necessary ; it was strongly
recommended. But His Excellency, conceiving his presence necessary in
the Interior, at that critical moment, could not be induced to leave the scene
of action.
Dep. Inspector of Hospitals. CHARLES FARRELL, M.D.

Physician to the Forces. J. DAVY, M.D.
C O . 54-76.
30. Lusignan to Bisset, 28th September, 1818.
31. Lusignan to Bisset, 24th September.
32. See Vol. 203 B. The Board discussed the scheme from 28th
September till 7th October ; in answer to their Report a detailed reply was
sent by Lusignan on 26th October and 28th October. " I dare say they will
have hammered one (scheme) out by the time the Rebel leaders have hanged
themselves, which I think they must do, or incur the censure of the outrageous
as Bonaparte did by surrendering. " Lusignan to Bisset, 29th September.
33. In Despatch 323 of 9th January, 1818, Brownrigg explained that
the King's portrait showed him " not in Royal Attire or Crowned. " He
desired Sinhalese veneration " to replace the blind and abject feelings with
which they approached their former Kings. " The portrait is now at the
Kandy National Museum ; I was enabled to trace its origin by the help of
Mrs. Aileen M. Armstrong, Secretary, R. Hist, Soc, and the authorities of
the National Portrait Gallery, London.
568 NOTES
By Despatch 22 of 2.5th July, 1820 the Governor asked for full length
portraits of the new King, for the Magul Maduva and King's House, Colombo.
Treasury Chambers, ist February, 1821.
The Treasury Commissioners " are of opinion it may be proper that
a full length portrait of His Majesty should be sent to Colombo to be placed
in the Hall of Public Audience in Kandy and they request His Lordship
to give the necessary orders for that purpose," C O . 54-81.
In the Acts of Appointment of Headmen, the declaration that they would
receive the honours and obedience to which they were entitled according
to the Sirit Charitra of Sinhale continued to be recited, as will appear from
the Sinhalese version appearing below.
(Coat of A r m s )
By the Board of Commissioners for Kandyan Affairs.
By virtue of powers in us vested by His Excellency the Governor,
we do hereby appoint you Gurugama Kiribati! Kumburcgedara Appuhamy
Aratchy of Walgonwagoda ol the Padikara Lekam's Department in the
province of Yatinuwara to hold and to execute the duties of the said office
under the orders of the British Government during pleasure. And all
persons whom it may concern are peremptorily commanded to pay honours
and obedience to you in virtue of the said office according to the custom of
the Kandyan Provinces.
Given at Kandy the thirty-first day of July, 1830.
N. LINDSAY,
D. Col. Commd.
J. A. W R I G H T ,
George . . .
R.E.
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coSggSd d ® S aS3su:id©cfea<s© SeitecaiSSo©^© q?od£8
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f f o s r i g ® © tsn@\&3i sS@£)2x) £gd\ tndaS'cco <§®6 s n d s r f a eDzS^co.
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©25\E) CO0£J3*&D@c; ©1^032552530 Six® CfaQr^ § 8 s r f oSoa'Qin
K>i8co0 @®S-irf «554S)c5©(3e3 ^2S5oec.;sssdss5'§) ©cog2J5oo3.
In December, 1829, Iddamalgoda, Makandura. Ekneligoda and Moduvan-

vala, Koralas of Kuruviti, Atakalan, Meda and Kolonna Korales respectively,
represented that the abolition of Attapatf u, Kodituvakku and Dissave Mohot
tala Niles by the Government had resulted in seriously affecting the status
of families like their own who used to fill these posts under the Kings. When
attending Court they found themselves compelled to remain standing, while
NOTES 569
a few lucky ones were under the British Regulations, privileged to sit . . .
" The Worshipful Board may fully perceive the very awkward figure they
would make in the Court "beside the fatigue consequent on a standing
position. " They prayed that the Governor by his Warrant would appoint
them Extra Official Assessors, which would give them " admission to sit in
Court with the Dissavas as they are fully entitled to by their rank. " The
applicants stated they were the nephew of the deceased Ekneligoda Disava,
Son-in-Law of Dolosvala Disava, son of Ekneligoda and nephew of Mahavala
tanna Disava respectively. Board, Vol. 41 B.
34. The provisions regarding rajakariya and remuneration to the
Chiefs followed the practice established in the Littoral under Proclamation
of 3rd September, 1801.
35. Tennent II, 93 Note.
In contrast to Tennent's view of this provision is the following:—" It
is obvious that the first part of this Clause I is capable of being interpreted
in a manner quite as offensive to the principles of Christians, as that in the
Convention ; but it is not necessary for us to enquire what is the proper
interpretation of the clause, or in what sense it was intended to be understood
by its f ramer. A man who in a proclamation issued at the close of a sanguinary
and protracted struggle, could ascribe his success to the " efforts of the
British Government and the bravery of His Majesty's troops " without
making the slightest recognition of the Providence of God, was not very
likely to possess sound and clear views either of Christian principles or of
Christian duty, and it is fortunate that his successors are in no way bound
to adhere to any of the provisions contained in his Proclamation, except in
so far as they are consistent with religion, justice, and a due regard for the
welfare of the country," pp. 6, 7. Mr. F. Rodgers, in reporting to Mr. Gladstone
on the Ordinance No. 2 of 1846 " to provide for the management of Buddhist
Vihares and Dewales in tho Kandyan provinces " pointed out that " the
stipulations of Convention must be actually and apparently fulfilled in letter
and spirit, " dated Downing St., 25th June, 1846.
-
The following passages ai e from Secretary of State's, Despatch 123 of
4th December, 1852, to the Governor —
They (Her Majesty's Government) do not doubt that the stipulations
in favour of that Religion contained in the Convention of 1815, as renewed
and interpreted by the Proclamation of 1818, must be considered as binding
upon the British Government at the present time.
You will assure the Memorialists, that no representations from other
portions of the community will induce Her Majesty's Government to permit
any withdrawal of tire protection or any infringement of the immunities
guaranteed to the Buddhist Religion by the Convention of 1815.
Tennent has gone strangely astray in his opinion, (which equally strangely
was pressed in argument before the District Court in the Gampola Perahara
case).
How Government understood its rights and liabilities in respect of
Viharayas appears from the plaint in D.C. Kandy, Case No. 8950, dated
15th March, 1837, instituted by George Tumour, Government Agent for the
Central Province, through his Proctor Charles Beling, in respect of Huduhum-
pola Viharaya.
The first portion of the plaint is missing from the record. It continues :
That the said Defendant was on the Sixteenth day of September, one
thousand eight hundred and thirty-six, dismissed by Government from his
office, and notice of his said dismissal duly given him nevertheless the said
Defendant did not nor would surrender the said Temple of Huduhumpola
Vihare and the appurtenances thereof to Government or to his (the said
570 NOTES
Defendant's) successor in the said Office.of Chief Priest of Huduhuinpola

Vihare, hut this to do, he, the said defendant (although often requested has
hitherto wholly neglected and refused and does still neglect and refuse.
That the said Vihare and its appurtenances are the property of Govern
ment, and of the value of three hundred pounds ( ^ 3 0 0 1 . That by the fifth
article of the Convention held at the palace in the City of Kandy on the
second day of March, one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and duly
proclaimed the said Government are bound to maintain and protect the
Religion of Boodhoo as then professed by the Chiefs and inhabitants of the
Kandyan Provinces, and its Ministers and places of worship.
Whereupon the said Government pray that the said Defendant may be
cited to shew cause why he should not be ejected from the temple, lands
and premises belonging to the said Hoodohoompola Vihare, and make good
to the said Government the mesne profits appropriated by the said defendant
after his dismissal from the said office and be condemned in costs and the .
said Government pray for such other relief as the Court shall seem meet.
When in January, 1828, the Revd. Ignatius Pinto, of the Oratory of
St. Philippo Neri, desired to visit the Roman Catholics at Kandy, Kurunegala
and Vahakotte, he had to obtain an authority from the Governor to do so,
limited to ten weeks and subject to his making a report on his return. This
was in conformity with the Governor's Minute of 6th April, 1819. (Kandy
Kachcheri file).
36. Brownrigg's policy towards the religion of the people was similar
to what Maitland adopted in the Littoral which he described as follows:
" My object in forming this sort of Committee is first to convince the people
that the greatest respect and attention shall be shewn to their religious
prejudices and Customs. Secondly to give the Priests themselves a fellow-
feeling with our Government, and of course an interest in supporting its
authority amongst the Inhabitants and thirdly to break the powerful combi
nation which has hitherto from want of taking a proper view of the subject,
been allowed to subsist between the Modliars and the principal Priests to
the great Detriment of the British Interests and obvious advantage of the
King of Candy. " See Sinhalese Families, Ft. IV, p. 136.
The position regarding freedom of worship in the Maritime Provinces
is thus laid down in the Proclamation of 23rd September, 1 7 9 9 . " And
we do hereby allow of liberty of conscience and the free exercise of Religious
worship to all persons who inhabit and frequent the said Settlements provided
always that they quietly and peaceably enjoy the same without offence or
scandal to Government. But we command and ordain that no new place
of worship be established without our License and authority first had and
obtained."
Brownrigg by an Official Minute of 10th November, 1814, emphasized
the fact that these provisions were in full force.
37. Despatch 317 of 8th January, 181 g. On 23rd April, 1819, D'Oyly's
mother wrote to him from Edward Street, Cavendish Square " Sir Alexander
Johnson called on me yesterday morning he told me some people thought
you would come home soon with a plan to manage Kandy better than it
has been I hope it is true. " (Letters to Ceylon, p. 51.)
For 1819 the estimate from the Paddy Tax was 240,000 parrahs valued
at 180,000 rix-dollars ; this estimate did not include Uva, Vellassa, Bintenna
and Tamankaduva, from which little could be expected. Despatch 3 6 1 / 2
of 29th August, 1819.
3S. Lusignan to Board, 22nd November.
The first part of D'Oyly's report was forwarded to England with Brown
rigg's Despatch 402 of 31st January, 1820, and the rest with Barnes' Despatch
80 of 10th May, 1821, C O . 54-80.
NOTES 57]
Social institutions were soon being set at naught; to carry a palanquin

was a degrading duty laid on special castes and the abuses which sprang up
around it were a source of bitter complaint against Portuguese officials in the
seventeenth century. (See Portuguese Era). A General Order of 18th
December, 1818, refers to a recrudescence of the abuse.
" It having been reported to the Commander of the Forces that
instances have lately occurred of Native Kandyans having on the march
of Troops in the Interior been seized and forced to carry Baggage, the
Lieut.-General is under the necessity of shortly (strictly ?) forbidding
this practice in future. From the peculiar habits and prejudices of
many classes of the Kandyans who consider themselves degraded by
being employed to carry burdens, it is a matter of the highest political
consequence materially connected with the tranquillity of the country,
that such measure of coercion and interference should not be resorted
to."
De Bussche (31st March, 1817) estimated the population of the entire
Island at 1,600,000 ; he was interested in representing the brightest side of
the picture, on behalf of his patron, Brownrigg. Davy (1821) quoted the
census made b y the District. Collectors in 1814, which gave the population
of the Maritime Provinces as being 476,000, and added that the population
of the Interior was vaguely estimated at figures varying from 300,000 to
a million ; in his own opinion the entire population of the Island did not
exceed 800,000.
A copy of D'Oyly's Constitution was supplied by Johnston to the Asiatic
Journal, which dealt with it partially in one of its issues. He next sent
it to the Royal Asiatic Society which published a substantial portion in
Vol. I l l , part 2 of its Transactions, 1833.
There is a copy in the Library of Cbras written on paper with the water
mark 1838 ; 400 pages folio. It includes what was published in the Trans
actions, and in Sawer's Digest, and further Notes. It seems from the names
appearing on it, to have belonged to John Hillebrand who presented it in
1843 to J. E. . . . Laurie (uncertain). In 1873, it was the property of Joseph
Holloway and appears to have been purchased by Cbras in 1887. There is
a copy at the Kandy Kachcheri. The Constitution was published for the
Government by L. J. B. Turner, of the Civil Service,
39. The j ustice administered to claimants of houses under the Proclama
tion of the 24th appears both scant and summary. See the case of Bowelle
Dugganna Rala vs Juanis, heard by Sawers and Assessors on 2nd April, 1823,
regarding a house in Borova Vidiya.
Dionysius Abraham Disanayaka Mudaliyar of the Matara Wellaboda
Pattu, was appointed to Badulla Kachcheri; his grandfather, Don Simon
Wikramaratne Disanayaka Mudaliyar, had distinguished himself in the
service of the Dutch Company, especially in 1764-66. The following vividly
recalls the circumstances of the country in 1818 . . .
Permit the Bearer hereof Dionysius Abraham Dissanaike Modliaar
of the Attepattoe and Cutcherry of Badulla, with fifty servants, coolies,
and twenty carriage cattle with Baggage Provisions, etc. to proceed
from hence to Badulla in the Kandian Province without Molestation.
Given under my hand at Matura the 30th day of January, 1819.
R. M. SNEYD
Acting Collector.
N.B.—The undermentioned Aumanition is also permitted to take with
him. 1 Double barrel fowling Piece, 1 Fowling Piece, 1
Pistol, 1 lb. of Gun Powder, * lb. of Shot, i lb. of Bolls and
3 Finis.
572 NOTES
40. Referring to the Dutch Governors' official residence, Sir Edward

Barnes wrote to the Secretary of State : " Why the Governor's Residence was
discontinued as such and converted into a Church I know not. " Despatch
157 of 5th September, 1826.
41. " The scene had as much life, animation and gaiety as an ancient
triumph could possess : and, if it wanted the ancient splendour, it was not
disgraced by its barbarities " wrote the admiring Davy.
What has survived out of Brownrigg's Diary has been printed in Beatrice
Brownrigg : The Kandyan Throne.
The practice of presenting high officials with addresses had been started
not long before and soon attained a great vogue ; private individuals were
much gratified when invited to attach their names to such documents, which
the officials concerned treated as certificates of character and sent to England
for the guidance of the authorities.
Now among others a deputation appeared before B. with an address signed
by 245 Burghers, in order to express their congratulations at his return from
the Interior and their " Cor.solatory and heartfelt satisfaction " at seeing
that he " has accomplished its tranquillity as essential to the happiness of its
infatuated and deluded Inhabitants. " They asserted that he " has the
credit of having employed even until the greatest Progressive Height of
Insurrection, the most mild and conciliatory measures to restore tranquillity
and peace. " They recalled that unlike in the former W a r the Maritime
Provinces had throughout escaped attack and there was no need to proclaim
Martial Law over them. They expressed their admiration for " the very
superior intelligence, intrepidity and perseverance " of the Army under
his command which had thoroughly ransacked a country which for three
centuries had baffled Europeans by its difficulty of access. They expressed
their conviction that before long the Maritime Provinces would increase in
prosperity as the result of uninterrupted communication with the inhabitants
of " a fertile and luxuriant Interior Country " and they concluded with a
fervent hope that B. would " long enjoy all the Honours due to eminent and
exalted merit. " All this as well as B's reply was duly printed in the Gazette,
A Pamphlet of .54 pages, printed by W . Flint, Angel Court, Skinner St.,
undated, is devoted to the Addresses presented to Sir Alexander Johnston,
and his replies thereto.
The following entry refers to the Maha Mudaliyar wdio shared his
toil during the period of anxiety at Maha Nuvara . . . 31st December, 1819.
" In the evening attended the Christening of the Son of the 2nd Maha Modeliar,
Abram de Saram, to whom I stood God Father. The Child was named
Robert. " As a matter of fact the name was R. B. When the Secretary
of State enunciated the policy of throwing eipen the Civil Service to all classes,
the Governor, R. W . Horton, replied : " The Second Maha Mudaliyar was
eminently fitted to be the first native selected to fill one of the higher offices.
He was formerly a Member of the Land Raad Court, was perfectly acemainted
with English, of unquestioned integrity, and equally respected by Europeans
and Natives. " He therefore appointed him to be District Judge of Panadura,
but he died on 12th July, 1834, a few days after assuming charge. The
Secretary of State authorised a special pension of £60 a year to the widow and
£40 a year for his son's education. Governor's Despatches of 20th September,
1834 and 4th February, 1836. Davy (p. vii) has recorded his obligations
to the Maha Mudaliyar ; See also Sinhalese Families, part III. References
to him in Harvard's Narrative, etc.
James de Alwis, c. 1863, mentioned that de Saram is figured on the walls
of Attanagalla : this has not been verified.
42. G.O. 18th May, 1815. Brownrigg to Bisset, 2nd September, 1818.
Lusignan to Bisset, 6th, September • Sawers to Lusignan, 23rd September.
NOTES 573
43. Minute dated Ruvanella, 27th November, 1818 ; also Colombo,

26th January, 1 8 1 9 . Vol. 126 B.
44. The following are the relevant passages :—
Forbes (1840) : i, 49. " Even Eheylapola . . . who had himself declined
office, and only requested that ho might be styled, The friend of the British
Government, was arrested on well-grounded suspicion of his fidelity, "
1.53, "Eheylapola was not tried, nor were his lands confiscated; but he was
banished to the Isle of Franco, along with several chiefs of inferior note."
I, 532. " From the best information, I cannot doubt the perfect
knowledge and concurrence of Eheylapola in the treasons of his brother-in-law
Kaepitapola . . . Eheylapola had declined the situation of First Adikar . . .
his subsequent conduct renders it probable that he looked higher and felt
disappointed at the arrangements made by the British. "
Emerson Tennent (1858). II, 90. " Eheylapola, who had cherished
the' expectation that the crown would, have descended on his own head . . .
retired with the declaration that his ambition was satisfied by being recognised
as " the Friend of the British Government " . . . p. 9 1 . (Nearly the whole
kingdom rose simultaneously in arms in the autumn of 1817 . . .) and Eheyla
pola, the ardent "friend of the British Government" was seized and
expatriated for fomenting the rebellion.
How strong the local prejudice against Ahalepola was appears from what
Lockyer wrote of him. " His subsequent conduct in 1818 tended to confirm
his intention as rumoured when he was taken in the act of sending his orders
and raising a general rebellion through out the Kandian country when he was
seized and taken as a state prisoner to Colombo and was for the sake of
the future peace and quiet of the Kandian country banished to the isle of
France. " This was written after Ahalepola's death which was in 1829.
Bennet reflects local gossip of European circles when he writes (p. 421),
" but Eheylepola, and the Second Adikar (Kappuwatte) were the secret
abettors of Kappitipola and his colleagues. "
Ah's will was dated Pumplemous, 2nd April, 1829. The Board forwarded
the translation of this, with a mass of connected documents of importance,
to the Deputy Chief Secretary with its letter of 4th August, 1830. The file
was traced by me at the Kandv Kachcheri, and appears to be the missing
44 B.
45. Suckling, 1876, I, 358. "These feelings broke out in open revolt
in the autumn of 1817, secretly fomented by Eheylapola, the professed
friend of England, who was disappointed that the crown had not been con
ferred on himself when the king was deposed ; but the Government discovering
his proceedings he was seized and transported to Mauritius. " Forbes'
" chiefs of inferior note " (twenty-four in number) were banished in 1819,
and Ahalepola, in 1825.
The King's order for execution was in the words " Oka thallu korala
dhapiya " (push the fellow off) (Deraniyagala, p. 1 1 5 ) ; Jcbras, X X X V .
Compare the Burmese King's order . . . " let him travel by the usual road. "
(Harvey, G. E. ; History of Burmah, London, 1923, p. 333).
The rising ground where the execution took place continued to be used.
by the British for the same purpose and was called bv them Hangman's
Hill. In a Town Plan of Kandy, surveyed by J. C. Gordon in 1859, under
the direction of J. O. Donnell, this Hill is shown. A tracing of this, with
correspondence regarding the levelling of the hill, (the site is now occupied
by the Market) is to be seen at the Municipal Office. There is a sketch of the
Hill in a Plan for certain improvements prepared in 1864, also at the Office ;
this is printed in Bingham, Vol. II.
NOTES
lie execution was 26th. and ' not 25th as stated by

,„„ of 24th November. The Gahalayo whose social position
i that of the Rodi, lived in Mahagama of Pata Dumbara. According
,n, (which the late Rambukwelle Siddartha Thero and 'Kappitipola
^^..^^..a Nilame of Ambakke Devalaya accepted) execution was by a sword
stroke across the forehead and not on the back of the neck. Deraniyagala
deals with the subject somewhat fully in Sinhala Weapons and Armour,
Jcbras X X X V , No. 95, p. 1 1 5 . Figure 8 in the paper, copied from Dambulla,
shows in the lower half of the left side, the execution of two prisoners.
Regarding sanctuary:—
Henry Man, the Englishman who was a servant at Raja Sinha's palace,
took sanctuary in a Vihara fearing punishment for breaking a china dish.
Knox, p. 134.
For sanctuary in Portuguese times, see Pieris: Ribeiro, p* 63 ;
Portuguese Era, T, 62 ; II, 90.
46. On 3rd April, 1 8 1 7 , there was a reference before the Judicial
Commissioner to the occasion when Kirti Sri Raja Sinha's body was taken
"to be interred in the burial ground of the Kings in Nagaha Street." Cremation
has obviously been confused with burial in the passage.
Lieut. William Henry Lyttleton of the 73rd Regiment who arrived in
Ceylon in October, 1814, made various drawings in Sinhale and from these
" a set of views of the Island of Ceylon, " consisting of six coloured prints,
was published by Edward Orme on ist January, 1819. One set was presented
by D'Oyly to his mother, see Letters to Ceylon, pp. 52, 67. One of these
prints was of the tombs of the Kings, as they were when Sri Vikrama ceased
to be King and in the description of the plates which was issued appears
the following :•—•
Tombs of the Kandyan Kings.
At the north end of the town of Kandy leading to Trincomalee. In
this solitary and sequestered spot, formed by nature for contemplation and
retirement, are enshrined the remains of the ancient Kings of Kandy. On
the right hand, nearly enclosed by the spreading branches of a huge tree,
stands the monument of the warrior Raja Sinha, the successful enemy of the
Portuguese. Many of these venerable piles are now in ruins ; which from
their construction, and the materials of which they are composed, bear evident
marks of considerable antiquity . . . The adjoining wood is clothed with
the most luxuriant foliage, affording a grateful shade in the walk towards
this verdant recess. " (A copy of the descriptive sheet is preserved at Charts
Edge, Westerham, Kent, and a transcript was kindly supplied to me in 1937,
by the late Mr. Edward Giffard).
But tomb wreckers were about and on 22nd February, 1819, Lusignan
wrote to the Board : " His Excellency requests Lieut. Colonel Kelly to order
an estimate of the expence of repairing the Royal tombs and is happy to learn
that punishment has followed the nefarious attempt of the Pioneers" reported
by you. " (Vol. 218 B). The mischief was not permanently stopped and
on 17th September, 1825, Mrs. Heber wrote in her diary—" In another
temple we were shown, with extraordinary reverence, some relics of bone
taken out of Raja Singh's tomb at the time of our occupation of Candy, when
all the royal tombs were broken open and gold and jewels of considerable
value found . . . The tombs are of stone, meanly enough sculptured and
much injured by the violence used in forcing them open. The Kings' and
Queens' stand on opposite sides, and there is little to recommend the spot
except some noble peepul trees overhanging the tombs. " This seems to
prove a further robbeiy after the attempt of 1819, while the British made no
attempt to repair the damage done.
NOTES 575
The next reference is by Forbes, who provided a good illustration as well:

He wrote : " The tomb of Raja Sinha was nearly perfect and preserved
its shape in May, 1828. That of Kirti Sri was then entire. In 1837 the
former was a heap of rubbish from which the stones had been removed ; and
the beautiful proportions, even the general form of the latter, could no longer
be traced. Hopes of plunder, or unmeaning wantonness, at the time when
Kandy was entered by the British, precipitated the fate of these monuments;
neglected as they now are, there is nothing to retard it. " I, 301.
Tombs of the Kings and Queens of Candy published in the R.A.S.
Transactions, in connection with an article about Anuradhapura and Mihintale
read by Captain I. J. Chapman, Royal Artillery on 21st July, 1832, The
drawing which is good was probably made about 1828. at which time he
was quartered in Colombo. Vol. I l l , plate 2 1 .
In certain respects it is a better drawing than Forbes' which was made
at the same period. Also see Russell (1852) Illustration "Ancient Tombs
and Sacred Trees, p. 36.
Some years later (1853) Knighton wrote : " The tombs of the Kings*
broken, desecrated and almost destroyed. Goths from England carrying
away part, and Vandals in Ceylon seizing the rest. " II, 1 1 5 , Second E d .
A couple of poorly carved small wooden columns, said to be from this
site, were purchased b y Sir Everard Ferdinand im Thurn who presented them
to the India Museum at South Kensington. The indifference of the British
authorities with regard to these memorials is equalled by their attitude towards
the great carved slab which covered the grave of Dharmapala within the
Portuguese Church in the F'ort of Colombo : See Pieris ; Ceylon the Portu
guese Era, Vol. I, p. 559.
The late Sir Thomas de Sampayo informed the present writer that he
saw Dharmapala's tombstone at the Roman Catholic Church at Kotahena
when he himself was a choirboy there ; according to his recollection it was
over nine feet in length. For Tulloch, see Asiatic Journal, 1843. Pt. I.
Marshall, p. 230.
47. Davy, p. 110, contains this foot-note: " The cranium represented
in Plate III belonged to a Sinhalese Chief of a secluded part of the Interior. "
Crania answering to that description were not generally accessible to British
scientists, and the language used is obviously very guarded. The Chief of
a secluded part of the Interior referred to may well have been Keppetipola.
The description will apply even better to ICivulgedera but there is no record
that his skull was preserved.
48. D'Oyly to Wright at Badulla, 27th November, acknowledging
Wright's letter of the 24th with the news of Kivulegedera's capture. Polgolle
Mohottala was also executed.
49. The six descendants of the original Bandara Veddah were :
Ihala Walawwe Alut Deviyo,
Pahala Walawwe Deviyo,
Dissa Bandara Deviyo,
Patabendi Alut Deviyo,
Kadavata Alut Deviyo and
Punchi Alut Bandara Deviyo.
The Devale was re-erected by the villagers in 1939, but there is no resident
Kapurala and one has to be fetched from Godunna, six miles away, to perform
the ceremonies. " There are no descendants of this family from the male
line. There is only one man today descended from the female line ; he says
that when ceremonies are done in honour of Kiulegedera Deviyo he faints.
The people round about Kiulegedera village still send this person rice cakes
NOTES
nd milk rice as his dues (homage) when ceremonies are done to Kiulegedera
ieviyo. " (Katugaha Basnayaka Nilame).
Demodera Mohottala surrendered at Matara Kachcheri on 27th January,
1819, On 20th March, Nuvaraveva Mudiyanse was seized at his house by
a band of Malays guiled by a Sinhalese Mohottala. On the 24th Katukelle
Mohottala found alone and lame, was captured at Digulana in Lower Uva
by people from Mahagam Pattu ; a Court Martial sentenced him to death,
but Brownrigg proposed to banish him from the country for life. The Maha
Betme of Kataragama, Alamulla, was captured in the forest of Nikawitte in
Vellassa on 5th April; with him were taken his uncle and the entire Alamulla
family. He was reported to be the most determined of the three Maha
Betmes of Kataragama; the Governor expected to obtain authentic infor
mation from him about the history of the rising and proposed to confine him
at Jafanapatam. Andiavela was still evading capture. Despatch 333 of
24th April.
Six females of Demodara's family were sent to Kalutara, and his brother
and other males to Colombo : Letter to Stark at Ratnapura, 2 th October,
1818. Madugalla's family despatched this morning to Ratnapura, Board,
19th December ; others already sent to Kalutara, do. 21st December. Madu
galla's widow and four children despatched from Kandy to Kalutara, whither
his mother and sister will be sent from Colombo, letter to .Collector, Caltura,
22nd December.
See Appendix S.
Eknaligoda died on 1 7 t h June, 1822, aged 39 years.
In 1835, Mahavalatenna was appointed Pallegampahe Adikar as a reward
for giving information which led to Molligoda the younger and some other
Chief; being put on their trial for treason.
50. See Ferdinand's account of Kataragama, Young Cylon.III, 85-87.
Appendix A
S o m e Royal Institutions and Popular Rights
The following is a translation of replies, dated 12th August, 1769, to
twenty-one questions addressed by Iman Willem Falk, the Company's
Governor (1765-1785), to certain Bhikkhus in Sinhale whose names do not
appear, Joseph Jonville, 1798-1805, referred to them when in discussing
polygamy he refused to accept an assertion of its illegality contained in
" a Dutch Manuscript written about twenty or twenty-five years ago, "
(Asiatic Researches, Vol. vii. p. 425, London 1803). In "June, 1816 Tolfrey
and Sutherland after their interview with Millava Disava reported " The
little he said about particular customs corresponded very closely with the
paper Mr. Tolfrey has got, compiled by Governor Falk. " On 10th September
(1819?), Lusignan wrote to the Board of Commissioners, with reference to
Gay's proposal to prohibit polygamy, " His Excellency is not inclined to un
settle the Tenure of property and domestic arrangements of families, which
would be the consequence of declaring illegal the marriages referred to, which,
however stated by Governor Falk's informants to be contrary to the Laws of
Buddha, it is unfortunately too well established, are in general practise and
recognised as valid throughout these Provinces. " Bertolacci in 1817 publish
ed a translation as Appendix to his book on Ceylon, under the head " Some
Laws and Usages of the Candians "; the translator's name does not appear
and the work is unsatisfactory. The present translation, made with Dr.
Paranavitfma's assistance which is very gratefully acknowledged, is from a
paper copy prepared for me in 1903 from a puskola dated 1830 which had
belonged to A. F. Obeyesekere Mudaliyar.
H o m a g e to the Buddha
Is there any customary law handed down from ancient times before the
existence of a King at Kanda Uda Nuvara? By whom and under what circum
stances was such law instituted? Has such law been committed to writing?
If it is asked in what circumstances did a King first appear in this Sri
Lanka Dvipa, two thousand three hundred and twelve years ago on Tuesday
the Full Moon day of the month Vesak, Vijaya Kumaraya, the eldest of the
sons of King Sinhabahu, who reigned in the city Sinha Pura in the country
of Lala in Dambadiva, came by ship with 700 Yodeyo and landed in Lanka
and became King.
Who first gave order for the establishment of a King in Lakdiva?
Our Lord Buddha who attained supreme Buddhahood after fulfilling
the 30 Sublime Perfections.
On what occasion was this order given?
On the Full Moon day of the month Duruta, nine months after he had
attained Buddhahood, our lord travelled through the air from the mid region
of Dambadiva, and rested above over where the great assembly of Yakshas
had met in the middle of Lanka at the beautiful garden of Mahananga. There
after striking terror into their hearts by the display of rain and storm and
darkness, he summoned by his power the island of Giridiva, placed the Yak
shas therein and sent it back. As at the time Lakdiva was void of human
inhabitants, he preached to the large gathering of Devas who assembled there,
and established them in the Refuge and Ethical laws and after extending his
577
79fi—T
578 APPENDIX
protection over this Island that it should thereafter become the abode of men,
returned to Dambadiva.
And so it came to pass that when after forty-five years as Buddha, our
Lord on the day of his passing away, as he lay on his bed in the pleasure garden
of the Mallalawa Rajas in Kusinara Nuvara in Dambadiva, from among the
Devas of ten thousand worlds who thronged around he addressed Sakra Devi
yo, who stood near. " My Sasana, O Sakraya, will hereafter be established
in Lanka Dvipa. And this day Vijaya Kumaraya, the most noble son of
King Sinha Bahu of Sinha Pura in Lala of Dambadiva is landing with seven
hundred Yodeyo, his courtiers, in the Island and assuming the Kingship.
Therefore do tiiou protect this Raja and his train and Lanka. " Such was
the command he gave. Thus bidden Sakraya summoned Vishnu Deviyo
and said " Lotus hued One, zealously guard Vijaya Kumaraya and his follow
ers and the Sasana of Buddha which is to endure in Lakdiva for five thousand
years to come. " And the Deviyo thereupon went down to Lakdiva and took
it under his protection.
Following on the command of Buddha and the Deviyo, Vijaya Raja of the
Suriya Vansa reigned at Tamrapanni Nuvara in Lakdiva for thirty-eight years
being the first to rule as King. Further be it known that commencing from
the first King Vijaya Raja and ending with the present King Kirti Sri Raja
Sinha, in this the Buddhist year 2312, the number of Kings who have reigned
in Lanka during this period, is one hundred and sixty-nine.
On the demise of a King, what is the procedure followed for securing another
King for the Kingdom ?
If there is a Prince the King may before his death, along with the Council
of Ministers, entrust the Kingdom to him. If he die without this being done,
inquiry is made by the Council of Ministers to ascertain if there is a member
of the Raja vansa in Lanka and he is entrusted with the sovereignty. Failing
that it is the custom at Maha Nuvara from ancient times to send Dekum-
panduru to Madurapura and other countries where the religion of Buddha
and the Suriya vansa are found and fetch royal princes and princesses and
keep them for the sovereignty. If that again is not possible a member of
the Bandara valiya is selected.
Where a King has several princes, is there any rule permitting the passing
over of the eldest and the selection of a younger prince?
Among princes seniority of birth does not give a right to Kingship.
What does give a right is the possession of virtue, wisdom and pin. Out of
the ten sons of Mutusiva Maha Raja who reigned at Anuradha Pura in Lanka,
as the second was distinguished for these qualities, the eldest entrusted him
with the Kingship. This fact will be found stated in the book name Raja
Ratnakare. Whether the royal father is alive or not, this is the custom to
be followed ; Nevertheless it is competent for him to entrust the Kingship
to any Prince he prefers.
What is the manner in which a King wears the Crown? What are the
customary ceremonies performed on the occasion?
On the day on which a King assumes the sovereignty, a royal Mandape
made beautiful with every kind of gem, is decorated ; in the middle of it is
constructed a Mandape of Udumbura branches in which an auspicious seat,
Bhadra Pitta, of Dimbul boards is placed. To this seat the one of the Raja
vansa who is suited for the Kingship is conducted and seated thereupon,
adorned with the Panchakakuda Bandaya, namely the Sword, Pearl um
brella, Frontlet, Sandles, and Chamaras of Yaktails, and all the other orna
ments. Then first a royal virgin, adorned with the auspicious ornaments,
taking in her two hands a sea chank with the whorls to the right, filled with
water from the Ganges, pours the water on the royal Prince's head saying:
APPENDIX 579
" Divine Lord, tliou art consecrated for the whole of this Ksetrya host. May-
est thou continue steadfast in the righteousness of Kings and found thy rule
in justice and peace. " The Purohita Brahmanaya follows dressed in the
prescribed ceremonial garb; he sprinkles the Ganges water from a silver
chank; and after him a Sitano, in the ornaments proper for him, using a chank
of gold, each repeating the like invocation. (Note: by an obvious omission,
the Purohita is not mentioned in the Manuscript).
Being perfected with this royal Abhiseka, the King should ponder thus.. .
The meaning of their words is this : Shouldst thou continue thy rule in
accordance with our words, it is well; but shouldst thou fail, may thy head
burst in seven pieces. That is the imprecation contained in their words. "
These details will appear in the book named Maha Vansa.
Secondly :
Is it competent for this King to do what he thinks fit according to his sole
judgment?
The King has knowledge of State Craft, that is, of Custom as to what is
Just and what unjust, as handed down from ancient times, as well as of the
Rules of the Dharma—what accords with Religion and what does not; there
are matters of administration which one of such great wisdom and learning
can decide according to his sole judgment, and there are very many matters
which have to be done after careful inquiry from the Council of Ministers and
the inhabitants. If the question is in doubt, what the Maharaja Parakrama
Bahu who reigned at Polonnaruva "in this Lanka did according to his sole
judgment, and what after consultation with the Council of Ministers, is
narrated in the Maha Vansa.
Among the rules for the Government of the Kingdom, are there any by which
the King should regulate his own conduct?
" The foundation of kingly power is the conquest of the senses " say the
opening words of the Niti Sastra. The five senses are the eyes, ear, nose,
tongue and body. Their conquest consists in the absence of covetousness
at the sight of the wife or other possession of another, the ignoring of lying
or malicious tales that are heard, indifference to the attractions of what smell
or taste sweet, and to the allurements of bodily pleasures.
The conquest over the senses arises from reverence towards one's parents,
teachers and elders, which reverence is begotten of association with men of
wisdom ; this again is the fruit of learning, for learning makes one complete,
and devotion to learning leads to the control of desire ; all that is desired can
be achieved by him who has learned to control the mind. Such are the rules
that should regulate the conduct of Kings ; evidence on the subject will be
found in the book Telpatra Jatakaya.
Can this King without making full inquiry from another and without
charging him with a definite offence, of his sole opinion condemn him to death
or confiscate his properly?
If in the present, past, or future, in any territory, country or city the
Ministers and inhabitants have appointed or will appoint a King, it is for the
purpose of ensuring inquiry and decision between the just and the unjust,
the right and the wrong; of seeing that injustice is suppressed and justice
upheld, of protecting the innocent and punishing the guilty by suitable punish
ment. Nevertheless when a person accused of grave crime is condemned
to death, the matter should be discussed with the inhabitants and the Principal
Radalavaru who constitute the High Court of Justice, the books where the
ancient precedents of such cases are recorded should be consulted, and if the
crime is punishable with death, order should be made accordingly. Such is
the recognised custom. But where a man has not been found guilty the
580 APPENDIX
power to confiscate his property whether of his sole judgment or in consult

ation with his Ministers is not contemplated anywhere in the Raja Dharma.
Can a King commence a war or end one which has started without consulting
the Council of Ministers?
With the thought that clay and night there is fear of enemies, it is the
recognised duty of a King to have in readiness tusked elephants, horses,
chariots, foot soldiers and weapons, and in the city to maintain the ramparts,
gates, watch posts, streets, approaches and suchlike and to be ever on the
alert for the outbreak of hostilities. Therefore if at any time enemies should
appear, as there would be no time for deliberation with the Ministers, he should
on his own initiative call out his army in its four branches and go forth and
crush the enemy. Further should enemies swiftly approach the Nuvara itself,
and it be impossible to arm his forces, he may of his own initiative and with
out consulting the Ministers, deliver the treasures in the Royal Stores to the
approaching enemy and make peace with them. It is a well recognised
custom for the King to consult the Ministers before invading another country ;
he may not terminate a war so begun according to his sole judgment.
Can the King reduce men of noble wansa to a low jati or raise the low to
Wansas?
Where men of noble wansa commit treason or other similar grave offence,
it is open to have them arrested and tried by the highest Tribunal of Justice
and to condemn them to death and to reduce them to a low jatiya. As for
men of low origin, they can be appointed headmen in their own Nagaran but
there is no possibility of raising them to a wansa.
Can the King according to his oimi wish and without the knowledge of the
Ministers and inhabitants, appoint another to the Kingship?
Except that where a kinsman suitable to inherit the kingdom is available
the King, with the Chiefs and inhabitants, can in an emergency hand over
the Kingdom to him, he cannot do so of his sole wish. But if the Kingdom
is handed over at a time when there is no such urgency, this should be done
along with the Ministers and inhabitants according to ancient custom and
with royal ceremonial.
Among the laws laid down at the beginning for the Government of the King
dom, are there any to which the Kings themselves must conform? If so what are
they, by whom were they laid down, have they been committed to writing, and
where are such writings to be found?
There are ten laws to which Kings must conform ; they are the laws of
Charity, Piety, Liberality, Candour, Impartiality, Self-control, Forgiveness,
Gentleness, Patience, and Humanity.
Charity consists in giving food and clothing to Priests, Brahmins and
others who live on alms.
Piety, in preserving inviolate the precepts of religion.
Liberality, in granting fields, gardens and similar valuable gifts.
Candour, in the absence of deceit and cunning.
Impartiality, in dealing with all men alike.
Self-control, in avoiding the excesses that attend the senses of sight,
hearing, taste, smell, and touch.
Forgiveness, in not nourishing feelings of anger.
Gentleness, in not oppressing the innocent.
Patience, in abstaining from condemnation without inquiry.
APPENDIX 581
Humanity, in absence of enmity towards all men.

It is stated in the book named Dik Sangiya that these ten laws were laid '
down by the Buddha at Sarandade Maha Vihara in the city Visala Maha
Nuvara in Dambadiva when preaching to the Lichchavi Rajas of the place.
Thirdly :
What Ministers assemble for inquiring into high Judicial matters connected
with the King's administration? Hozv are suck high judicial inquiries conducted ?
The two Adikars, the four Maha Disavas, the Maha Mohottala, and the
Dugganna Mahatten belonging to the Bandara Valiya meat at the Adikarana
Salava and inquire into ordinary cases ; where a matter cannot be thus dis
posed of, the same assemble at the Magul Maduva in the presence of the King
who is seated on his throne, and deal with cases affecting the State. (The
text is obscure).
Is there any system of laws established from of old for the Government of
the Kingdom?
Laws ordained from ancient times exist. Of these the first lays down that
no religion is to be accepted save that of Buddha.
The second, that the Queen Mother must not be put to death.
The third makes like provision regarding the Royal father.
The fourth provides similarly regarding good priests,
The fifth forbids the destruction of Veheras, Viharas and Bo-trees asso
ciated with the relics or images of Buddha.
The sixth forbids the taking of life.
The seventh, theft.
The eighth, adultery.
The ninth, untruthfulness.
The tenth, the use of intoxicating drinks.
These ten have been established from of old as fundamental for the
government of the country.
// the King in contempt of these laws indulge in any unjust cruelty, is it
competent for the Ministers responsible for justice to forbid the same and put
a stop to it?
If a King violate these ten laws and indulge in acts of cruelty and unright
eousness, the Council of Ministers is empowered to put a stop to that. For
instance once upon a time in a certain city of Dambadiva a King named
Porisada was in the habit of having people killed secretly in order to eat their
flesh ; learning of this the Ministers and inhabitants earnestly besought him
not to eat human flesh but were unable to restrain him from the act. There
upon they expelled him from the Nuvara and appointed another royal Prince
to the Kingship. This is so related in the book Sutasoma Jatakaya.
Can a King dismiss his Council of Ministers and appoint others in their
place?
If an individual Minister has committed an act of treason, immediately
on such a charge being proved in due form, he can be dismissed and another
1
appointed to his office ; but the King cannot dismiss the Council of Ministeis
as a body.
582 APPENDIX
Is the King bound to accept a matter""finally determined after an inquiry

as set out above, or can he avoid doing so ?
The King has the power to avoid matters finally determined after
inquiry; nevertheless if all the other Ministers make a representation that the
Raja Dkarma for the support of religion and the government of the country
as stated in the books is different, he must not override but uphold the deter
mination.
Where in the administration of this Country, Nuvaragama, abuses are
found, is it true that the inhabitants of several Rataval are held responsible?
Which are those Rataval? To what extent can they exercise authority?
The inhabitants of several Rataval are held responsible for abuses in
the administration of the Government. Those Rataval are Udu Nuvara,
Yati Nuvara, Dumbara, Pansiya Pattuva, Matale, Harasiya Pattuva,
Tun panaha, Hevaheta, and Uva. The authority which they possess is this,
they are authorised to destroy those who create abuses in the administration
(text obscure).
Are there matters regarding the administration of the country in which the
Sangha may participate ?
The two Bhikkhus who are appointed as Nayaka of the Sangha not only
of the two Maha Vihara which have existed at Maha Nuvara from ancient
times, but of the entire body residing in this Lankadvipa, and the Sangha Raja
who is the Chief of all of them, and others skilled in the knowledge of the
religion and eloquent in its exposition, can give counsel and say, " O King,
mayest thou be pleased to govern the Kingdom without varying from the
Dasa Raja Dharma. "
Fourthly:
What is the office of the First Adikar and of the Second Adikar ?
The First Adikaram Nilame is the Chief of the brave and well skilled
Udugampahe Katubulle Hevapanne, who are formed for enforcing the high
commands of the King among the Ministers and inhabitants, and for protect
ing the Royal Person. In the same way the Second Adikaram Nilame is the
Chief of the equally efficient Pallegampahe Katubulle Hevapanne. When
the King proceeds to any place one of these two also goes there while the
other remains behind in charge of the Nuvara,
Fifthly :
How many Disapativaru are there in this Nuvaragama?
They are the four Maha Disavas of Uva, Matale, Sat Korale and Satara
Korale.
Sixthly :
How many Kuda Disapativaru are there?
Seventeen, being those of Dumbara, Uda Palata, Bulatgama, Kotmale,
Vellassa, Tambankada Pate, Munnesvarama, Tambalagamuva, Madakala-
puva, Puttalama, Saparagamuva, Kottiyarama, the Maha Madige Badda,
the Alut Madige Badda, (Panama?) Nuvara Kalaviya, and Pattvpola.
Seventhly :
Has a Kuda Dissava the same authority within his jurisdiction as a Maha
Dissava? Does he enjoy the same position and privileges as a Maha Dissava
in his Province?
APPENDIX 583
The Maha Dissavas have received their great Ratas and the Kuda Dissa.
vas their smaller Dissavanis alike from the King: Consequently the K n d i
Dissavas suffer from no other inferiority. Each can exercise his authority
within the Rata assigned to him ; there is no inferiority in the position and
privileges held by them.
Eighthly :
What authority is vested in a Dissava and what functions is he competent
to perform?
Within his district he has authority to try cases, to inflict (corporal ?)
punishment, impose tines, and sentence to confinement. He has no authority
to do more than that.
Within his district can a Dissava take cognizance of every kind of case and
give a final decision?
In some cases he can give a final decision, and in other cases he cannot.
Are there any written laws laying down what are the cases which a Dissava
is competent to deal with?
There are books containing such regulations.
Where the final decision of a Dissava is considered inequitable by one party
can he make further representations to the King? If so, how is the represen
tation made?
If a Dissava has caused injustice to anyone in his district, a represen
tation can be made to the King. As to the manner of doing so, the recognis
ed custom is to inform the two Adikars and have the representation made
by them. At the same time the representation can also be made through
the Dugganna Radalavaru. Failing these, he may kneel and prostrate him
self in the Maluwa opposite tile Palace Gate and demanding justice cry aloud
and make his representation
Can a Dissava inquire into and give a final decision where the offence
charged is punishable with death?
If he can do so there is no use in having a King and the Council of Minis
ters who form the High Court of Justice. Leaving aside the single Dissava,
all the Radalavaru who form the High Court of Justice combined cannot
hear and give a final decision in a charge involving the punishment of death.
If that cannot be done, by whom is sentence of death passed ?
A sentence of death must be passed with the acquiescence of the King.
Is there any impartial mode of trial in the case of capital charges? What
Ministers meet for such a trial?
There is a special mode of trial. Those who assemble for it are first
of all the King, and the officials who as stated above deal with matters affect
ing the Government.
What are the crimes on conviction of which sentence of death is passed ?
Murder, grievous injury to parents, teachers, and priests ; treason against
the King; the destruction of Dagobas and Maha Bo-trees ; the theft of what
belongs to the Buddha, the Devas and the King; pillage of villages and high
way robbery. Those who are convicted of grave offences such as these are
sentenced to death.
What are the lesser punishments inflicted on those committing other offences?
According to the nature of each crime . . . cutting off the hands, feet or
nose ; fine ; detention ; putting in chains; corporal punishment; he may be
584 APPENDIX
paraded through the four Vitiyas with the beating of the vada bera, calling
out aloud the crime he has committed, with red flowers and cattle bones strung
round his body and his hands tied behind his back, being beaten the while by
the Gan Rekavallo till the skin comes off on to the bamboo; banishment to
places where fever and other sicknesses prevail such as Bintenna, Badulla
and Telipaha. Such are the punishments.
Ninthly :
Can a husband and wife of the laity residing in Sinhale, again separate?
Such a husband and wife who on the day of their marriage were with the
consent of the parents and relations of the two sides, placed on the Poruva
and had theirfingerstied according to the Sinhalese Casada, cannot separate
according to their own wish. If such a husband desire to separate from Iris
wife, he must satisfy the High Court of Justice that she does not pay him due
respect, employs insubordinate language to his face, is lacking in devotion
to him and has her heart set on others, towards whom she displays the
affection and reverence due to himself, on whom she Spends the householder's
means, and is cohabiting with that other, and is guilty of other like acts of
misbehaviour : on satisfying the Court he can separate "from his wife.
Similarly can a wife separate from the husband for any fault on his part?
She can do so under these circumstances. . .where he is lacking in affec
tion towards her, does not provide her with clothes, ornaments and food suited
to her condition in life, does not seek wealth by agriculture, trade or other
similar honest method, wastes his means on excessive association with other
women, is strongly addicted to other degrading vices such as stealing, un
truthfulness or drunkenness, regards his wife as a slave and renders honour
to other women—she must prove unseemly conduct such as this on the
part of her husband to the satisfaction of the above Court and then she
can separate.
On what terms can such separation take place ?
If the separation is by a husband who has established his wife's faults,
he must before the Court itself give to her what was given on the clay of
marriage by her parents as dowry and a half of what was acquired while they
continued together and further out of his moiety maintenance for six mouths.
Can a Disapati at his wish separare a husband and wife?
It is absolutely incompetent for him legally to separate a husband and
wife.
Is it permissible for a couple separated in the manner aforesaid, to enter
into a fresh marriage?
Those who are separated by order of the Court of Justice in the manner
stated in the first and second sections above, can enter into any other marriage
they choose.
What arrangement is tnere regarding the children of thnse so separated?
However the parents may be, it is the established custom that their lands
and other proparty are inherited by the children. Nevertheless if they con
tract a second marriage, a half thereof is separated and handed over to the
•children.
Tenthly :
Is a man who already has a wife permitted to marry other wives?
He is and he is not.
Under what circumstances may he do so?
APPENDIX 585
In the case of a man possessed^pf great ancestral property and weaith, if

the wife he has married bears no children, if she is a woman of virtue, wisdom
and compassion, she would ponder over the possible extinction of an ancient
family, and if she requests her husband to marry another wife, it is laid down
in our books that it is competent for him to do so."
Under "what circumstances may he not do so?
Even if the wife he has married is childless, he may not legally marry
another in the absence of her consent.
Eleventhly :
Can a married man publicly maintain a concubine?
In the books of the Buddhist religion such association with another
woman, whether openly or secretly, is strictly forbidden in any circumstances
whatever.
Twelfthly :
Where one out of several brothers marries a wife, can the others by common
consent associate with her? Would such association be repellent to the Sinhalese ?
Where one brother marries a wife such association with her whether
with consent or without is not only a grave crime but is most repellent to the
Sinhalese. None the less among the ignorant there are some who practise
this unseemly habit.
Thirteenthly :
Where a man of this Nuwaragama has married a wife is it permissible
that after he has spent the first day with her, he should from the second day allow
his elder and younger brothers w live with her, and subsequently let her come
back to himself. Is such a practise confined to the Nagarakkarayo or is it
followed by those of the Goi Wansa as well?
There is no one who is aware of such a practise prevailing in any Nagaram,
whatever; starting from the Goiwansa Etto, such a practise does not exist,
is contrary to social custom, and is degrading.
Fourteenthly :
Is there a practise that the people of this Nuwaragama at the approach
of death should execute documents of inheritance so that their children and
grandchildren may inherit their goods and chattels? How are such documents
executed?
It is customary on the approach of death to write, declare and give over
their lands, goods and chattels, with the knowledge of the chief people, not
only to their children and grandchildren, but outside them to those of however
remote a degree who assisted them when sick, and also in charity.
Fifteenthly ;
Where a childless man dies without leaving a document of inheritance, who
can inherit his property?
Who are the near Evessa kin who according to Sinhalese custom are qualified
to do so?
His parents and brothers, the brothers' children, near kinsmen from both
the father's and mother's side, his wife, his wife's near kin, these are qualified
to do so. If none of these is available the property may lapse to the King.
586 APPENDIX
Sixteenthly: •
Beginning with the Goi wansa and including the other Nagarakharayo
in this Nuwaragama, what is their status and precedence?
Among the Nagaran jati, no jati is seen or heard of among men lower
than the Chandala; above them the Gahala Gambadayo ; above them the
Paduvo ; above them the Panna durei, who supply fodder to elephants, horses
and the like ; the other Nagaran similarly rise in status. The Goi Vansa is
included among the four noble Vansas, Raja, Bamunn, Velenda, Goi.
Seventeenthly :
How did the differentiation of Nagaran originally come about? By whom
was it effected? In what books are the particulars mentioned?
It is stated in the book named Sara Sangrahaya as follows : In the
beginning, at the birth of this Kalpe, all men who were living as equals, in
order to settle disputes among themselves, came to an agreement and appoint
ed Mahasammata Raja to be King. The people who were set apart for
various functions under him treated those functions as their chief respon
sibility and formed Nagaran and have continued therein up till now.
Eighteenthly :
Men of what Nagaran are qualified to enter on the duties the Religious life?
It does not appear in the books that the religious life is not open to men
of any Nagaram, nevertheless at the present time in the Sinhala Rata the
admission of a person of a low Nagaram is prohibited.
Nineteenthfy :
Is there any rule by which one who has adopted the Religious life can live
in wedlock?
It is a strict injunction contained in all the books of the Buddhist religion
that for a man who has adopted the Religious life in the Buddha Sasana to
live in wedlock is an unseemly act. a serious offence and a sin, and such a
thing should not be done.
Twentiethly :
By whom may the admission of anyone into the Religious life be carried
•out? What are the customs and ceremonies observed and honours paid on such
an occasion?
There is a procedure for such an occasion laid down by the Buddha him
self, the Teacher of the three worlds. When a man endowed with Faith is
desirous of being admitted and comes to a Vihara and says so to the Sanga
Nayaka, he should ascertain whether according to the precepts of religion
he is a suitable person or not. If he finds him qualified he should summon
a skilled Karmachari and entrust the candidate to him with instructions to
train him in what is needed with a view to admission. When the training is
complete the Sanga Isthavira and twenty other Unanscla assemble. When
ihey. are seated the candidate is summoned to their midst and the following
questions should be addressed to him by the Karmachari :
Are you suffering from any incurable disease such as leprosy, skin
disease, sores, consumption, epilepsy?
If he is not subject to any of these, he should say as follows : Swami,
of the five incurable diseases about which you have inquired I am afflicted
by none.
He should be next asked.
APPENDIX 587
Are you a released slave ; are you not involved in debt; are you not a
messenger of the King; have you obtained your parents' consent; have
you completed twenty years of age ? If to these he replies that he is com
pletely free, making obeisance to the Sangha, then he is admitted. The
customs followed and the honours shown on the occasion are these. The
candidate's head is shaved and saffron and sandal-wood rubbed on his body
and he is bedecked with clothes and ornaments, mounted on an elephant,
horse, or some other conveyance as the occasion permits, and taken in proces
sion through the four vitiyas accompanied by flags, parasols, and music and
brought to the Vihara where he is admitted in the manner set out above. On
certain days the Chief of Men himself and the two Adikars and the Four Dissa
vas and a large concourse of people assemble when honours and ceremonies
similar to those accorded to Kings are rendered, and the admission is carried
out as stated above.
Can one thus admitted become a layman again?
If one admitted finds it necessary to revert to the life of a householder,
it is laid down in our books of religion that it is competent for him with the
cognisance of the headmen, muladeni unvahansela, to lay aside his robe and
assume the clothes of a householder and lead that life.
In response to the Inquiries contained in (one and) twenty questions this
brief exposition of the Royal Institutions and Popular Rights of Lanka is
written- and delivered on the 1 2 t h day of the month of August of the year
1769.
M a y there be prosperity.
The following was found among the papers of Sir Alexander Johnston
in my collection...
Colombo, 12th September, 1 8 1 6 .
My Lord,
Having with the utmost submission received and perused the Dutch
Address paper which Mr. Bartholomeuz transmitted to me by Your Lord
ship's direction, I humbly take the liberty to submit in reply, that the said
statement in its " Rules for attaining Kingship " appears to corroborate the
same laid down in the book Mahawanse.
The History of Poriesada Raja being one of those contained in the
Historical Book called Jatakapotwahanse does likewise coincide with that
contained in the paper.
I have the honour to be with the greatest Respect, My Lord, your Lord
ship's most obedient, very humble, faithful servant.
A. de A. RAJAPAKSE
The Honourable
Sir Alexander Johnston,
Knight, Chief Justice, etc.
The following paper was also in the collection :—
1. Previous to the death of a King, he convened the Two Imperial
Adicars, the Four grand Dessaves, and the people of the Five Provinces
Oedenoewere, Jattinoewere, Haresiepattoo, Toonpanaha, and Doembere and
in their presence he delivered over his Government to the Prince his eldest
son by girding the Golden Sword, upon which the said grandees and people
are immediately to kneel down before him, but failing to do so, that homage
is paid by the father or the old King himself.
2. If the King dies without appointing a successor, the next of kin is
nominated by the Priests of the Four offer houses, the Two Adicars and the
588 APPENDIX
Four grand Dessaves in their Council, after which it is announced to the

People of the aforesaid Five Provinces, and with their consent the new ap
pointed King is entrusted with the Golden Sword and the Government, the
Adicars and Dessaves kneeling down before him. Immediately after the new
King proceeds in company with the Priests to the three offer places Wiesnoe,
Kattergam, and Pattini, and performs the necessary offerings. From thence
he goes to the offer place called Naatedewale whore he performs the grand
offering and crowned and gird himself with the Golden Sword, after which
he goes accompanied of all the people with him to the chief offer place caUed
Dalledage, where he receives the usual benediction from the four principal
High Priests and placed himself upo.i the Throne. The Festivals and diver-
tisements of this Coronation lasts for about a month.
3 . If there is no Prince to succeed the realm, the nearest Relation of
the King is nominated, but in case of the minority of the Prince the Imperial
Adicar is entrusted with the Administration and the Education of the Prince
in all signal Learnings until he becomes of age.
4. If the King leaves no Sons behind or no other next of kin, a Prince
of Madura is to succeed the Throne.
5. Criminal cases are partly decided by the King alone, and partly by
the King and his Courtiers, but it happens that by the intrigues of the Cour
tiers either through malice or selfishness often such misrepresentations were
made to the King in some cases that the guilty persons were acquitted and the
innocent punished with death or otherwise, for the King never caused any
person who does not deserve it to put to death as it is contrary to Law,
although nobody can prevent him therein if he wishes to do so.
6. The King cannot declare War by his own authority without the
consent of his Ministers and vassals.
7. No person of a low Cast can be raised to a higher one, on the contrary
those who transgress the Rites of their own Cast shall be degraded.
8. Previous to entering into any pacification the two Imperial Adicars,
the four grand Dessaves, the two Mohottiars of the King's Attepattoo and the
Rate Rales ought to be consulted with.
9. Appointments and dismissals of offices are solely dependent of the
King with the advice of the two Imperial Adicars,
10. Any proposal made to the King by the above advisors is approved
of and carried into execution if it agrees with the King's opinion, otherwise it
is rejected.
11. Any information which the King's subject wishes to give to the
King, and being prevented therein by the Adicars, the informer may address
himself to the Hâd of the grand Dispcns Village, whose duty it is to submit
it to the King, and persons who suffer any injustice, they are to place them
selves under the tree standing next to the Court House or the Palace and to
cry out so that the King may hear them and grant them justice.
12. The Priests deliver their sermons four times a month and explain
the Laws and similar Books and also presented to the King, altho' but few
or the learned ones adhered to them.
1 3 . Formerly there was but one Adicar called Pallegampaha, but
when the King Raja Singa intended to proceed to Colombo with the said
Adicar to repulse the Portuguese, lie appointed another to watch the palace
and allowed him the half of the administration of his realm, and it is from that
time tint there are two Adicars of equal rank.
14. The Four gran 1 Dessaves are of the Four Corles, of the Seven
Corles and of Oewa and Matale.
APPENDIX 589
1 5 . To the other Dessaves the same respect is paid in. their Territories as
to the four grand Dessaves.
16. The Four grand Dessaves may use Tom Toms in the Territories of
their Inferiors.
17. The Four grand Dessaves as well as the inferior Dessaves may
inflict rifferent punishments according to the nature of the crimes, but they
cannot inflict capital punishment nor torture.
18. All cases are decided according to the different ancient Books and
Rules of Laws.
19. When the Adicars, the Four grand Dessaves, the Maha Mohottiar,
the Mohottiar of the Attepattoo, and Rate ralas having inquired into a case
which require a capital punishment, and made a proposal to the King to that
effect, it is sometimes carried into execution or the Culprit is banished to a
dangerous place.
20. The punishment of the Nobilities is beheading in one blow, others
are hanged by the neck or killed by Elephants, or set on a spit according to
their demerits.
2 1 . A woman who commits adultery can be abandoned by the husband
either with or without knowledge of the Dessave, but if the husband lives
disorderly a woman cannot separate from him without previously addressing
herself before the judge, but they may again reconcile together.
22. If the Husband abandoned his wife, the half of the Husband's pro
perty is granted by the Dessave to the wife, but if the wife abandons her
Husband she is entitled to nothing, but the children procreated by such
Husband will have their share.
23. A Husband may besides his lawful wife keep a Concubine, but the
wife has not that privilege.
24. Two or three Brothers may keep one woman if they agree together
25. When four or five Brothers live together in one House, and a bride
is brought for one, if he is not inclined to accept her he may give her to any
of his brothers who may choose to receive her, but if both brothers fell in love
with her, they will not be considered guilty of adultery.
26. Those who is upon their death bed, may dispose of their Temporal
means in writing in the presence of witnesses.
27. The effects of those who die without a Will devolve upon their
Children, afterwards upon their Brothers, and then upon the other next of
Kin, and if none of them are alive, the whole goes into the Grand Dispens.
28. Any person who is versed in law, and maintain the same, without
any difference of cast may be appointed Priest or High Priest, but he cannot
be appointed a Head of one of the Four offer houses or a Chief Priest, which
ought to be of the Wellale Cast.
29. The Priests and High Priests may have no Women.
30. When the Priests are appointed High Priests they are previously
examined by twelve learned High Priests, and the cleverest among them is
confirmed as such by the Eldest High Priest, by causing him to be read some
of the Law Books and by taking an oath of him.
31. The Priests who cannot maintain their law and leaving heir priest
hood take a woman, are neither respected nor believed, but they are abandoned
like devils who are enemies of the Law.
32. The two Adicars may from the Palace to this side of the River
Mawileganga cause to be given the sound of the whip, and from thence to the
590 APPENDIX
foot of the Hill use Tom Tom, and in all the Dessavonies they may use both
the sound of the whip and Tom Tom in the free exercise of their functions.
33. When the King goes out the following respect is paid to him . . .
1. The Gajenaik and the Coerwe with Elephants. .
2. The Mohundiram of the Stable with Horses.
3. The Colour painted with the Sun and Moon with the Dessave
and the people of the 4 Corles.
4. The Colour painted with the Lion with the Dessave and the
, people of the 7 Corles.
5. The Colour wit 1 a Goose with the Dessave and the people of
Oewe.
6. A white Colour with the Dessave and the people of Matale.
7. A Red Colour with the Dessave and the people of Saffregam.
Appendix B
T h e Treaty of 2 n d M a r c h , 1815
A search, for the original document at Chancery Lane, Downing Street,
and the Colombo Record Office, has so far proved unsuccessful, but there is
a contemporary copy, certified by the Secretary of the Kandyan Provinces,
at the last office. The published English translation does not adequately
reproduce the Sinhalese text by which the Great Chiefs bound themselves,
and the present translation is offered as less defective ; the assistance of
Dr. Paranavitana in its preparation is gratefully acknowledged.
Notification
On the second day of the month of March in the year 1815 of the Christian
Era, being, according to the Simhala reckoning, Thursday the seventh day
after the full moon of the month Navam of the Saka year 1736, in the most
excellent city named Senkanda Saila, at the gathering which met within the
Palace,
His Excellency the Governor Lieutenant-General Robert Brownrigg,
who has been appointed Chief Administrator of the English Possessions, on
behalf of Has Majesty George HI, King of the United Kingdom of Great
Britain and Ireland, of George Prince of Wales, who is administering the
Kingdom, being of the one part,
The Adikars with the Disilpajivaru and other Principal Radalavaru of
the Disaval and Rataval of Simhale, in the presence of the people here assembl
ed with the Mohottalala, Koralala and other Minor Headmen, on behalf of
the Inhabitants of Simhale, being of the other part,
Having agreed as follows :
It is proclaimed.
1. By inflicting bodily torture and the pains of death unrestrainedly
arbitrarily and mercilessly without making inquiry, in some instances without
even a complaint, and also in matters where there was not even the oppor
tunity for performing any wrongful act, and by infringing the law with great
contempt, the cruelties and violent acts of the Demala Raja have become
so extremely great and widespread as to be beyond endurance ; and further
that Justice on which depends the salvation of the inhabitants of this Raja's
country and that good faith which renders possible the establishment of a
beneficial trade with neighbouring countries, were entirely lacking in the acts
and disposition of this Raja's administration.
2. The R a j a Sri Vikrama Raja Simha, by habitually violating the prin
cipal functions and most venerated duties of Kings, having destroyed every
claim and admitted right which he possessed to that Kingship, has been
removed therefrom ; and it is hereby made known tha.t that Gotraya and its
kinsmen of every degree, whether on the father's or mother's side, whether
bv marrying from or into the same, are excluded from the Lion Throne for
all time, and all the claims of the Demala Varga to rule over SimhalS are
extinguished and destaryed.
3. It is hereby announced that all males bearing kinship to the late
Raja Sri Vikrama Raja Simha whether by marriage or otherwise, or of that
family in any other manner whatsoever, or claiming kinship by deceitful
591
592 APPENDIX
stratagem, are not only enemies of the Government of the Simhala Ra{a,
but they may not enter the said Rata for any purpose whatever without the
Warrant of the English Government; should they enter, they will be subject
to the penalties prescribed by the procedure observed in times of war ;
accordingly that procedure is established for the said purpose. All Demala
males now expelled from this Rat,a are prohibited from coming back thereto
without the permission mentioned above, under the penalties aforesaid.
4. While preserving to the Adikaranvaru, Disapafivaru, Mohotfalala.,
Koralala and Vidanavaru and to all other Radalavaru and petty headmen
duly appointed on the authority of the English Government, the emoluments,
rights and authority of their respective offices, and to the people in general
their property and other rights and liberty, in accordance with ancient custo
mary law and legal procedure which have continued unbroken among them,
The Sovereignty of the Rafaval of SimhalG is subjected to His Majesty
the King of the English Kingdom and the administration shall be carried on
by Their Excellencies the Governor, or Lieutenant Governor, who are sent
to Lankawa, and the Officers styled Agent appointed on their behalf.
5. The Doctrine of Buddha and the Cult of the DSvas in which the
officials and inhabitants of the aforesaid Rataval have faith must be so main
tained that they cannot be broken and their ceremonies, Sangha, Viharastana
and Devala maintained and protected.
6. The various bodily tortures inflicted by severing limbs, joints and
members are abolished and prohibited.
7. A sentence of death can be carried out only on the Warrant of an
English Governor or Lieutenant Governor after a report has been made on
the details of the case by the Officer or Officers known as Agent stationed by
the Government in the midst of the Rata, and in no other manner. Such
grave matters must be inquired into in the presence of such Agents.
8. Subject to the above, the enquiry into the Civil (referring to lands,
movables and debts) or Criminal (referring to murders, robberies and such
like) cases of the inhabitants of the Rataval of the Simhale and the adminis
tration of the Rata must be earned on by the appointed Radalavaru, in
accordance with the ordained procedure and in the customary manner.
Subject however to the unquestioned duty of the Government to inter
vene in all matters whether particular or general, whenever the necessity
may arise in order to grant relief in cases of hardship and to remedy injustice.
9. The hearing of the Civil and Criminal cases of all people civil or
military, who are not inhabitants of Sim hale but are either now residing in
these Ratas or shall come hither in the future, shall be regulated as follows,
till the same is changed by command of His Majesty the King of England,
That is to say,
Excluding military officers and soldiers who are subject to Military
Law and the followers of the Army, all other persons in all cases except murder
are subject to the jurisdiction of the Agent or Agents of the English Govern
ment.
But in a case of murder the Commissioners appointed from time to time
by His Excellency the Governor shall inquire into the same. Nevertheless
whenever any inhabitant of English land who is liable to be tried under the
law prevailing in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in respect
of offences committed by such inhabitants in foreign lands, appears as an
accused in a case of murder alleged to be committed in Simhale, he may not
be tried under any Law except that which prevails in the said United king
dom ; and secondly, in all cases civil and criminal where military officers and
APPENDIX 593
soldiers who are subject to Military Law, and followers of the Array are
defendants, they must be subject to the Legal Procedure and Customs of
War ;
Nevertheless in all important civil and military matters and all matters
inquired into under Article nine in consequence of the provisions of this
section, His Excellency the Governor has the power to inspect all documents
of importance for the hearing of the case and to arrange for all other matters
needed for the complete carrying out of the provisions of this Article.
10. The provisions of the above Articles are not contravened as the
consequence of the orders laid down in any Notification proclaimed during
the march of the Army to be effective for a brief period, and all such orders
which do not accord with the above Articles are hereby abrogated.
1 1 . The royal dues and revenues of the Rataval of Simhale shall be
collected according to established custom under the orders 'of the Agent
appointed on behalf of the English Government, for the service of His Majesty
the King and for the prosperity of the administration of this Rata.
12. In order to develop the trade of these Rataval His Excellency will
make temporary arrangements calculated to facilitate the conveyance of
the produce thereof for trade and the bringing for that purpose of money,
cloth, salt, and other commodities which the inhabitants of Simhale specially
desire, and will pray to the Prince who administers the Kingdom on behalf
of His Majesty the King to approve of the same.
God save the King
The signatories were :
Robert Brownrigg Ahalepola
Molligoda
Pilima Talavuve (i.e. Kapuvatta)
Pilima Talavuve
Monaravila (i.e. Kappitipola)
Molligoda
Dulleywe
Millava
Galagama
Galagoda
In the presence of . . . J. D'Oyly
Chief Translator to Govt.
Jas. Sutherland
Depy. Secy, to Govt.
Against the signatures of the Chiefs, save Ahalepola, their names and
offices appear in English as follows :
ist Adikar and Disave of the Seven Korles
2nd Adikar and Disave of Saffragam
Disave of Four Korles
Uva
Matale
Three Korles
Wallapane
Wellasse and Binteynne
Tamankada
Nuwara Kalawiya,
APPENDIX
Minute by His Excellency the Governor read in Council ist April, 1815.
I avail myself of the earliest opportunity' which my health has permitted
.since my return from the Interior to lay before the Council the Act of Con-
vention by which the Kandyan Provinces have been placed under the Domi
nion of the British Crown.
On this Publick Act which now stands referred for the acceptance, rejec
tion, or modification of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, it is only
necessary to observe that in so far as its provisions are of a permanent nature,
the Proclamation of the loth of January forms its true Basis.
The 4th Clause of the Convention which vests the Dominion of these
Provinces in His Majesty with a condition of preserving established Autho
rities, Civil rights, and local Institutions—the 5th Clause which recognises
and protects the religion of Boodho and the 8th Clause which continues the
administration of Justice on its former footing, are no other than practical
applications of the general Principles held out by the Manifesto of the War,
and merely amounts to a fair and faithful performance of the promise solemnly
pledged in His Majesty's name by the concluding clause of the Proclamation
alluded to. In so far as the arrangements were not thus pre-engaged it only
remained with me to provide for the short period necessary to obtain instruc
tions from His Royal Highness the Prince Regent.
The case of the Kandyan People, their Laws, Customs and institutions,
never had been at all brought under the consideration of His Majesty's
Government, nor could the circumstances or conditions of the acquisition as
lately accomplished, have been in any degree foreseen or provided for. It
was therefore my care that in a reference so entirely new and so truly
important, the subject should be in the greatest possible degree left open for
such Depositions as the Wisdom of the Supreme Authority should deem
expedient to establish. C O . 54/55.
The spirit in which the terms of the Treaty were interpreted is well
illustrated in the Preamble to the Ordinance 13 of 1859, intended " to amend
the laws of Marriage in the Kandyan Provinces. "
Whereas it was agreed and established by a Convention signed at Kandy,
on the second day of March, in the year of Christ 1815, that the dominion of
the Kandyan Provinces was vested in the Sovereign of the British Empire
saving to all classes of people in those Provinces, the safety of their persons
and property, with their Civil rights and immunities according to the Laws,
Institutions and Customs established and in force amongst them, and saving
always also to the Sovereign of the British Empire, the inherent right of
Government to redress grievances, and reform abuses in all instances whatever,
particular or general, where such interposition shall become necessary. And
whereas accordingly, the rights and liabilities of the Kandyans, (as far as they
have not been affected by local Ordinances) have always been adjudicated
upon by the Courts of Law in this Island, in accordance with the Laws,
Institutions and Customs established amongst the Kandyans ; and whereas
the right reserved as above mentioned to the Sovereign has, from time to time,
been exercised by the Sovereign, through the Governors and Councils of this
Island, as the circumstances of the people have become changed by the
influence of a just Government, and spread of education, and the extension
of commerce.
And whereas the custom of the Kandyans, now considered as the law
regulating the contract of Marriage, permits a man to have more than one
living wife, and a woman to have more than one living husband.
And whereas this custom is wholly unsuited to the present condition of
he Kandyans ; and is in ho way sanctioned by their National Religion ; and
APPENDIX 595
whereas such custom is a great hardship and oppression to the industrious

classes, and the frequent cause of litigation, leading to Murders and other
crimes.
And whereas from the circumstances aforementioned, the Marriage
custom of the Kandyans is become a grievance and an abuse, within the
meaning of the said Convention, and a large and influential portion of the
Kandyan people have petitioned for the redress and reform of the same. And
whereas it is expedient, in order to such redress and reform, that Her Most
Gracious Majesty should, in accordance with the said Convention, make provi
sion through the Legislature of this Island for the contracting and solemniz
ation of Marriages within the said Provinces.
Appendix C
The Fifth Article of the Treaty

The concern roused by the provisions of this Article among English
circles interested in the dissemination of Christianity and the Bible among
the " Heathen " is reflected in the following letters . . .
Bathurst to Brownrigg, No. 31 of 30th August, 1S15.
" His Royal Highness has commanded me to signify to you his general
approval of the principles of liberal policy by which you have been guided
in acceding to the Convention as proposed for the annexation of the Kingdom
of Kandy to His Majesty's dominions, but I cannot conceal from you that the
satisfaction of His Royal Highness would have been more complete if the
5th Article in the Convention which relates to the superstition of Boodhoo
had been couched in terms less liable to misconstruction. I am too well
aware of your own feelings on these subjects, and of their perfect accord with
those of His Majesty's Government to doubt that the sense in which you
acceded to that article, and therefore that in which it was accepted by the
Kandyan People, was that expressed in the latter part of the Article which
provides for the maintenance and protection of the Rites, Ministers and Places
of worship of the Religion of Boodoo and in this sense His Royal Highness
has no hesitation in giving to it his most unqualified approbation. If however
the term " inviolable " in the first clause of the Article is (as I do not conceive
it can have been) understood as precluding the efforts which are making to
disseminate Christianity in Ceylon by the propagation of the Scriptures, or
by the fair and discreet preaching of its Ministers, it would be very much at
variance with the principles upon which His Majesty's Government have
uniformly acted for guarding against so great an evil. At the same time I
am to acquaint you that although H. M's Government have thought it their
duty thus to qualify their sanction of this article of the Capitulation, they
entertain no doubt but that your explanation of the sense in which it was
proposed and accepted will agree with the interpretation which they have
put upon it."
Bedford Square,
October 9th, 1815.
My Lord,
His Excellency the Governor of Ceylon has in consequence of the conquest
of the Kandyan Territories issued a Proclamation, the 5th Clause of which
states. . ." The Religion of Buddho, professed by the Chiefs and Inhabitants
of these Provinces, is declared inviolable, and its rites (sic) ministers and places
of worship are to be maintained and protected. "
The Clause has excited apprehensions lest hereafter it should receive a
construction that might operate against the circulation of the Holy Scriptures
in Kandia, the peaceable instruction of the Buddhists in the principles of
Christianity, and their admission into the Christian Church.
The Priests of Kandia are known to be extremely jealous of their religion
and they may at some future time take occasion to complain of the circulation
of the Bible, or the conversion of a Buddhist to the Christian Faith, as a
violation of the Buddho religion, unless this clause of the Proclamation be
explained, as intending only the toleration and free exercise of that Religion.
596
APPENDIX 597
The present Governor, General Brownrigg, has most handsomely patro

nised the British Missionaries in Ceylon, having witnessed and borne testi
mony to their usefulness, but some future Governor may take a contrary
course, and putsuch a construction on this Clause of the Proclamation, as
may coerce their labours, unless it be well understood as not intended to
restrain the teaching of Christianity from any who are willing to be instructed.
Very considerable interest is felt throughout this nation for the spread
of Christianity in Ceylon. Several Missionaries have been sent thither at a
heavy expence. Their prospects of success are highly flattering. They have
established several schools and promoted a spirit of religious enquiry by the
translation and spread of the Holy Scriptures. Among other encouragements
an eminent Buddhist priest, of family, rank and talents, under the instruction
of the Missionaries has deliberately renounced Buddhism and embraced
Christianity, though at the expence of great personal sacrifices. An account
of this event was published in the Ceylon Gazette in December last under the
special sanction and much to the honour of the Governor.
This circumstance has given a fresh impulse to the feelings of this country
in behalf of the poor Idolators of Ceylon. It would especially after this
event, create excessive alarm at home if by any inadvertence our Government
should appear to support the religion of Buddha, so as to prevent the peaceable
and discreet diffusion of the principles of Christianity among the Cingalese.
I would therefore entreat your Lordship so to guard the ratification of the
Treaty with the Kandians, as it may clearly be understood that they have
free toleration and protection for the teaching and exercise of their religion
and also that there should be free toleration and protection for the teaching
and exorcise of Christianity. I have etc.
JOS. BUTTERWORTH, M.P.
The Rt. Hon'ble,
Earl Bathurst etc.
A reply to this was sent on the n t h instant and this he acknowledged
to Goulburn on the 30th October, as follows :
" The object of my letter to Lord Bathurst was to request that the
ratification of the Treaty might be so guarded either by a public or private
communication, as that it might be clearly understood by all Parties that this
Article should equally protect the Professors of Christianity and the followers
of Buddhism in the free propagation of their opinions and in their respective
modes of worship—but I am perfectly satisfied that his Lordship will take
every prudent measure consistent with the peculiar delicacy of the subject. "
In reply to Bathurst's Despatch Brownrigg (Despatch 143 of ist June,
1816) wrote as follows -.- Amongst the various points of great interest which
occupy your Lordship's remarks on the Act of Convention, my earliest and
most anxious attention is due to the doubt which arose on the first impression
of the term inviolable, used in the 5 t h Article, as applicable to the superstition
of Boodhoo. I greatly lament that anything under my sanction should
have generated even a momentary idea that I could possibly have overlooked
or neglected the strong and reiterated injunctions by which the dissemination
of Christian knowledge is recommended to my support in the Instructions
and Despatches under which I have the honour to represent His Majesty's
Government here. I venture to hope that the justice which your Lordship
has done to the term in question by construing it from the context will
relieve the Convention from that odium which would rightly attach to it if
the emancipation of the Kandyan Kingdom, and People, however otherwise
laudable, were connected with any compromise of the interests of the
Christian Faith . . . The affirmative part of the Clause, namely, " that the
Rites Ministers, and Places of Buddhoo worship are to be maintained
and protected " embraces, as your Lordship has justly construed it, the sum
598 APPENDIX
total of support engaged for on the part of the British Government,

and the negative term inviolable (in Cingalese the expression is literally
cannot be broken) I can affirm to your lordship never to nave had a greater
latitude of acceptation in my mind, than that the Buddha Religion should
not be abolished or obstructed.
I am so far from considering the Kandyan People as permanently de
barred from the light of Christianity, that I think it requires no great share
of foresight to predict that the gloom of ignorance and superstition which has
hitherto enveloped that unfortunate Region will at no distant period be
materially dissipated by the gradual and insensible diffusion of religious
knowledge, so that a safe and promising trial may be made of a direct appeal
to the reason of the People, for their own happiness, and the honour of that
Faith which in due time will be universal.
This was followed by a letter from King's House, Colombo, marked
Private and dated 2ist June.
My Lord,
I have been duly honoured with your Lordship's private letter of the
and October last, wherein your Lordship is so kind as to acquaint me that
some offence had been taken in England at a Proclamation issued here regard
ing the followers of Buddha.
Your Lordship also mentions that Mr. Wilberforce's letter upon this
subject and your own answer are forwarded. These letters however I have
not received which I regret because I am left unacquainted with the grounds
of Mr. Wilberforce's representation, and deprived of the advantage of
knowing your Lordship's sentiments as communicated to him.
The Proclamation in question must be the Kandyan Convention dated
the and of March, 1815, for I have published no other in which the religion of
Buddha is mentioned. The 5th Clause of the Convention in which the word
" inviolable " is introduced I take to be the source of Mr. Wilberforce's
animadversions and that Clause your Lordship has been pleased to comment
upon in your Despatch No. 31 of the 30th of August, to which mine No. 143
of the ist instant is a reply.
While I have to express my sincere acknowledgments to your Lordship
for the liberal construction which you have given to this Clause, and whicli
in truth is the real intended meaning of it, I most earnestly hope that the
representations I have made will be satisfactory, and render any further
statement here from me unnecessary,
I request your Lordship will take the trouble of reading the accompanying
copy of a letter which I have sent through my friend Sir Harry Calvert who
forwarded to me a long letter to himself from Mr. W. on the subject. As
I had previously written to Mr. W . on the progress of Christianity in this
Island, I thought an explanation from myself would best answer the pur
pose of convincing that gentleman and his friends of the true sense of that
Clause in the Convention to which assuredly no anti-Christian meaning can
be with justice attached, in order that Mr. W . might rightly understand
my character and proceedings here. I have entered at length for his private
information into a detail of what has been done in the Island for the improve
ment of morals and the advancement of Christianity which I think will
remove all doubt as to my motives, and prove that the sacred cause which
he so zealously advocates is not likely to suffer in Ceylon.
I have the honour to be with great respect your Lordship's most obedient
and faithful humble servant.
ROBT. BROWNRIGG
The Earl Bathurst
APPENDIX 599
The following is a summary of the letter to Wilberforce, which was in

42 paragraphs.
1-5. Seen letter to Calvert, and takes the opportunity to reply direct.
6. Surprised at the anti-Christian sense attached to the word inviolable. 7.
" The term was certainly strong, and although nothing more was meant by
it than a complete security from any kind of violence to the Buddha worship,
and a full protection to their religious property, yet if it has been misunder
!
stood anywhere, I am sincerely sorry that it was ever adopted. ' 8-9. For
four years he has laboured for the Christian and moral improvement of Ceylon
and the word should not be misunderstood there. 10. What follows is con
fidential. 1 1 - 1 3 . Before his arrival religion had been neglected and outside
Colombo there was not even the semblance of worship among the English,
but before long the Colombo Church had to be enlarged to hold the congre
gation. 14-20. A Malabar Church built and a Portuguese Church started,
a public school for natives built, a military school completed, Wesleyans
assisted to start work and they are printing a Cingalese Testament. Churches
round Colombo repaired. Galkissa Church rebuilt at his own expense. Simi
lar progress in Trincomalee, Jaffna and Galle. 21-22. Dutch Churches at
Mannar, Batticaloa, and Matura, hitherto used as stores, given back for
worship 23. Bible Society started, over which he presides. 24. Narrates the
assistance he gave the Wesleyans, 25-27. See Bible Society's reports 26. Child
ren's school at Galle kept by a lady, and the school at Jaffna, and David's
school at Colombo, assisted. 28-29. The American missionaries were per
mitted to start work in Jaffna in spite of the delicate situation this created
with the East India Company. 30. Is it possible to suggest " that I should
stipulate not for protection to Buddha but exclusion to Christ ? The word
' inviolable ' has been rendered into Cingalese by a phrase signifying literally
' not to be broken down ' and so the Kandyans clearly received the clause ;
they considered that I had covenanted not to break-down i.e. to overturn,
their religion. " 32. Instructing the youth is the surest way of spreading the
Gospel. 32. No Missionary has yet volunteered for the Kandyan Provinces,
33. Kandyans are opposed to European intercourse and their Priesthood is
very powerful and numerous. 35-37. Great caution isneeded and hasty action
is strongly deprecated 38. Buddhism and independence were inextricably
connected but with the loss of the latter reliance on the former is ended.
39. Better education and introducing the Gospel will he hopes lead to " the
downfall of Buddhist superstition and of the still more vile and degrading
Idolatry of Demon Worship. " 40. He appeals to W . to protect his reputation
against calumny and misapprehension 4 1 . " Let not my Character suffer in
the eyes of my Countrymen by rash inferences drawn from a solitary fact or
an insulated expression." 42. The fair test would be the general tenour
•of his conduct and Government. C O . 54/58,60.
Appendix D
Some Legal Aspects of the Treaty

In reply to the criticism of Hardinge Giffard, Advocate Fiscal, Brownrigg
replied as follows :—
Kandy, 16th March, 1 8 1 5 .
" The confirmation to the Kandyans of their own Laws, Civil as well
as Criminal, was consented to by me not only on the ground that it was just
and necessary to their present condition to do so but on a full understanding
and conviction that it was an unavoidable condition of their voluntary accep
tance of the British Dominion in which view I must consider this Government
as bound by such consent, subject to the unquestioned power of His Royal
Highness the Prince Regent, to reject that along with those advantages to
which it was inseparably annexed. " (Annexure to Despatch 97 of 1 7 t h
March, 1915). CO. 54/55.
Connected with the Chief Justice's criticisms is the following corres
pondence . . .
King's House, 27th May, 1 8 1 5 .
My dear Sir,
I send you a copy of the Minute which I propose to enter in the Books
of Council on Monday next, in which I trust you will not find anything
to hurt your feelings, or that can be supposed to diminish that high respect
for your Public Character, which I have always entertained . . . Robt.
Brownrigg.
Colpetty, 27th May, 1815.
My dear Sir,
I return you my best thanks for the copy of your intended Minute
and beg leave to assure that I do not find anything in it to hurt my feelings.
A. JOHNSTON
In replying to Brownrigg's Despatch, Bathurst wrote on 30th August
1915 (Despatch 31).
I am well aware of the anxiety which you must feel to receive from
H.M.'s Government some definite instructions with respect to the execution
of the 3rd, 8th and 9th Articles of that Convention and the objections to it
brought forward by the Chief Justice and the Advocate Fiscal. These points
are now under the consideration of H.M.'s Law Servants and I trust, that I
shall shortly be enabled to transmit to you their decision with corresponding
instructions for your guidance. "
The opinion of the Law Officers is dated Doctors Commons, September
14th, 1815.
May it please your Lordship.
We were honoured with your Lordship's commands of the 26th ultimo
enclosing an Extract of a Despatch from Governor Sir Robert Brownrigg
transmitting the Copy of a Convention entered into with the leading Chiefs
an 1 Inhabitants of the Kingdom of Kandy, by which that Kingdom has been
transferred to His Majesty's Dominions. And your Lordship is pleased to
600
APPENDIX 601
desire that we would take the several Papers and Despatches enclosed into our
consideration and report to your Lordship for the information of H.R.H. the
Prince Regent
ist Whether the Governor of Ceylon is in point of Law authorized to
carry into effect within the Kingdom of Kandy th • Provisions of the Conven
tion under which that Kingdom was ceded to His Majesty and whether the
persons violating the 3rd Article may or may not within the limits of that
Kingdom legally be punished by Martial Law'in the manner specified in that
Article.
2nd Whether there is any necessity arising from the Provisions of the
several Charters of Justice for Ceylon, for establishing within the Kingdom of
Kandy, now brought by Convention under H.M.'s authority, the same admi
nistration of Civil and Criminal Justice as previously prevailed in Ceylon.
And even supposing that the qth Article of the Convention were in derogation
of the Charter of 1801, Whether that Convention does not abrogate that part
of the Charter, if indeed it could even be considered ever as contemplating
that conditional surrender of the Kingdom of Kandy which has now taken
place.
3rd Whether the proposed Commissions for the trial of cases of Murder
within the Kingdom of Kandy are or are not illegal, and whether persons
committing such crimes in that Kingdom can legally be tried before the
Supreme Court of Ceylon or any other Tribunal than that specified in the
yth Article of the Convention, by which that Kingdom was surrendered.
In obedience to your Lordship's commands we have considered the
several questions submitted to us, and have the honour to report that as
the Governor's Commission gives him authority " over his Majesty's Settle
ment in the Island of Ceylon with the Territories and Dependencies thereof,
and annexed or that shall or may be thereafter annexed "•—-and as the Charter
of Justice extends " to and of the Settlements and Territories in the Island
of Ceylon with the Dependencies then in H.M.'s Possession, and which may
thereafter be in H.M.'s possession " the, newly acquired Territories might
be so annexed by H.M. as to be comprehended under the form of Government
already provided for Ceylon. But unless the Governor had special instruc
tions to that effect, we think the mere conquest of the Kingdom of Kandy by
him, or the acceptance of the Sovereignty thereof, in the name of His Majesty,
will not necessarily create the Dependency that will extend the Jurisdiction
of the British Court in Ceylon over such Territories.
Wo think therefore that there is not any necessity arising from the provi
sions of the Charter of Justice for Ceylon, for establishing within the Kingdom
of Kandy, the same Administration of Civil and Criminal Justice, as previously
prevailed in Ceylon, and that the Convention either conditionally or absolute
does not conflict with the Charter, much less can it derogate therefrom,
for if it did conflict, we are of opinion that it would not abrogate the Charter,
but that the Charter must be revoked or altered by the same authority which
created it, namely, by Letters Patent under the Great seal. But although
the Governor be not restricted by reason of the form of Government at pre
sent established for Ceylon from carrying into effect the provisions of the
Convention, we think there are objections on general principles to the articles
of the Convention pointed out to our notice, and on the following grounds.
With respect to subjecting certain persons to Martial Law, in the 3rd
Article, on occasions therein specified, we have to observe that the Proclama
tion of Martial Law is in legal understanding a suspension or abrogation of
the ordinary Tribunals of Justice, as to the objects to whom it is extended.
It is the resumption of the whole absolute Sovereign Power only to be justified
by great and imminent public danger such as Invasion, open Rebellion, or
internal warfare.
APPENDIX
Upon such occasions a Military Tribunal in the nature of a Court Martial

is usually resorted to, yet such a Tribunal is not to be confounded with the
Jurisdiction exercised "under the Mutiny Act, and the Articles of War (inas
much as these extend only to Military Characters). It is a Tribunal estab
lished for the assistance and information of the Person exercising
Sovereign Authority, who thus assumes absolute Power.
A sentence of such Courts when adopted by him becomes his Judgment
and the execution of such sentence becomes his own individual act, for which
he is responsible
The application of these principles to the present case leads to the con
clusion that under the immediate pressure of the existing circumstances in
the Kandyan Provinces at the time of the Capitulation, if such imminent and
immediate danger was to be apprehended, from the residence or abiding of
the proscribed Persons in those Provinces, without the License or sanction
of the Governor, the Governor might resort to Martial Law on such exi
gency, under the terms of his Commission which give him power to proclaim
and enforce Martial Law in case of Invasion, or on such occasions as he law
fully may—but if such exigency does not exist and when the Province is
submitted to the British Government according to the Capitulation, when
it can no longer be considered in a state of Warfare or Insurrection, and when
the immediate and pressing Peril is over, we are of opinion that the operation
of Martial Law cannot be longer enforced against the proscribed Persons.
To effectuate their permanent expulsion from the Kandyan Provinces
it would be necessary that some Law to that effect should be promulgated
by His Majesty, which should announce such abiding in the Provinces without
the Governor's License to be a crime against the State, and prescribe the
punishment and mode of proceeding thereon.
If this shall be deemed expedient the necessary measures may be adopted
so as to meet future cases, and we observe that the Governor has expressed
his intention of suspending the execution of this article as to Punishments
affecting Life or Limb till His Majesty's pleasure shall be known, which will
prevent the inconvenience or unpleasant consequences that might attend a
state of doubt on a point of such great importance.
With respect to the ist branch of the gth Article as to the proposed
Commission for the trial of persons guilty of Murder in the Kandyan Pro
vinces, we are of opinion that such Commission cannot be legally issued
by the Governor. He has not as we conceive any Powers to erect such a
Tribunal. The ancient Laws of Kandy must be administered till His
Majesty's Pleasure shall be known as to their adoption in toto, as to all
persons within the Provinces, or their partial adoption as to the Natives
and the substitution of new Laws and Tribunals for the trial and punishment
of His Majesty's European subjects for offences therein.
We think also that persons committing these offences cannot be tried
by the Supreme Court as at present established for Ceylon, till the Kandyan
Provinces are annexed to or made Dependencies of that Settlement, but that
British subjects might be proceeded against in England under the 33rd Henry
8th cap. 23.
We have further to observe with respect to the second section of the gth
Article that the liability of His Majesty's British subjects to be tried for
offences ordinarily cognisable by Civil Judicature will depend on the state
and condition of the country and on the Mutiny Act and the Articles of W a r
as applicable thereto. They extend to all persons who are commissioned or
i n the pay of His Majesty as officers or those who are listed or in pay as soldiers
in every quarter of the Globe, but by the provisions of the Mutiny Act " Sol
diers are to be tried by the Civil Power for offences not of a Military nature
save and except when they are employed in any place beyond the seas, where
APPENDIX 603
there is no form of the King's Civil Judicature in force. " When His Majesty
either by his Instructions or Proclamation or Order-in-Council has given
Laws to the country, or has adopted the pre-existing Laws of the country,
soldiers will not be within the exception of the 4th Article of the 24th Section
of the Articles of War, because such Laws and Courts will have the form and
force of His Majesty's Civil Judicature. But till the Capitulation is confirmed
and the pre-existing Laws and Courts are adopted or new ones substituted,
we do not think a form of the King's Civil Judicature can be said to be in
force and therefore till that time we think this Article may be legally enforced
by the Governor, but when such approbation or adoption takes place, the
soldiers will be liable only to the Civil Courts of Judicature for crimes not of a
criminal nature.
We have the honour to be etc.
CHRIS. ROBINSON
W. GARROW
S. SHEPHERD
This opinion was forwarded with Bathurst's Despatch 37 of 13th October,
1815, and the consequent local amendments were dated 31st May, 1816.
Appendix E
The Status of the Supreme Court

For many years the relations between British Governors and the Judges
of the Supreme Court continued to be unfriendly; the former disliked the
existence of a body which diminished their own importance, while t'.-.e latter
were often inclined to interfere with the administration, and the Records
contain much angry correspondence between them. Hardinge Giffard, the
Advocate Fiscal, in a letter addressed to his brother-in-law Croker, dated
Colombo, 22nd November, 1813, has thus stated the point of view of the
judicial authorities. . ." There is an old struggle in this Island between the
Law and the Collectors of the Revenue—-the latter desirous of enjoying all
the ferocious and arbitrary tyranny exercised in any part of India which
exists only in their own will, affect to act upon a code of their own—and t o
administer their injustice without the control of the Supreme Court—
the former endeavouring to distribute equal measure to all men according
to known rules. In this contest the Government in terror for its resources
has always inclined to the Collectors and hence has ensued a jealousy of the
Supreme Court descending from Governor to Governor—and infecting them
almost imperceptibly—the more particularly as the most tyrannical Collector
is often found to be the most meritorious i.e. productive servant. "
The pomp which attended the Supreme Court helped to aggravate the
situation. It was early laid down that its circuits " should be as decorous
in point of public appearance as the judicial, office, the weight of the Trust,
and the effect it is calculated to produce in the prevention of crimes, in pro
moting good order, and in securing the respect, allegiance, and affections of
the people to the Government which protected them, essentially require "
Secretary of State to North, 13th March, 1801. CO. .54/5.
" As it is not easy to disconnect, in the opinion of the people, the ideas of
Civil respect from Military Honours, I have ventured to order a salute of 13
guns to be given by all Forts within my Government to the Chief Justice ancl
one of 11 to the Puisne Justice of the Supreme Court ". North to Hobart,
10th September, 1802. CO. 5 4 / 7 .
Each Judge had his own Interpreter and Tip Staff, and the Chief Justice's
was later created Third Maha Mudaliyar ; Gate Mohundirams were appointed
to carry the Sword and Mace. (North to Hobart, Private, n t h
September 1802).
By a Minute of Council dated 13th May, 1806 it was ordered that " In
all Circuits that may be held by the Supreme Court of Judicature it be con
sidered as an invariable rule that the First Moodeliar or Headman of the
Province do attend the Court during its progress through the District, and
that the two Native Headmen next in rank to him do in like manner attend
and act as Sword bearer and Mace bearer to the Court. "
" As it was necessary that the native and other inhabitants of Ceylon
should be impressed with a proper idea of the respect which is due to the
Supreme Court, and as the Society in the British Settlements on Ceylon is
composed in a very great degree of military, it is His Majesty's pleasure that
every military honour shall be paid to the Judges of the Supreme Court"'
Downing St. 30th September, 1810.
604
APPENDIX 605
Head Quarters, Colombo, 2nd April, 1812.

General Orders
The undermentioned Military Honours to be paid to the Supreme Court
on Circuit.
A Salute of Fifteen Guns to be fired from the Ramparts of the Fort of
Colombo on the occasion of the Supreme Court leaving that station going
on Circuit.
The Supreme Court on its arrival at Jaffna, to be received with a similar
Salute of Fifteen Guns, and by a Guard of Honour consisting of a Subaltern
Officer, 1 Serjeant, 1 Drummer, and 20 Rank and File, and a like Guard to
be mounted daily, during the continuance of the Supreme Court at that
place—-This Guard to furnish two Centinels at the place where the Court is
held during the time of its Sitting, also two Centinels at all times, at the
Quarters of the Honourable the Chief Justice and Puisne Justice.
On the Supreme Court quitting Jaffna a Salute of Fifteen Guns to be
fired from the Ramparts, and a like Salute from the Fort of Colombo on its
Return to the seat of Government.
The Officers Commanding at Negombo, Chilaw, Puttalam and Mannar
to be instructed to furnish two Centinels at the Quarters of the Honourable
The Chief Justice and Puisne Justice on their passing through those places,
and it is to be considered a standing Order that at all times all Centinels
present their Arms to the Honourable The Chief Justice and the Honourable
The Puisne Justice on their passing their posts, between Gun firing in the
morning, and sun set in the evening.
The Guard of Honor specified in the Third paragraph of this Order, and
the Guard which daily mounts at the Court House in the Pettah of Colombo,
to turn out and present Arms as often as the Judges pass to and from their
Court.
(Signed) JOHN ROSS, Dep. Adj. Gen.
Ceylon Government Gazette,
8th April, 1812.
When on 27th August, 1814 Cornells de Saram Mudaliyar, Second Inter
preter to the Supreme Court, died, he was buried inside Wolvendahl Church
with Military honours, the body being borne from the house by soldiers of
the 73rd Regiment. (Gazette).
In 1815 these offices were held by Johannes Godfried Phillipsz Wijekon
Panditaratna, Simon Barendt de Silva Goonetilleke Seneviratne and Johannes
Louis Pieris Samarasinha Siriwardhana.
Of these three Phillipsz was largely responsible for the translations of
the Maha Vansa, Raja Ratnakare and Rajavalliya, which were prepared for
Johnston and were edited by Edward Upham for publication in " The Sacred
and Historical Books of Ceylon " London 3 vols. 1833. See Johnston's letter
vol. i. p. 6 ; Harvard p. 258 ; Asiatic Journal. Asiatic Intelligence. . .April
1838, p. 229. On 30th May, 1835 he was appointed to represent the Sinhalese
in the Legislative Council. J. L. Pieris was on 4th March, 1824 appointed
Modliar of the Adicary and Meda Pattoos of Cena Corle, being succeeded
by Phillipsz's son. See Sin. Fam. Part iii; Journal of a Tour in India and
Ceylon, by Joshua Russell, London, 1852, pp. 37, 38.
By the middle of the century a great change had set in. By his letter
208 of 6th September, 1847 the Government Agent at Galle inquired from the
Colonial Secretary, whether it was the wish of Government to continue the
procession of tomtoms, pipes, flags etc. which escorted the judge when he
606 APPENDIX
entered Galle. This he said -was probably a desirable arrangement when

judges travelled in palanquins, and at a pace consistent with this sort of
barbaric parade ; but now that judges travelled by coach, the pace " converts
what was a ceremony of dignity into one of really laughable absurdity; for
the guard getting exhausted with running and attempting to wave a flag,
beat tomtoms and blow pipes, are seen sprawling in all directions," On the
Chief Justice raising a question about the dresses and stature of the escort,
with which he was dissatisfied, the Government Agent further, by 211 of
8th September, explained that he and his headmen were expected to meet
the judge half a mile from town, and sometimes he had been obliged to press
his own horsekeepers into service as guards.
Appendix F
S o m e E m o l u m e n t s of a Disapati
A complete statement of the Emoluments received by any Disava is
not available but in Vol. 551 there is preserved an
Account of Annual Emoluments received by the Dessave of Saffregam
on account of Dekma and Bulutsuruly etc.
ridis
Disavony Mohottala for appointment 500
do annual Dekkum .. .. 25
Attepattu Nileme for appointment 500
do annual Dekkum 25
do Presents 10
do for Matras 25
do for one Bottle of Gun Powder 3
do for one Sword, silver, value 5t>
do for two Silver Waist Strings 60
do for 4 Cristal Arm Rings 24
5 Iron Chunam Boxes wrought with silver
5 Chunam boxes called Kavisyaroo Killati
5 Guns
} 15°
120
5 Billhooks 10
5 Axes 5
5 Manioties 15
5 Chopping Knives 10
5 Sickles ii
do as Headman of Heregey, Prison
Kodituwaku Nilame for Appointment 500
annual Dekum 25
Present 5
Matras 25
one bottle gunpowder.. 3
3 Guns 72
1 Silver Sword 50
5 Billhooks 10
5 Axes 5
5 Mamoties 15
5 Chopping knives 10
5 Sickles ii
as Head of Heregey 5
Maha Basanaike Nileme of Saffregam Temple
For appointment 500
Annual Dekum 50
Present 10
Matras 25
1 bottle gunpowder 3
t Sword, silver 5°
4 Crystal Armrings . . .. 24
4 Silver Waist Strings 60
5 Iron chunam boxes wrought with silver and 150
5 Kavisiyaru chunam boxes .. •.
120
5 Guns
10
5 Billhooks
5 axes 5
5 Mamoties 15
10
5 Chopping knives
607
608 APPENDIX
5 Sickles II
Basnaike Nileme of Alut Nuwara Temple
For appointment Soo
Annual Dekum 25
Presents 10
Matras 25
I Bottle gunpowder 3
Basnaike Nileme of Boltoombuwe Temple
For appointment 50
Annual Dekum 5
Presents 5
Office of Maylapperu Niley of the temple ti
Basnaike Nilame of Ammadoo Devale
For appointment 25
Annual Dekum .. .. .. .. 5
Presents 5
Office of Moodannake Niley of Saffregam Temple 50
Dekum 5
Present 5
Office of Hangamoo Mohotty Niley 30
Dekum 10
Present 50
Office of Gabada Mohotty Niley 15
Dekum .. .. .. .. 5
Present
Office of Wannekkoo Niley II
Dekum 5
Present a*
Vidane of Hoonoowelle, appointment 5o
Dekum 5
Present 5
Vidane of Talawittiye, appointment II
Dekum 5
Present 2
Vidane of Kuruwitty Gampaha, appointment 11
Dekum 5
Present 2:|
Vidane of Kolombogama, appointment o"
Dekum 5
Present al
Vidane of Egoda Gampaha, appointment 6
Dekum 5
Present 2-A
Vidane of Gantune, appointment 6
Dekum 5
Present 2i
9 Kankans and Lekams of Temple villages at 2 J ridis each
when they appear before the Dessava at Kandy 22 J
Office of Attapattu Mohotty of the Temple at Alut Nuwara,
appointment 11
Dekum 5
Present 2
Attenaike Mohotty, appointment II
Dekum 5
Present 2J
Vidane of Denevake, appointment 100
Dekum 5
Present 5
Lekam of Denevake, appointment 20
APPENDIX
Present
8 Gammans
Vidane of Openaike, appointment
Dekum
Present
Lekam of Openaike
Vidane of Yakewale, appointment
Dekum .. ..
Present
Lekam Dasilegam and Kareawasam, appointment
Maha Nadapu
Panan Nadapu
Vidane of Balangode, appointment.
Dekum .. .. . . .
Present
Lekam of Balangode
Vidane of Kendagamuwe, appointment
Dekum
Present
4 Leanna Dureya
Vidane of Batugedera, appointment
Pre.sent
Vidane of Gi imale, appointment
Present
Vidane of Bambarabotuwa, appointment
Present
Vidane of Eratne
Present
Vidane of Guverikiriye
Vidane of Meddicande
Present
Vidane of 4 Woodcutter villages
Dekum
Present
Vidane of Casgode, inhabited by Panneyas
Vidane of the Gravet of Kooroowitte
Vidane of the Gravet of Getahetta
Hewa Dooreya
Korala of Kadawatu K, appointment
Dekum
Matras
Present
for Herege
1 Bottle gunpowder
Korala of Meda Korale
Dekum
Present
Matras
Herege
1 Bottle gunpowder
Vidane of Boolootgama
Vidane of Moolyama
Korala of Atakalan K
Dekum
Present
Matras
Herege
1 Bottle gunpowder
4 Guns
795-U
610 APPENDIX
1 0
5 Billhooks . . •• •• •• ••
5 Axes .. • • •• • • • • 5
r
5 Mamoties . . .. •• •• • • 5
1 0
5 Chopping knives .. -- • • • •
5 Sickles .. •• .. • .. .. I?
Vidane of Galpaye .. .. •• •• •• 5°
Vidane of Neyangamme .• •• •• • • 5°
Korala of Kolonna K . . ' .. •• •• • • 3oo
Dekum .. .. •• •• •• 50
1 0
Present .. •• •• • • ••
2 0
Matras .. .. •• •• ••
2
Herege .. •.. •• • • • • 5
I Bottle gunpowder .. •• •• 3
4 Guns .. .. •• •• •• 9&
1 0
Billhooks .. .. •• ••
5 Sickles .. .. . . . . .. ii
Korala of Kukulu K . . .. •. •• • • 50
X
Dekum . . . . .. •• • • S
1 0
Present .. .. • • •• ••
Korala of Navadum K .. •. •• • • 3o
J
Dekum .. .. •. •• •• 5
Present .. •. •• •• •* ô
1 0 0
Korala of Kuruviti K .. •. •• ••
2
Dekum .. .. .. •• •- 5
1 0
Present .. .. -• • • • •
Matras .. .. • - • • •• 25
2
Herege .. .. • • • • • • 5
1 Bottle gunpowder . . .. .. •- 3
Vidane of Ude Pattu .. .. .. • • 3°
Vidane of Palle Pattu . . .. .. .. •• 25
Vidane of Madde Pattu .. .. • • •• 5°
Mohundiram of Kadaviti Korale .. • • -- 6
Lekam of Kadaviti Korale .. .. • • •• 6
6
Hateraliage Duraya .. .. .. • • ••
2
2 Mohundirams of Meda K .. .• •• '
Lekam and Hatbage Duraya .. .. .• •• 6
2
2 Mohundiram Atakalan K .. .• •• *
1 1
Lekam of Atakalan K . . .. .. • • ••
2 Mohundirams of Kolona K .. .• •• 12
Lekam .. .. .. •• •• 6
2 Mohundirams of Kukulu K .. .. •. 12
Lekam .. .. .. .• •• 6
Atukorale of Navadum K .. .. .. .. 6
Vidane of Mandalagama and Pattalagama .. .. n
5
Vidane of Pattele .. .. •. • • ••
Vidane of Kudawe village to furnish white jaggery .. 6
Dues called Kat and Bulat surulu payable to the Dessava
from the Seven Divisions as well as from the above said
Vidanes village (sic) on the occasion of Perreherre Festival
and in the month of November or II Maha .. .. 1J25
From Embilipitti gandekke being the dues called Mura ridi
and Perreherre Dada etc. .. .. .. .. 500
42 Lance sticks from the 14 stickpainters .. 7
79 Blades or points of lances from the blacksmiths
of Kottalbadda .. .. .. .. 15
59 Arecanut cutters .. .. .. .. ' 7i
4 Addices .. .. .. .. .. 3
1 Axe .. .. .. .. .. 1
1 Silver chunam box from the Vidane of silversmiths 2
APPENDIX 611
6 Presents from 6 silversmiths at i ridi each .. 6

9 Rings set with stones from the rest .. 4i
6 Tadupu cloths 30 cubits each from the weavers of
Berawa Badda .. .. b\
6 Diakatchies cloth . . .. .. .. 1\
1 White Irattu cloth from Niyangama . . .. 6
5 Guns from 5 Ninde Villages in Attakalan K, pay
able from the villages .. .. .. 120
Gilimale, being a village which furnishes Betel leaves to the
Royal store on account of the dues viz:—
Otu mudal, rice, and jaggery ., 28J
1 Iron crowbar 5 spans long .. .• .. 5
2 Chopping knives .. .. .. .. 4
30 Pingos jaggery at 4 pattas a pingo .. .. 7$
8 Bags rice . . .. .. .. .. 60
2 Pingos coconuts .. .. .. .. 15
2 Pots oil .. .. .. .. 26
To be furnished monthly by the 7 vidane villages
total yearly .. .. .. .. .. 1,212
6 Beetlenut villages each paying 4,000 leaves monthly at
1 pice per 86 leaves, makes per annum ,. .. 3°i
Total ridis .. 10,683
which sum being calculated at the rate of eight pice per ridi, the ancient
rate, it will amount to rix-dollars 4,006-1-2.
Account of the Annual Tribute payable by the Dissave of Saffregam to
the Kandian Government, viz.
1. To the Maha Gabadawe or Royal Provision Store
2. To the Maha Aremudela or Royal Treasury
3. To the Uda Gabadawe or Royal Store of Household Utensils
4. To the Aspantia or Royal Stables
5. To the 2 Ilangama Macluas or Dancing Halls as follows :
ridis
1. To Maha Gabadawe Ulmaha Kattea and Perehere or
Religious offering at November and the Festival . . 557
2. To Maha Aremudale Dekuma or Treasury Stipend 1,475
3. To Uda Gabadawe and Establishment .. .. 38J
4. Aspantia at 20J ridis per month .. .. 240
5. Ilangam Madua at 1 2 J ridis a month .. .. 15°
6. Wahala Ilangama or Dancing room of the Palace at
i 6 i ridis a month .. .. .. .. 126
150 Dekunkadas or Presents at the New Year each
kade consisting of 3 measures of rice and 3
coconuts .. .. .. .. 168$
60 measures of Lamp Oil to the Horse and Elephant
Panties or Stables in the months of July and
November at 4 pice per measure 15
1 Kuttu Seru Tuppotty cloth . . 150
1 Kasaw Tuppotty cloth 60
1 Suruttu Tuppotty cloth.. 15
1 Tarrappody Sarasa Tuppotty cloth 9
1 Killekarai Sarasa Tuppotty cloth
1 Anacutchy Sarasa Tuppotty cloth
The second Dekun Kattuwa consisting of :
-
1 Kasaw Tuppotty cloth .. .• .• 3°
612 APPENDIX
I Suruttu .. .. .. .. .• 15
1 Ginnengy . . .. .. .. .. 9
1 Gopala .. .. .. .. .. 9
1 Anecatchy .. .. .. .. 9
The third Dekun Kattuwa to the Boudu Temple called Dalada Maligawa,
consisting of:
1 Log Sandlewood .. .. .. .. 6
1 Silver flower ,. .. .. .. 30
15 Rupees .. .. .. .. .. 90
10 Pagodas . . .. .. .. .. 120
From the Villages called Gillemalle and Bambera-
botuwa Dekma . . .. .. .. 125
From Kendangomuwa Dekma . . .. .. 100
Total ridies . . 3,574
N.B.—The Ridi was calculated at 18 Pice each when money was paid in lieu
of the above articles.
Equal lo rix-dollars 1,340-3-0 at the above rate.
ridis
Total Receipts of Dissava . . .. .• •• 10,683
Deduct total expenditure . . .. .. •- 3.574
Balance total ridis . . 7,109
which sum being calculated at the old rate of 18 pice per ridi makes in rix-
dollars 2,665-10-2. This sum being divided into three equal parts gives rdx.
888-7-2 per each Dissave per annum or rix-dollars 74-0-2-J per mensem.
H. W R I G H T
Ratnapura Cutcherry, Agent of Government.
September 4th, 1818.
D'Oyly to Sutherland, Kandy August, 18th 1816.
I have the honour to acknowledge your letter of the gth and I have
conversed with the 2nd Adikar on the subject of his sentiments with regard
to the office of Basnayaka Nilame of Saffragam for the ensuing year. I
learn that he has no objection to the continuance of Ekneyligoda in that
office, provided he renders the customary annual Payment for it, without
which the Adikar is unable to make good the Tribute which is due from his
Dissavany to the Treasury and he complains that Ekneyligoda has not yet
discharged much of what is payable for the appointments held by him in
the last year. I therefore recommend that intimation be given to Ekneyli
goda that the Adikar has evinced no disposition to deprive him of office, but
if he desires to continue in it the arrears of last year must be paid without
delay, and he must be prepared to meet the demand for the renewal of his
appointment in this—and that he be admonished in a gentle manner of the
necessity of conforming to the custom of the country and of respecting the
Adikar's legitimate authority in the Disavony.
From D'Oyly 12th September, 1S16.
" Ekneligoda held last year two offices in the Saffragam Korale, viz.
that of Basnayaka Nilame and Attapattu Lekam, for each of which I learn
from the Second Adikar that 500 ridies were payable, that 300 have been paid,
and 700 are due. The sums paid for these offices have varied exceedingly
at different periods. I learn that in the time of Angammena Dissava the
offices of Dissave Lekam, Basnayake Nilame and Attapattu Lekam were
APPENDIX 613
fixed at 500 ridi each, that of Kodituakku Lekam at 300, but that since that
time 1,000 ridi has been the nominal price for each of the four, though larger-
sums have frequently been taken. In this year and the last the 2nd Adikar
agreed upon the moderate sum of 500 ridi for each. "
With regard to Uva Sawers reported that :
The only data available for judging of the profits of the Chiefs is the fixed
Decum they paid for their appointments into the Royal Treasury. Generally
this was calculated at half of what the office yielded. In the Lekam Mitiya
the Decum of the Dissava of Uva is rated at 5,000 ridi, but is stated to have
been reduced by Kirti Sri to 3,419. So far as Sawers could ascertain the
Dissava's total collections both in fees and fines did not exceed 12,000 ridi
or about 5,333 rxd. From this he would pay his own decum at the rate of
IS pice to the ridi, which would leave him about 3,500 rdx. for himself.
Appendix G
Looting by the Military
Translation of a Cingalese Ola
The means by which the English who came to Badulla took the goods of
the Temple Bogodah Wihare.
As there were news that no detriment whatever would be done to the
Pagodas and Temples by those soldiers who come, all that were for the per
formance of the ceremonies of that Temple as well as the things which were
kept here and there were brought and kept therein and in the meantime
soldiers came from Badullah and tied the people who were in the Temple to
Trees, and having taken the Keys of the Temple and ol the Boxes took all
the Books out of the Boxes, and reserving merely the Books, all other Boxes,
Patteyan Cloths, brass and Copper articles, and also the silk robes, covering
or Etirili cloths, handkerchieves, pillows, Bed quilts, Bowls, of Patra, Talu-
tetie, Kuselan, lamps, spitting pots, sembu, arecanut cutters, chunam boxes,
betel purses and canes belonging to the priests, all these and many other
unmentioned things. Two pairs of Ivories which were on both sides of the
Temple'were taken making much disturbance and they having also destroyed
the rice and paddy during six days, both night and day according to their own
pleasure, divided those things that fit for them between two principal Malay
soldiers, and other soldiers, having done so they carried the remaining things
on bullocks and by people and gave them to the Gentleman, the Chief saying
that those were the only things that belong to the Temple. After this on our
stating to the English Gentleman. . .the Chiefs who were at Badullah that our
goods were lost and as it was stated that these things were the own things
of the Temple, the things that were only taken to the English Gentleman were
restored to ourselves, The judgments of which Gentleman are quite good,
and there exists no fault whatever of that English Gentleman. As there is
none to explain the nature of the case to that Gentleman in order to recover
for us the goods which we lost and which were divided, and taken by the two
Principals of that soldiers who came, after inquiring about it from them and
because the persons who are there do. . .plain the nature oi the case in a
manner as to effect enquired. . .went and stated several times about this and
notwithstanding it was signified that that things would be restored, yet . . ,
not restored as yet.
My Temple at Badullah was broken, the temple of. . .asse. . .was broken
and the temple Katugaha Wihare was broken. It was not proper to state
in short the account. . .the things that were in them and which were lost.
(List follows).
Translation of another " Ola to be represented by our well trusted
Walauwe Widahn Rala. "
At first the English Governor having been informed that the King of
Kandy was taking the riches by tyrannical means to the people and by
destroying both the world and religion, took us by subtility saying that the
world and religion would be well preserved and that the people without the
least mischief would be protected in their property without having any other
dangers, so by different disgraceful means destroy Pagods and Temples
taking the goods belonging to Buddhu and God. By much hurts to the
Priests who were in the Temples of Bogodah and Eylle, took the goods, and
the goods and Gold Arms of the Pagoda Badulu Dewale, were taken, and the
614
APPENDIX 615
Goods of the Pagod Maha Kataragam Dewale and of the Betme Ralas were
taken. Besides the goods of Taldenah Mohottala, Godegedera Mohottala,
Halpe Mohottala, Gandeniye Rala, and Hatkigama Mahatmea were taken,
and my goods was all robbed of for three different times and the goods which
were robbed of other persons are incalculable and there is preparation to
catch women for wives. W e were most faithful we were...for preserving
ourselves, our names, families and property—to preserve our Vellalaship we
are to go to the wilderness but it is impossible to live in this country. These,
circumstances must be represented to the Dessave over us to Maha Nilemes
and also to the General (meant Resident) and must obtain protection in this
respect or otherwise no use of us.
Lest we be blamed ourselves for not representingthese circumstances, this
is sent with prostration to be represented, but we did not do so without
apprehension. Although we shall go obtaining services and situations from...
part yet it is not truth for the Chiefs who are at Badullah. (List follows).
Miscellaneous Board Papers.
" Some of the Images in the Malabar Church at this place have been
defaced. " Division Orders, Camp Badulla, 21st February, 1 8 1 5 .
The Fourth Division had seized 9 elephants at Badulla and two of the
tusked males were admitted to be the property of the Maha Devale there.
Their names appear to have been Kaluwa Namba and Citira. The animals
had been sent on to Colombo and on 1 2 t h June, Major Mackay, Commandant
at Kandy, wrote to de Busche, A.D.A.G. " Those claimed" by the Temple
can be distinguished by the means pointed out in evidence. . .answering to
their names. By a communication which I had with Mr. D'Oyly this evening,
I am to request that yon will move His Excellency to order them to Badulla
by the way of Hambantotte and Cattergam with all possible haste as they
are wanted for a Festival and it will be necessary to guard against their
carrying any Burthen as such would unfit them till after a purification from
carrying any of the Sacred Relics. " C O . 54/69.
Sawers to D'Oyly n t h August forwards claim of Maha Kataragama

Devale of Badulla for compensation for the property carried off as Prize
by the 4th Division.
Native Captain -Buncoos, First Ceylon Regiment, was tried by Court
Martial on 22nd February, in connection with the property of the Maha
Kataragama Devale which was found at Arabokka in Uva on 18th-19t.l1
March, 1815, while he was in command of a detachment sent for the purpose
from Wellawaya by Captain Wheeler. He was found guilty of neglect of
duty in not placing a guard over the property as ordered, and of making a
false report to the contrary, but the charge of plundering made against him
was held not proved. He was sentenced to be cashiered with a recommend
ation for mercy: he was finally suspended from his rank and pay for six
months. General Order 7 t h March, 1816.
List of Property Belonging to Mattamagode Dissave which is Alleged
to have been Plundered by the British Troops at the
Village of Hathkinde in Uva
20 Gopala Tooppetty cloths value .. .. Rdes. 100
10 Rassa Gopala Tooppetty cloths value .. ,, 200
20 Salla Katchy Cloths value .. .. ,, 150
30 Casantoran "Tooppetty value .. .. ,, 180
10 Cootty Sairoo Tooppetty cloths value .. ,, 1,500
15 Walispatweda Tooppetty >. . .. ,, 750
5 Punchy Warna Tooppetty cloths value .. ,, 100
7 Pieces Casaw Pada cloths .. .. ,, 70
5 Pieces Pancha Warna Pasa cloths . . .. ,, 25
616 APPENDIX
8 Casaw Tooppetty cloths .. .. .. Rdes. 35°

5 Casaw Haila cloths .. .. .. ,, ioo
6 Casaw Katchy cloths .. .. .. ,, 250
4 Nilloroo Katchy cloths .. .. .. „ 14°
10 Pieces of Cootty Sairoo cloths .. .. „ 150
15 Casaw Oramalle Sairoo cloths .. .. ,, 60
lo Cotty Saire Handkerchiefs .. .. ,, 40
20 Jaffna Handkerchiefs .. .. .. ,, 20
5 Pieces of Pattocarry cloths .. .. ,, 30
10 Red Kinangy Tooppetty cloths .. .. ,, 40
15 Black Kinangy Tooppetty cloths .. .. ,, 45
30 Pieces of Black Cambaye cloths .. .. ,, 60
20 Coddy Cara Tooppetty'cloths .. .. ,, 80
20 Cattadoraettoe Katchy cloths .. .. ,, 220
30 Tarase Tooppetty cloths .. .. .. ,, 120
'15 Pully Katchy cloth .. .. .. „ 90
20 Kiela Karre Katchy cloths.. .. .. ,, 100
10 Ana Katchy .. .. .. .. „ 3°
30 Kaweny Tooppetty cloths .. .. ,, 120
20 Kaweny Katchy cloths .. .. .. ,, 160
10 Women's Jackets .. .. .. ,, 5°
20 Ivory Combs .. .. .. .. ,, 60
2 Pawesy cloth of Gold edges .. ., ,, 44
1 Palanqueen cloths .. .. .. ,, 5°
3 Kasaw Tooppetty cloths/bleaches .. ,, 150
2 Pieces Bopat Kasaw Pada cloth of gold edge ,, 60
3 Pieces of Kasaw Pade cloths .. .. ,, 21
3 Koottysairoe Tooppetty cloths .. .. „ 250
4 Toopetty cloths/edges coloured .. .. ,, 120
2 Raja Gopale Tooppetty cloths .. .. ,, 4°
3 Pieces of cloths of blackwork .. .. ,, 15
2 Pieces of Pancha Warna Pada cloths .. ,, 9
3 Red Mooris Padda .. .. .. ,, 6
Gold Articles :
1 Gold Chain of 150 Pagodas .. .. ,, 600
1 Gold Chain called Saikram Mala of 80 Pagodas ,, 300
1 Gold Chain of 50 Pagodas .. .. ,, 200
3 Gold Chain called Koonatchal Mala of 100 Pagodas ,. 400
5 Strings of Gold and Coral beads .. .. ,, 5°°
1 Gold Necklace called Taly of 50 Pagodas ,, 200
2 Gold large Rings called Wattappoe Moodoo ,, 3°°
3 Rings set with Blue stones .. .. ,, 160
2 Rings set with Ruby stones .. .. ,, 120
2 Rings set with Diamond or Wyrom .. ,, 200
3 Pairs of Ornaments called Poolly Maal .. ,, 60
5 Pairs Ear Pins .. .. .. .. ,, 20
4 Gold Leaves .. .. .. .. ,, 40
2 Gold Arm Rings . . .. .. .. ,, 160
8 Single Rings .. .. .. .. ,, 20
5 Silver Chunamb boxes .. .. .. ,, 100
6 Silver boxes .. .. .. .. ,, 60
3 Silver Hawadies .. .. .. ,, 30
200 Star Pagodas .. .. .. .. ,, 1,000
500 Porto Novo Pagodas .. .. .. ,, 2,000
10 Gold Ornaments called Kooran .. .. ,, 500
1,000 Rupees .. '.. .. .. ,, 1,000
500 Cingalese Silver Coins .. .. .. ,, 167
2 Silver Tetties or Salves .. .. .. „ 150
2 Silver Coosalan or Cups .. . . . . „ 50
APPENDIX
3 Silver Spoons
2 Silver Sewera
i Knife Worked with Gold
10 Knives called Galmitta Pihie
I Wellody cloth
180 Handkerchiefs called Palamaga Laeresan
50 Taetooppee cloths
8 Irattoo cloths
5 cloth Bands of a Palanqueen
3 Kangam or Blue Tooppetty cloths . .
6 Pieces railed Adoopay
1 Chest containing Books
100 Pieces of Steel
6 Pistols
6 Powderhorns
9 Knives of Ivory handles worked with Silver
2 Boxes of Medicine
10 Tithes
8 Mandas or Dishes
2 Brass Pans .. ..
3 Cottalas
4 Chemboos
2 Brass Ilatatoes
30 Plates
12 Coosalin or Cups
6 Vials .. ..
3 Hanging Lamps
4 Padikams or Spitting pots
2 Calagedy or pots
6 Cooking Glasses
1 Iron Elephant Hook worked with Silver
130 Arrekanut Cutters
2,000 Kiddies in Copper Challies
12 Elephant Teeth
3 Atpandan
Judicial Proceedings of 1 7 t h March, 1816.

Appendix H
Estimated Revenue of Sinhale
The Estimate of Revenue of the Kandyan Provinces for the year ending
30th April, 1818, by Samuel Sawers, Revenue Agent, dated Kandy, 8th July,
1817. C O . 54/66.
Rix Dollars
Gem. Farm of Saffragam : 6,500
Three Korles
Four Korles 400
Seven Korles 200
Hevaheta 351-3
Udu Nuvara, Yati Nuvara, Dumbara, Harsia Pattu,
Uda Palata, Matale and Uva 1,800
Arrack Farm of :
Sabaragamuva 4,041.8
Three Korles 5.500
Royal Coconut Gardens of :
Three Korles Qii-3
Within the Mountains 1,200
Paddy from the Royal Villages in Uda Rata, Four
Korles and Seven Korles . . .. .. 1,820
Deduct customary allowances to priests oi Buddhism 200
Balance in Amunams . . .. .. .. 1,620
valued at 11,34°
Revenue from Uva
Produce of Royal Village? 10,000
Rice Revenue of Badulla 200
Ghee 200
Betel leaf gardens 70
Coconut gardens 100
Lamp oil dues L5o
Coconut oil dues TOO
Bees wax dues I50
Sundries ZOO
Cinnamon, Company's Investment 70,000 lbs. 236,000
Indian Market 30,000 lbs. 60,000
Fines and Forfeitures 200
Payable in kind to Uda and Maha Gabadas 300
Total 387,255.1.0
The Gem, Arrack and Cinnamon Farms originated with the British.
Under the changed Administration, payment in kind had got disorganised.
" The only articles that have ever been brought to the Cutcherry by the
Nilames of the Maha and Uda Gabada Stores as surplus after issuing the
authorized allowances of Ehelepola, Priests, Temples etc., have been a few
Plantains, small quantities of Juggery, horse gram, mustard seed, and some
other trifling articles of little value.'"'
Among the Johnston Mss. No. 43 at the Colombo Museum is this fragment
on a sheet with the watermark 1808 . . .
' 618
APPENDIX 619,
The Taxes which the Courtiers are to contribute after the Singalese New
Year to the King consists of the following in cash (by which is not calculated
goods of Gold and Silver, Stones, Cloths, Chinaware etc.) to wit
The Dessave of the 3 and 4 Corles . . .. 12,000 laryns
7 Corles .. .. .. .. 12,000 ,,
Oewa .. .. .. .. 12,500 ,,
Mau(ra)le .. .. .. .. 4,000 ,,
Saffregam .. .. .. 5,000 ,,
Oedbepalate . . ,. .. .. 400 ,,
The Ratterale of Yattinoewere .. .. 400 „
Oeodenoewere .. .. .. 500 ,,
Toenpaneha . . .. .. .. 300 ,,
Haresiejepattoo .. .. .. 400 ,,
Doembere .. .. .. .. 500 ,,
Hewahette .. .. .. .. 600 „
The Dessave of Putlam .. .. .. 5,000 ,,
Baticaloa .. .. .. .. 6,000 ,,
Wanny Noewerekalawe ,. .. .. T.OOO ,,
Each laryn at the rate of 24 stivers.
The Dessaves of Tamblegam, Cottiar, Tammankaduve, Trincomale,
Poentje collampattoo, Wellasse, Bintenne and Panauwe each to contribute a
proportion according to their Revenxie.
From the villages which are given free to the offer houses the King
receives nothing nor from the Inhabitants. The revenues of the Royal
dispens villages goes to the King's Treasury excepting those of the dispens
villages belonging to the Queens which remain for themselves.
The courtiers cannot make use of any honour when they pass the King's
dispens villages.
The offer houses of Katteregam and Saffregam were erected by the King
Doettoegammoenuu.
The offer house at Calanie is built by the King Jataaletissa and that at
Moel kirrigalle by the King Wallekambahoe. The above four offer houses
in this Island of Ceylon are governed by the Idols Wisnoe, Saman, Kattere
gam and Tjalckeredieuwe Raja.
The priests in Candy live as follows. Early in the morning they take
for their nourishment a little Conje made of rice and coconut milk.
About ten o'clock they go out with a metal bason and a fan to cover
their faces, to prevent anything improper falling in their sight, a begg
ing, and on receiving some prepared meal they returned home and eat
it about 12 o'clock, and this is all the nourishment they take for a whole
day. In the evening they commonly use a little sugar.
Ap
pen
dix J
Revenues of Uva
The following correspondence both gives a fair idea of the kind of revenue
obtained from Uva and also well illustrates the peaceful condition of the
Province when Wilson started on the journey which proved so disastrous t o
him.
Badulla, 25th January, 1 8 1 7 , to Sawers, Revenue Agent. I have
sent Katugaha Mohottala to Akkiria and Komarika to see t o
the cultivation of the royal fields and report on the coconut gardens.
At Akkiria there are 776 trees, 412 in bearing yield 5,700 nuts a year. A t
Komarika only 52 trees. The yield is hardly a tenth of the yield in the
Maritime provinces. 1 2 coconuts produce a measure of oil, which it is the
duty of the cultivators t o make. They under the Kings supplied six measures
of oil a month to the Gabadava.
Badulla, 8th February, 1817, S. D . Wilson. Statement of revenue receiv
ed from Wederatte Buttelle—
10 pieces of w a x .
11 small pieces of musk.
5 pieces of cloth 12 cubits each.
16 small pots of honey.
10 small pots of honey with dried flesh.
95 small bundles of dried flesh.
" The cloth is very indifferent but being the produce of these parts
I shall likewise keep it."
Writing on n t h February,
received from Oulapulla Wederata—•
8 pieces w a x .
16 bundles of flesh.
8 pieces of musk.
The Vidane reports that there are still due—
1 Tulam of wax.
6 bundles of flesh and
1 of musk.
Wilson t o Sawers, Badulla, 14th February, 1 8 1 7 .
According t o the Passara Watte Vidane from the Betel garden there the
issues were—
17,000 t o the K i n g twice a month.
3,000 to Kataragama Devale three times a year.
2,000 a month t o Dalada Maligava.
200 a month t o Badulla Vihara.
Out of the King's 17,000 the Dissava received 2,000, while the Udekinda
and Yatakinda Mohottalas, the Adikarum, Kodituvakku Mohottala, Atta-
pattu Mohottala, Walauwe Mohottala and Walauwe Vidahn also received
monthly allowances.
Wilson t o Sawers, 25th February, 1 8 1 7 . " T h e 10 pieces of revenue
w a x payable from Oyapalatte Korles will be received all in kind next year.
This quantity is only furnished once in 7 years from the circumstance that
the Bees only make honey from a tree which blossoms but once in that period.
620
APPENDIX 621
It is called Nallo, the flowers of which are white and small like Jassmine—
the Bees are called Bamberoo and are never seen but during the honey season
which will be next year."
Kandyan Office, 26th March, 1 8 1 7 . Sutherland to D e p u t y Commissary
General : " I am directed b y the Governor t o address to your care a bag with
seed potatoes intended for culture in the Kandyan Provinces. His Excellency
requests that the same may be divided in equal proportion and forwarded
t o the care of Simon Sawers Esqr., Revenue Agent at Kandy, and S. D . Wilson
Esqr., Accredited Agent at Badulla."
Wilson to Sawers, 2nd August, 1 8 1 7 . I have the honour again t o call
your attention t o the want of a Padlock. I am afraid I have already suffered
from the want of not having proper means to secure the public property en
trusted t o m y charge. The only means I had of securing the door of the
salt store was with m y own Private lock. Neither m y house nor office have
a lock, and it is open both day and night t o any attempt that ill disposed
persons might make upon it. Although I seldom leave home myself yet it
is absolutely necessary that prompt measures should be adopted for supplying
me with the means of securing the Cash Chest.
Same 2nd September. Busily engaged in getting a large stock of salt
from Hambantota before the monsoon sets in and hopes pressure will be
brought to bear on Hadjee in regard to this matter. The paddy crop will
be reaped in a few days but will probably be less than was anticipated.
A b o u t a hundred amunams had been abandoned b y the cultivators and he
proposed to use hired labour t o deal with them for the next season.
B y the 6th he reported that the harvesting was over ; the produce of
Alutwela and Hanwela showed such a marked superiority t o that of the
others that he proposed presenting the Gammahes of these two, five rix-
dollars each ; and t o the cultivators each a handkerchief and six cubits of
white cloth.
14th September. Wilson urges Sawers t o get him " padlocks for the
security of m y Cash Chest . . . its present security consists only in a seal."
14th September, same. Caronchy, Acting Appuhamy, has just returned
from Boetelle with 16 amunams of paddy brought b y 44 hired bullocks.
28th September, same. The Royal lands in Bintenna amount to 584
amunams, of which a list is annexed. The cultivators were greatly reduced
in number, some having left for other places and some died of smallpox.
Buffaloes for the cultivation were furnished from various places, and 212 lumps
of iron were also issued t o them. The fields at Handeganave were watered
from the Mahaveli Ganga and the rest from Sorabora Wewa. The fields
were of very good quality but he was afraid that their cultivation would
continue to be neglected as the surrounding villages had of late years been
greatly depopulated b y sickness. Even at the time smallpox was raging
in Bintenna. The heat was intense and Wilson found the thermometer at
1 o'clock stood at 90 degrees. Hadjee accompanied him on his visit.
28th September. Of the Royal fields at Madula about six amunams were
held b y people who in return supplied milk to the King.
Same 4th October. " I had the honour t o receive y o u r letter acquainting
me with your having purchased grain from the Dissava but previous t o his
leaving this place he made this arrangement with me and even left directions
for the appropriation of the money, which was t o be paid t o the Constable
w h o lent the Dissava money t o p a y his Dekoon " . . . " vou will regret to hear
that m y stores have been broken open and 366 rix-dollars stolen therefrom.
The sentry and another soldier was the thieves but a Bengalle appears t o have
been the instigator and the receiver."
622 APPENDIX
He was very busy collecting and supplying rice to the military but the
Commissariat was now refusing acceptance as their stores were full; he found
himself in a difficulty in consequence and he was obliged to collect what was
coining in "in a room adjoining my office which has neither lock or key, or
even a fastening to the shutter. " Letter of 7th October. Five days later
he set out on his fatal errand.
Appendix K
Religious Establishments under the Treaty
Kandy, January 21st, 1 8 1 8 .

Gentlemen,
I am directed by His Excellency the Governor to transmit to you a Minute
on a subject on which he is particularly anxious that early steps should be
taken, to show the great body of the Kandyan People that attention to the
interests of their Religion on the maintenance of which in full integrity
they have laid great stress, is considered an essential duty of the British
Government, equally with all other matters stipulated for in the Convention
entered into with them.
His Excellency therefore trusts to receive from you shortly such remarks
oh his Minute, with any additional suggestions on this important subject,
as may appear to you essential towards carrying the projected Plan of Control
into speedy and effectual execution.
In respect to the obligation imposed on certain villages to repair the
Walls of the Temples, His Excellency fears that a resort to those means alone
will not have any tendency to accomplish the object with that expedition
which is required to prevent further ruin, and the commutation of those
services for money or Produce, will be a matter on which your opinion is very
desirable.
I have the honour to be, Gentlemen
Your Most Obedient Servant
GEO. LUSIGNAN
Secretary for Kandyan Provinces.
The Hon'hle John D'Oyly Esqr.
ist Commissioner and Resident.
James Gay Esqr.
2nd Commissioner.
MINUTE
By His Excellency the Governor.
B y the Convention entered into by His Excellency on the part of the
British Government and the Kandyan Chiefs on the part of the Inhabitants
on the 2nd March, T&\$.-—It was stipulated that the Rites, Ministers and
Places of Worship of the Budhoo Religion were to be maintained and protected.
In execution of this Article of the Convention, which was one most
anxiously pressed by the Kandyan Chiefs, His Excellency considers it an
especial part of the duty of Government to take care that the Revenues
appropriated to the support of the various Temples and Religious Establish
ments in the Kandyan Provinces are not diverted from the Purpose to which
the former Government had allotted them.
It is also under that Article a duty imposed on Government to provide
that none of the Religious Edifices should for want of timely attention and
repair either fall to ruins or become in such state as to demand very expensive
arrangements for their restoration or reconstruction.—And His Excellency
is more forcibly called upon to take immediate steps for the last mentioned
623
624 APPENDIX
object, in consequence of witnessing the delapidated state into which many

of the Principal Religious Buildings at Kandy are daily falling, while no effort
seems to be made for their repair.
It appears to His Excellency that the first point necessary to enable
Government to f ulfilits part of the Convention with the People of the Kandyan
Provinces on this head, is to ascertain the extent of landed property and
annual Revenue therefrom and from other sources during the years 1816
and rSr7.
The Expenditure during the same period for the support of Priests and
the necessary expences of Ceremonies and other Contingencies in the different
Temples.
After these two essential points are ascertained, it will then be seen what
balance there remains in the hands of the various Headmen to whom the
Administration of those Revenues is committed and it will then only remain
to calculate what amount will be required for the immediate repairs necessary
to each of the various buildings abovementioned, and the Governor will have
it in his power to determine in what manner any present deficiency in the
means actually existing is to be supplied.
A further prospective measure appears to His Excellency as worthy
of consideration, which is, the allotment of an annual fixed sum to be deducted
in the first instance from the General Annual Revenues of each Temple, and
kept in deposit by the Headmen, for the purpose of future repairs and im
provement of such Temples, which sum is to be considered as not Tangible
for daily Expenditure, and the amount of such Appropriation will of course
be proportioned to the total amount of the Revenue of each Establishment.
An Annual Audit of the Accounts of all these Establishments by the
Chiefs, and a Report made by them to the Board on each Establishment
separately, with the assent of the Priests to the correctness of the Accounts,
will it is conceived tend to prevent any future abuse and convince the Inhabi
tants that Government is equally attentive in this as in every other part of
its Administration.
His Excellency requests the early attention of the Board to these sugges
tions and is persuaded that the Commissioners will equally see with himself,
the impolicy of so Material a subject as the Religious Establishments to which
a nation is so much attached as is the case in these Provinces, appearing to
suffer neglect and inattention from its Government.
In considering this topic His Excellency also hopes that the Chiefs and
Priests to whom such part of this Minute as may be necessary should be
communicated, will give their cordial aid.
By order of His Excellency the Governor,
GEO. LUSIGNAN,
Kandy, 21st January, 1818. Secretary of Kandyan Provinces.
Appendix L
Sinhalese M u s i c
Music appears to have been formerly cultivated in Ceylon and reduced
into Principles. There are pieces of music to be seen in regular notes in some
of the old Books in the Pali tongue. The ancients had seven notes called
Sa K i Ga Me Pa De Ni. The Gamut was termed Septa Souere. There was
no particular sign for these notes ; each of them being formed of as many
Letters as were necessary for their pronunciation. These are the Notes
in Sinhalese letters . . . It is very probable that this Gamut answers exactly
to ours; consequently this would be the way that the beginning of an old
Minuet, well-known, would be written in Sinhalese . . .
pa ni ri pa ri sa ni de pa pa pa pa pa pa
But as their music in notes has been almost entirely forgotten I have not
been able to discover how they used to distinguish the half tones, crotchets,
measures, etc.
I have heard that there were two or three persons in Candy who still
understood their music by note. It is in all probability the same as the
music on the Continent.
Nothing can be more unpleasant than the Cingalese airs whether sung
or played on either kind of their Guitars. Their Trumpet produces the
most annoying sound ever heard, yet they are fond of it to distraction. They
consecrate it to the Temples and to the King. Its name is Horeneve. Their
horn called Komove is as unpleasant as their Trumpet. They have a kind
of Houtboy not quite so insupportable as their other instruments and which
might perhaps in the hands of an able player be made to give some pleasing
Tones. It is termed Nalave.
They have four species of Drums. The first Daoul is long and narrow.
They beat it with a curved stick called Daoul Kadissoue and use only their
left hand to it. The Tammetam is a kind of Kettle covered with a skin on the
top and beat with an instrument called Kadissoue. The Rabani is nearly
similar to our tambourine but it has no bells. They slide the fingers of the
right hand on it and hold it with the left. Women play on it also ; they
place it on the ground and three or four together beat it in turn for many
hours together without being in time. The Odikie is the best of all their
drums, and it is certainly capable of producing a good effect in a piece of
music. It is very narrow considering its length. The two extremeties are
tied by catgut strings to the belt, on which the instrument hangs. This
belt goes over the shoulder. They squeeze the drum occasionally with the
left elbow and strike it with their right hand. The pressure on the Instru
ment by stretching it more or less makes it produce different Tones.
The Tammetam is used in the feasts of the Great and always precede
them in their journies. It is a necessary part of the music to be played before
the Temple morning and evening. In fine it is an essentially necessary
instrument upon all occasions that attract the attention and consideration
of the Public. The Rabane is more adapted for the feast of friends. The
Daoul is used at all times but the Odike is the instrument of the men of
Taste. A player on it is consequently paid more liberally than on the Daoul
or Tammetam.
The Sinhalese are very fond of hearing songs. A great man when
travelling has often one singer before and another behind his Palanquin.
625
626 APPENDIX
They each in their turn sing stanzas of an indeterminate length. As it

happens at times that the singer animated by his subject gives some verses
extempore. The songs are either religious in which case they extol the virtues
of Boudhou, and other Gods, or they are historical and they praise the virtuous
actions of some of their Kings or relate a love adventure. In all cases the
air of the song is mournful. I have never heard what can be called a gay
music among the Singalese and think it would be difficult to put any into
note for the measure is incessantly changing and the movement remaining
the same, always what we call andante.
J. Jonville (Johnston Mss.).
The above is substantially identical with what appears printed in Asiatic
Researches Vol. VII, 436-8. There is a useful paper on Kandyan Music
by (S.D.) Mahawalatenne, Jcbras, xxi., pp. 129-164. The Madras Museum
Catalogue of Musical Instruments : P. Sambamoorthy, Madras 1931, is help
ful in identifying the instruments employed by the Sinhalese, Six sketches
of Sinhalese drums and the performers, circa 1S10, found attached to
Jonville's Mss. French narrative of Macdowali's Mission, 1800, are printed in
Jcbras. part 105, 1948.
Appendix M
The Position of the Rodiya
Ratnapura Cutcherry, July 15th, 1 S 1 8 .
V O L . 551
Sir,
I have the honour to inform you that four Rodias were lately apprehended
by a party of soldiers sent out for that purpose, with a view of recovering
a soldier's Firelock which had been lost on the road to Balangoda, the owner
is a Sepoy of the H.C. 1 5 t h Regiment and which as reported to me by Dolos-
welle Dissave was to be found in their possession.
The search however did not meet with the expectation held out and
both Colonel Cother and myself have reason to suppose that this was merely
a pretext for seizing them on some other accounts, Evidence has been
called for, but none produced against them. It would therefore be just to
discharge them. But the policy of such a measure I beg leave to refer to
Government. They are men of the most desperate character and live by
Plunder—a dread to all other inhabitants. They have of late been com
mitting many depredations, and the Dissave pressed me hard, not long since,
for permission to order the People to shoot them, agreeable to the ancient
customs of the Country. Disappointed in this, as well as averse either to
apprehend, or even to produce evidence against them, which is contrary
to the Custom of the Country, the Rodias in consequence form a kind of
Public Grievance or nuissance the evil effects of which must be carefully
averted to prevent general dissatisfaction. If those who are now apprehended
are to be let loose, they would, to use their own words, burn, rob and destroy
the property of all those who had been in any way instrumental to their seizure.
The result would be such as to excite the greatest alarm and the sufferers would
not fail of attributing their misfortune to the defects of a Government which
they might secretly wish to undermine. Whether such a disposition exists
or not, the character of a Kandian will at all times justify the severest scrutiny.
It therefore becomes us to thwart any evil intention of the existence of
which we have any suspicions. W e see that the Rhodias are made the base
but useful instruments in the hands of Keppitipola in the work of Rebellion,
whereby he is enabled to threaten with eternal degredation, all those who fail
to acknowledge and join him. It is equally possible that they may be sub
servient to the designs of his relatives in this Province and that in the present
case they may have been apprehended with a view to their speedy enlargement
for a want of Prosecution (which is withheld) in order that they may commit
those outrages which by disgusting the People would enable the Chiefs to
make our Government appear to them intolerable, and therefore the more
desirable to be forsaken.
During several conversations I have had in public with Doloswelle Nileme
of late relative to the Rodias, I have observed the greatest reluctance on his
part even to be engaged in such a subject. He as well as the people conceive
them to be unworthy of a Trial by Law or any Punishment short of Death
by indiscriminate shooting, and even that must be done by the Durias, a
class very little superior and immediately preceding that of the Rodias.
The latter are never allowed to bear a name nor live in any but a hut the roof
of which has only one side OT slope.
Yesterday two Rodias who had been tried by a Court Martial at Balan-
gode were punished here with 300 Lashes each and are to be confined, the
627
628 APPENDIX
one of them for three years, the other for five. I ordered their sentence to
be promulgated, thinking it would have a good effect in the country ; but it
seems that is at least doubtful as it is regarded in the light of an honour done
them, whereby they had been placed on a footing with the Wellales and our
own soldiers, with whom they now lived under the same Roof, and upon a
level with the Officers of the Garrison ; that they had become elevated since
the English had taken possession of the country and presumed to wear
Clothes which more properly belong to a Dissave. A Rodia happened to
stray into the Fort a few days ago and was seized and confined under suspicious
circumstances. This quickly reached the ears of Doloswelle Dissave, who
seemed astonished at such proceeding and said if he had done such a thing
in the King's time he would have suffered death, but that now the Rorlia,
encouraged by our lenity, presume upon it.
His Excellency the Governor is doubtless, aware of all these prejudices.
Many other circumstances might bo added to confirm them if it was necessary.
I hope however I may be excused for troubling him with so many.
I have, etc.,
H. WRIGHT,
Agent of Government.
Geo. Lusignan, Esqr,,
Secretary Kandian Provinces,
Kandy.
An Anonymous Article—" The Rodiyas of Ceylon "—printed in Monthly
Lit. Reg., Vols. I l l and IV, contains much important information about
these people.
Appendix N
T h e Case of Golahala N i l a m e
Hettymoelle, 27th July, 1 8 1 8 .
Dear Colonel,
Having received your letter of the 23rd instant I marched on the morning
of the 24th at half past nine o'clock taking with me 9 rank and file Europeans
and 11 rank and file Sepoys of the 18th Native Infantry, in the whole 20 rank
and file, and, after continuing my march until three o'clock in the afternoon
of that day I at last arrived at Vellamonne Wallaway where it was I informed
you, I. had got information of eight boxes containing property of Keppetipola
having been lodged. On my entering an extensive Paddy field in front of
the house, we were perceived when I put my Detachment into double quick
time with orders to file off right and left and surround the house in the best
manner and with orders to allow neither man nor woman to pass them but
unfortunately the house was placed in such a manner by having on its right
and left a very thick jungle with a high bank cut down in'front, and in its
rear a very high mountain and which prevented our acting as we would have
wished but however notwithstanding the inhabitants all trying to get away
(took one myself) and which proved to be the principal one as he was turning
a corner to get off, and who denied knowing anything of the property in
question, until I had a rope put round his neck and threatened to hang him,
when, at which time I called for my guide who came up and but the question
to him and pointed out the room it had been in, to whom he replied if I would
not hang him, he would show me where the property lay saying that it. was,
about a quarter of a Cingalese mile up the side of the Mountain concealed in
a Cave. I then left a European Corporal and three privates in charge of the
house which belong to the Gollehella Nilame and with the remainder of my
detachment taking my Prisoner up the side of the Mountain went in search
of the Property when after going up a long way and where some places were
almost impassable with stone and rocks innumerable among thick jungle
we at last arrived at an immense large rock with a perpendicular front to it,
down which flowed one of the best water and under which was a large cave
sufficient to hold between forty and fifty men wherein our prisoner pointed
us out five boxes each ot which was about two cubits long one high and the
same in width and which I ordered my men to go and bring out. I doubt
much if this cave has been seen by any Europeans but ourselves it being in
such a retired spot about three or four miles. I look upon it to the east ward
of Upper Bulatgamme the entrance of which was by no means discernible
at ten yards distant until after we came to it, having its front covered by
jungle and a few young areca trees with a small covering of Tallepot at
the door for a sentry. What is most extraordinary perhaps after our having
passed through this first cave where those five boxes lay immediately the
entrance of a larger one presents itself having to it a prominent top under
which it appeared many people had been lately by the husks of cocoanuts
and parts of Beetle and which seemed to serve as a verandah in front of the
Cave. On entering the second cave it winds to its right and goes on a con
siderable way until it became so dark that it was impossible to discover
anything, I therefore turned a different way when after coming out of this
cave there appears the third, and by which the rock that is under and another
adjoining it, we ascended between them in a very winding direction to where
there is a lookout house on a rising ground above and aback of the rock,
and which affords a most commanding view and particularly so to the east
ward.
629
630 APPENDIX
It being about half past three p.m. when we discovered the boxes and
now night coming on and having none but my own men to assist in getting
them down the hill and which proved a most laborious duty we began to do
so and by every exertion reached the house where we left the Guard at the
bottom of the hill a little after sunset.
After this an hour or two I had just laid down about nine o'clock I think
when I heard a noise outside, at which time I called to the Corporal to see
what was the cause of it when he went and immediately returned bringing
with him a very old man who proves to be the uncle of Kapitipola and who
I could get no satisfaction from, on questioning him, only that he came
there from Golahella something about a servant girl who made off on our
coming there and from that he turned his busines as having come there
for one of those boxes, which we took out of the Cave when 1 made him
prisoner and as such I have him here now until yon shall be pleased to give
me further orders concerning him. 1 believe this man to be a great villain
aud to trouble you with the many stories and the contradictory stories that
he has made use of to me respecting this property I have found would be
entirely useless, and which caused me to be a little harsh with him to enable
me to come by the truth but which I fear I never shall, however he now says
and if that is the truth itself he must have had some correspondence with
Keppetipola as three of these boxes he allows to be Keppetipola's but in what
manner he came by them I cannot make out as he has told me three different
stories on that head and though I put a rope round his neck and threatened
to hang him, I cannot get the truth from him.
The man who was my guide says the boxes came there a short time before
Kappuwatta was sent to Colombo and that he was told by those who brought
them that they belonged to Keppetipola and the same man informs me whom
I took up at the house and who pointed out to me in the Cave and as such
I believe them to be as there appeared on my opening then before the men,
a great deal of the dress of an Adikar or Dissave in two of the boxes, and two
more of the boxes contain fine and coarse cloths and in the fifth was a great
deal of Cingalese medicinal oils and other things of that nature.
There was formerly I am informed eight boxes and it is generally supposed

that Keppetipola's uncle whom I have here a prisoner took away three most
valuable of them at the time the whole lay at Vellamnioonne Walauwway
before these five were lodged in the cave. To ask him about them I find
to be entirely useless as one word of truth I believe seldom comes from him
and as such 1 am told of his relation the Golahella Vellamonne Nilame wdiom
I have had many complaints against and who is suspected by many inhabi
tants in this quarter to be carrying on a correspondence with his relation
Kapitipola.
From the appearance of the caves above the house of the Gollahella
Nilame (Vallamonne Wallaway) and from these boxes having been secreted
there and from the number of men gs it appears these caves would give cover
to (at least two or three hundred of these creatures) and from a coconut
tope being at hand on the top as well as wood and water and even partitions
of stone thrown up inside of the caves to form compartments gives me strong
reasons to suspect the rebels to have had succour there, and further I was
informed at Vallamonne Walaway that on a hill which is about musquet range
from where those caves are and which entirely commands it, the rebels are
seen for some days previous to my having gone there.
APPENDIX 631
My Detachment I beg leave to ase-ure you with their mount and getting
those boxes out and down that rugged mountain had a most fatiguing dav of
it.
I am, dear Colonel,
Truly Yours,
J. B E I X ,
Lieut, 2nd Ceylon Regiment.
Lieut.-Colonel Moffat,
Comg. 4 Korales.
Attapitiya.
At King's inquiry Golahela stated " Keppetipola is my elder brother's

son. I believe the elder brother is in Uva but do not know.' I have, lived at
Golahela since Dutch times. " Golahela's explanation was that Kapuwatta's
sister, a widow, had requested his own son, who was visiting at Kapuwatta,
to take charge and conceal the boxes as the country was in a disturbed state.
That story was apparently accepted by W m . King at his inquiry. " I believe
this old and respectable looking man to be perfectly innocent. " He was
kept under detention but an immediate order was requested as a man of his
birth would hardly be comfortable where he was. D'Oyly replied that he
should be released (dated ist August. Also King to Lusignan, Attapitiya,
31st July). Vol. 557, Kapuwatta's sister was the one who accompanied
P.T. to Matale.
Note from my Diary.
Kegalla, 21st May, 1905. Visited Golahala Kumarihami with my wife ;
she kissed our hands and insisted on making the Sinhalese obeisance when
we left. She is 77 years old, married in 1846, her husband being 56. He
was Saluvadana Nilame. On a return visit she was borne to our house in
a palanquin, and hung on my arm as I led her to a seat. She wore on her
finger a gold ring set with a large ruby which she stated had belonged to the
King. After tasting a chocolate cream (which she had not seen before) she
declared it was like gum as it stuck to her palate.
Appendix O
Some Judicial Sentences under the Kings
The following Reports of Cases tried under the Kings are preserved
in the Volume labelled Board Papers, Miscellaneous, i 8 i 5 - i 8 ? 8 , and were
probably among those known to have been obtained from Millewa Dissava.
Raja Sinha :
The rice brought from the Muttetu at Dedigama and Menikkadavara
was stored in the Atuva at Wellata and this was broken into and two sacks
removed. Thereupon the Uda Gabada Nilame, Wattarantenna, reported
the matter to the King who ordered the Malay Mohundiram, who later died
in Nuvara Kalavaya, to hold an inquiry. He traced the sacks to Tikira of
Mulgampola and to a Malay, both of whom he arrested and produced before
the King. An inquiry was held and their guilt was found proved ; the offence
was considered serious and they were punished by being flogged through the
streets and subsequently transported to Etanwela in Laggala.
A Persian living in Borava vidiya, where he had married, and who was
addicted to smoking Kansa kola, under its influence stabbed a girl of three
years. The neighbours attempted to seize him whereupon sword in hand he
ran to the Adhahan Maluva ; there two men Hanumanta Giri and Rama
Sinha, addressed him in a foreign language and after persuading him to
surrender the weapon, took him into custody and brought him in. He was
tried by the Chiefs and found guilty; in punishment he was flogged with
whips till he died at Tigole wela, his corpse being hung up at Radagehu pana
in Ampitiya.
Kirti Sri Raja Sinha :
Two brothers of the family Hittaragodera of Hulangomuva in Matale
had a quarrel in the course of which the younger struck the elder dead with
an axe. Kotuwegedera Adikarama arrested the offender and sent him bound
to Maha Nuvara where he was tried by the Chiefs. He was then flogged
through the streets, and taken to Mandanda vela in Matale, bound, and
hung on a tree ; The land which he owned was given to his eldest brother.
Pihana Rala of Mavatapola who stole Kardamon from the King's betel
box was flogged and transported to Badulla.
Pepoleyete Kankota Unga of Gahalagamboda in Dumbara used to steal
and slaughter cattle till on the complaint of the inhabitants of Kahalla,
Talavinua and Alutgama an inquiry was held. He was flogged through the
streets and transported to Bintenna.
Nennewattepolage Horatala of the same village for a similar offence
was flogged through the streets and impaled at Hadum mereya between
Kahalla and Gahalagamboda.
Mudunegedera Rala and Kivuldeniya Rala in Haris Pattu, had a dispute
regarding Maha Kumbura, whereupon the latter tied a Bola—a bundle of
branches and leaves fastened together-according to the custom of the country,
forthis is a token forbidding any molestation in the held. The former however
pulled it down and for this contempt of Custom he was flogged through the
streets, and taken to Hienne in Waliyakgoda in Yatiwawela of Haris Pattu
where his hand was cut off at the wrist.
Agana Kumbure Sattamby stole a gold waist chain and some other
articles from the King's bathing room. He was detected and punished
632
APPENDIX 633
by being hung up so as to suffer much pain, and flogged with whips called
Sammattie. His property was confiscated and he was banished to Badulla.
Palata Vidane and Dingi Rala using an iron crow forced open a chest
kept in the verandah Of the King's bedchamber and stole two cloths with
gold borders. Wattegedera Kottal Badde Nilame arrested them and took
them before the King who was at Gampola. On being put on their trial
they admitted their guilt and the cloths were sent for an examined. They
were asked who had actually opened the chest and stated it was Dingi Rala.
Being further asked why they had acted as they did they pleaded it was
because they had no cloths. They were however found guilty of stealing.
The Vidane was kept near the King's Atuva at Gampola with both feet in
the stocks, and Dingi Rala was also kept in the stocks secured by an iron chain,
in the Hirage at Badulla ; while thus imprisoned he twisted a rope from the
fibre he obtained from the husks of areca-nuts and sent it to Maha Nuvara,
where Kondadeniya Dissava of Matale submitted it to the King ; who there
upon sent for him, discharged him from his sentence and ordered him to con
tinue in his previous service as a sweeper. As for the Vidane after a month
in the Hirage on the occasion of the King proceeding for the Nanumura
Mangalya along the street, he raised cries and made his appeal, whereupon
the King inquired who the appeal came from and ordered his release from
detention.
Raja Adiraja Sinha :
Kurukunnela Veda performed an imprecation (Divel) against his enemy
Narayanveda who learning of this from the former's servant brought the
matter to the King's notice ; for this offence he was tried, flogged through
the streets and imprisoned at Laggala.
Sri Vihrama Raja Sinha :
In the course of a quarrel between two of the King's washermen at
Medellehena in Haris Pattu, over a paddy field, one of them with a Kette
cut the other who died in consequence. The neighbours arrested the offender
and brought him bound to the King. He was tried and committed to the
Maha Hirage ; later he was flogged through the street and banished to Etana-
wala.
Some cattle belonging to Mullegama Appu of Haris Pattu having damaged
the paddy crop of Polgashinne Arachchi of Bamunupola, the latter went to
his house and complained. A quarrel followed and the former struck the
Arachchi on the cheek with a cudgel, whereat he fell down and died. The
Korales arrested and produced him at Maha Nuvara where after trial he was
imprisoned at the Maha Hirage, and later was flogged through the streets
and. sent to Waduragala.
At Maha Nuvara Petigammana Mohundirama was found guilty of
stealing the Banner of the Sabaragamuva Dissavony; the people were at
the time working at the Lake and the King was standing near. He was
flogged at the spot and died under the punishment; a rope was put round the
neck of the dead body which was dragged to Gannoruva and there hung up.
Gunnepana Nekatgedera Appu stole a sembu from some Malabar dancers
who were performing at the Palace gate ; he was flogged with whips through
the streets, under which he died, his body was also dragged by a rope fastened
round the neck and hung up at Gannoruva.
Ehelemalpe Maduma Mohundiram and Kanamiwewe Widi Arachchi
were found guilty of stealing some confiscated property of a Mohottala of
the Sat Korale, while taking an account of the same. They were flogged
through the streets and impaled at Hunukotuva in Gannoruva.
On 25th October, Gay wrote to Sutherland that there was no certain
punishment fixed for the crime of murder, but. it varied with the pleasure
w
634 APPENDIX
of the King. The Chiefs' view was that as they had received no personal
injury, it was not for them to pass sentence of death; that should be left,
to the Killing Power. B. thereupon sentenced the offender to be whipped
through the Four Streets of Maha Nuvara and imprisoned at Badulla for
a year.
Addendum ; I have recently (June, 1949) traced this letter dated isth,
October, 1939 from Rasanayagam Mudaliyar, for many years my colleague,
and a careful student. His record of Haliyala Kumarihami's narrative gives
strong support to the conclusion regarding " The Tragedy of Ahalepola's
Family " reached in Appendix H, Tri Sinhala, The Last Phase, and is printed
here for the guidance of research workers :—
I am very sorry that I delayed to write to you, as promised, regarding
the conversation I had 30 or 35 years ago, with Haliyala Kumarihamy, about
the punishment meted out to the wife and children of Ehelepola Adigar by
the last King of Kandy. In fact I forgot all about it till now.
When I knew that she was the daughter of the Chief Maid in Waiting of
the last Queen of Kandy, I enquired from her whether she was aware of the
true manner in which the wife and children of Ehelepola Adigar were executed
by the King, as T did not then believe the version presented by the stage in
those days. She told me that her mother was an eye witness and that she
learnt the truth from her mother.
As soon as it was known that Ehelepola had turned a traitor, the King
held a durbar and the ministers present advised him that according to law,
the offender ought to be impaled, and as he had escaped, his wife and children
should be executed. As the King was not willing to have the heads of the
small children cut off, he decided that all should be drowned in the lake, and
it was accordingly done by tying stones to their bodies. She was horrified
when she heard the story presented by the stage from mo and told me that
she never heard about it.
She also told me, and it was confirmed by the villagers of Bomure where
the King was captured, that on the night previous to the capture, the King
and his party attempted to climb the Medamaha Nuwara Peak, and if he had
succeeded he could not have been captured for a very long time. A man
was sent the previous day to break the twigs of the jungle trees (mostly
lanthanai along the path and as it rained soon afterwards the twigs did not
dry and the King's party lost their way and had to take refuge in a villager's
house. As soon as the soldiers arrived, the King came out, drew his sword
and brandished it in the manner known to Eastern swordsmen and wanted
the English Captain in order to surrender his sword to him. The Captain
who was at the palace two miles away was brought and The King surrendered
the sword to him. As long as the sword was in the King's hand nobody
dared approach him. As soon as the King was free the people rushed at him
and some low caste men attempted to tie his hands with cloth. The Captain
stopped them saying " Is that the way you treat your king. " The Chief
Queen handed over some of her jewels and other belongings to the Maid in
Waiting, and the King made some presents to the Chieftain Madugaile, who
was all along very loyal and faithful to the King. All the way back Madu
gaile rode by the side of the King and as they were passing through Uda
' Dumbara where Madugaile had influence the traitors kept quiet. Madugaile
later took part in the Uva rebellion and escaped capture till very much later,
until then he was known as Kelepennappu Ratemahatmeya.
Appendix P
Kappitipola's Household
The families of Keppetipola and Pilime Talavuva are being sent to Chilaw
for safe custody. Lusignan to Collector, Chilaw, 19th October, 18 r 8.
The tu o families arrived at Kurunegala from Matale last night, 23 persons
in all. Hook to Lusignan, 3rd November. Vol. 543A.
List of female Prisoners :—
Keppetipola'^ wife and mother.
Pilime Talawa's intended wife.
2 male children of Keppitipola.
1 boy a relation.
1 female follower and child.
16 female followers ot all descriptions.
Keppetipola's grandmother is so ill that she cannot be removed.
Sgd. PAGAN
2nd Limit.
The mother and wife, and P.T's. proposed bride, are allowed to select
two female servants each; the rest can be sent away. Lusignan to Hook,
5th November.
Board. 7th November.
Third Commissioner reported having a meeting with Keppetipola at
the State Prison on the 4th. He gave a list of the property he had left
with various people :
With Ehelepola Maha Nilame :—•
8,000 ridis in copper at. 4 challies to the Pice.
About 300 mamotties.
A few Chembos and Soorakkahes of brass.
With Ooodooroweva Korale and his wife at Hulangamuwa in Matale ;—
500 Star and Porto Novo Pagodas.
600 Ceylon and Surat Rupees.
6 or 7 silver chunam boxes.
3 or 4 silver chunam boxes, small.
2 Silver tetties or dishes,
20 silver kusalanas cups.
5 or 6 gold chains.
"10 or 15 gold valuable rings set. with stones.
2 or 4 pair ol gold bracelets.
5 or 6 pair of silver bracelets.
A small quantity of other gold and silver jewels.
8 or 10 Spanish Dollars.
1 piece of Brocade.
All the Royal Grants of Lands, with a correct list of all the above
articles :
With Rawoolane Vidane of Monarawella :—
1 large trunk containing cloth.
635
636 APPENDIX
With Paldeniya Pameagan Vidane :—

30 or 40 brass lamps and spitting pots.
A. few pieces of iron work.
10 or 20 guns.
With the Dooreya of Nawella, Uva :—
2 Brass lamps.
I Brass spitting pot.
1 large brass pot..
With the Washer Vidane of Badulla :—
3 brocade jackets.
4 belts.
2 gold rings with precious stone.
1 gold chain.
14 Toopetty Cloths both Kasaw and Kottesero.
He begged that this should be collected and handed to his mother, wife,
children and brother.
21st December. The Board agreed that Keppetipola's widow and two
young children should be sent to their relatives in Saffragam, and when the
children were older they might with the consent of the family be sent to
Colombo to be educated. As to his brother who though young took part
in the rebellion and was made Dissave of Matale, it recommended that he
should be placed under surveillance at Colombo and instructed " in the
English language, Manners and Customs, that he may hereafter become an
useful and loyal Subiect. " Madugalla's widow and four children had
already been sent to Kalutara and the Board thought that with the family's
consent the children should be educated in Colombo.
Keppetipola's family is detained at Kurunegala owing to the illness
of his widow and mother; they " state themselves to be connected with
our friend Eknelligoda of Saffragam " and beg to be sent to Saffragam.
The party consisted of Delwitty Ettenah Hami, widow,
name unknown, mother,
2 sons, one above 9, other 6,
4 women servants,
1 man servant,
1 boy attached to the family. Hook to Lusignan, 23rd December.
Vol. 543 A.
Though this list is signed by Hook, Delwitty was an error for Delwala ;
che widow belonged to that well known Sabaragamuva family, whereas the
Sat Korale name Delvita was more familiar to Hook.
Knox, in his list of female terms of address, placed Etana Hami above
Lama Etana but below Mahage, p. 105.
" The widow and younger children of Keppetipola are to be sent
to Saffragam. The children should be sent to Colombo when of proper
age for education, which will be extended immediately to the brother
now here if practicable with safety, and to Madugalle's children when of
proper age." Lusignan to Board, 30th December, 1818.
J. E. Forbes, Acg„ Agt., Ratnapura, 12th May, 1819, to the Resident:—
"the mother of the late Keppetipola having I suppose quarrelled with his
widow and her relations at Elapata, and having applied to me to obtain
permission from Government for her, either to join her son Keppetipola
Bandara and her other relations at Colombo, or to be allowed to reside in
her own village Golahelly in the 4 Korles, I beg leave to submit the same for
APPENDIX 637
the consideration and instructions of the Board, and to recommend that

an allowance be made to Kcppetipola's mother and four followers for their
maintenance."
Same 9th June :—
" Eknelligodde Dessave having expressed a wish to marry the widow
of the late Keppetipola I beg to be informed whether there is any
' objection to the marriage. I am aware of none ".
King, Attapitiya, to Resident, 20th June :—
Golahela Nilame desires to get the mother and widow of Keppetipola
to reside with him at Golahella.
Among the Kandyan prisoners who died of smallpox was Keppetipola,
15th October, 1819, Gazette.
What remained undisposed of out of Keppetipola's confiscated lands,
were restored to his two sons, subject to a duty of a fifth of the produce.
Board Proceedings, 5 t h May, 1829. Vol. 3 9 B .
Appendix Q
The Sat Korale Leaders
Abstract report of the Headmen of the Seven Korles who have been
in rebellion. . .(Vol. 5 4 3 A ) .
Candeloye Mohottala and his two junior brothers . . .This Mohottala
whether considered as to rank, wealth, influence or talents, is the first in the
Eheledolos Pattoo. He joined early in the attempt to subvert the English
Government established "in the Interior. He was one of the most active
and formidable opposers wc had. He more than once held the highest offices
under the English and Kandyan Governments. He says it had been his
intention to come in previous to -20th September, but extreme ill health
prevented. His personal appearance gives a coloring of truth to this, looking
most wretchedly ill. The vast stores of grain in his possession were appro
priated to feed the insurgents, and he frequently commanded in person his
followers. It is true no act of cruelty stained the. rebel career of this leader ;
he has received praise for his humane conduct to some w-ho fell into his hands.
He had no appointments under the Pretender's party. This I consider by,
no means favourable, because it indicates that no necessity existed to bribe
him to exertion. Almost the whole of his properly has fallen a sacrifice, viz.
houses, grain and cattle. His lands remain and are very extensive. I am
informed he can raise on his lands about 1,000 ammonams of paddy annually
including both seasons. Gardens and his most valuable effects remain, though
many of the cocoanut trees have been cut down. The latter, viz. effects, he
carried off into Wanny. —• He has two brothers, the youngest was Korale of
Poossalle at the commencement of the Rebellion and j oined his efforts to those
of his eldest brother, remaining with him until his surrender on the loth
instant. The second brother was not in any office under the British Govern
ment. His efforts were also joined to those of his elder brother. They have
all three suffered severely during the struggle by the Privations sustained
in partaking, in common with the Brutes of the jungle.
Wellewe Lokoe Mohottale . . . Next in importance, whether in regard
to talents or influence, is this Chief. He held the office of Rate Lekam in
1816. He had considerable property much of which was destroyed, viz.,
Houses, and grain brought into our granaries. His property is not very
considerable ; he did not come in till alter 2yth September. When the Adigar
was in the Seven Korles about six months ago the Mohottale came in and
was pardoned. He subsequently joined the rebels and he alleges, by com
pulsion, having been made prisoner by them. It is true that he did not take
a very active part against us. I never heard of his being personally engaged
in hostility, like several of the others ; on his surrender he used all his exertions
to induce others to submit. The Candeloye Chiefs were brought in by him.
Wellewe Kooda Mohottale .This Mohottale though he has not the
intelligence of the first, has been a more active and determined rebel—a
restless disposition and holding at the commencement of the rebellion, Ratte
Lekam of the Ehelledolos Pattoo. Tie persisted in adhering to the rebel
cause uniformly, and was a principal adviser with Pelleme Tallawah, whom
he guided. Under the rebel Chiefs he held the appointment of Ratte Lekam
of the Ehelledolos Pattoo bestowed by Pelleme Tallawah, to encourage and
reward him for his active exertions. He surrendered previous to the 20th
September ; necessity alone dictated his surrender. He soon saw the result
of the divisions among the rebels, by the disputes of Pellema Talawah and
638
APPENDIX C39
Keppetipola, and resolved to relinquish a falling cause. His doing so very

materially injured their measures ; separation took place among all; and
mutual distrust led to reflections that soon determined many others of a minor
consideration also to secede from the cause of rebellion and come in. He
was possessed of a large portion of the properly, and from being early prepared,
secured, by carrying off all his personal effects.
Hoonoopolla Mohottale . . .The Hoonoopolla Mohottala is of a good
family but inferior to the above. He took a very active part in the insurrec
tion prosecuting his efforts with considerable perseverance and success even
to the vicinity of the cantonments of Kornegalla. His exertions were used
between this and Kandeloye. He had not held any office under the English
Government. From the rebel Leaders he had thai of Attapattoo Lekam
in consideration of his enterprising efforts. He did not surrender until the
26th October, though I had been in correspondence with him since August,
nor was it till he was convinced of the inutility of resistance that he adopted
the more prudent line of preferring " Life " as the only condition to the chance
of being taken prisoner and certainly hanged.
Hewapolle. . .This man has been a most determined rebel from the
first. He has been more mischievous as his'influence commanded a portion
of the country on the communication to Kandy and the 4 Korles. Hewapolly,
his property is situated near the Pattecodie Pass close to Pellassay, Pellema
Tallawah continued him as rebel Walloowah Lekam until the other day,
which he had held under the English Government. He surrendered to the
Detachment placed at the disposal of George Nadoris Mohotty Modeliar
on the 25th October. He had much property but in an inferior degree.
The houses have been destroyed, cattle and grain seized, Lands considerable.
Arampolla Mohottale . . .This Chief's case demands particular con
sideration, he is entitled to less favour than any other of the same class.
His first efforts in the rebellion were of the most determined kind. Of an
animated disposition, with considerable wealth and talents, all these were
combined in the several attacks on the detachments of troops marching
to and from the road to Kandy. On his first submission in May last he
acknowledged to me that he not only committed (?) all adherents, but carried
a firelock, and niade repeated use of it, firing at our men. As the Adigar
had pardoned this daring villian, I ratified it on the conditions that he
made atonement for the past by evincing his loyalty for the Government.
He promised ; a month after joined the rebels and became a terror of our
friendly Kandyans. He commanded that portion of the country from Ilook-
wella Baddegama and towards the. . .having established his residence on the
Boolwell Mountains overlooking the whole flat country between that and
Koornagalle. He hesitated much and long before he surrendered to George
Nadoris and 1 had specially excluded him from having even 'life promised,
as I deemed him a proper subject for the Gallows, by being taken prisoner.
His voluntary surrender precludes this but I recommend some extraordinary
severity in his case. He has suffered in property like the others. Pelleme
Tallawah appointed him Attapattoo Lekam in rebellion. He was taken
prisoner on the 19th instant as I find on a more particular enquiry. I have
therefore recommended his being tried for his life by a Court Martial.
Oedoolopolla Mohottale. . .This headman took an active part against
the Government at the commencement of the rebellion. He commanded
the Hewawisse people and had directed the passes into Madura Korle by
Hangorankatawah to be obstructed, and built batteries. He appeared in
May last with others and in consequence of his house being destroyed much
of his grain and cattle taken he was pardoned. Again he relapsed into
rebellion and only submitted shortly after mv expedition with Lieutenant
Colonel • into the Madure Korle in August. He is rather weak
in intellect, has been the tool of others, and far from being formidable, having
but little influence in the country.
640 APPENDIX
He gives a list of sixty-five names of those who had come in, indicating
the relative importance of each as a rebel, In the first gronp in addition to
those already mentioned are the Mohottalas, Oedanwettc, Malimwela,
Kamboewatuvana, Bamoenapota, Rangama, Delwitta Lekama, Delwita
Dugganna Rala, Dodanwatewene Nilamay, Kallotuwagama Nilamay,
Paragawewa Mohottale.
Of Delwita Lekama he said " who with talents and ambition has been
very active in the hostile measures of the rebels and only submitted from
conviction of our cause being irresistible. He advised the rebel Chief Mohot
talas to Submit as the English troops were dispersed like so many mosquitoes
over the whole country and not to be opposed."
Among those still resisting were the Mohottalas. . .Curundu Koombre
and two brothers, Embiligodde, Meddegama, Hooloogalle, Diagama, Cooboke-
wewa, Cokwewe, Kekoenewewe, Torawatura, Doluwa, Borellewa, Deeyawa,
Oedewella, Arampolle junior and Kamboewatawana junior.
Hook to Lusignan, ioth November. " After these rebels have suffered
the punishment due to their crimes, is it the intention of Government to
render them ineligible to any office ? It is unfortunate that almost all the
chiefs of Talents or who had considerable knowledge of the country were
among the rebels. I have received more information from them than from
our friends."
Arampola Loko Mohottala. " Taken prisoner and hanged. " Hook,
ioth November.
Appendix R
Administrative Organisation oi Sabaragamuva
i Wright to Secretary, Kandian Provinces, Ratnapura Cutcherry, October
"6th, No. 10. Vol. 5 5 1 A .
Summary :
1. Forwards list of inferior Officers in Saffragam ; oi these only Dissava
and Kodituvakku Mohottalas can be abolished. Monthly salaries are
'recommended for the most important thirteen only. Rest to be remunerated
otherwise.
2. Each of the three Dissavas wished to have his Dissava, Attapattu,
Kodituvakku and Walauve Mohottalas ; this was neither desirable nor expe
dient; It would treble the establishment.
3. When there was only one Dissava and he constantly resided at Kandy,
it was necessary that he should appoint such local authorities as would support
his influence and execute his various duties ; besides he was entitled to a
revenue from their appointments. But the necessity has disappeared with
the appointment of three Dissavas who would constantly reside in their
Korales ; besides in some cases there would be no pe.ople subject to the
authority of these Mohottalas, e.g. Eknelligoda had no Attapattu people
under him and what was how required was only reasonable, aid. The Dissave
Mohottala, who was merely the medium of communication with the Dissava
and had no charge of any particular part of the District, would no longer be
needed.
i 4. Eknelligoda had no Attapattu or Kodituvakku men and those two
-.Mohottalas were not needed for him. There are some such attached to the
Devale, and over them were two Betmes who would answer the same purpose.
But each Dissava should be allowed to appoint his own Walauve Mohottala
On his personal establishment as his duties are the management of the Dissava's
private affairs only. They will receive no pay.
5. The Basnayaka Nilame enjoys a greater share of influence in the
District than any other Inferior Chief, and Eknelligoda would rather sacrifice
his Dissavaship, which he considers small, than the Devale Office. Eknelligoda
declares that the same person cannot fill both offices, as had been suggested
to him ; two separate individuals were needed, he said. Wright suggests
appointing Eknelligoda Dissava of Three Korales and Kuruviti, nominate
a kinsman of his at his choice to the,Devale, and attach his Attakalan Korale
to Doloswela's Navadun and Kukul Korales. There was a difficulty that
,the Egoda Betme who controlled the men of the Devale villages in Navadun
' Korale on the other side of the river were under Eknelligoda and thus in-
ringed the authority over all the people within his District which Doloswala
received under his Act. This needed adjustment.
Doloswala- requires a Walauve and Attapattu Mohottalas ; the few
Kodituvakku men he has can continue under their hereditary Arachchi, who
will receive no pay. Ammadu Devale in Atakalan Korale "is of little note :
it needs a Basnaike Nileme, who however is of an inferior order having little
influence and few people to control while the Devale lands are of small extent.
Mahavalatenna needs only the Walave and Attapattu Mohottalas ; there
are two Devales of more consequence than Ammaduva in his Povince, which
need Basnayaka Nilames. He desires refixingthe Sabaragamuva boundaries
,so as to reinclude the portion which the people of Uva had seized during the
struggles with the Portuguese. '
641
795—V
642 APPENDIX
The three acting Chiefs desire to be confirmed in their appointments

and honours, the latter specially including the use of the National Banners
called Maha Kodi and Delkodi. Three sets are now needed, the originals
were at Kandy and he suggests they should be sent to Ratnapura for copies
to be made. The Dissavas state they ran dispense with the Delkodi which
they suggest being left with the Agent at Ratnapura. Their smaller flags
and Tom-toms they will provide for themselves.
(On this Brownrigg noted marginally : Their Appointments should
immediately be confirmed by granting of Acts or Commissions. . .1 think the
Union Flag should be added' to the'Colours of eveiy Descvony and take
precedence of all others.. .1 concur in this and the flags shall be immediately
ordered from Colombo.")
Wright continues that every village and Class must have its head and it
was policy to retain these however numerous till experience under a new
system will indicate how they should he reduced. Some arrangement was
however needed for regulating the possession of office, which by custom of
the country reverts periodically to different persons generally of the same
family. For the present this might remain till it rectifies itself, for changes
must be introduced gradually. " Others are hereditary either by special
license from the King or long established possession."
The office of Koraal was one of trust and emolument as the immediate
head of a Korle but the authority is limited to the Korle people, consisting
of Patabendas, Lascorins, Dunukareas, and Durias, who are somewhat
inferior to the Attapattu and Kodituvakku people ; they have no control
over the Devale, Vihare, Ninda and Vidane gam.
(From here, printed in full).
This leads me to eonsiderthe various descriptions of lands in the Frovince
of Saffragam and the mode of Tenure, availing myself of this, which may
be the only opportunity T may have for conveying what little information
I am capable of affording, aware however that it cannot he new. Lands are
thus divided viz. :—
1. Gabadagans or Royal Villages.
2. Deyanigans or Dewally Villages.
3. Wiharigan? or Priests Villages.
4. Vidanigans or Dessaves Villages.
5. Nindagans or Private Villages.
6. Attapattugans '•")
7. Kodituakkugam j
8. Ganwassan J or villages named after the various
9. Hewawassan f classes to which they belong,
ic. Dunukarawassan !
n. Oulian Pangu J
Some of these bear different names in different Korles, all are subject
to Public Service and are the Private Inheritable property of theii proprietors.
Although the Headmen were changed every year, yet with few exceptions
to be hereafter named whether in or out of office the}' always possessed
the same lands and gained no new ones by the appointment; at least in this
district it is so.
ist. The Royal Villages are I find under different administration here
from those in Ouva where one half of the produce goes to the King because
they were never alienated from the Crown. In Saffregam the Royal Lards
are all the confiscated Froperty of Chiefs and therefore the King enjoys no
more than the former proprietor did. ODC cr more of his fields in the village
is called Muttetu being cultivated by the inbabirarts free of expence, and
gives all the produce tc the proprietor who provides the seed only.. Other
fields called Anda being the private property of the village people are culti
vated at the joint expence of the village proprietor and the field owner, each
APPENDIX 643
deriving one half of the crop. Another duty called Ottoe is levied b y the
Village Proprietor from other fields also the private property of the Inhabitants
of-the village cultivated entirely at their own expence. This duty varies in
a/mount and nature according to the will of the Parties being paid sometimes
in Paddy sometimes in Rice, sometimes retained on account of personal
services or commuted'for money. It never I believe exceeds half the quantity
of seed sown when the Crops thrive, otherwise little or nothing is taken
b y the village Proprietor. With respect to the Anda fields it was usual for
the King to send Messengers from Kandy to have them cultivated. Seed
was taken from the King's Store in the Village, which also supplied the
labourers with food. The same might bo done now b y stationing a Com
missioner Appo in each village and the Ottoe duty should be fixed at one-
tenth. All other description of villages pay similar duties.
Brownrigg i. These perhaps might be annually or triennially (?) farmed'

tjte farmer to bear all expence of cultivation.
: Brownrigg 2. The rights of the Village Proprietor cannot be abolished
without injustice. In the case of the Ande Lands he. should pay the Govern
ment Tax of 1/10 and in the latter instance the Proprietor "of the Land.
Where the Crown stands as Village Proprietor perhaps no further tax
should b e exacted than the present Ande and Ottoe, but it would be
too large a sacrifice of Revenue I suppose t o give up the Ande share in
OTder to introduce one uniformity.
2. The Dew ally Villages. The Temple is considered in the light of

a Landlord and receives from its lands the Revenues above described which
go to defray all the expences of its establishment.
(Brownrigg. No interference can possibly take place in this and the
3rd Class).
3 . The Wehari Villages are under similar management the Priests
being acknowledged as Village Proprietors.
4 . The Vidani villages belong, as Village Proprietor, to the Dissave of
the Province during the time he continues to hold" that office. He derives
a grain revenue from the Muttetu fields only and in lieu of the Ande and
Ottoe duties excacts fees and fines and personal services gratuitously.
(Brownrigg. Let hiin keep the Muttetu fields ; the remainder
abolished). •
5 . Nindagam. None of lower class than the Mdodilies possess this
description of village which have been all obtained at various times in gift
from the Kings of Kandy. The Proprietor enjoys in full the dues of Muttetu'
Ande and Ottoe as well as the services of the people, allowing them a daily'
maintenance for their Labour.
(Brownrigg. The Land must it is presumed continue as stated. Services
abolished).
6. and 7 . Attapattu and Kodituvakku Villages afford no grain or other
revenues t o the Nilames of those classes. An Aratchie lives in each village
and is considered the proprietor thpreof taking the usual land duties. The
Nilames find their Emoluments in the hearing of cases in all parts of the
country which they visit for the purpose being maintained as they go along
b y the people of the Gamwassîms free of all expence to themselves and
attendants.
(Brownrigg. The Land must i t is presumed continue as stated. Services
abolished).
8, Ganwassan are villages possessed b y the Patabendo people whose
duty it is to supply provisions free of payment to the following Chiefs in
passing through their village and during their stay in it, viz. The Dessave,
m APPENDIX
the Dessave Mohottala, the Attapattu and Kodituvakku Nilames and to the-
Moral of the Korle with all their followers. Among the lands of the Gan-
wassan there are no Muttetu fields, the Fatbendo who is the Proprietor is
obliged to cultivate his ownlands bv means of the people of the village whom
he feeds for their service, but is entitled to Ande and Ottoe from all other
lands in the village. He cannot be displaced from his Ganwassan except
by due course of Law in favour of more legitimate claimants or for neglect
of Duty; they may resign the Ganwassan without retaining their own
private lands. In that case thev fly to some other part of the country
generally to Bintenna as their maintenance is easier there than anywhere
else.
(Brownrigg, This is a matter that should be abolished in time but
cannot I fear jet).
9. The Hewawassans are villages inhabited by the Lascorins of the
Korle and are subject to the Koraal, who however derives no benefit from
their lands; there are few villages of this kind that have not Muttetu fields
the profits of which go to the Lascorin of the village who also receives Ande
and Ottoe as village Proprietor.
(Brownrigg. Let the whole pay tythe as the Lascorins services will
not be required and if they are they can be paid for).
10. Dunukarawassan. So called from the lands which composed it being
too small to oblige the owners to carry guns, who aresubject onlyto 15 days
instead of 30 days service. In respect to rank they are equal tothe Lascoreen
but cultivate their own lands and in very few instances receive Ottoe or
Ande.
1 1 . Oulian Pangu are the Coolies of the district: cultivate their own lands
which are exempted from the Tax of Ottoe in consideration of their services"
to the Chiefs of the Country and to the village proprietor.
From these statements it will doubtless be observed that none but the
Nindagans are possessed by the Chiefs of the Country, who in common with
the Proprietors of all other Villages should I think be allowed to possess
duty free their own Muttetu fields but whether they should be cultivated
as at present free of expence is a point for the consideration of the Govern
ment. The operation of the Tax on other lands particularly on those of the
lower Class of people may induce them to withhold such gratuitous Labour
if it be left to their own discretion they will doubtless expect also to be released
from the obligation ot paying Ottoe to the Village Proprietor as soon as the
tythe_ becomes payable to Government and if not released the Tax should I,'
conceive be lighter on Ottoe lands than on Ande.
Prudential motives may render it advisable to abstain for some years
to come from extending the Tax to the Dewaliy and Wihari Lands yet
the time ought in my humble opinion to be fixed for they are very extensive
and such an exemption would greatly interfere with a regular system of
revenue an exemption which does not prevail in the Maritime Provinces.
(Brownrigg. I agree in this opinion).
_ I ought not to omit mentioning two other kinds of lands partially existing.
V I Z
l D
?i ' ^ j ' ' - Badawedily and Purappadu. The former, before
5 t r i , ; t
alluded to, is only possessed By the following persons. . .Bv the Basnayake
Mlamev to the Saffregam Dewaliy, 3 Pelas. Mudenaka Rala or Megoda
Betme of do in several places altogether 3 Amunams. Hangomuva Mohotty
A t' , °
1 g d a B r t t n e o f d o i n
places, i i Amunam; and some of the Vidanes 2
and Lekams of the Dewaliy villages as well as the Vidane and Lekam of
Op?nake and Balangoda and the Lekam of Denawoke; there may be a few
others but I have not been able to ascertain them nor whence the peculiar-
tenure of such lauds orginated.
APPENDIX 645
(Brownrigg. Government should if thought necessary buy up these
lands).
The irregularity of their distribution is likewise remarkable though it
cannot be accounted for. They are held by virtue of office only and the
persons holding them cultivate them at their own expense and take the whole
produce.
Purappadu are smalllands without an owner either by the death intestate
of a man without heirs or any other relative whatever, or by the owner and
all his family quitting the country without disposing of their lands. They
can however be reclaimed at any subsequent period made either by the
owner or by his lawful heirs male or female. Lands becoming thus unoccupied
are at the disposal of the Dissava who delivers them to any person on appli
cation paying 8 or 10 ridies as Bulatsurulu and Ottoe to the Proprietor ot the
Village.
(On the date which this letter bears Stark reported to Lusignan that he
took over charge from Wright at JRatnapura).
Mahawalatenna's letter to the Agent at Ratnapura mentioned above
Since the time of Mayadunna to Raia Sinha, Kandapalla Korle and
Kadavatu Korle belonged to Sabaragamuva as Eterawa Korle, the limits
being Bibily Helle to the East and Idelgashinna Kadavata to the North.
Under Raja Sinha of Kandy the Uva people took the Portuguese fort of
Ginigatgala and included to their province 3/4 of Eterawawe and formed a
Kadawata in the village Goorukandure and consequently the name Kada
vata Korle was given to what was left for Sabaragamuva. All this was
granted to the people of Uva as a reward for capturing Ginigatgala.
Now the Sabaragamu people had accompanied the British expedition
under Kelly from Matara and had driven away the King's Dissavas who had
several batteries at Muttettugama. And for this victory, let it be restored
to them.
Whenever the Dissava of. Sabaragamuva came from Kandy through
Uva, his guns"were fired from the ancient gravets when the people of Sabara
gamuva went to meet him with flags and drums and escorted him with the
honours due to a Dissava.
Kelly's Division which Mahavalatenna supported is Number 3 in the
following :—
Plan of operations for the different Corps to take the Field against the
King of Kancly.
King's House, 31st December, 1 8 1 4 .
1 and 2. Corps from Colombo.
3 and 4. From Galle.
5 and 0. From Trincomalie.
7. From Batticaloa.
An Auxiliary Force from Madras, 2,200 Rank and File, 500 Pioneers,
with light artillery, is to land at Negombo and proceed to Cooroonegala :
1 and 2. To proceed to Gannetena.
3. To Katuwana via. Matara so as to encourage the insurgents in.
Solregam, then through Idelgashinna within Uva.
4. Through Kataragam and Passara Gravet into Uva.
5. To move on Nalande Gravet.
6. To establish a magazine at Mineri then via. Matale endeavour to
penetrate into the valley in which Medamaha Noewere is situated;
•646 APPENDIX
7. To march into Bintenne and move towards Medamaha Noewer.

End. to Desp. 87 of 31st December, 1814. C O . 5 4 / 5 3 .
Board of Commissioners, 27th October, 1818, considered Wright's letter
of Gth October. It appeared that the Basnayaka Nilames of the Dewales
at Kandy and in its vicinity received Acts from the Governor. It was ndw
suggested that the Basnayaka Nilames of Sabaragamuwa, who used to be
appointed by the Dissava, should also receive such an Act.
It did not approve of Kandupalla being taken back into Sabaragamuwa,
as Mahawalatenna proposed should be done, unless the inhabitants so desired.
Approved of Banners being issued to the Sabaragamuwa Dissavas with
•the Union Flag, and the Del kodiya being.deposited with the Agent.
" If the Board understands the nature of the Ninde "Villages, the
original grantee was the proprietor of all the lands, but being unable
to cultivate the whole, disposed of portions to others, who now stand in
the condition of copy holders, on condition of paying an annual fixed
or unfixed rent or personal service or both. In this case the Board
conceives that Government in imposing the Duty cannot in justice inter
fere with the original rights of the Proprietor, to his Duty or Service
from the holders of the Ande or Ottoe lands, who when the duty is imposed
will probably remonstrate against the demand. If as appears to be the
case the occupiers of the Ande and Ottoe lands at present perform no
service and render no duties to Government, it is an instance in which
the proposed Paddy Tax operates not as Commutation but as a new
... appears that the Proprietor of the Ninda Villages stands in the
ame relation to the occupiers of the Ande and Ottoe lands as the King
does to the Inhabitants of the Royal Villages."
There is some confusion as to what was the flag of Sabaragamuwa. On
4th July, 1942, the Managing Committee of the Kandy Museum decided to
have reproductions of the Del kodiya, Eta kodiya and Kaha pataredi
kodiya, displayed, with a label indicating that all three were claimed as the
correct flag. The late Maduvanvala Rate Mahatmaya assured the present
.writer lorty-three years ago that the flag was the Del, net: he explained it
as indicating the suspicion with which the King always regarded the Province,
so that he selected for its device something which could be seen through.
Obviously this was a reminiscence of Ehalapola's conspiracy. The paper
from the Johnston Collection, printed in Appendix A. speaks of " A red
Colour (i.e. flag) with the Dessave and people of Saffregam. " This makes
it clear that about 1815 the flag which was recognised was without a distinctive
device. In the list of flags given in the Archaeological Survey Report, Kegalla
District (1892 H. C. P. Bell on the authority of T. B. Paranatala and a
printed Sinhalese pamphlet) the Sabaragamuwa flag appears as Pataredi
Maha kodiya, pataredi being unwarrantably translated as yellow silk, whereas
the words do not denote any colour. Probably the Kandy Museum Com
mittee was misled by this publication.
In the account of the Dalada Perahara by a Sinhalese eyewitness,

translated and on 27th May, 182S, published in the Journal Royal Asiatic
Society. Vol. Ill, pp. 161-164 (1836I by Major Colebrooke, among the list
of Banners appears " 6. The Silk flag and hand flags of the Chieftain of
Saffragam."
It is beyond doubt that Sabaragamuwa used both a Maha kodiya and
a Dai kodiya. It is hardly open to question that it used Pataredi kodiya.
The probable explanation is that the Maha kodiya was identical with the
Pataredi kodiya. The Eta kodiya receives no documentary support.
Appendix S
S o m e British Rewards and Punishmpnts

The following are examples 61 the salaries recommended by the Board
on 7th October, 1818 :—•
First Adikar .. ,. ... 150 rxd.
Second Adikar .. ,. .. 100
Dissava of Fonr Korales .. .. 250 ,,
Dissava of Seven Korales . . .. 200 ,,
Each Dissava of Sabaragamuwa .. 100 ,,
Each Dissava of Uva .. .. 50 ,,
The pension allowed to Molligoda can be tested by the following :—
" To Robert Andrews, Esqr.,
Supdt. of the Revenues of Ceylon.
Sir,
In consequence of the very essential services rendered by Don "
Philip Wikremesinghe Maha Modeliar of Negombo, to the army under
my command when it first disembarked at Negombo, and from that
time till Colombo surrendered to the British forces, I have judged it
necessary to give to him as a public and marked testimony of appro
bation the sum of 300 Rxd. to be paid to him annually from the
Revenues of Ceylon till further orders.
J. STUART
Colombo, 1 2 t h December, 1796.
On 20th December, 1796, Stuart further wrote to Hobart describing
the Mudaliyar as " an Individual from whose information and exertions
the Public Service derived considerable advantage.'.' C O . 5 5 / 1 .
On the 18th November, 181S, the Governor in concert with the Board
allotted to the Dissava of the Four Korales for personal service besides the
Attapattu Department.
3 Villages Kodituvakku people.
6 Arachchi Wasam of Heva Wasam.
a Batgama Villages.
1 Kula Heva Mohundiram "Wasam.
The Washermen of Kinigoda Korale :
3 Nindagamas of the Dissavani.
1 Village Etnavella Palanquin Bearers.
12 Singarakareyo of the Attapattu.
The following day the First Adikar was allowed to retain the Drumhe
lately had as Maduve Lekama, which office is to be abolished.
26th November, 1 8 1 8 .
Acts of appointment issued to :
Doloswala Kotalawala Wijesundera Wikramasinha Tennekon Mudiyanse,
Dissava of Navadum and Kukul Korales.
Wikramasinha Chandrasekara Seneviratne Mudiyanse, Dissava of
Meda, Kadavata and Kolonna Korales.
647
648 APPENDIX
Dimbulana Senanayaka Herat Loku Mudiyanse, Dissava of Gampaha

Korale and Yatipalata of Udukinda including the Kunam Maduwa
and Ulpenge people.
- Katugaha Bandaranayaka Herat Loku Mudiyanse, Dissava of Medakinda
and Medapalata and Dambawinna Palata.
Godegedera Dissanayaka Kuda Mudiyanse, Dissava of Rilpalata and
Bogoda Palata.
Rambukpota Seneviratne Kuda Mudiyanse, Dissava of Horanetota
Palata and Ova Palata.
Katugaha Bandaranayaka Herat Kuda Mudiyanse, Dissava of Kande-
palla, Korale with welan Wiâ and Gaibokka.
Weragoda Abesinha Senanayaka Loku Mudiyanse. Dissava ol Kandukara,
Kandekumbiire Ratneyaka Mudiyanse.
Polagolle Wana Sinha Mudiyanse.
Landekumbura F.kanayaka Sannas Kuda Mudiyanse.
Dambavinne Wijayaratna Raiakaruna Mudiyanse.
Dimbulane Senanayaka Plerat Kuda Mudiyanse.
Neyna Marikar, Kariyappen of Welasse Madige.
D'Oyly to J. G. Forbes, Ratnapura, dated ist March, 1819. The villages
hereunder mentioned having been granted by H.E. the Governor to certain
Mohottalas, now Dissavas, for services rendered to the British Government
at the period of the Kandyan Expedition, and it being the intention of H . E .
to issue Title Deeds in their favour, I request that you will transmit to me
with as little delay as possible a statement of the names and extents of the
Muttettu Fields contained in each with the description of the Korle and
Pattoo in which they are situated for the purpose of executing the Deeds.
Mahawalatenna Dissava, Moraheyla,
Doloswala Dissava, Newitigala,
Eheleyagode Dissava, of 3 Korles, Heramadugama and
Ekneylegode Meddegama Medewale, to be exchanged.
No. 6 1 .
By His F,xcellency General Sir Robert Brownrigg, Baronet and Knight
Grand Cross of the Most Honourable Military Order of the Bath, Governor
and Commander-in-Chief in and over the British Settlements and Territories
an the Island of Ceylon, with the dependencies thereof.
Sgd. ROBERT BROWNRIGG
T O ALL TO WHOM THESE PRESENTS SHALL COME GREETING
Whereas the loyalty and good conduct of Eknelligodde Maheepawle
Akkrak Kooroppoo Wickreme Singha Basnayake Moodiyanse have entitled
him to some mark of Royal Favour and munificence, and it is our desire to
mark the sense we entertain of the same by a permanent Grant of Lands
which by enduring to his Posterity shall be a proof for the future, of the esti
mation in which their Ancestor was held, Now Know Ye : that we have by
virtue of the Powers in us vested by His Majesty, granted assigned and set
over and do by these Presents grant assign and set over unto the said Eknelli
godde Maheepawle Akkrak Kooroppoo Wickreme Singha Basnayake Moodi
yanse the Muttettu Fields of the Village Hiramadagama being four Ammonams
and six cornies in Extent with the Rights and Appurtenances formerly
enjoyed according to custom by the Chief or Grantee of the said Village
Hiramadagama being the property and in the possession of Our Sovereign
APPENDIX 649
Lord The King—-To have and to hold the said Muttettu Fields being four
Ammohams and six Cornies in Extent situated in the Village Hiramadagama
in the Meda Pattu of the Attakalan Korle in the Desavony of Saffragam
with its rights and appurtenances to the said Eknelligodde JYIaheepawle
Akkarak Kooroppoo Wickreme Singha Basnayake. Moodiyanse his Heirs
and Assigns for ever in full right as Parveny or heritable Property, free
.of duty to Government subject to all the existing laws and Customs in respect
to Escheat or Forfeiture and to such other General Regulations as may from
time to time be enacted by the Authority of Government.
GIVEN at Colombo in the said .Island of Ceylon this Twenty-Ninth day
of January in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Twenty.
By His Excellency's Command,
Sgd. G. L U S I G N A N
This was kindly supplied by the widow of P. B. Eknaligoda, Basnayaka
Nilame of Alut Nuvara Devalaya in Sabaragamuva, on 1 9 t h July, 1934.
A grant, identically worded and dated, was issued to Doloswela Kottala-
wela Wijeysundera Wickremesinha Tennekoon Mudiyanse, in respect of
" the Muttettu fields of the village Nivitigala being iff amunams 3 pelas and
'3 kurunies of the village Nivitigala in extent, with the rights and appur
tenances, " etc.
This grant was interpreted in D. C. Ratnapura, 6553. Dolosvala by his
Will, dated 1837, left his rights to Muttettuvagama Loku Bandar he was
the latter's maternal grand uncle. (D.C. Test Ratnapura, No. 1 5 ) .
Muttettuvagama by his own Will of 27th December, 1S42, made on his
deathbed at Colombo left the life interest in Nivitigala and its appurtenants
to Iddamalgoda Abeyekon Attapattu Mudiyanse, with the reversion ta
lus own brother Muttettuvagama Tikiri Banda (D.C. Colombo, Test Case
No. I ) .
Iddamalgoda sued for a declaration that the village Kouduvava in
Atakalan Korale, twenty miles from Nivitigala, was included among the
appurtenants. After two trials and two appeals, he was finally successful
in his claim.
At the second trial the Judge remarked : " The defendants seem to-
rest their defence solely on the circumstance that the Pangu in dispute was
not mentioned in the Government Grant ; but the word " Appurtenances "
has more extended meaning than they imagine, or than at first sight a person
ignorant of the peculiar customs of this country might attach thereto. " This
dictum could not have been brought to the notice of the Judges who decided
the Yainna Sannas case in Appeal (New Law Reports, Vol. — p p .
There are numerous cases in the Portuguese Tombo of distant villages
being adufthu (translated as Appurtenant) to a central village.
In the case Wanduragala vs Senmanda et al, 5 C. R. Kurunegala 4946,
decided in Appeal on 8th April, 1925, De Sampayo J. said obitor. . . " The
expression " rights and appurtenances formerly enjoyed according to custom
by the Chief Grantee ". . . is a mere flourish of language quite character
istic of Governor Sir Robert Brownrigg." Had he been aware of D'Oyly's
letter he might have refrained from making this comment.
Levangama in Dehigampal Korale was by a like Deed granted to
Ahaliyagoda. In the Vihare there may be seen his life size representation,
as well as paintings commemorating the assistance he gave the British.
The Sannas given by Ra Siha Deviyo to Medagoda Devalaya was in the
charge of this family.
Jayasinha Manamperi Mudiyanselage Muttoo Menika, as Administratrix
of Mahare Ranesinha Mudiyanse Rate Mahatmaya, brought .an action.claim
ing 46 lands " all forming the Pidiwilla gama held under the Medagoda
650 APPENDIX
Devale." The first defendant was Eheliyagoda Dassenaike Ranesinha

Mudiyanselage, Punchi Banda, Korala, who claimed to be the deceased's
adapted son, and was summoned to produce the Sannas for the village
Medagoda given to the Devalaya. The other defendants were members of the
Medagoda Kapuge family, who appear to have borne the name Ranesinha
Mudiyanselage ; in their answer they claimed to be the descendants of the
original Kapu Ralas of the Pattini Devale, the office being hereditary in their
family. They claimed 112 lands for the Devale, of which some were held
by tenants subject to services at the Kapuralas' discretion, and the rest by
the Kapu Ralas themselves. The deceased they said was allowed to hold
some of the lands subject to services. On the plaintiff's death Ehaliyagoda
Disava was substituted. In his evidence he stated that he was the late
Rate Mahatmaya's nephew ; deceased had two wives simultaneously and
left two widows, the second obtaining administration in 1863. He averred
he did not know what had happened to the Sannas, but had often heard the
Rate Mahatmaya speak of its being in his possession. Judgment was given
in favour of the plaintiff, subject to services, and this was affirmed in appeal.
(My note, made 50 years ago, is damaged and the case number appears as
D.C. Kegalle, 12 . . . (8447, D.C- Ratnapura). From D.C. 153, it appears
that the Rate Mahatmaya's correct name was Mahare Dissanaike Samara-
sinha Mudiyanselage; and his first wife was Samarasinha Mudiyanselage
Kiri Menika. The frequency with which Sinha occurs among the Patabende
names in the district so intimately connected with Raja Sinha of Sitavakai
is noteworthy.
On 19th March, 1830, the Board considered a petition by Eheliyagoda

Disava, who since NOTember, 1829 ,was in Kandy under sentence of suspension
from office . . . Vol. 42B.
Gazette, 5th June, 1819. " After the Levee His Excellency received the
Native Headmen of Colombo including such of the Kandyan Chiefs.as are
at the seat of Government and invested with splendid Gold Medals of different
gradations, in reward for services performed during the Kandyan rebellion,
the undermentioned. (There were twelve recipients) His Excellency parti
cularly addressed himself to the two first named (Abraham de Saram, Second
Maha Mudaliyar and Eknelligoda Dissava) on investing them, publicly
noticing the exertions and services to Government which had induced His
Excellency to distinguish them by the presentation of these Medals, on behalf
of His Majesty, and generally to the others at the close of the Ceremony
to a similar effect."
. Gazette, 31st January, 1820. On the 29th " His Excellency then invested
the following. Native Headmen of the Maritime Provinces with superb Gold
Medals as rewards for their respective merits, either through a long course
of zealous employ in the Maritime Provinces or of their eminent services
in the Kandyan Country during the late rebellion. " (Their were nine
recipients).
12-87. "
With regard to rewards for assisting the British :— " In Saffragam the
servants and even the Wahumpuraya (cook) of Eknaligoda have obtained
grants of land and in the Four Korales ninda villages have been distributed
with profuse liberality, the grantees of some of which owe those Estates to
little else than the friendship of the late Molligoda Adigar." 18th August,
1829, Board, Vol. 40B.
Between the accession and the rebellion Ahalepola had made grants
of lands to many people for services to the British, and Kapuvatta had done
the same to a les*. extent in Ratnapura.
Bd. to Chief Secretary, T829, Vol. 38B.
APPENDIX 651
The Inventory of Doloswala Dissava's Estate filed on 16th September,

1839, in D.C. Ratnapura, Test Case, No. 15 includes a gold Chain received
by him from Government, weighing 183 pagodas, and valued at / g 6 .
B y the end ot November the Firearms surrendered were—
91 Ginjals.
7 Wall pieces.
8,oot Muskets.
7 Pistols,
165 Musket barrels,
3 Pistol barrels.
The statement also includes 750 lbs. sulphur. (Gazette).
Tn the Board Proceedings of 16th December, 181S, it is mentioned about
Wright that " at Madulla he supplied the cultivators with iron b y breaking
of guns,"
By Proclamations of 12th and 14th November, 1 8 1 8 . (Gaiettei. 2 1 s t
November) the lands of some malcontents were declared confiscated, subject
to certain conditions as to clemency : the numbers affected were . . .
Sat Korale 34.
Dumbara 7 .
Harispattu 7.
Hevaheta. 9.
Matale 1.
Uvo 27, .
The following Proclamations dealt with those whose lands were finally
confiscated:-—''
22nd May,. 1919, referring to Proc. of 25th. July, 1818 ; In Udu Nuvara
and Yati Nuvara, Among the names appear :—• ,
Pilima Talavuva.., ,
Iriyagama, 4.
Kahatapitiya. ,
Dodanvala, 2.
Diyakelinavala.
Kobbeykaduva.
M'oladanda, 2.
Amunugama.
Rana Vana.
Welate.
9th June, 1819, reference to Proc. of 8th July, 1818. Tumpane. Among;
the names appear :•—•
Weliwita, R.M.
Mattamagoda Nanayakara Lekama.
Wettewe, R.M. and 3 others.
Kobbekaduva, R.M.
ioth July, 1819, reference to Proc, 31st January and 14th September,
1818. Four Korles and others. Among the name' appear:—
Hapatagama, 2.
Andavala.
Nagolle Telden.a.
Rahubadde Vidane.
Appendix T
Letters of Hardinga Giffard
These have been very kindly placed at my disposal by.Lady Evelyn
Giffard and reflect the views oi a section of the local British colony which
was not in sympathy with Brownrigg.
Colombo, November 28th, 1 8 1 7 .

My dear Croker,
This letter will probably go along with those I wrote early in last" month
the Monarch having passed without stopping.at Galle. Your letter containing
Mr. Gbldburn's "note arrived, here on September, 29th yet I have never
received the slightest hint from the Governor of the leave granted to-me ;
as matters stand however it is not very material.
Indeed His Excellency has had his hands very full of business since I
wrote in October. You will perceive by the enclosed newspapers that a
Kandyan rebellion has taken place and though military operations have gone
on for the last six months, there does not appear to be an end of it yet.
I believe I have mentioned to you the anxiety manifested to prevent
a.coal escence between the Kandyan and the Maritime, provinces—and you
are aware of the consequent exclusion of the Supreme Court from any ju'ris-
•diction in Kandy upon the curious and extraordinary opinion of the Law
Officers at home that a country acknowledging the sovereignty, and occupied
by the troops ot His Majesty is not in His Majesty's -possession.
All this on the Governor's part was in order to cultivate the Kandyan
•chiefs-—to them was abandoned "the entire management of the Country, not
a six pence of revenue was required from them. When they visited him at
Kandi—no person-—not even a lady—was allowed to sit in their presence,
and when they came to Colombo they were received with almost Royal
honours.
Now ignorant and insolent as these savages are, this did but serve to
•exalt their conceit of their own powers and dignity and while they considered
the conduct of the Governor as arising from a fear of their powers they ground
the common people into the dust by their exactions.
The people were not long in discovering that they had made an exchange
ior the worse ; the tyranny of the King had not reached them, and it had
•controlled that of the Headmen, but now they are delivered up to fifty tyrants
avaricious, unprincipled and senseless.
Of the subservience of the Governor and the insolence and rapacity of
the Headmen I could relate many instances, but a few may serve.
To gratify their priests, who rule the Headmen, the British resident
(Mr. Doyly) went in solemn procession to their principal temple in Kandi,
walked barefooted up to the altar, and made offerings to their idol—all in
-
his official character . This I believe is the first instance for four centuries
of a representative of a British Government—publicly.' sacrificing in an
Heathen temple.
In one of the Governor's visits to Kandi it struck him that a pleasure
house of the late King would be a convenient residence for him, it being
(552
APPENDIX 653
retired and he afflicted with gout, he took up his abode there—but they soon
received notice from the Chief Priest that it was higher than the Temple (in
point of situation) and he could not be allowed to stay, then he left it accord
ingly and in a short time after it was given to the Chief Priest.
In their religious ceremonies they use fireworks and discharge a small
kind of cannon very frequently,; for this service, the Chiefs demanded-a
•quantity of powder from our stores—the officer Commanding the artillery
•observed that it was a great quantity which was asked for and was told that
it was for a certain number of discharges of their cannon—he had the curiosity
to calculate and found that twenty times as much as was required was
demanded ; he went to the Resident and remonstrated—the Resident ordered
him to deliver the quantity required—and it is now ascertained to, be. the
principal reserves of the insurgents.
While everything was thus bent to the will of the Chiefs—the common
people began to complain openly—they could not get so much justice as the
King afforded them, the exactions made on them were greater than ever—
and the British Government which was a blessing to the Maritime Provinces
was to them a curse.
. On the other hand the whole Kandyan establishment fell as a charge
upon the old provinces, for excepting liberty to cut cinnamon in Kandi (which
was in a great measure allowed before the conquest) not a single dollar of
profit was derived from the new province.
Tn this state of things a person of the family of the deposed King (one
of those deported in 1S15) suddenly appeared (like Buonaparte from Elba)
in the eastern province of Velass and from there proceeded in person to the
great Hindo Temple of Katragam where he was by the. priests regularly
inaugurated as King—He then established himself in the jungle on the
borders, was attended by a kind of Court—and daily assembled a considerable
force of armed followers.
notwithstanding may intimations to the Resident at Kandi—the
government continued an almost Hardwick like state of security and
inev . . . lity and suffered the rebels to strengthen themselves at leisure.
The Resident, whose influence must be considered the main source of
all the mischief, is one who by singularity of demeanor has acquired a
•character of wisdom—he is said to be deeply versed in the Singalese language
and customs, and to be nearly if not actually a convert to the superstition
of Budhism. He is in my mind one of those ' who therefore only are ac
counted wise for saying nothing ' or if he speaks at all it is as if he should
say ' I am Sir Oracle and when I open my mouth let no dog bark.'
But he is chiefly remarkable for an interminable procrastination, and
his torpor benumbs the whole system over which he presides—to this and
to his infatuated belief in the truth and fidelity of the Singalese is owing
that the rebellion had actually established itself before Government had
a notion of its existence.
Thus stood things in September—the Governor was in Kandi for nearly
a month—and heard nothing of any danger ; he went into Trincomalee, and;
•on his return in the middle of October to Kandi, he heard by the way that
the insurgents had attacked a detachment of our troops iii the province of
Ouwah—and treacherously murdered the Resident of Badula . (Mr. Wjlson)
whom they, had inveigled into the (ir) hands on a pretext of parley. ••.';
Poor Wilson, a. young man Of the kindest heart and mildest manners
had, upon hearing of the insurrection, gone out with a small detachment
to endeavour to persuade the revolters to their duty—He parleyed with
different divisions of them (his own party being in sight) and received for
answer that the British Government had deceived them having, instead-of
654 APPENDIX
protecting them, abandoned them to their tyrants the headmen, and that
a King was necessary for their relief from oppression.
Failing in his attempt, he was returning, when he fell in with a new lot—-
unfortunately he went to them out of view of his friends, and was savagely
murdered—the detachment was harrassed by the rebels on its way to quarters
—and had a few men killed and wounded.
Such was the news which came upon the Governor at a moment that
he was (without escort) within a few miles of the rebel army—he arrived
safely however at Kandi.
He took steps which looked like vigour—ordered the march of t r o o p s -
proclaimed martial law in the revolted districts and offered a reward for the
capture of the pretender. By a sudden march from Badula, Major Mac
donald terrified a considerable district into submission, and it was hoped
that the same course would be adopted with the rest of the country—when
the torpedo put forth his influence and the Governor was prevailed upon to
send negotiators to the rebels. They came back "re infecta:" this has
happened now three times-—and has of course only served to cocker up the
rebels—to keep our troops (under every privation) in the field during the
Worst weather I ever remember here—and had wasted three weeks of irre
vocable time.
In the mean time a chieftain, the third in rank, has deserted to the
pretender, and by his influence" extended the disaffection throughout the
whole southern provinces of Kandi.
Happily however for our security we have just had an arrival of the
63rd
Irish part of the regiment which left Cork in July last—the first battalion
from the Cape is not arrived.
For everything else I refer you to the newspapers which of course give
the best view of the matter that General Brownrigg can devise, but we tremble
for the consequences of the campaign to the health of the troops.
I ought not to forget that the Pretender has issued a proclamation
offering a reward for the head of every white man brought to him—and that
a few poor Caffirs, who have fallen into his hands, have been murdered with
the most studied cruelty.
Should the Torpid) system prevail I fear the most miserable con
sequences ; a little vigour would I am convinced have disposed of the rebels
and obliged them to give up their leaders—but the past has taught me to
suspect that nothing will be done.
December, 5th.
The Mail is still delayed and the war in Kandi still lingers—sickness has
attacked our troops and a valuable young man, Capt. McGlashan of the 19th,
has already fallen a victim, while no prospect of the insurrection being sup
pressed as yet appears.
I do not recollect whether I had recei ved an answer from Sir A. John
ston when I wrote my former letter—but it was one that I expected vague
and indeterminate—he cannot tell his own intentions—he has taken a passage
in the Alexander now going to Europe.
I see the Governor has had a ground for his attack on the Supreme
Court. Capt. de Busch (a German) who for his servility he has jobbed into
a commission over the heads of many officers, has published in London a thing
(written I believe by General Brownrigg) in praise of his Excellency, and
containing amongst other falsehoods a most impudent exaggeration of the
expense of the Supreme Court which he makes ^20,000 instead.of what it
really is ^14,000 per annum.
APPENDIX 655
(So far this letter is not in Sir Hardinge's writing. It is evidently torn
from a book he kept of copies of all he wrote. I t has a few corrections in his
hand. What follows is in his own hand and explains).
December 12th.
The Alexander is about to sail but she is likely to' be detained longer on
her voyage than another (the Ajax) which sails next week—I send only this
duplicate without the newspapers to which I referred.
The Kandyan war grows more furious every day—the arrival of the
whole 83rd Regiment has been most providential—a large detachment of
it marches this day for the insurrection is said to be spreading into the best
affected provinces—and some daring attacks have been made upon our troops.
Meantime we are all thank God well and the ladies will write by the Ajax.
Yours ever,
HARDINGE GIFFARD
Colombo, April 14th, 1 8 1 8 ,

Our Agamemnon is busy at Kandi collecting his new forces about him with
which he proposes to perform mighty things. They have sent him from
Madras the 15th, 7th and part of the 18th Native" Infantry Regiments,
amounting to about 2,000 men-—their establishment of coolies (attendants)
will be about 3,000— in three distinct corps under European officers, and
when they all have joined, the force in the field will be about 7,000 regular
troops—the expense of the new aid will be at least £10,000 per month and
the whole cost of the game he is playing about / 30,000 per month.
The Rebels are becoming every day more daring and more numerous
and they are joined by as many of General Brownrigg's staunch and devoted
adherents as can make shift to escape from our camp with a good grace.
Poor Major Delatre who was sent from Trincomalee with a considerable force
to Kandi was after being near a month on the road compelled to make the
best of his way to Kornagalle where he arrived in a deplorable state having
left many men killed and wounded and having his own arm shattered by a ball
close to the shoulder—from, the wound being so long without surgical assist
ance his case was considered desperate and until within these two days when
we hear that it has taken a favourable turn, his life has been despaired of.
Young Stutzer has been killed—to the inexpressible grief of his poor father
at Jaffna—in short matters are becoming more and more unfavourable—
the enemy are strengthening themselves in their resolution neither to be
subdued nor conciliated, and you may rely on it all the mighty preparations
now going on will effect nothing towards our party (?) in the country. The
old gentleman I hear is quite bewildered—he will see none, but being lifted
in the morning from his bed to his chair, he continued fixed for the rest of
the day writing himself to death about every trifle and nonsense that comes
into his brain—he has lately thundered a most furious bull—curtailing the
army down here another sixth of their issue allowance making with his former
clipping a third—and seems by this last act to have fully perfected the
measure of detestation in which he is held by all ranks . . .
Colombo, April 15th, 1818.

You will I now feel anxious to hear of the state of Kandyan affairs.
I wish I could give you any gratifying account of them or tell you that there
was a prospect of this unfortunate warfare being at an end—but at present
there is no reasonable hope of a speedy termination to the rebellion which has
proved wider and become more general. Many of the chiefs have proved
656 APPENDIX
themselves traitors to our cause . . . have been seized—our grand ally Ehela-
poole and the Second Adigar Kapuwatte are now prisoners confined
in the Fort of Colombo—the Velasse Dissave so long a coadjutor of
Colonel Kelly (the Commandant of the forces in Kandi) was detected at last
by the Colonel in carrying on (what has been long suspected) a treasonable
correspondence with one of the rebel leaders—the olas (letters) were taken
which he had written expressing in the strongest terms his wishes for the
success of the Pretender's opportunity—after this discovery no doubt could
be entertained of his sentiments. Colonel Kelly accused him, showed him
the olas and sent him prisoner to Kandi where he now is. What is to become
of him I know not but he has not been tried. The Governor is still in Kandi
—he has suffered much from the gout. Lady Brownrigg and all the ladies
left Kandi some time ago. Strong reinforcements of troops have arrived
from the Coast and Madras but what the system to be adopted is, does not
yet appear. At one time it was intended to concentrate the troops at Kandi
and Badula, but this is given up for the present—another Infantry Regiment
is expected and occupation is now thought to be the plan—but how it will
succeed remains to be proved—-we may tire the rebels out by perseverance—
some violent persons have talked of extirpating them—which possibly might
-be done by the great force we have—but this is thought to he too revolting
to humanity to be entertained for a moment. The result of this unhappy
business is now more uncertain than ever, and the contest may be sustained
for many months more. Colonel Kelly has returned to Velasse after a most
fatiguing tour through most of the distant provinces—he is now with Captain
Cleather at Haypola.
H. C. S. Minerva, N. Lat, 40, W . Long 30, off the Azores,

June 6th, 1818.
. . . General Brownrigg was, I think, in a situation of no slight peril when
I left Ceylon. He was shut up in Kandy and could not send a message to
Colombo without a military escort. ' The last news as I came away (March
23rd) was that Ehelepola the person on whose account the war was ostensibly
undertaken, and who used to call the Governor his father, had left his papa
and gone to join the insurgents. Indeed it appears to me that General
Brownrigg will make the best bargain if he leaves the savages to themselves
and withdraws to the maritime provinces . . .
References to the War in Ceylon by members of D'Oyly's family will
be found in Letters to Ceylon.
Appendix U
Weaving and Dying
Translation of a Malabar Writing

Sgd. V A N D E GRAFF
The Declaration of His Excellency the Hon'ble William Jacob Van de
Graff, Governor of the Island of Ceylon and the dependencies thereof; viz.:—
Be it known to the Headmen of the Weavers, namely Joshua Amerian
and William Vealayooden and to all the weavers present at this place and the
weavers who shall come hereafter from Madurakary and from other places.
ist. That we have thought proper to consider the said weavers as the
Chalias and therefore we have appointed Mr. Peter Panspell, late Fiscal of
Tutucoreen, and Mr. Benjamin Brevtual his assistant, both Europeans, to
be the Chiefs of the said weavers for now and ever, because that there is ap
pointed a Cinnamon Captain over the Chalias.
and. That the said weavers of this place and the weavers who shall
arrive hereafter be excused by the Hon'ble Company from every Public
labours and also from paying the different taxes, but only that they be obliged
to attend to the weaving of cloths without performing any other duties.
3rd. That.if the weavers should apply to us for any pieces of ground
situated at Chilaw in order to live with their families therein and to maintain
themselves by planting cotton for their own use, or to occupy the Same as
fields or gardens, we shall grant the said grounds for nothing to be possessed
according to their own desire.
4th. That further the said weavers for now and ever had no need to
pay any tax to the Hon'ble Company from the grounds which they obtained
in from the cotton plants but may command and possess the same without
any molestation.
5th. That also the aforesaid weavers be not obliged to pay any tax to
the Hon'ble Company from such high and low grounds as are planted with
cocoanut or other trees for their livelihood, but shall enjoy the same as
aforesaid.
6th. That more over the said weavers are freed from paying any tax from
such low grounds and fields as shall be obtained for cultivation for the ensuing
25 years as aforesaid, but after the said 25 years shall be elapsed the said
weavers shall be obliged to pay to the Hon'ble Company the tax of one-tenth
from such grounds, according to the custom and use of this Island of Ceylon,
7th. That the Hon'ble Company consent to pay as a loan for the space
of two or three years the sum of four Rxd. and 4 parrahs of rice a month
to each Headman and for the other weavers who are under their direction
and to all who shall come hereafter the sum of 2 Rxd. and 2 parrahs of
paddy or 1 parrah of rice ; which loans are to be repaid to the Hon'ble
Company hereafter.
8th. That the price of the said paddy and rice be not increased more than
twelve stivers each parrah of paddy and 24 stivers each of rice. '
qth. That the Hon'ble Company undertake to furnish for the said
weavers as much cotton and thread as they shall need according to the true
657
658 APPENDIX
price for which the same shall be purchased from different places until such
time as the cotton plant shall bear fruit; but the cost of the same to be
repaid to the Hon'ble Company hereafter.
ioth. That further the Hon'ble Company shall furnish the said weavers
and their two Headmen with different kinds of seeds and also with instru
ments for digging until they shall supply themselves with the aforesaid articles
and also furnish sufficient workmen in order to Labour the grounds of the
gardens or fields and for building their own houses, and that the same be not
charged in the Company's books.
nth. That the said Headmen and Weavers be charged with all the
expenses and value of goods which they shall receive from time to time until
they pay back the same to the said Company and also that the said weavers
should be obliged to weave and deliver cloths according to the form which
will be given by the Hon'ble Company.
12th. That from the sale of the said cloths woven by the said weavers
there shall be given to them one-third part after having computed the whole
sum according to the price of Madura Kary and that the other three parts
be employed in deduction of the expences and value of the goods which
they shall have received at different times.
13. That after the adjustment of the aforesaid accounts the Hon'ble
Company shall make another agreement with the said weavers agreeable to
the custom of Madura Kary, i.e., that the said weavers shall deliver cloths by
weaving themselves according to the form which will be given by the Hon'ble
Company in which agreement the value of the said cloths also will be men
tioned, and after the same shall be delivered, the said weavers shall be fully
authorized to weave and sell to other people as they please.
14th. That moreover the Hon'ble Company agreed to comply as much
as possible to the requests of the two said Headmen and all the weavers at
any time, with regard to the aforesaid assistance.
15th. That whereas when the said weavers and their Headmen requested
the Hon'ble Company to purchase and grant them a piece of land sufficient
to plant 12,000 cocoanuts situated as far as the firing of a gun shall be heard
from the garrison of Chilaw saying that they would pay the purchase money
hereafter, the Hon'ble Company in order to show them kindness and favour,
having purchased the said piece of ground which is called Angelberko gave
the same to them and their families as a gift and also granted the title deed
of the said ground and the certificate of giving the same as a gift by us ; but
the said ground must not be sold to any other people or pawned by the
weavers and their two Headmen, and their families may possess a command
and enjoy the same for now and ever without molestation and disturbance
whatever.
F. .RAYEMANE
Moodeliar of the Governor's Gate.
Colombo, 7th March, 1805.

Sir,
In answer to your letter of the 21st February. I am directed by the
General Committee to acquaint you that the prices offered by the weavers
at Chilaw for the cotton thread transmitted for trial by the Sub-Committee
here being too low, no more can be furnished them upon these terms.
In regard to what has been already transmitted, you are requested to
reserve as much of the ist and 2nd sorts as the weavers may choose to take
APPENDIX 659
at the prices stated in your letter, and to return the remainder, together
with the purchase money for what is received to the Sub-Committee of
Colombo.
I have etc,
J. MACDOWALL
W . Montgomery,
Actg. of Revenue and Commerce,
Chilaw.
15th March, 1805.

All duties on homemade cloths are suspended ; in future they are to be
stamped gratis, and an account kept of the amount made. This is intended
to encourage industry and to improve this useful manufacture. With this
view all information on the point was to be collected, samples and prices
sent to the Board. " You will also report whether if implements and cotton
were furnished to the weavers at reasonable prices, their exertions would be
thereby encouraged."
Sgd. H . R O W N E Y
Secretary to Revenue Board.
The above are from the records of Puttalam Kachchefi.
Jaffna Cutcherry, 31st January, 1 8 1 5 .

Sir,
In consequence of your letter of the 1 4 t h November, directing me to
prepare and transmit for information a full and explicit report as to the
method employed by the dyers here in dying the red Colour with the Choya
root, I directed the attendance of the several Principal dyers at the Cutcherry,
but on conversing with them on the subject finding'the obtaining of a good
suceincfc account of the. Process was extremely difficult and it appearing
rather intricate I resolved to have a piece of cloth dyed at the Cutcherry
in order Personally to observe the different forms of Process gone through
with and I noted down daily what occurred, which I have now the honour to
transmit as well as the piece of" cloth dyed. The intermediate days formed
no requisite Part of the Business but were in general delays created by the
very heavy rainy weather.
The only remarks that offer themselves to me are that having no
English liquid measures, I was obliged to fix a standard from the Govern
ment Seer measures, and it suggests itself to me that if any doubt exists as
to the materials of either the Composition or the Dye that a Quantity of
each might be prepared and sent to-England.
I.enclose ah account of the expences incurred on this matter and request
a Printed Authority for defraying them.
I have etc,
THOS EDEN
' Collector.
Process used at Jaffana by Dyers in Dying Cloth red from the Choya
Root
1815 (sic.)
December, 7th . . . First composition as follows and mode of Composing.
Pounded ashes made of the timber of a Tree called Tillaye one and quarter
660 APPENDIX
pound. Put into a large earthen Chatty and infused with three Government
seer measures of common fresh water in which it remains for J of an hour.
The longer the ashes remain infused in the waterthe better though J of an
hour is sufficient. When as much of the water is strained off as is wanted
and mixed with Margosi oil in the proportion of one measure or seer of the
water to a Quarter of a measure or seer of oil.
This composition should remain thirty days and then and not before
it is fit for use.
The cloth to be dyed is then well soaked in the composition, taken out,
and very gently squeezed—but not so forcibly, but that it still retains a
quantity of the Composition absorbed and in that state is placed in the sun
but when it is half dry then it is taken into the house and placed on the floor
or on boards in such a position that the remaining moisture will not be ex
tenuated or drop off.
8th . . . After the expiration of from 12 to 48 hours the cloth to be
dyed is again taken in hand and soaked in fresh composition made on the
spot being of the same quality and materials as the first Composition, but
instead of allowing it to remain 30 days, it is made use of as soon as composed.
The cloth is not squeezed but suffered to retain the whole of the moisture it
imbibes. It is again half dried in the Sun and then put away as on the first
day.
9th . . . The cloth is soaked in ash water only and without squeezing
is put in the Sun to remain till quite dry. Proportion i- measure of ashes to
2 measures of fresh water.
10th . . . The same process as the 9th is gone through without any
difference.
14th . . . The same process is observed.
15th . . . The same process is observed.
26th . . . The cloth is soaked in plain fresh water and put to dry in the
Sun without squeezing to remain until well dried.
31st . . . The cloth is soaked in a Composition made and used imme
diately of ashes and oil and water in the same proportion and manner as the
2nd day the 8th December, it is allowed to imbibe as much as it can and then
without squeezing is put to half dry.
1815 :
January 3rd . . . The cloth is soaked in a Ley of ashes and water and
laid out to dry well without wringing out the water.
4th . . . Sane process as yesterday.
5th . . . The cloth is soaked in fresh water and laid in the Sun until
quite dry.
6th . . . The cloth is proved by touching with a colour made from
Sappom and water, which as the part touched turns a deep dirty yellowish
redcolouris a proof that the cloth requires still additional process before the
dye is laid, it is therefore again soaked in fresh water and placed in the Sun
until well dry.
7th . . . The cloth is again proved with Saffron and is again soaked in
fresh water and put in the Sun till quite dry.
16th . . . The cloth is well washed in fresh water so as to clean it from
the Oil and ash composition it is then well squeezed and put to dry, being
dried it is again proved by Saffron, and the part touched-turning of a proper
red colour it Is considered fit to put in the dye.
APPENDIX 661
17th . . . The dye is now made as follows :—

2 Government Seer measures of pounded Choya root and i j seer
measures of dried Cassa leaves pounded are mixed together and put into
a Chatty containing 8 seer measures of water and the cloth is laid therein to
soak for 36 hours.
19th . . . The cloth is taken from soak and well washed in pure fresh
water, and placed to dry in the Sun.
The cloth being well dried is this evening again put into the dye, which
is fresh made for the purpose in the-following proportion . . . ii Government
seer measures of pounded Choya Root, one seer measure of dried pounded
Cassa leaves and 6 seer measures of water.
2 ist . . . This morning the cloth is taken out of the dye, is well washed
in fresh water, and put to dry in the Sun.
24th . . . Owing to the rainy weather the cloth is not sufficiently dry
or further Process till this day when it is again put into the dye, made in
he following proportions , . . i £ seer measure of pounded Choya root, J of
a measure of Casa leaves, 6 measure, of water.
25th . . . The cloth is taken out from the dye, washed in fresh water
and put to dry in the sun. Being well dried it is in the afternoon put into
fresh dye composed as follows . . . 1 J- Government seer measures of pounded
Choya root, no Cassa leaves, infused in 6 Government seer measures of water.
26th . . .This morning the cloth is taken out of the dye, washedin fresh
water and put in the sun to dry ; being well dried it is put again in the evening
into fresh dye composed as follows . . . 2 Government peer measures of
pounded Choya root infused in 8 seer measures of water without any Cassa
leaves. •
27th . . . The cloth together with the composition as made yesterday
is put into a Pot and boiled until about one-quarter of the liquid is consumed
by simmering or boiling away, being about an hour on the fire ; the cloth
is then taken out and kept to cool without squeezing till the following morning.
28th . . . . This morning the cloth is taken out, well washed in fresh water,
and then dried in the sun, which closes the process . . . . . . . .
Account of expences
3 lb. ist sort Choya root at 3 fans I pice the lb* .. 9-3
3 i lb. 2nd sort Choya root at 2 fans 3 pice the lb. .. 9.2J
3/8 measures Margosy oil .. .. .. -. 1-
Pot and Cassa leaves .. .. .. .. -.2
Hire for dying the cloth .. .. .. .. 2.2
6 Cubits of cloths ' .. .. .. .. 2. 9.2
Hire of the dyer that attended at the Cutcherry and executed
the Process .. ... .. .- •- 4- 3-~
Rix-dollars .. .. .. .. 8.11.3*
THOS. EDEN
Collector.
3rd February, 1 8 1 5 , Vol. 1 3 5 A .
Appendix V
Captain Lockyer's Diary
This has been kindly placed at m, disposal by Mr. Gerald Pippet of the'
Ceylon Police, who obtained it from a Captain Lockyer who was serving
overseas in the Australian Army but whose address was not known to him..
The Diarist, married a burgher lady, grand-daughter of Arnoldus de Ly.
Commandeur at Galle, and widow of another British officer. He figures in.
Calladine's Diary and after his retirement in 1824, he settled in Australia
where his name'is well-known in connection with the opening of West Australia.
Diary of Captain Edmund Lockyer of the 19th Regiment of Foot

Containing an Account of the March of the Trincomalee Division
to Kandy in 1815
Trincomalee, January 31st, 1915.'

Being ordered'in command of a detachment of H.M. 1 9 t h Regiment
consisting of I Captain 2 Lieuts. and 1 Ensign with 6 Sergeants, 2 Drs. and
150 rank and file to join a detachment of equal strength of the 3rd Ceylon
Regiment and a detachment of artillery consisting of I Lieut, with 1 3
pounder 1 Howitzer and 1 Cohorn with the usual proportion of gunners and.
lascars—the whole commanded by Major Mackay of the 3rd Ceylon Regiment
and styled the 5th Division.
The detachment of the 19th under my command left the Fort of Trin-
comalie at 5 o'clock this evening and joined the Division in camp on the
esplanade.' We received orders to march next morning, the tents to be struck
at half past four and 1o march at five. The officers of the detachment were'
Lt. Raper, Lt. Compy, Lt. Raymond of Capt. and Ensign
I.ayton oi Capt. .
The detachments were the Lt. Company and men of different battalions
— detached and made into companies.
:
The camp • equipage consisted of 1 single pole tent for the I Captain
compfand 1 double pole tent for the subaltern officer's) and 8 single pole
tents for the detachment ; 16 bullocks with 6 drivers were allowed for the
conveyance of the tents ; 15 pioneers with 15 bill-hooks and 15 camp kettles.
The coolies allowed •—•— for the officers were for the Captain 10, for the
subalterns each 8. W e were ordered , the detachment to receive
4 days rice and arrack * the officers with their servants seven days rice and
arrack, which was a great inconvenience as we have little or no means of
conveying our private baggage. The men also murmured at our carrying
so much rice—as it was near 8 o'clock before it was issued by the Commis
sariat. It was 12 o'clock at night before the whole (of) it was served out
to the detachment. ..'••••.
February ist :
Struck ourtents and marched at half past eight o'clock for CAPATHORIA
(KAPALTURAI) and arrived there at half past eleven distance said to be
nine miles. The road might with common means be made good. In some-
places rather sandy, some nullahs rather deep but narrow. The bullocks
made great deal of trouble at starting, kicking up and throwing their loads
662
APPENDIX .663
and having only 6 drivers to 16 bullocks which was not sufficient, they did
not arrive at CAPATORIA until near 5 o'clock, p.m. when we encamped on
a rather swampy piece of ground. On our arrival here we were met with
tom-toms and the Headman,
Corporal Price of the Lt. Company unfortunately stabbed a bullock of
the 3rd Ceylon Regiment that was making an attempt to run at him.
Received orders to march tomorrow morning for TAJVIBLEGAMA.
The thermometer at 2 o'clock this day was at 8g,
February 2nd :
At 5 o'clock the tents were struck. W e marched for TAMBLEGAMA.
The night was excessively cold with a very (heavy) dew. The therm at
5 o'clock in the morning was 66. At half past seven we arrived at TAMBLE
GAMA—the road pretty good but might be much better. W e crossed a salt
river. Weather cloudy. We camped on a piece of ground between TAMBLE
GAMA and a jungle on the road leading to CONDELLY (KANTELAI)
The artillery joined us having come to this place by water. Private John
Kirner(?) of Captain Hardy's company was punished with 6 dozen lashes for
drunkenness.
To this place from CAPATORIA^-distance said to be 6 miles.
February yrd ;
TAMBLEGAMA. Therm, at 67 at 5 o'clock this morning—a heavy dew
and very cold during the night. Capt. Alexander and r.56 men of the 3rd
Ceylon Regiment joined us this morning from Trincomalie in consequence
of orders being received to reinforce us with that number. Thermometer
at 2 o'clock this day at 86. The Division ordered to march for CANDELLY
tomorrow morning at 2 o'clock.
Ensign Layton with 50 men of the 19th were ordered to accompany
the guns this afternoon and they march at 2 o'clock p.m. this day.
February 4th :
Saturday ; 2 o'clock morning struck our tents and prepared to march
and after waiting three hours and a half for the commissariat stores packing
up we marched at 6 o'clock and arrived at CANDELLY about half past
12 o'clock. W e joined our guns that were sent forward yesterday.
We encamped on the border of the lake. No sick as yet belonging to
the 19th detachment. The last night was not so cold as the two former.
Our camp is on the east side of the lake, the tents running along the skirts
of the jungle from the north to the south. A great number of snipes on the
borders of the lake. Therm. 86 at 2 p.m.
February $ih :
CANDELLY. At 8 o'clock morning marched for PARAMANIODDY
(PERUMADUWA) and after a most fatiguing day we arrived at 5 o'clock p.m.
On leaving CANDELLY we had to cross two rivers which break out of the
lake through an embankment in which are built two tunnels of stone which
are called the " eyes of the lake." We then ascended a rocky path over
.a hill and after descending we again skirted the lake for about 2 miles when
we entered the jungle and at 1 o'clock p.m. we crossed the frontier and
•entered the Kandian territory'.
The road or pass completely overhung with jungle and difficult for guns
"beyond any description—even ridiculous to attempt it without first making
a-road for them. The howitzer upset and broke the pole. The artillery
men completely exhausted with exertion. The bullocks knocked, up and
-frequently laid down, and would not get up with twisting their tails and
beating. " The path was full of stumps of trees and muddy sloughs with the
664 APPENDIX
jungle close on each side the whole way. The boundary mark.of the limits
was a large Tamarind tree. The first open spot was the paddy ground of
the village PARAMANWQDY. This path or road might be made passable
for artillery in a week with about 100 pioneers. We encamped in the paddy
ground with our front to the south-west and left south-east, right north-west.
To the north, north-west (?) of our right lay the village consisting of a few
houses or huts but with few inhabitants and not a single article of any descrip
tion to be procured—not even a little milk. A part of the paddy is in culti
vation. There is reason to suppose that there must have been a greater
number of inhabitants formerly than at present by the extent of the paddy
fields.
February 6ih:
Captain Hobbs of the Engineers with the Pioneers, a Sergeant, 20 rank
and file of the igth Regiment and 25 rank and file of the 3rd Ceylon Regiment
incharge of Ensign Layton, 19th Regiment were sent out to cut the jungle
stumps of trees on the road to make it passable for artillery. The Division
remained encamped to await Capt. Hobbs' report. At 4 o'clock a report
was received that the road was practicable for artillery for about 8 miles
where his party was encamped. W e received orders to march in the morning
at day-break. Therm, at 1 o'clock, p.m., 85. That night was very cold with
a very heavy dew.
February jlh :
PARAMANOUDI. At day-break marched to join Captain Hobbs party.
The morning very fine. The road pretty, fair and much better than last
days march but still very bad for guns. The three pounders were upset
crossing the banks of a tank that formerly used to water paddy fields. Our
road by compass on an average was S.W. We crossed a fine piece of paddy
ground but no sign of its being inhabited ; the former inhabitants said to be
moors having been driven away by the cruelty of the King of Kandy. The
jungle here abounded with peacock, elephants and other wild animals. About
eleven we came to the ground. This also had been a paddy field now not
cultivated. We remained during the day under the trees for shelter and
at 3 o'clock encamped. As yet we have had regular tappals from Trincoinalie.
This place is called PULIAN KADAVETTY and near which formerly stood
a village said to belong to the first Adigar. Therm, at 2 o'clock, 87.
February 8th :
At half past five o'clock this morning we left PULIANKADAVETTY
and marched for MINERY. Therm, at half past four this morning was 67.
We crossed a river. I got into most terribly muddy sloughs after crossing
a large paddy ground. The guns caused us many halts as usual. The sloughs
continued for nearly three miles after which tiie road became much better
and the country more open. We came to the border of a large piece of ground
full of water with high rushes and at one part of it, it was embanked very
high with large stones and earth for nearly a mile and a half. This is really
a work of wonder and astonishment. After passing the lake or tank we saw
a dead body of a woman exposed on a wooden framework placed against
a tree 5 feet in height. We could not form any idea why it was placed there
but afterwards learnt that it wos a woman who travelled the country with
a man as beggars and having died near that spot, he having no means to make
a grave, placed her as discovered.
About half past twelve at noon we crossed a river in some places deep
and in the rainy season must be very deep as the banks on both sides are
high. The road continued pretty good from the river to M I N E R Y where
we arrived with the head of the line of march at half past three o'clock.
I observed several well beaten paths to the right and left of the road from
APPENDIX 665
the last •river. The direction of the road from P U L I A N K A D A V E T T Y

was south. The therm, in the shade at 2 o'clock was 88.
At 4 o'clock we encamped on the banks of lake MINERY. On our
arrival here we learnt that the people of the village which was two miles
off had fled on our approach but one of them had come in and .offered to bring
his brother, the Vidahn or Headman if we promised them protection. This
being assured him he went away and the next morning sent some milk to
Major Mackay.
February glh :
Remained here this day for the purpose of fixing on a spot to> build a fort
and storehouse. At 4 o'clock in the afternoon the Dissauve (Dissawa) of
this province sent to say that he wished to come into camp and offer his sub
mission. At the request of Major Mackay I went to visit this Candian Chief.
Captain Hobbs' palanquin had been previously sent for him. I met him at
the entrance of the camp and conducted him to Major Mackay's tent. He
was handsomely dressed with a very neat cap on his head of octagon shape
{Here follows a sketch) prettily embroidered with golden flowers and on the
top a gold sprig. He wore a loose jacket or rather waistcoat with very full
sleeves, an immense bundle of white cloth about his legs with a girdle of
embroidered cloth round his waist. On his arrival at Major Mackay's tent
he shewed evident signs of fear and suspicion. He had an immense beard
and appeared rather an intelligent man though rather embarrassed by the
situation he was in. He delivered three gingal pieces ( •)
very old and not worth having and I should think these were not the whole
•of the arms in his possession. He was ushered in and out of camp by drum
.and trumpet.
February ioth :
M I N E R Y L A K E . The Dissauve left camp last night at 10 o'clock and
I heard expressed a wish much to accompany us and promised to show us
-where the King had secreted his treasure. 12 o'clock at noon no news of the
Dissauve : orders to march at three o'clock and after going about 6 miles we
•encamped at a place called MOODUGAL. After crossing the river from
M I N E R Y we passed a village and some detached huts and some fine fields
of paddy about 3 parts grown. At dark the rear-guard was not arrived.
Left at M I N E R Y Corporal Monteith, Privates Copeland, Barnby, Lt. Company
•and Rough with Mc Connell of the battalion-
February nth :
Camp at MOODUGAL, a large plain 6} miles from Minery. Ordered
to march at 5 o'clock. The tents were accordingly struck and packed when
the rear-guard was reported to be still absent: obliged to repitch the tents.
At 7 o'clock the rear-guard came up. Orders were given for the men to receive
two days rice and to cook the dinner before we marched. We marched
at 11 o'clock and ascended the pass of . Though rather easy
at first became steep and very rugged towards the top where there was a
stone breastwork with loop holes for musketry and gingals. A number of
trees had been cut down to cross the road hut from the decay that they were
in, no doubt of their being the identical trees that had been cut to obstruct
Major Johnston in his retreat in i8oj, but in which we lost two officers,
J-ieuts. Vincent and Smith. I tried to learn what their fate had been but
could not obtain the slightest information but there is reason to hope they
died of their wounds and escaped any torture from the natives.
After a inarch of nearly four hours we arrived at a place with a piece
of water near the road and surrounded by jungle, called PAIOLUM
(PEIKKULAM) 7f miles from MOODUGAL. The weather fine. On
-descending on this side of the pass we came to one of the karavetties or guard
houses built with high stakes and well made with thorn gates, as described
666 APPENDIX
by Knox, which, were shut but the Kandians fled on our approach. It was
burnt by order of the rear-guard on passing. On the ground we encamped
I traced a former encampment by ditches that had been dug around the
walls of the tents.
February 12th :
Marched at day-break and about 1 2 o'clock reached ANGENOODI
PALASSAY (ANGUNA PELESSA) a plain, distance 11 miles. On the march
we crossed beds of rivers that crossed the road. The guides informed us that
in the rains they became so deep and rapid as to be quite impassable even to
the elephants. The water here was not good being very muddy and used
by the natives to water their paddy fields. Therm, at noon 8 6 . A little rain
fell about 3 o'clock, p.m. evening. Lt. Raper and myself went
a walk with our guns in the jungle but saw nothing to shoot. Crossing a
ground we saw the remains of a village, appeared to have been
deserted some time. The hills or rather mountains about this place had a
grand appearance. Ordered to march at day-break.
February 13th :
Two o'clock, a.m. The tents being very wet with rain that had fallen
for an hour or two, received orders for them to cook their dinners previous
to our march. Therm, at 5 a.m. 7 5 . At 12 noon, 8 7 when we marched and
in about 3 hours and a half we arrived at a large paddy ground near the
village of NIACOMBRIE (NAYAKUMBURA), 6 miles and half. On our
arrival and before the tents and baggage came up it commenced raining
dreadfully hard by which all my private stock of rice and biscuit was spoiled
grain for my horse etc. rather uncomfortable for the men as well as the
officers.
February 14th :
At half past eleven p.m. the men having cooked their dinners dried their
clothes and the tents we commenced our march for NANENDI (NALANDA).
We appeared by compass to be marching in a S.W. direction ; the road in
some places very rocky. We passed two breastworks made of stone and
placed with no small degree of judgment to defend the passage of two fordable
rivers. Our inarch lasted about 5 hours. When we arrived we encamped
in a paddy ground in front of the village of NANENDI—distance from our
last encampment QJ miles. Between our encampment and the village stood
a large karavetty or guard-house similar to the one we burnt
also afforded us firewood . W e only saw 10 or 12 Kandians-one
of whom I secured and handed him over to Major Mackay who after asking
him a few questions dismissed him. I here got a terrible fall with my horse
who reared and fell back with me down a place upwards of 10 feet. Though
I fell under the horse I escaped injury. Having often been wet through for
the last two or three days I suffered greatly from the rheumatism in my back
and shoulders. The country about this is very thickly inhabited but for fear
all the inhabitants kept in the jungle and the villages were quite deserted.
February 15th :
Camp at NANENDI. The mountains about this place, some with their
tops covered with clouds others having their middle encircled with them. The
country here full of game, peacocks and of all descriptions. At
twleve a.m. the division was ordered to march and proceeded 4 miles to a.
paddy ground near a village called NANANGAMMA (NARANGOMUWA) or
Alligator village. I visited the village but could not procure anything. A t
S p.m. the rain began and continued all night—very unpleasant and most
uncomfortable for the men. My rheumatism so bad that I could not turn
in my palanquin without assistance.
/APPENDIX 667
February j6th ;
;
• At 8 o'clock a.m. ordered to march. We passed through a well cultivated
country. • W e arrived at PANAMA and encamped <5i miles distance from
our last encampment. Here the country is very fine : villages all around us.
About two miles before we came here we passed a curious Cingalese temple
which I visited and had to ascend stone steps about forty feet with iron chains.
The different places or temples which were holes in the rock, were fastened
up with doors and only one was open. In case of emergency this might be
converted with great ease to a military post, its situation having its properties
of being easily defended and commanding the road.
The Camp at PANAMA, About a mile further on the road towards Kandy
stood in 1803 Fort MACDOWAL ; a fort well-known to the 1 9 t h ; it being
garrisoned by a detachment of that regiment and Malays and commanded
by Capt. Madge, 1 9 t h who gallantly defended it against a host of Kandians
.and afterwards made a most masterly retreat, though from necessity he was
obliged to abandon his sick to the number of 30 or 40 Europeans and natives
who were all most inhumanly butchered by the Kandians. Capt Madge
having been informed by Corporal Barnsly of the horrid massacre that had
taken place two days before at Kandy and at WATTAPALUGAIXA, Capt.
Madge lostno time in making his retreat which he did with the greatest credit
. "to himself as a military officer. He was afterwards involved in an unfortunate
affair of a court martial with Major Honner (?) and though he Capt. Madge
was only sentenced by the court to be reprimanded—to the astonishment
of all his brother officers and also to their regret, he was ordered by His
Majesty to be removed from the Service by which it lost an excellent officer
-much beloved and respected in his regiment.
On passing Fort MACDOWAL it must strike everyone the feelings of
the soldiers of the 19th Regiment, It brought fresh to the recollection the
•cries and shrieks of the defenceless sufferers who were so cruelly murdered.
The mountains on each side of the valleys that we had to pass are grand
beyond description. In the hollows or gulleys of many of them they are
cultivated to the very top in paddy fields like amphitheatres which no one can
have an idea of without seeing the country.
February ijth :
PANAMA CAMP. At six this morning marched for NARENGASENI
(NAGAHATENNA) but the guides not knowing the exact route • after
.a circuitous march .we ascended to the top of the BALAKADDOWAH
( ) Pass but found it quite unpracticable for the cattle and
baggage that we were obliged to return to the valley and encamped at the
foot of the mountain. Corporal Donald Smith, 1 9 t h Regiment at the top
•of the pass fell down by the side of his comrades and expired in a moment.
He was very stout, strong made and of the middle stature—a very good
•soldier, he was a native of Glasgow. We interred him at the spot.
B y letters received this morning from Kandy we learnt the following
intellig'ence here—that General Brownrigg with Major Hook's division was
in Kandy—that Major Kelly's division was fortunate enough in securing
a considerable quantity of treasure and taking some females of the King's
family. The name of the village near our encampment was CALLAHA-
PETTAH (KALALPITIYA).. Heavy rain all. this day and found our tents
were not waterproof.
February j8lh :
CALLAHAPETTAH. The weather still very wet and uncomfortable,
the ground on which we were encamped being confined and in a bad situation.
W e were ordered to march tomorrow morning for a place called K O 0 -
DOOPELY ( ) where the road to Kandy lay through the
A T T A M A N Y or AD J ALE pass. This morning Major Bayley with 100
668 APPENDIX
men, 3rd Ceylon Regiment were ordered to march to DOMBROUGH

(DUMBURA) in pursuit of the King and to secure some property in the
village of PETTIGODY ( ) and some other places.
February xglh :
Marched at 6 o'clock for KOODOOPEIXY and encamped in a large
paddy field. By letters from Head-Quarters, Kandy, learnt that 80,000
rix-dollars in copper money was found concealed there. Received orders
to send a detachment of the 19th Regiment with a sub and 24 men of the
Lt. Company to secure some Royal female fugitives who were said to have
taken refuge in a village 27 miles distant from camp in a mountain called
DAN K A N D Y (DANGKANDE). At half past four p.m. this party marched.
It has rained hard ail this day.
February 20'h :
Camp KOODOOPELY. Still raining. Damp cold and very unpleasant
weather. Therm, at 1 o'clock p.m. 70.
The front of our camp faced the road leading to Kandy. From the
first day of our arrival here, Lt. Sweeting with the Pioneers were employed
opening the pass which no one on pain of death dared to go for the last ten
years by the King's order. The jungle had completely over grown it and the
thousands of leeches made it a very troublesome job—even in our tents we ,
were annoyed.
February 2,1 it :
KOODAPELLY Camp. Ordered to prepare to march to Kandy on our
out detachments joining. Rain very heavy.
February 22nd :
Rain. Orders received from Head-Quarters to send back to Trincomalie
the officers and men of the battalion companies and to reserve the Lt. Company
who would proceed with the 5th Division to Kandy to form part of that
garrison.
February 2yd : •
Rain. The detachment of the 19th Regiment ordered to Trincomalie
under charge of Lt. Raymond who had under escort the dockyard coolies
with treasure, prize property and brevet Major Alexander, 3rd Ceylon Regi
ment ; to march tomorrow morning.
The paddy field we encamped in here was to the right of the path or
road leading to Kandy and to the right of the paddy field ran a rapid stream
f
o excellent water in a nullah 12 or 14 feet deep from the bank. The country
about this place very mountainous covered with jungle and very large trees.
Elephants abound here and are very destructive to rice in the paddy fields.
The village or patches of cottages are very neat. Most of the inhabitants
left them, during our stay here and we only saw a very few who ventured
amongst us and were pleased if one would give them arrack to drink of which
they appeared immensely fond.
February 24th :
Rain. Received a despatch from Lt. Raper saying that he had succeeded
in securing a Malabar party of some women and children belonging to the
King's family and was on his return to join us.
February 25'A .'
Rain. At eight o'clock the detachment for Trincomalie marched, the
men much disappointed in not going further. At ten o'clock tents struck
and cattle loaded, we left KOODAPELY for Kandy. About four miles our
route was through some paddy fields and broken ground and a great deal of
mud and water; thousands of leeches. The hills on both sides rising so
suddenly from the sides of the paddy fields that this, would have proved
APPENDIX 669
a difficult road to pass had the enemy with 20 or 30 men on each flank kept
up a fire of musketry on our line. At the head of this valley we had to cross
a stream of water to the right, the same which flows down and flanked the
right of our encampment at KOODAPELY. Where commenced our ascent
up the A D J A L E PASS. A wild elephant accompanied us from the bottom
to very nearly the top. The road up was very steep and slippery so the men
fell down frequently notwithstanding they had all provided themselves
with sticks to assist them in walking. It was a curious sight On our reaching
the summit of this pass. Both the officers and men were without shoes or
socks as it would have been impossible to march in this country with such
appendages and consequently they had after the first day or two been
without. The leeches in this march had drawn more blood than had been
shed in all the campaign ; the legs of the Europeans as also the native troops
were in streams of blood and even those on horse back did not escape—my
socks and boots and even my flannel banyan did not protect me from their
attacks.
N.B.—On the height above this pass is a small fort which completely-
commands it. The view from this place is grand, a vast extent of open country
as far as the eye can reach. At this place I saw what I considered to be the
wild raspberry or blackberry as its colour and taste were very like.
This pass is ADJALE and is seven miles from IKandy. The fortified
hill in Kandy is plainly to be seen and the flag staff of the places can com
municate by signals. W e encamped this afternoon in the worst piece of
ground that could be found by our Dep. Qr. Mr. General who differed in
opinion with the commanding officer on the choice of the spot. As soon as;
possible T got my tent ditched pretty deep as also those of the men in the
event of rain, which came on about 4 o'clock in the afternoon and so heavy
our ditches were of no service, above our ankles in the tents.
Near this place is a very curious Cingalese temple on the top of a very
high hill. At the top of ADJALE pass we left a detachment in possession!
of it, consisting of one sub, 1 Sergeant, 2 Corporals, 8-Privates, 3rd Ceylon
Regiment, Lt. Hallilay, 1 9 t h Regiment was the first officer on this duty.
The difficulties of getting the stores, etc. up the pass—a party was sent back,
to assist to get them forward. Lt. Raper and his party with the Malabar
prisoners arrived and a box of very valuable articles.
February 2dl.l1 :
Marched at 10 o'clock for WALLAPALOGA (WATAPULTJWA).
Having missed the path took the wrong one through paddy fields where it
was impossible for cattle to pass. Here Lt. Sweeting's horse was very nearly'
making his exit.- W e arrived at the river about four o'clock but could not
cross, therefore delayed to halt on the ground opposite the tree where the
unfortunate massacre took place of Major Davy's detachment in June, 1S03.
Raining very hard and night coming on, no tents or baggage of any description
up. All therefore we could possibly have to refresh ourselves was to make .
a fire and sit patiently round it. At eight o'clock, p.m. one tent came up which
proved to belong to Capt De Latre ; some palanquins also came in and a few
bottles of Port Wine procured which was instantly — — — — and distributed,
a few casks of arrack also came up very seasonably for the men.
February 2jth ;
The river much swollen and the whole of the men employed cutting
Bamboos for constructing a raft to crofs the river with, which was effected
about 2 o'clock and launched—but the warp of 6 inches circumference which
we had brought from Trincomalie was now pulled across to pass the raft
back and forward when a very small strain broke it though Europe cordage.
Some officers from Kandy came out to WATTAPALOGAH in the morning,
but did not cross. At 4 o'clock Major Willerman came.down the river and,,
as we had little or no provisions he advised our crossing the river in the best;
670 APPENDIX
•way possible. In two hours and half I got over 25 men only and myself.
It being dark I proceeded to K.-indy accompanied by Major Wilierman, arrived
there at half past 'our o'clock, lodged my men in barracks in the Palace
appropriated for them and then with Major \V, dined with General Brownrigg
in the King's Audience room in the Palace, with my wet clothes which I had
on without changing for two days.
February 2$tk :
This day the whole of the remainder of the 5th Division arrived in Kandy.
The 19th Light. Infantry are quartered in the Palace as also the detachment
of the 73rd. The native troops were quartered in Malabar Street as also
the Royal Artillery.
The entrance into Kandy from Trincomalie is by the North Gate which
was built of stone and the arch and the sides were very massy, a wall each side
of the gate extended some way into the jungle beyond, which was so thick
as to prevent anyone going out of the city except through the gateway, where
a Kandian watch was always kept who carefully examined every person and
thing that went out or in. From t h s gate about quarter of a mile you
entered a wide street full a mile or more in length; the hou'es on each side
very uniform and regularlv b'ult. all of them were about 5 feet from the
street and steps to ascend to enter their doors. The reason for raising the
floors of the houses was plain enough—the very heavy rains which fall
here.
This street runs nearly North and South with three or four others crossing
it. At the bottom or South is seen the wall which runs along an artificial
lake made by the late King with a summer or pleasure house in the middle
of it and is a pretty piece of water covering about 14 or 15 acres of ground.
In the campaign of 1803 it was paddy fields, The water is excellent
and there is now plenty of mullet and other fish but I cannot say much for
their goodness, though as I was informed it was one of tile late King's amuse
ments to sit and throw boiled rice into the lake that he might have the pleasure
of seeing them eat of it and which I believe to have been the case—for by
experiment some rice thrown in, the fish came up in great numbers to eat of
it. From the north of Trincomalie street nearly at the bottom you turn to
the left which leads to the grand temples and the palace and the square before
the palace gate and the pavilion, which since our occupation is the parade
for guard mounting and garrison assemblies of the troops. The palace was
of immense extent but chiefly unfinished detached buildings. On the right
of the gateway after passing the drawbridge to the right was a flight of steps
to the Grand Temple and to the pavilion. It was octagonal and for Kandian
architecture very neat though the materials composing the building would
have answered to construct three pavilions of the same size. This was the
place the King used to sit to see the processions on religious occasions which
take place at certain times of the year and also was the place of public execu
tion of those who offended his sable majesty, which he always witnessed as
a matter of amusement to him.
The Granel Temple is behind. In this pavilion in an apartment upstairs
is deposited the sacred relic of Buddhoo. The door leading to which is cased
in solid gold. The establishment of this temple as well as others must prove
a great burthen to the Kandians in general as I will hereafter explain. I
shall now descend from the temple and (by) a flight of steps directly opposite
but of larger dimensions you ascend to the palace. You could not walk up
these steps as you would ordinary ones, they were so broad as to prevent it.
I was told that the King used to have his favourite elephants to enter the
palace this way and make their salaam to him. On entering into the court
or open place after coming up these steps, directly in front you see the hall
or audience chamber. To the left a long range of buildings said to have been
the apartments of the King's ladies and Queens, now occupied by us officers
APPENDIX 671
and apartments for the civil and commissariat departments. But on our first
occupation of Kandy it was made use of as temporary barracks. A long
building immediately behind the audience room was made use of in 1803
as a hospital for our sick and in the month of June on Major Davy's being
obliged to evacuate this place for want of provisions, he left in it 169 Europeans
belonging to the 19th Regiment and the Hon'ble E. I. Coy. Artillery, who were
butchered in this place. 120 men of the 19th Regiment were murdered in
hospital. Only one man survived who on its being discovered afterwards—
he was at once ordered by the King to be hung but the rope breaking this—
in wonderful mercy said it was God's will the man should live and therefore
ordered him to be taken care of, He resided in Kandy until our arrival in
February, 1 8 1 5 , His story was very lamentable and his sufferings during
12 years amongst these barbarians must have been dreadful. He was quite
naked with a cloth round his waist the same as the Kandians. His story
was taken by an officer and it is said was sent home to be published,
This building formerly the hospital is now pulled down.

Immediately behind this is a square building which was the King's
treasury and to the right of that are other detached buildings and a large
square with a building in its centre and detached houses all round—is used
as the commissariat store and to the right of this a large new building as
you enter the gateway leading to Malabar street—is called the queen's palace
—was made use of as the hospital, the rooms in it being spacious and clean
and would contain as barracks four or five hundred men with ease. Malabar
Street so called from its being entirely inhabited during the King's time by
these people, his dependents (who) also held the chief offices in his army.
This street led to Kondesally, a country palace belonging to the King and
also at the end of Malabar Street you enter the King's gardens as they are
called where there is a very large plantation of coconut trees and a tolerable
road through this place for about 4 miles and as there is a higher and a lower
one you may ride out one, way and return the other. With a little trouble
this road might be made practicable for a bandy or a gig, which would be
a great comfort to those who may have to reside hereafter in Kandy.
Eleapola daily attended at the Resident's apartments in the palace, for

that purpose coming in great state and pomp according to Kandian etiquette
preceded by 6 men with heavy thonged whips, silk lashes and short stocks
as handles that they kept cracking making a loud report that might be heard
a considerable distance, accompanied by occasional clash from brass trumpets
as if they were cracked and tom-toms. • Preceding his palanquin on each side
of it was a man holding a large umbrella or — made from the leaf of
a talipot tree with some 20 or 30 followers all armed ; some with spears or
pikes, some with swords, some with musquets, to clear the way and keep off
the poor .inhabitants from coming too close to the great man.
Sir John D'Oyly immediately adopted measures in concert with the
Commandant Lt. Col. Kelly.
A pleasure house of the late King situated on a hill on the east side of
the great lake, about 100 feet in height, being in the rear of and completely
overlooking and commanding Eleapola's residence that was immediately
under the foot of the hill. No one could go out or come into Eleapola's resi
dence but must be seen from the top of this hill and as there was buildings
sufficient to accommodate 150 men with quarters for 4 officers, I was with
the number of men ordered to leave the palace and proceed there having the
King's summer house as my quarters.
Two field pieces were also sent with a detachment of the Royal Artillery.
That appeared to startle Eleapola's suspicion. In asking the Resident the
reason of troops being sent there, he was told that there was not sufficient
accommodation and to give more room they were sent thero and the guns
672 APPENDIX
i.or the purpose of firing the morning and evening gun being a better and
-more convenient place than the palace yard.
It appeared strange to Sir John D'Oyly and to all the officers and quite
unaccountable the suspected treason of Eleapola, as from the great injury
that he had suffered by the cruel murder of his family by the King as also
the unheard of cruelty that this tyrant Rajah Singha inflicted on his subjects
the Kandians that it was reasonable to have no suspicion that either Eleapola
the other Chiefs or Kandians would ever think of so soon wishing to get rid
of those who had assisted them to rid their country of such a monster as
their late King, who for very slight offences impaled his victims alive as we
had ocular proof of in crossing the river Mahavilla ganga near Kandy. A few
days before he was taken prisoner, a most horrid disgusting spectacle
presented itself to our troops ; eighteen human bodies that had been impaled
alive a few days previously, though at this time death had terminated their
sufferings their countenances even then bore visible and unmistaken proof
of the agony that they must have undergone. The only cause or reason that
we could learn was that these unfortunates were suspected of was that they
should join Eleapola. Notwithstanding there was no - — , a deep laid
conspiracy was making rapid progress by the chiefs and Kandians to subvert
and overthrow British supremacy. One attempt was (made ?) but entirely
failed if ever it was seriously intended by Eleapola, who under the pretence
of giving proof of his attachment to the English Government invited
the Resident, the Civil and Military officers residing in the city of Kandy
.to a grand dinner to be given by him at his residence there, for which purpose
he had sent to Colombo for every description of wines and other luxuries
necessary for such occasion as also for a couple of first rate cooks. The
number of guests invited might have been about 40.
The day fixed, previously however a rumour (spread ?) amongst our
.native servants, most of them being Cingalese, their women and wives who
had followed them from Colombo in their intercourse with and acquaintance
that they had made among the Kandians. They were told by the Kandian
women to tell their husbands not to let their masters, the officers, go to
Eieapola's dinner, if they did they would never eat another as he intended
to murder them all during the feast. Of course whether with or without real
foundation these rumours were not on being known entirely disregarded and
on the day of the dinner the Resident and all except the. officers on garrison
duty went but privately well armed and a Malay bugler'as servant to one of
the officers, as is customary the native servants always go with their masters
to attend on them on such occasions.
On entering Eieapola's entrance door in the open space in the centre
of his dwelling he had drawn up a body-guard about 200 of the most desperate
looking ruffians that rather made some of the officers feel rather doubtful
but it was useless and all proceeded into the banquet room where it was
quite evident if Eleapola intended to kill us, he certainly intended that
first we should have a good dinner and with the exception that it was evident
On our being assembled in an ante room previous to the dinner being

announced the Resident presented each Civil and Military officer to Eleapola
who wore his splendid dress of Head Chief Adikar, the 2nd and 3rd Adikars
hcina present. He observed to the Resident that all the officers were not
present. When it was explained to him that a certain number were by our
military rules on duty to look after their men and to be in readiness if at any
time required by his countenance he showed he was this time outwitted and
that we were prepared to meet his treacherous intentions as he turned his
inquiry off by instantly saying that the officers who could not dine that day
with him, he should hope to have the pleasure o! their company the next Jay.
On taking our seats at the dinner table, Eleapola with the other Adikars
and Chiefs had chairs placed for them at the back of the Resident's chair
APPENDIX 673
but did not sit at or partake of the dinner ; but Eleapola proposed the toasts
and with the other Chiefs had their glasses filled with champagne of which
there was abundance. The dinner hour was seven o'clock and as was pre
viously arranged we retired at ten o'clock and passed out into the street where
a European guard of honour was waiting to salute and escort the Resident
to the Palace.
All this must have convinced Eleapola. if ever he did imagine that he
would or could attempt such a scheme, he must have been convinced that
it was fruitless.
His subsequent conduct in 1818 tended to confirm his intention as
rumoured when he was taken in the act of sending his orders and raising a
general rebellion throughout the Kandian country when he was seized and
taken as a state prisoner to Colombo and was for the sake of the future peace
and quiet of the Kandian country banished to the Isle of France, where he
lived on a stipend granted by the Ceylon Government and where he died it is
said of a liver complaint.
W e remained in Kandy until January, 1816, when the detachment of
the 1 9 t h was relieved and proceeded to Trincomalie and joined the Head
quarters of that regiment.
On my return to Trincomalie with my detachment we embarked on boats
at Lake Tamblegam and landed at the dockyard at Fort Ostenburgh where
we were met by the Colonel Commanding the regiment and several of the
officers who had ridden from Fort Frederick, Trincomalie, to meet and
welcome us.
The Colonel's carriage to take Mama and you to our quarters and the
band and drums to accompany us from Ostenburgh to Fort Frederick. And
glad enough we were to meet William, Sarah and Edmund who we found
all well and in excellent health.
About a year after this in April, 1817, I was sent to Bengal on duty
and remained there until October following when we returned to Ceylon.
795—W
Appendix W
The Fate of Muddu Svami
Among the Johnston Papers is a file bearing in Sir Alexander's writing
the following endorsement:—
Copies of papers sent me by Captain Lawrence of the 19th Regiment
while I was at Matura in June, 1806. The papers he sent me were not
originals, I returned them to him from Colombo the 5 t h July, 1806.
The documents in the file are of first-rate importance with regard to
the incidents attending the surrender of Muddu Svami by Major Davie, and
his-execution, and they further shed light on the other happenings at Wata*
puluva. They contain the evidence of eyewitnesses delivered on oath before
a judicial officer and carefully recorded in the form of question and answer.
Though these witnesses had been punished by mutilation on the King's order,
their evidence is free from signs of rancour or bias, and they were clearly men
of considerable intelligence.
The following points are established by their narrative :—
1. Davie made no serious attempt to save the Prince.
r
„ 2. On Davie's informing the Prince that the British being allowed to
cross the river was conditional on the Prince being surrendered to the Sinhalese,
the Prince acquiesced.
,: ,\ 3., As the Prince was being led back he met the Adikar a mile fromrthe
river and was then taken through Maha'Nuvara to Uduvela, in the Adikar's
company. , .
,rt, 4- The King according to Custoafepresided at the trial which followed ;
there was no defence winch could be raised in mitigation, of his, act; the .Prince
:
asserted that he was not responsible for the coming of the English, but that
he himself had accompanied them on the Governor's orders.
5. The King consulted his advisers and briefly passed sentence of death,
speaking in Sinhalese.
6. The Prince and his three kinsmen were immediately taken outside
the house ; they sat down on the ground and were beheaded with the sword,
in accordance with the privilege of their rank.
The King at this time was only twenty-four years old. There is no
hint that his conduct on the occasion was other than strictly what was proper
in a judge on whom lay the responsibility for the country's safety. There
was no display of passion or triumphing over a fallen foe ; strict justice was
correctly administered ; the convicts too had rights of their own and they
were scrupulously observed. One ugly point remains. Though the Prince
laid the responsibility for the invasion on the Governor, North suppressed
this evidence and attempted to mislead the authorities in England into the
belief that he named the Adikar as the conspirator. The depositions do
not appear to have been sent to London at any time.
Deego metallowye which with variations appears in the evidence re
presents Adikar Pilima Talavva in the mouth of an Indian.
Wednesday, July 27th, 1803 :

Before'Henry Augustus Marshall, Esqr., Sitting Magistrate. Appeared
Annamaroo and declaring that he has lately arrived from the country of the
674 <'--.s.;v
APPENDIX 675
King of Gsndi and that he has some circumstancesof importance to communi
cate, ordered that he be sworn according to the principles of his'caste. '
• • In what employment have you been lately ?
' I accompanied Booda Suaniy as a Servant to Candi.
.When did you leave the Candian country ?
Eleven days ago.
: W h y did you leave that Country ?
My master was killed and the Dessave of Candi named Deego Metallowye
(Pilima Talavva) by order as he said of the King caused my nose and ears
to be cut off and sent me away,
Relate all the circumstances as accurately as you can which preceded
and attended the death of your master as also those which happened to
yourself.
About the latter end of June last after gun fire a number of Candian
people came up and attacked the Fort of Candi and a fire was kept up on both
sides till 12 o'clock, at which time the garrison of the Fort hung out a white
flag on which the fire ceased and the Major who was commanding had some
conversation with the enemy (Candians) after which the English people as Well
as the Malays who were with them accompanied by his master having received
a permission written on an ola from the Head Adigar to proceed' to, Trinco
malee left'the fort, they proceeded accordingly in the Evening and came as
far as the great river where they halted not being able to pass it, the next
day which was Friday the head Adigar accompanied by about twenty persons
came down to the river and informed the Commandant Major that he must
not pass the river before he had delivered up 4 persons meaning the Witness'
master Boodah Suamy, his masters uncle Gelbera Suamy, his masters brother
1
Rannah Suamy and Pagadani Naikhan his masters brother-in-law 'and-a boy
Who attended his master with betel named Sillevarengan, the major replied
that without His Excellency the Governor of Ceylon's order, he could not
give up these persons, the Head Adigar told the Commandant that his only
object in asking for these four persons "was t o protect them and that unless
they were given up he and his force could riot, cross the river, the major
Communicated, this, to the .witness' master telling him that he (the major)
and his forces were in danger on this'the witness' master's account, whom the
Head Adigar insisted upon having the witness's master then told the major
that if they could not cross the river without his being given up he was con
tented to remain behind but requested the major to offer protection to his
brother arid relations at Jaffna the major then conducted the witness' master
and delivered him to the servants of the Head Adigar" saying that he trusted
to their faith.
The witness here requests permission to correct his former statement,

viz. that the Head Adigar came down to the. "river, that morning, and now
declares that the Head Adigar did not appear in person on that morning but
sent his servants, he himself remaining about one mile distant.
Were you present when this -happened :?• - -
Yes.
Did you see any troops at the river or near it at that time except those
under the command of the major ? •
: :
"' I saw about two hundred "yards distance all around the place where the
major was, he supposes about 2,000 armed Candians.
Were there any shot fired then on either side ?
No. '• • ••'
676 APPENDIX
Do you know for what purpose these armed Candians were collected
after the major had received permission to proceed to Trincomalie ?
He does not know positively but supposes it was with an intention to
prevent the major from crossing the river as the Candians had previous to
the major's arrival there removed or destroyed all the Cattamarans.
-
Did you see any exertions made then by the English to procure a mode
of passing the river ?
Yes. The major on the moment of his arrival at the river despatched
persons to cut bamboos and rattans in order to make a raft.
Proceed in your story.
After my master had been delivered up he was taken by the servants
of the Adigar to the fort as well as the witness and ten others of his masters'
servants.
Do you know where the Head Adigar was at this time ?
He was at a place on the road from the river to the fort and as we passed
through that place we saw him and my master was conducted to his presence.
Did you hear any conversation take place between your master and the
Adigar ?
I only hear the Adigar tell my master that he must go with him and
he should be in no danger the Adigar then accompanied his master
through the Fort to a place called Oudoewell about a mile beyond the Fort,
where the King of Candi was, the Head Adigar then delivered the witness'
master to the King of Candi.
What passed between your master and the King of Candi?
The king asked my master why he had brought the English up to take
possession of Candi, my master answered that he did not bring up the English
to conquer Candi but that he merely accompanied them by order of His
Excellency the Governor of Ceylon on which the king gave an order to take
away his master and put him to death.
Did you hear the order given and to whom was it addressed ?
I heard it, it was addressed to about twenty people who were near him
armed with naked swords.
Can you recollect exactly the words of the order ?
The King said to his master in the Cingalese language you are guilty and
must b.e put to death.
Did you hear the Adigar say anything ?
He conversed privately with the King before this order was given.
What happened after that ?
Immediately on the order being given the guards took his master and the
three persons who were before mentioned outside the house and having
caused them to sit upon the ground cut off their heads beginning with his
master.
Did you see all this in your own person ?
I did.
Did your master make any address or say anything before he was.
murdered ?
No, lie did not utter a word.
What became of you and the rest of your master's servants ?
APPENDIX 677
After my master was killed, we his servants were put into confinement
in a room adjoining to the house where the King was till the next morning
when we were allsent to a place called Gompala about a day's journey further
where they were confined for twenty days with their feet in the stocks, on
the twelfth day of the confinement the Candians brought four more people
servants of his master, who'he heard were found near the river having been
along with the major and confined them also in the.same manner on the
expiration of twenty days they were all conducted again to the Fort before
Diego metallowae who ordered two of the six first confined to be hanged
up on trees, which order was immediately executed.
How came those two men to be singled out for execution ?
He does not know, but as he knows those two persons to have been
related to his master, he supposes it was on that account.
The remaining eight by the order of Diegoe Matallewae who was present
all the time, after having had their ears and noses cut off were desired to go
to Jaffna and show themselves to their masters relations there, and inform
them what had happened to them—this took place on Saturday evening and
on Sunday morning they were conducted by four of Diegoe Metalloe was
to AUoetwelle, which is the bounding of the English and Candian territories,
and in three days more they reached Trincomale where they went and informed
the Collector of their arrival when they were sent into the Fort,
Recollect exactly and inform the court how many of your master's
servants accompanied your master and the major from the fort,
Twenty-eight persons including my master left the fort.
How many persons were sent down with you ?
7—-and I myself made the eight.
How do you account for all those persons ?
My master and the 4 abovemehtioned with him were killed at Oedoe
welle—2 were hanged in the fort by order of Diegoe Mettallawoe, we who have
been sent down are eight and the other thirteen were left with the major
and I was informed on my way down that they had been killed.
Do you know or have you heard what became of the major and the
remainder of the troops which were left at the river ?
I do not know but have been told of the circumstances that had happened
after I had been carried to the fort by one of my comrades named
Veneataramah who told me he was present and saw what happened.
Is Veneataramah here ?
Yes he is one of the eight persons whose noses and ears were cut off
and one of the four who were brought up to be confined at Gamala 12 days
after we had been there.
Did you hear the King or the Adigar say they would punish the English
troops also ?
No I never heard them mentioned.
With what instrument were your nose and ears cut.
With small knives, while we .were held by four or five persons each.
Did you see any of the English Officers dead in the Palace of Candi on
the day on which the Candians attacked it ?
I saw a stout English officer attacked by a Malay Captain who stabbed
him and received a blow from the English officer with a sword on which the
Malay Captain struck the officer again and another English officer coming
in stabbed the Malay who fell dead. .
678 APPENDIX
What kind of looking man was the English officer ?

He was a stout man.
Do you know the name of that Malay Captain ?
He used generally to be called Javah Raja.
Do you know whether or not he has a brother serving in the English
Malay Regiment ?
I have heard that he is brother to a Captain in that service called
Nouraden.
Did you see the fight between these officers ?
Yes.
Did you see them both struggling with each other on the ground ?
Yes, I saw the English officer receive a stab first from the Malay Captain
and fell dead, having in his fall stabbed the Malay Captain on which the
Malay fell also but not being quite dead another English officer came in and
tabbed him.
What kind of.looking man was the second officer that came in ?
He was a tall man with brown hair.
Do you know anything more ?
No.
The three following persons Chupen, Veragoe and Caderasie being the
remaining persons of those first, who attended their master Boodha Swamy
to the presence of the Candian King are called and the above declaration being
explained to them they declare themselves willing to. corroborate the same
on oath.
Ordered that they be sworn accordingly.
Thursday, July 28th, 1803.
Before -Henry Augustus Marshall, Esqr., Sitting Magistrate.
Vencattarawma called and sworn :
What is your name ?
Vencattarawma.
When did you arrive at this place and from whence ?
About three days ago from Candy.
In whose service was you there ?
In the service of Boodah Swamy.
Did you accompany your master when he was conducted up by the.
English troops to Candy ?
Yes.
Why did you leave Candi ?
Because my nose and ears were cut off and I was ordered by Diego
Metallowoo the Dessave of Candi to leave that country.
Do you know what is become of your master ?
1 have been told that my master was carried to Oedowelle and murdered
there.
Did any of your master's servants accompany him to Oedowelle when
your master was murdered ?
About six or seven of them went.
APPENDIX
Did you go with your master ?

No, my master desired me to remain, with the Major and said it was not':
necessary for 'so many persons to go with him.
.Did you remain with the Major ?
Yes.
How long did you remain with him after your master was taken away
by the Candians to Oedewelle ?
Only one day ; my master was taken away on Friday and I ran away on
Saturday afternoon.
Where did you run to ?
I,hid myself in the jungle.
'Did you see your master taken away and did you see any .officers deliver
him up ? '
I saw the Major and another officer took my Master and delivered him
to the Candian people.
Did your master say anything when he was delivered up ?
He told the Major that he might deliver him up as it was better that
he should lose his life than that the English troops should be prevented from
crossing the water and requested the Major to protect his brother and relations
at Jaffna.
Did the Major make any answer ?
No.
. W a s the giving up of your master made the condition of the English
troops crossing the river?
Yes, the Candians said that unless my. master was given up. the troops
should not cross the river. .. • .
What happened after your master w,as taken away ? ...
After my Master was gone the Maj or went back to his troops and employed
his people to make a raft and when he had made it fast to the shore by ropes
the Singalese people cut the ropes three times with their knives. They, all
-
remained under the trees during that night. In the morning' of Saturday
the troops were sitting under the trees when some people, from Candi came
and told the Major that he must deliver up the,Malays..
Were all the Malays with the Major at that time ?
Yes— not one of them had left him.
What passed after the Major had given them that answer ?
On his refusal the Candians went back into the Fort and returning some
time after demanded the Malays a second time, telling the Major that if he
would not deliver up the Malays he should not cross the river, and, imme
diately a large number armed Candians came round the English troops and
took post.
Were all the Malays with the major at that time ?
Yes.
What passed after this ?
On the second demand for the Malays after the Candians had surrounded
the troops, the Malays themselves laid down their arms and went away to
the Candians.
How many Malays were there with the Major ?
APPENDIX
tank about 150.

w many do you think of them went over to the Candians ?
They all went.
What did the Major say to that ?
He appeared very much distressed.
Did he not call them back ?
No, he said nothing to them.
Are you sure that he did not call them back or speak to them ?
He did not speak but appeared much distressed.
Did the Malays say anything to the Major on their leaving him ?
Nothing.
Did you see to what place the Malays went and did the Candians appear
to receive them as prisoners ?
The Candians did not seem to consider them as prisoners as they did not
confine them, but merely desired them to remove to a little distance, which
they|did.
What passed after this ?
The Candians came and desired the remaining English troops to lay down
their arms which they did, laying them on the ground, and immediately the
Candians picked them up.
Did not the Major refuse to obey this order ?
No. The English troops laid down their arms and immediately the
Candians seized them.
Did you see any people laying there wounded or dead ?
No.
Did you hear any shot fired on the occasion ?
No.
Then there was no defence made by the English troops on this
occasion . . . do you mean to say that ?
No, not any.
Where was you all the while ?
T was on the spot under a tree.
Why did not the Candians take hold of yon also ?
They left behind all the coolies and other black people and only took away
the English and soldiers.
Do you know where those officers and soldiers were taken to ?
No, I did not accompany them but T ran away into the jungle and when
[ came out the next day I saw a great number of English officers and soldiers
ying dead on a little distance from where they were first taken.
Are you sure there were officers lying dead as well as soldiers and how
ould you distinguish them ?
The soldiers were in general dirty and not so well dressed as the officers.
Could you recognise among the officers any that you had seen before ?
Yes, I saw among them a tall officer who accompanied my master Boodah
my from Trincomalee to Candi.
Then you often saw him at Candi besides ?
APPENDIX 681,
No, I did not see him often.

Did you not see him the day on which the Fort was attacked ?
I saw him on that day lying wounded in the thigh on a palankeen to be
carried away.
Did you see him receive the wound you mention ?
Yes, an English officer and a Malay Captain fought together, the English
officer was killed by the Malay Captain after being wounded by the English
officer was stuck also, while he was on the ground, by another English officer,
who came into the palace at that time.
Do you know the name of the officer who came in and stuck the Malay
Captain ?
No, he was a tall man and thin.
Was it not the same officer whom you saw shot in the thigh ?
No, it was not the same.
Did you see more than one English officer lying dead in the Fort ?
No.
When you came out of the jungle and saw the English officers and soldiers»
were there not several Candians on the place ?
No, not a person.
What kind of wounds did they appear to have received ?
Some of them appeared to have been stabbed, some to have been beaten
to death, and others to have had their heads cut off.
Did you see and examine all of them distinctly ?
Yes.
Did you notice among the number the Major who gave your master to
the Candians ?
No, be was not among them.
Did you remember of the officer who took care of the guns and who was
employed' in making the raft for passing the river ?
Yes.
Describe his person.
He was a short and fat man.
Was he among the dead.
No. I did not see him but I have heard that the Major and this officer
were carried to Angooranga where is the King's palace about 3 or 4 miles
distant from Candi.
What did you do after this ?
I went to the Fort when a Candian Chief ordered me to prison, wliere
I remained a few days and was then removed to a place called Gompalla where
I found five or six of my fellow servants in prison.
Were any people imprisoned with you in the Fort ?
Yes, four persons who were sent with me to Gompalla.
Where are those people now ?
W e were 1 1 altogether, two of them were hanged, one escaped, and
eight have arrived at Trincomalee.
682 APPENDIX
How did you come by those wounds which you have ?

I was held fast by three or four people and my nose and ears were cut
off by order Diago Metallawoo the Dessave who told me to go and shew
myself to the Chief of the English and the relations of Boodah Swamy.
How long had you been in the prison of the Fort before your other fellow
servants were put there ?
When I was put into prison I found those people already there.
How many officers did you take notice lying on the ground dead ?
I saw about fifty European men altogether including the officers.
Did you count how many officers there were ?
No I did not. I only recognised that officer who accompanied my master
from this place.
Do you know anything more of this business ?
No.
PERUMAL called and sworn :
Have you been lately at Candi ?
Yes.
On what occasion did you go there ?
I went as a servant with Boodah Swamy.
Do you remember the . . . on which the Fort of Candi was attacked ?
Yes.
Did you leave the Fort with the Commanding Officer of the English troop
and your master ?
Yes.
Where did you all go to ?
We marched to the side of a river which we could not cross for want of
cattamawrams. The Cingalese had removed them and we remained there
that night.
What happened the next morning ?
The Head Adigar sent some of his people to the Major desiring him to
deliver up my master Boodah Swamy otherwise he would not be allowed to
cross the river. The Major replied that he could not do it without the order
of the Governor. The Adigar then sent a second message to the same effect
when the Major informed the deponent's master that they could not cross
the river unless they delivered him up to the Candians who had demanded
him and that they were all in danger on his account. My master replied
you must not endanger yourselves on my account, deliver me up and cross
the river, on which my master was delivered by the Major to the Adigar's
servants. The deponent wished to accompany his master but his Master
told him it was not necessary and desired him to remain.
State what happened after your master was gone. ?
The Major sent people to make a raft or cattamawran and also sent people
to the other side of the river with cord to make it fast to a tree ; this he did
twice and the cord was as often cut by the Cingalese. On Saturday morning
the Candians came to say that if he would deliver up the Malays and Lascars
they would procure for Him the necessary boats to carry him across the
river. The Major refused this and the Candians went away, in a little time,
afterwards they returned and made the same demand, when the Malays
APPENDIX 683
declared that as they could not cross the river, and were unable to remain
where they were, it was better for them to remain in the Candian country ~
They then took their arms, their wives and children, and ran away to
the Candians.
What did the Major do ?
He called out to them, when some came back he ordered them to lay down
their arms and then if they chose to do so to go away ; they laid down their
arms and went over to the Candians. After this the Candians came up and
"desired the Major to lay down his arms aridthose of all his troops which they
immediately did without making any resistance or refusal—they were'then
seized by some Cingaleese people and all carried away, the deponent does not
know whither.
Did you ever see them again either alive or dead ?
Never, I was desired to go to the Fort which I did and was there put in
prison where I remained for some days when I was taken out along with
several other of my master's servants and by order o f Diego Metallawoo-
the Dessave, pur noses and ears were cut off and we were desired to. go away.
Do you know anything more ?
No.
Appendix X
Population of Colombo C. 1810

A List of the Inhabitants of the Four Gravets giving a statement of
their Casts and the number of Slaves, and also the grand total of the popula
tion, excepting the Fort.
1. European
2. European Extraction
3. Toepas
4. Portuguese
5. Cingalese Wellale
6. Cingalese Fishers
7.. Cingalese Chandas
8. Cingalese Barbers
9. Cingalese Washers
10. Cingalese Jagerero or Hakoera
11. Cingalese Padoewa
12. Cingalese Silversmith
13. Cingalese Blacksmith
14. Mallabar Wellale
15. Mallabar Silversmith
16. Mallabar Cast Unknown . .
17. Patna Chitty
18. Parea
19. Maur
20. Paruva
21. Free Malay
22. Malay Extraction
23. Free Mallabar Slaves Cast Unknown
24. Free Slaves Cast Unknown
25. Heathen Chitties
26. Marruva
27. Chitties
•28. Malabar Barbers
29. Persian
30. Free Caffree
31. Mallabar Chando
32. Chalia
33. Chingala Potters
34. Paleagaar
35. Country Born Free Slaves
36. Sjego Heathen
37. Free Canareens
38. Walengapataars
39. Wadoega
40. Patanie
41. Telingoe
42. Free people cast unknown
43. Walenheayaars
44. Walla Wattin
45. Chingala, cast unknown
46. Malabar Heathen
47. Mallabar Washer
684
APPENDIX 685
48. Eden cast .. ., . . . . 3

49. Chingala Chunam Burners .. .. .. 12
go. Chinese .. .. .. .. 4
51. Palanga Watten .. .. .. 14
52. Free Covias .. .. .. .. 13
53. Palla .. .. .. .. 1
54 Paandy .. .. .. .. 7
55. Chitty Wellalas .. .. 87
56. Chingala Berewaya .. .. .. .. 19
57.. Nairoos (free) .. .. .. .. 1
58. Mallealla .. .. .. .. 6
59. Cabrea .. .. .. .. 8
60. Wanias .. .. .. .. 97
61. Fakiers .. .. .. .. 55
62. Brammins .. .. .. .. 8
63. Pandarans .. .. .. .. 1
1
64. Maur Barbers .. .. .. .. 3
65. Pallees .. .. .. .. 6
66. Hindoos ., .. .. .. 14
67. Malabar Copper Smiths (Braziers) .. .. .. 37
68. Madapoellies .. •• •• •• 2
69. Cotchia .. .. .• •• 1
70. Rajapotas .. .. .. •• 3
71. Weavers .. .. .. .. r
72. Mallabar Wellala of Jaffna .. .. •• 1
73. Free Poelias .. .. •. •• 2
1
74. Maratta cast .. .. •. ••
2
75. Pattenua .. .• •• ••
1
76. Pasmea •• •• •• ••
77. Coast Maurs .. .. .. •• 273
Total Free Persons .. 24,420
Sgd. T. J, TWISLETON
Slaves
Country Born Slaves, cast unknown .. .. .. 30°
Malabar Slaves, cast unknown .. .. .. no
8
Maur Slaves .• •• •• ••
Malay Slaves .. .. • •. •• 27
8
Caffree Slaves .. •• •• ••
1
Slaves, cast unknown .. .• •• •• 93
2
Jaffna. Slaves .• •• •• ••
Betua Slaves .. •• •• •• *
1
Heathen Slaves .. •• •• ••
2
Parera Slaves •• •• •• ••
1
Poelea Slaves .• •• •• ••
1
Kavekatte Bellale Slaves .. .. •• •-
Covia Slaves •• •• •• •• 5
Wadoega Slaves .. •• •• •• -
1
Nairoos Slaves •. •• •• -•
6
Marrua Slaves • •• •• •• ••
1
Pottees Slaves •• •• •• ••
Slaves of different cast .. •• •• •• 44
1
Paruas Slaves •• •• •• ••
Maur Slaves, cast unknown .. .. •• •• 235
Total Slaves .. 1,687
Grand Total . . 26,107
Sgd. T. J. TWISLETON
S.M.
APPENDIX
Residence in the Fort was-controlled by the Regulation No. 4 of 1 8 t h

August, 1810. Following the Dutch Company's rules on the subject, resi
dence was permitted only to those holding the Governor's license for the
purpose, in addition to persons in His Majesty's employ, Civil or Military,
persons born in Europe and registered as licensed to reside in the British
Settlements, and persons lately .in the Dutch Company's service of or above
the rank of Book-keeper.
Only persons licensed or qualified as aforesaid could own house property
within the Fort.
Appendix Y
The New Method of Executing Criminals
(Extract from the Ceylon Government Archive;., Volume A. 531}

Kandy, 2nd August, 1 8 1 9 .
At 6 o'clock this morning, the .four Malay prisoners were brought out of
prison and marched towards the place of execution with a strong esrort.
Mera Lebbe was also taken out of prison, and carried behind them, guarded
by the Lascoreens and Turn Keys.
As the Malays passed by, all the Malay women came out of their houses
and with loud cries bewailed their fate—Previous to Mera Lebbe being carried
but as he was in communion with the Mussulman Priest, he was advised by
the latter not to entertain hopes of forgiveness as the sentence was passed
and its execution inevitable—but to make his peace with God and prepare
for death—when brought out of Prison, he asked for some liquor and when
starting begged of a moorman who stood by to support him along the way
and entreated he should hot be unfeelingly forsaken on the brink of death—
but he spoke in vain, and walked on without assistance, the Priest alongside
of him, chanting the name of God, etc., incessantly as did the Malay criminals
and the other Priest with them.
After crossing the River, Mera Lebbe was taken to a Gibbet erected on
a rising ground by a small guard of Soldiers and the Lascorins, etc. and the
Malay criminals were escorted to a Gibbet on another little hill of gentle
ascent near. (Both these places are at due distances from the village of
Sirimalwatte and Degajdorue Wiharre) some delay took place in making
the necessary preparations for execution, at the latter place, the Rekewelas
not being expert enough as not being acquainted with the mode—during
this time the Malay prisoners kept chanting the name of God, etc. at an
interval, Sameydeen the 2nd prisoner spoke in an impassioned manner
something in Malay and Saban taking up some handfulls of the shavings
of wood strewn about the place, cast them with imprecations, towards the
place where the Lance Corporal Selio stood in the ranks.
When the criminals were brought up close to the Gallows, Saban beckoned
to his son (a lad about 13) when he went up to him Saban gave him the comb
he had on his head and kissed his son and bade farewell. Joatuto was the
first who ascended the ladder he stood motionless, while the Rekewelas bound
his arms behind him and put the rope about his neck then Saban went up and
as if impatient of delay put on the halter himself and the Rekewelas bound
his arms—Samedeen went up next and Waihip was the last.
Some delay occurring in letting down the Platform—Samedeen lifted
himself from the boards and crouching his body, remained suspended for
a few seconds, when a Rekewela holding him up, he stood erect again until
-
the platform di opped. calling on the name of God, as the other three did—
Waihip just as the first three criminals had dropped, taking advantage of
a narrow board, placed his foot upon it, and clung to the Gibbet but was
immediately pushed from his hold and swung—while in suspension, Saban
several times bent his legs and apparently endeavoured," though in vain to
get footing on the boards again.
687
688 APPENDIX
Due time having elapsed, the bodies of the criminals were taken down
one by one, and being ironed were suspended in chains.
There were but few Kandians on the spot during the execution, but
people were seen looking on, from several eminences in the neighbourhood.
After the Troops were marched back to Kandy, a considerable number of
natives came to view the spectacle, amongst whom were several Headmen.
Mera Lebbe spoke a few words to people near the place of execution, and
quietly underwent the sentence of the Law—and his body being taken down
was received for burial by some of his brethren. The moormen at first had
refused having any concern with him (after his conviction) as being a Singalese
and but a new convert—their objections however were overcome by the
Priest and his body was buried near the place where he suffered.
True copy of a memorandum delivered to me by Mr. Armour.
Sgd. JAMES G A Y
In 1829 when two men were sentenced to be hanged at a village two

miles from Madulla, the Agent for Maturata reported that there were only-
two men in Valapane who by caste were liable to the duty ot executioner.
They were ordered to remain in their houses in readiness to assist when called
upon. Board to Chief Secretary, Vol. 3 9 B .
For the exposure of the bodies of executed criminals, see Tri Sinhala,,
Appendix K.
Appendix 2
The Renegade Benson

Renegades from various European races—Portuguese, Dutch, English—
were welcome in the military service of Eastern Potentattes, and Andrews
wrote in 1795 : " On my different visits to the Palace I met about twenty-
Europeans some very young who informed me they were Dutch and French
and had at different times deserted. " In a message from Pilima Talavva
received on 27th July, 1803, he mentioned that from the British army about
a hundred Asiatics and two English had deserted to the King, and the follow
ing documents, of which copies are among the Johnston Collection, refer to
one of these Englishmen—
On 1 7 t h June, M. H . Bayne, a Lieutenant in the Nineteenth Regiment,
writing from liwnii to a friend whose name does not appear, stated " I had
nearly forgot to tell you that an Artillery man (Benson) is missing and is
supposed to be with the King . . . off yesterday morning at 5 o'clock. " The
reason (or the desertion is not difficult to understand ; the letter paints a very
gloomy picture of the state of things in the camp and contains the significant
sentence. " W e are now in a Devil of a stew. " The next reference to
Benson is found in the statement of a Burgher who accompanied Davie
from Tirukona Malai and used to act occasionally as his Interpreter. He was
with the men at Watapuluva and he records that on the morning after
their arrival, " about ten or twelve thousand Chingalees together with one
European soldier of the Artillery named Benson and a drum major of the
Malays named Oodeen, who had previous to this battle made their excape
from the English, surrounded us. " It is strange that the part played by this
renegade in the Watapuluva incident has hitherto been ignored. The state
ment appears to have been recorded by an official at Jaffna about the middle
of 1804, and my copy is written on paper with the watermark 1812.
Another reference is found in Greeving's narrative, published in Jcbras,
Vol. X X V I , with the date n t h May, 1904, which is probably the date of its
translation from the original Dutch. Greeving's mis-statements and exag
gerations are many ; he probably was anxious to conceal the fact that in order
to save his life he dressed himself as a Malay and along with the last mentioned
party took refuge among the deserting Malays, His exaggeration of the
nature of Muddu Swamy's death—(" Immediately impaled, " in his expres
sion ; of course that Prince was executed with the sword)—was no doubt
intend to suit his audience. His reference to Benson is as follows :—" Two
privates of the European Artillery deserted to Kandi, 10 or 12 days previous
to the Kandian war and both of them entered into the service of the King of
Kandi. One of them is Captain General, but can neither write nor read; and
the other is a Major, who I suppose can read and write." In the absence of the
original Dutch it is not possible to say what offices these men held ; it is
hardly open to doubt that the " Captain General " was Benson.
There remain the references in the narrative of the German Johan Albertus
Thoen, recorded by the Deputy Judge Advocate Cleather in February, 1815.
This man was sick in the hospital when Davie loft, and was finally put into
prison along with thirteen of Muddu Swanii's attendants. A few days later
he saw " Benson, belonging to the Madras Artillery, who had deserted about
the beginning of June to the King." Benson did nothing to assist him, not
even in the matter of food. When the King returned to Kandy, Thoen and
all the others who had deserted from the English, were brought before him.
689
690 APPENDIX
" Benson was then present dressed in his British uniform, with a Gold chain
round his neck, and a silver hilted sword, both given him by the King, with
whom he seemed to be in great favour" ; some beef in casks and some arrack,
which the English had left behind, were given by the King to be shared
between Benson and Thoen. "Benson was a good deal with the great
people and I used to follow him about just like a servant and he used some
times to drill the natives a little, but Benson did not know much about the
matter." This must be the justification for Benson being considered Captain
General. Some time after Benson accompanied the King on the expedition
against Hanvalla : " Benson was brought back about a month afterwards
in a cloth by four men ; he had received a shot under his left breast; the ball
was cut out of his back by the natives ; he lingered about six weeks afterwards
in great pain (his body being much swelled) and then died ; I dug a grave
and buried him."
Benson used to be employed at making gun-powder and on his death he
suggested that Thoen could continue the work (of which Thoen had no
knowledge). The result was "the Powder made was useless, just like so
much Flower." (I have followed the MSS. copy among the Johnston Papers).
The version published as an Appendix to Captain Anderson's The Wanderer
in Ceylon, 1817, was followed by J. P. Lewis, in his article on The Captivity
of Major Davie, Jcbras, Vol. X X I X .
Kandie, 14th June, 1803.

Bear Ottley,
I arrived here on the loth, after a very unpleasant march. It rained
from Minnery and the roads were bad and the river deep and rapid.
I need not attempt to picture to you the dreadful state of affairs here.
Sickness, Hurricane, and the arrival of the Addag . . . Desertion of the
Malays and Lascars, the General • . . tness and going away, everything com
bined and I fear, not a man here now will everleave it. I still keep my usual
health and spirits and have plenty of employment and will see you again if
the Malays stand by us. I send you two Bows choose one and give the
other to Colonel Hunter, I will send the things I promised but there is not
a coolie to be had. The cattle I cannot get at present, but the Gold you
will get four Rix-dollars for — and if a parity comes up again send as much
as you like, that is a strong armed party. I will thank you to pay Arna-
chellum thirty-five Rix-dollars.
God bless you. I believe the Flunkey will be ordered up to save our
throats.
Yours very truly,
W M . BLAKENEY.
Kandie, 17th June, 1803.

Dear Huskisson,
Many thanks to you for the Wine and Brandy, what you intended for
poor Carrington, I have given to Goupil, who, I ani afraid, is following after
his Captain fast. Henderson died the n t h and Count Bausset this morning,
and Rumley on the go. Take charge of poor Henderson's effects and house
and sell them by public auction. The Lascars and Malays are deserting
by dozens and high rewards offered to murder all the officers. Batteries
close to us, our Bullocks carried off by force and attempts even made to carry
off the small mortars from the Park on the Parade—a hopeful situation truly
and a pretty time to succeed to such a command. Sell my Gun by all means,
APPENDIX mi
tho' at a price much under what you know it cost me, Get a bill for the
amount on the pay Master General or Johnston—excuse this scrawl, it being--
the nineteenth letter I have wrote this day and besides I am far from welli-
The General and Sandy left this the i i t h b o t h ill. I wish they may reach
Colombo safe. . '
Yours truly,
A. DAVIE*
I am happy to write you word, that several of our Invalids leave this-
today or tomorrow for Colombo—poor Hope and Robertson accompany them,.
•—Pearce having a sufficient number of bearers proceeded to Fort Mcdowell.
Bausset of the Malay Regiment died this morning after a tedious sickness.
Our men poor fellows are dying very fast still we have lost five this . . . day.
The Malays are deserting very fast as well as the Coast and Bengal Lascars,
on the 1 4 t h instant twelve of the latter went over to the Candyans and a
Sergeant and four, at the post of Garriagam, on the Colombo side. We are.
now in a Devil of a stew. Col. Barbutt's King sent for Major Davie last night,
and told him, that from very good information he had learned, that the
Kandyans were in great force, on the Trincomalie and Colombo roads, and
most Certainly meant to cut off all communication, and that a third party,
headed by the Malay deserters, were to attack us in this place, how true it'
is time will prove, but certainly they have within these four days behaved
very daring, particularly last night for they attacked the drivers of Blakeney's
bullocks and took away twelve head of his cattle, and what is still more, two
Rascals came, within the Breastwork and endeavoured to make away with
a small Mortar, however they did not succeed—I had nearly forgot to tell
you that an Artillery man (Benson) is missing and is supposed to be with the
King . . .off yesterday morning at 5 o'clock. Probably this will be the last*
letter I shall write you for some time, should the news prove true, therefore,
if you possibly should hear of any letters to be sent here, pray write, I should*
;
not be at all surprised to see you in a short time as a reinforcement must be
sent up, either white or black. I know, I wish, I was out of it—Poor Nixon
who really is in a bad state of health, though he has got. leave, will not quit,
us, as he imagines should we be attacked, and he not here something ill-:
natured might be said of him, he knows his. own failings best—I shall say
nothing more.
Yours, etc.,
M. H. B Y N E .
Kandi, 1 7 t h June, 1803.
My dear Ball,
I must now in my turn begin my letter with reproaches, as I have received
news from several of my friends at Trincomalee, but not one word from your
Honour, pray, how will you account for this ? I can assure you that your
reasons must be very substantial to excuse your idleness.
I will not have the pleasure of seeing you for some time yet, being
appointed as you must have heard to stay at Kandy. I cannot say that
I am altogether satisfied at the arrangement, as I particularly wanted to
return to Trincomalee, at least for a short time, to settle my affairs, which •
are in some confusion at present owing to the multiplicity of Public business
I have been loaded with for these some months past, and not the smallest
:
prospect of its having an end, before the rains sets in, so I must once more
put you in mind of my family, and will trust entirely on your friendship,
to see that they are properly protected as Females are liable to be insulted
when there are none of the other sex to look after them—As to money matters •
they will be regularly supplied by our friend Ottley, tell them that the moment •
I can be spared and the Roads will permit, I will return to Trincomalee either
to remain or bring them up to Kandy, how it will be I have not determined
692 APPENDIX
on yet, as my allowances must be very handsome indeed, to induce me to

stay any time in this country, hitherto I have been very fortunate in making
myseif pretty useful to the Army in general, but with respect to my private
affairs I am positive . , . getting to leeward : this in course I will . . . put a stop
too, as soon as possible and endeavour to keep myself within due bounds.
I have no idea as yet how things will be terminated in this Country.
Some of our Gents are of opinion that the Head Adigar is playing a deep
game with us, indeed there must be something extraordinary in the business,
I am out on some excursion or another every day, and am authorised to
purchase their goods, even at their own price, but have found only two men
that would receive a single cash from me, though their villages abound with
every article that we are in want of some of them will even stand by and
look on, while necessity obliges us to take away their grains, etc. I have
used every possible means to make them come in and receive payment but
with very small success, as I have remarked before. Now as they are certainly
the most sub-ordinate race of men to their Superiors I have ever met with
in any part of the world I have been in, these circumstances leads me to
behove that the Candyans in general have received positive orders from
their Headmen, not to sell a single article to the English Army. A truce was
entered into by both parties with a view on the part of the Adigars in my
opinion to gain time and put a stop to our foraging which will completely
answer his purpose. The rainy . . . will soon set in. Nothing to be purchased
from the inhabitants of the Country, no supplies from either Trincomalee
or Colombo, the rivers will effectually put a stop to them, for even after one
day's rain they swell amazingly. The people sickly, and little grain in
store that is to say if we were rigidly to observe the truce, which by the by
has not been the case, for we have still continued to forage where grain could
be had and the weather permit, which I am sorry to say begins to annoy our
parties too often, for these twenty days last past, how far I am right, respecting
the Adigar, time must determine. I only hope it may turn out better than
I expect.
Our men of every description are getting sick very fast, what it is owing
to I am at a loss to say, for in my own opinion this is by no means an un
healthy Country the provisions hitherto equal if not better than at Trinco
malee. Duty not very hard and without a doubt the best water in the world.
Let me hear from you by return of post and believe me to be, My dear Ball.
Yours ever very sincerely,

J. J. B R O W N .
Fort McDouall,
20th April, 1803.
N.B.—Remember me to all our Gentls.
Statement recorded at Jaffna :

In the year 1803, I proceeded from Trincomalee accompanied with
Major Davie to Candy while I was remaining there, General Macdowall had
the command of Candy at which time the Second Adigar of the King namely
Odegampay Adigar came as an Ambassador to General Macdowall. Again
the second time the same Adigar came as Ambassador in the time of Colonel
Barbut. After this Col. Barbut went to Dambodeny to meet Governor
North leaving the Commands of Candy under the hands of Major Davie who
had the charges of the same—to the best of my recollection for about six months
when Major Davie received several letters from a Moorman who stated to
Major Davie that it came from the King of Candy I was the translator of
those letters to Major Davie the letter was read and explained to me by the
very Moorman in the Malabar languages which I translated to Major Davie
and two other gentlemen of the ist Ceylon Regiment. The names of those
APPENDIX 693
said gentlemen 1 cannot recollect at the explanation of those letters the

Native Captain Adjt named Noordeen the son of Rajah Govah was
also present but the substance of the letter I cannot recollect—I think that
all those letters where sent by Major Davie to Governor North.
After this on a morning at gunfire instead of hearing one report of a gun
we heard two at which time everyone were asleep this report awakened all
on running out of the House to see found more than 10 or 12 thousand
Chingaleese i i surrounded the battery, on seeing this Major Davie
lac
commanded his troops to begin firing at them, the English was very weak of
men and also of Provisions the Officers was also obliged to take arms against
the Candians.
About 12 o'clock two Malays of the Candians run and entered the English
Battery armed with crees in their hands enquiring after the Chief upon which
some of the Malay soldiers of the English shoot them down the names of those
two Malays that was shot Sankilan the other Jeromody the first named person
was afterwards understood to have been a Bastard son of Raja Govah, this
Battle lasted until 3 o'clock in the afternoon.
After 3 o'clock I understood that Major Davie and other Officers made
a Capitulation to give up the country to the Candians with a condition that
the Candians will let the English troops go free without any molestation to
their country—this condition was agreed between the English and the Chinga-
leese immediately the English troops and all the other persons belonging to
them together with Mootoosamy and his relations marched to the Borders
of the river where we remained the reason of our remaining there was that
we could not have crossed the river immediately water being so high and
the flud running so quick we merely remained there until we should cut some
Bemboo to make Catoomarams with which to cross the river, so we were
labouring the whole of the night to make the Cattoomarans but none of our
people did undertake to swim across that river to take cord so the day broke
still they were consulting to adopt some measure to cross that river while so
consulting about 7 o'clock in the morning perceived about 10 or 12 thousand
of the Chingaleese together with one European soldier of the Artillery named
Bensen and a drum Major of the Malays named Odeen who had previous to
this battle made their escape from the English surrounded us, armed with
Firearms, Pikes, Swords and the very field pieces which the English had left
behind in the Battery, after surrounding us about 15 persons in Company
with one Candian Malay who as Chief to those 15 marched forward and
stopped about a hundred yards from where the English was, the Chief person
said that he came from the King of Candy to request for the persons of
Mootoosamy and his relations then the King will let us pass free to our country.
Upon this message Major Davie ordered that Mootoosamy and his relations
to be delivered. He was accordingly delivered the same messengers came
forward again the same Chief cried out to the Malays with the word called
toowan that is to say Friend if you wish to safe your lifes make haste join us
immediately the Malays thrown their firearms down ran and joined the
Chingaleese. After the Malays had joined the Chingaleese I, one Doctor
Graven, one Fansanden and some of the artificers tared our clothes and dressed
ourselves as Malays we also went and stood about 200 yards from where
the English was then a. set of Chingaleese, Candian Malays, Candian Caffrees,
came forward under the large Banian tree armed with Firearms, Swords,
Pikes and other sharp instruments began to murder all the Europeans only
saved the lifes of Major Davie, Captain Huntfrees and Captain Rumbly.
After the massacre was over the Chingaleese brought the above
three Gentlemen at the spot where we was and together with us we were
taken to Candy there the Malays were separated from the three Gentlemen.
I myself and the three Gentlemen were placed in a House as Prisoners. For
about one week in that house and for the whole of that week nothing else was
given for the food of those three Gentlemen but a Bag of Paddy—and our
694 APPENDIX
bed was during the week straw spread on .the ground. After this week was-
over these three Gentlemen myself Captain Noordeen his brother Lieut.
Chapan we were all sent for by an Adigar who stated to us that it was the
order of the King that we cannot remain longer near the Palace that we must
be kept separate from each other into far villages after saying this they
separated those three Gentlemen and sent them to some village unknown to
me. Send me Capt. Adjt. Noordeen his brother Lieut. Chapan and one or
two Moormen to a village called Doombera and there we were kept in con
finement for one month and four days. During that one month and four days
our food was nothing but the leaves of sweet potatoes and another sort of
leaf called by the Chingaleese allokolle the treatment I received from those
who are watching over us was very severe during the time that I was in
confinement after that one day about 12 Chingaleese came and told me and
with the two or three Moormen that was with me to accompany them that
it was the order of the Adigar to go with them and bring food.* W e
accordingly accompanied them they brought us to Candy after our arrival
at Candy we understood that the Native Captain and the Lieutenant that
was kept with me at Doombera was murdered. After we were brought to
Candy we were ordered to proceed to a place where the Malays, resides the
name of the place is called Cattookeley there we received food from a Malay
Captain that night. Next morning the whole of the Malays belonging to the
English, myself and those other Burghers whom I have aforementioned -were
sent for by the King and spoken to one Native Captain Cader something
which was not under our hearing, we were all ordered to lay before the Palace
three times, flat with our face towards the ground before the King and after
wards sat on our knees and stooping down our heads then the King ordered
to be given to us cloths and money which was immediately to each of us,
Malays, Moors, Mallabars, Burghers, about 20Q in number to each a Blue cloth
one Porto Novo Pagoda 5 silver hooks called lareen and placed the same
on our heads, and the King also ordered the Adigar to give each of us
a Parrah of Paddy which we were ordered to go and live along with Candian
Malays at Cattocala to take arms and do duty of soldiers when we got up and
felt three times on the ground as afore stated and then walked backwards
without turning our back to the King for about 200 yards and so from that day
remained as a Malay soldier in Candy for about one year and four months.
After this I was sent with about 30 of the English Malays, 5,000 Chingaleese,
Candian Caffrees and Candian Malays were sent to Batticaloa to fight against
the English and take Batticaloa under the command of one Wallapanne
Dessave. We accordingly came as far as Wieramonne and remained there
that night where the Chingaleese heard that the English was coming against
them from Batticaloa the Dessave and all his people began to run backwards
we and those that belonged to the English met with very good opportunity
to make our escape and so we did having had fine moon light we marched,
the whole night as far as Callar by going forward from Callar we perceived
English troops coming in Boats, we immediately made a sign to them and the
boats arrived near the shore and asked us who we were I told them the
circumstances then they took us in their boats to a place called Cittengay
where one Mr. Jonson the Commander of the troops came, to whom I related
the whole circumstance who sent me to Batticaloa and got me a free Passage
to Trincomalee. From Trincomalee to Jaffna.
The names of the Persons that escaped with me I can only recollect very
few I have seen them here in the Malay Regiment named Sergeant Poloma,
Sergeant Drama, and one Captain Cawder who is now in the Regiment escaped
the same night but two or three hours before. Johnston M / s .
Appendix A A
Kataragama Deviyo and the Ritual of Worship

Colombo Museum, Johnston, MSS. No. 13. A translation from the
Dutch translation of the answers sent to Governor Falk by the Bhikkhus to
whom he issued a questionnaire on the religion of the Sinhalese, about 1 7 6 5 .
What god is that which is worshipped at Katteregam ?
He is one of the Gods upon earth ; his place of residence is near a rock
called Maha Mirre Parkwette, situate between the bottom of the sea and
the underground world Assoere looke . . .
What is his name ?
His name is Kando Koemare, having six heads and twelve hands where
of the ten last were made use of for the purpose of using ten warlike weapons,
namely—
One Trisoele or Harpoen,
One Pallas,
A large ring or spring called Parawallale, which is sharp outside and by
turning it round on the finger is thrown to the enemy,
A throwing pike,
A line,
A shin-breaker,
. A standart with a cock painted in it,
A throwing chain,
A bow with its arrow.
And the said Kande Koemare is further delineated as standing or riding upon
a flying peacock in the same manner as the other Gods are described, each of
them in proportion to the praise which he got in the world through his good
edification, for example a courageous has in his coat of arms a Lion ; a believer,
an Eagle ; a laborious one, an Ox, and so forth
What deeds has he performed .
The following is said of him, namely that wneu Gauteme Boedoe was
at Katteregam in his Pagoda for a few minutes, the said Kande Koemare
who was on guard upon the offering tree Boodoe called Bogaha, or commonly
called Devils Tree, made a bow for Gauteme and got immediately from him
the power to cure .the sick in general, especially those who are of King's
blood,' to do wonders, to do good to irrational animals and to assist men in
distress, with a direction however that men should respect but not worship
him, as one of the powerful inferior Gods ; so that the divine respect shown
to him by human beings of the persuasion of Buddoe became a custom and
was propagated, and the offering house erected in his honour at Kattergamme
is considered as more sacred than the temple built in Kandia in the residence
town of the King for the use of him and his subjects, in honour of Kande
Kumarca. Even the presents of the King are sent to Kattergam for the
purpose of being offered, and his inhabitants are not prevented from proceed
ing thither in great numbers,
695
696 APPENDIX
What does he still do to the world or to human creatures ?

What is already said, namely, that he cures the sick and do besides many
other miracles more and so forth.
How is he served and worshipped in the temple ?
On the first day of the New Moon of the month of July is the day fixed
to begin with the ceremonies of offering ; but if according to the prediction of
the astronomers that day is not prosperous, then it is put off till the day of
New Moon of the following month of August ; when the people assemble
consisting of a great number, namely, Singaleese, Maurs, and other inhabi
tants of this Island, as well as Gentives, Bramins, Pattanies and Maurs who
in great numbers come from the Coasts of Madura and Coromandel with
a great concourse of people who come there out of curiosity from the Coasts
of Madura and Coromandel. (There is a foot-note, it does not appear by
whom to explain that the Maurs claim Kanda Kumareya as " a Nabbie or
prophet of them").
On the same day as aforesaid the worshipping begins, and the following
ceremonies are observed :—
In the morning three principal servants of that place, namely, the Maha
betmeralahami, Koeda betmeralahami and Basnayake ralehami come
together with the Maha Kappoerales, Koeda Kappoerales, and all the other
inferior servants, also 16 women, who though married according to their
manner, are chosen for the service of the temple to make the necessary
preparations for the procession. For this purpose three toothed elephants
are brought'there, namely, one large and two smaller. The large elephant
is adorned with seven valuable pieces of cloth, with gold flowers and other
valuable ornaments, consisting of pearls, precious stones, gold chains and
jewels ; and on his back an ivory bench wrought with gold, silver and precious
stones, is put. Around the bench are six stays, and thereupon an arched roof
is laid, which is covered with very valuable silk, and hung with curtains
of the same silk; and further a gold sword is laid upon the bench ; and on
both sides of the large elephant the two smaller ones are placed with their
ordinary dress and tools only. Upon each of them sits a Kappoerale each
of them having in their hands a hairy tail of an animal called Tjameri in the
Palliaa language, and is commonly called Semera, wherewith they move . . .
sword, and in token of respect for the same, many open umbrellas are carried
near the large elephant, and then the said 16 women appear having (each of
them two brass bowls with saffran water in the hands. Eight of them go on
the right and the other eight on the left, side of the two smaller elephants,
saying a short blessing to the whole Council, namely . . . May those who are
assembled here, fare well. And in that manner after sunset, the sword upon
the large elephant, attended by the smaller elephants and followed by all
the peoples, with flying colours and beating drums and tom-tom, as well as
by blowing trumpets and other blowing instruments, the procession goes
round and the houses in the four streets through which the procession passes
are illuminated and burning torches are carried before the elephants. This
ceremony lasts till night, and the same is repeated in the same manner in
the following evening and is continued during 15 days, or till the next day
of the Full Moon. But the last time the procession lasts longer and even
till morning, when the gold sword of the elephant is taken off and he as well
as the other elephants are driven away ; and a palankeen with a crooked
bamboo is brought, very finely adorned with all sorts of valuable things, hung
with a very rich cloth. In this is laid the said gold sword, but what it contains
more one cannot know. And the palankeen is afterwards carried by two
Kapoewas to a shallow river which is situated at one mile distance from
the temple, in great procession, and there it is thrown into the water, whilst
one of the Kappoerales, by the name of Diyekappene rale, (which signifies
one who can cleave or cut the water through) steps to, and taking the sword
by the hand, draws it from the scabbard and therewith gives a blow in the
APPENDIX 697
water, shewing thereby that the water in a miraculous manner in its quickest
•stream, stands still for a moment. There are very few that do not believe
this false miracle ; but those that doubt in it some degress say that all the
people when the Palankeen is brought in the water go at once in the water
to bathe even without taking off their clothes, and that they surround so
that palankeen in the middle of that shallow water, that thereby the course
of the water in the centre of the circle made by the people, is stopped.
That ceremony ends at seven or half past seven in the morning when
the gold sword with the palankeen followed by the people is carried back to
the temple in great procession, and all the people assemble then together
for the purpose of offering, and bring with them the costly things appointed
to be offered to the God Kande Koemare, consisting of gold coin, gold and
silver wrought, and slaves, gardens and fields are also given on behalf of the
temple as gifts. Those that are sick come in person or send images of gold
and silver with their names, for the purpose of being offered, to recover health
or to prevent sickness or death amongst the cattle, images of animals are
sent there in the same manner. For the purpose of collecting those valuable
things, there are three peculiar bowls namely, the one of gold the second of
silver and the third of metal. In the first come the offerings of noblemen and
Wellalas, in the second those, of fishermen, Chandos, and inferior casts,
and in the third those of Berrewais, and other low casts. As often as the
basons get full, as often they are emptied by the servants who are present
and are put again on the bench of collection. Those rich offerings serve not
only to defray groat expences of the Kattergam's offering place, but. also for
the purpose of maintaining the Directors of that place, namely, the Maha
and Koda Kappoeralahamies, Basnaike. Ralehamy, the Maha and Koda
Bitme rales, who at the same time decide the complaints of the inhabitants
as judges, and besides that a earthen pot with the said fineries is sent to
Candia sealed up for the use of the Royal temple, which as abovesaid is
situated there. After the offering is done the people must depart the next
day from Kattergam according to the ancient Custom those that are very
ill may go away when it is convenient to them.
The aforesaid ceremonies are as abovesaid performed but once a year

in the month of July or August, but in the month of November a general
illumination takes place not only at the Dewale of Kattergam but also at the
three other Dewales, whereof mention will be made in the following.
(An unsatisfactory version of the above appears in TJpham, Vol. Ill,
pp. 146-152).
Among the Johnston papers in the present writer's collection arc some
relating to Cappoas (Kapuvas) which also contain valuable information
regarding Kataragama Devale!. The first of these is a report which was
probably prepared by a Hollander in British service; it is undated and un
signed but the watermark on the paper is 1802, and it was written before the
fall of Sri Vikrama. The informant relied upon was Halpewattcge Siman
Pieris, Capoa of Kehelwatta, corroborated by Watutantirjgc; Franeiskoe
Alweis, Cappoa of Oekgalboddc, and Louis Hennedige Thomis and Siman
Fernando, Cappoas of Wekaddc.
According to them their religious buildings were Dewales, Cowilles and
Ally ; in Sinhale no such building can be erected without the King's special
permission. Kchelwatta Dewale was formerly known as Panedoeru Dewale,
and was the only Dewale in the jurisdiction of Pantura. It was built by
the authority of King Hnoncke Balioo who preceded King Raja Sinha, since
when there had been thirteen Cappoas till the time of Siman's grandmother
1)1 yo Pitte I'attiny Hami whose son was Modely Dewannehy ; both Kings
had given copper Sannas to the place but these were lost before Siman's time.
698 APPENDIX
Since the European occupation a Cappoa could appoint his successor,

'but not from outside his family circle. The procedure. followed is thus
described. "'. '
" The halan or armring, signifying the armring of Pattyne dewyoo,
the Mogooroo, a short stick painted and signifying the rod of Chastise
ment, and the Chaloewe being a piece of silk cloth, as part of the clothing
of Pattyne Dewyoo, are placed on the,head of the candidate and the
Cappoa who'elect him implore God's blessing over him to perform truly
and faithfully the office of'Cappoa. This election ought to be performed
i.,in,;publiok in presence,of amultitude of people,, the Candidate and the
person who inst'als him are on their knees ; after asking God's blessing
both rise and then the installer call the candidate, if a man, Cappoa;
and if a woman, Pattyni tlami, but without this publick solemnity, no
one is authorised to. perform the work of, Cappoa. The performing of
such a ceremony is'announced to the inhabitants eight days before it
take place." ' '
As,to the ritual at the Devale "Every Wednesday and Saturday is
the day for offering then the people comes to the Dewale, brings oil and light
the lamps which are into, the Dewale, offer betel leafs, flowers, cash, plates
(Roopes) (the speaker refers to figures of men, animals, etc. generally cut
out of silver, P. E . P.) and strings (Poonanool). The cash is divided into
'three parts, one part for alms, one part for the necessary reparations and
embellishment of the Temple, and the third part for the Cappoa ; the betel
leafs is taken wholly by the Cappoa and the plates and strings remains always
into the Dewale;"
. Then follows the reference to Kataragama. " Every year in the month
of July there is a feast at the Dewale of Kat.taragamme called Peregcrra (the
' Dutch £ has the same value as the English h, P.E.P) which is a Procession
-
on an Elephant richly caparisoned whereupon is a wooden chair richly adorned
• with gold and silver carvings and engravings. Upon this chair is a golden
• Image of-Candaswamyor the deity of Kattaregam and a golden sword,
.the whole, covered with .a-golden Umbrella. To this feast every Cappoa is
obliged to go if npt prevented by sickness. There each of them brings from
the Dewale or Cowille such offerings in Cash,, Plates and Strings, as, they
think proper and also all the offering which other individuals who are pre
vented to go to Kattaragam specially brings and deliver to them for the
use of delivering the'same to the Dewale of Kattaragam..' The Cappoa of
Kehelwatte is "only called by the Maha Betme, the person appointed by the
King to Superintendent the Dewale of Kattaragama, by the name of Cappoa,
but all the others Cappoa of Pantura is called Anno Mettia, a-little lower than
Cappoa. They receive from the Maha Betme some painted curtains which
they use for their Dewale and some flags painted both with Images of the
deity of Kattaragama Wisnoe and others."
The report deals with various festivals of the deities, killa or ritual
impurity, celibacy among Pattinihamis, Inspiration among the Cappoas of
Gannedewiyo : " All Cappoas who act by inspiration their temples are
' called Ally . . . A good Cappoa possessing a Dewale will not do those things,
but there are some temples in Kandy as at Kattaragam, Safl'cragamme, and
other places where the Cappoas have the gift to foretell when anyone ask
something, by the force of dreams. The person who asks it today receives
his answer tomorrow but in this country there are none of the Cappoas who
has such a gift."
The writer obtained the views of Rcwete Teroonwanse of the Vihare

of Patahawatta on the same matters ; he remarked " The inspiring of the
Cappoas is entirely an imposture for none of the Cappoas in Candy become
inspired and there is no inspiration and it is strictly prohibited by the King
of Candy."
APPENDIX 699
:
- The: writer, concluded with some observations of his' own particularly
regarding killa; these contain a reference to the death of von Meyhrink.
• ' The next document is'a translation from an original brought to Johnston
by the Guard Mudaliyar at Galle on 1.5th December, 1817, and is as follows :
This Sannas was written and granted on Friday the First of July in the
year of the King Saka Raja, 1724 (i.e. A.C., 1802U
A dispute having arisen concerning the Temple called Oedugalpitty
Dewale otherwise called Cowilla which was held by the family of the person
named Gintotta Parrana Vidaunlagey Christobo from the time of his maternal
•ancestors, he arrived at Kataragam and preferred a complaint before four
Headmen namely, Guneratna Maha Betmey Maha Nillamey, Cudabetmey
Nillamey, Atlicaran Nillamey and Basnayaka Nillamey.
This Sannas was therefore granted to the said Complainant Cappu Rala
•by the abovenamed Headmen at the Temple Kanda Swamy which is protected,
by the Gods Kataragama Deviyo, Wishnu Wahanse, Saman Dewiyo and
Natta Dewiyo.
The contents of this Sannas shall be read and duly published amongst
all the inhabitants by Abeyawardena Gunasekera Rajapaksa, first Mohun
diram of Ratgama, so that the said Cappurala and his descendants may be
confirmed in their rights and privileges to the said, Temple as was held by his
Generations, and further thereby to prevent disputes, hinderances, claims or
other objections on the part of any other individuals hereafter concerning
the same.
It is hereby also required that the person who obtains this Sanhas shall
remain himself attached to the service of Kanda Swamy on payment or offer
money at Cattaragama annually.
For which purpose this was granted by us the abovenamed four Headmen
•appointed over Maha Cattragama.
(At tlui head of the palmleaf appear four illegible signatures).
The reference to Meybrink, late Magistrate of Ambalangoda, helps to fix
the date of the writing. His death was announced in the Gazette of oth
September, 1812, in the following terms :—At Ambelangodde on the 30th
ultimo, Captain Mcybriuk, many years a resident in Ceylon and formerly in
the Dutch E-iCo's service. (I am obliged to Mr. Pauhisz, the Government
Archivist, for the reference).
In answer to a series of questions issued by Johnston, Mahagoda Indasara
Nayaka Unanse gave the following replies, dated, Colombo, n t h February,
181-4 . . . (the translation alone is preserved, written on paper with the water
mark, 1811 . . .)
The meaning of the word Caporalu is a man who minister the Gods.
The meaning of the word Patinihumy is a woman who minister the Gods.
The male children of such a woman an; also called Patuniliamies. Those
both words arc applicable to Caporaals. The Caporaals worship the deities
called Nawta Deviyo, Wisnoe 1.)., Saman D,, Gawna D., Cataragam D.,
Wilvhesana D., Pattcni D., and Davatah Hatidawra D. The women
who are Patinihamis worship the Pattiui I). The Caporalcs administer the,
oath in oil, upon cowrlung, upon hot iron, in the mouth of a snake, ami some'
persons upon the Icings called Hawlamba. The Patiniliamis administer)
flic oath in the same way. The study that is necessary for a man to attend:
to before he is much: a Capot'tal or I'atinilmmy is to be versed in the mqde of
miuistcry to the different Gods by words and acts, . . . A Caporala and'
I'atinihamy is appointed in tin; ancient time by the Kings of this Island and
they inherit it from their Parents. The Religion to which the Caporalcs and
Patinihamies belong is introduced in Ceylon in the time ol the KingWijaya,
. . . The most binding mode of administering an oath among the Worshippers
700 APPENDIX
of Boodooh and other Religions, is in the oil, upon Cowdung, Hot Iron, and
in the mouth of the Snake.
In a second set of answers, which is anonymous, appears the following . . _
The Capoowas worship the Gods Wisnu, Easwere, Kandekoomare, Saman,
Wibiesene, Nawte and Ganedewy, and a great number of devils. This they
principally do for the fecundity of wordly pleasures and happiness , and the
Patinihamies generally worship Pattini Diawy, Satpattiny and Dolos Pattiny..
Some acknowledge and follow the above Gods. These are the adorations
of Malabar nations and it is debarred and prohibited in the Boodhoo's Religion.
The swearing is the laying of hands upon feet ornaments, Halembes, men
tioning the names of the respective Gods they worship and showing the divine
ornaments of Gods. Such is the swearing of Patinihamis. The learning,
of them is the Malabar poetry books translated into Cingalese. As to
the swearing at Pagods the Capoowa causes common people to be sworn in
case of their differences, and the Ministers (of Kings) and other men of dis
tinction are sworn in the presence of such distinguished men and com
missioners, together with Maha Basnaike 'Nilamewal and Maha Capoorawle.
The services of Capoowas and Pattinis are performed since their ancestors
In this country and some without being appointed to, perform the service
of Pattini for the sake of their maintenance by defrauding the people. Now
there are no appointment trom anyone in this country. In the Kingdom
of Candy the services of Capoo and Pattini are granted with accommodessan
by the Chief of Pagods or temples and the Maha Betmay Nilamey and Maha
Basnaike. The people embrace the Religions brought by the Malabars
now upwards of about 2,000 years go from the Coast, and those repeatedly
brought since, by the Malabars who subsequently came from Malabar
countries.
A further document is the translation of a palm leaf which the Guard
Mudaliyar had brought to Johnston on 10th December, 1817. . .
" Whereas Wadoowagooroogay Siman Annoomatiya inhabitant
of the village Malewenne under the Wellabodde Pattoo in Galle Corle
has justly observed without any cheat or fraud the delivery of the vows
and the offerings made to this temple Maha Kataragama, and at the
same time we have been regularly informed that from the time of his
Ancestors that the employment called Gikiyanakama in the said village
and its neighbourhood was retained by them, so we having granted
all the vows and offerings made in the name of the God of Kataragama
in the said village and its neighbourhood and the employment of
Gikiyanakama to be retained by him and his descendants,- it is required
that all persons who live in the said village and its neighbourhood should
acknowledge and pay submission accordingly. Thus this Sannas is
written signed and granted at the temple of Kataragama on the 1 5 t h
July, 1790 by Rajakaroona Gooneratna Bandarnaika Modliar of Maha
Bedma with the knowledge of all the Chiefs of the Temple. (Signed
with some characters).
On the word Anumatiya, Nuga vela Adikar has sent the following :—
" I made inquiries in various districts regarding Anumetiya alias Anumeti
Rala, Kapuwa alias Kapu Rala.
Kapurala is the person who performs various duties " Dewe Mehiya"
@®@G0C0) in the shrine room of the Dewala, such as " Multen Beme "
( i d r a i i S i " £ h @ ) , " Yatekaweema, " (c0 rJ3s3*>S®) " Parahada Deema "
3
(C3d204 ^ ® ) " Deviyan Wedevima " (@<5§c02rf Si_ag® ) "Diya Kcpema"

(§cotai8®>
,
"Multen" (§(3 Z3i.2S"}) is cooked by " Multen Rala " (§(5*5)7.2£)D:>C)
Multen is brought Irom Multenge handed to Kapurala by Kattheyarala
(©?as3codoC5) Kapuralas are appointed to only Mahesakkiva(®@sJsi3S3)a)
Dewalas where Perehere is performed.
APPENDIX 701
In the ancient days Brahamans are appointed as Kapuralas of these

Dewalas so that when kings noblemen and other respectable people come to
the Dewala to perform Yatika ceremony, offer to them Parahada,
Amimetirala or Anumetiya has nothing to do with a Dewala , he is only
attached to a Kovila. The Kovilas are for Devatavan who attend on
Mah'a Sakkaraya Deviyo. There are many Kovilas of this nature in Sat
Korale and Anuradhapura where Anumotiralas perform duties. Their
duties are Mayanvima, Penakima, and make offerings on Kemmura day.
Anumotiralas are not connected with the Dewalas—no right in the Dewalas.
In Uva (Badulla District) Anumetirala is not known. There is a term Betme
rala for rural Dewala—The term Anumeterala is common in Sath korale
and Anuradhapura Districts, Re Sabaragamuwa Province, I wrote t o
Ratwatte Dissawa Balangoda about this term Anumeterala I had no reply
perhaps he is engaged in noosing. Elephants at Panamure, I wrote to him
again when sending him some " Waramadu " for noosing Elephants,
In Kandy District Anumetiya is hardly known.
In Kurunegala District Anumctiyas Kovila is sometimes known as Ban
dara Dewale too. 8th August, 1944,
Anumetiya, appointed Kapurala. See Sirit Pota of Maha Saman
Dewalaya. '
From the Museum MSS.

What sort of temples are the Kowilas, who is instructed in it, and to what
Gods are the Dewalas devoted ?
Dewales in Singalees are called Kowilas in Malabar ; they are devoted
to the four Gods Nate Dcwio, Wisluioo Dowio, Soemeno Dcwio and Kande-
kumare Dewio, which as aforesaid are upon the watch to cure the sick, and
to preserve men from incurring losses in their goods ; but the difference
between the Singalees Dewales and Kowilas is this, namely, that the Dewales
arc large buildings and arc always four in number, but the Kowilas on the
contrary are merely chapels situate in villages or hamlets, in which latter
the Gods Pattinic-Dcwatawc arc worshipped, to whom also the power of curing
men is attributed.
In the Dewales drums and tom-toms are beaten in honour of the Gods
to which the offering places arc devoted in the morning and evening and trum
pets and horns arc sounded . . . The daily offerings consist merely in boiled
victuals upon which the servants who are there subsist themselves, namely,
the Betnicrales, Kappoeralcs, Basnaikcrales and other common servants and
Superintendents. For that the office of Priest does not exist in the Dewales
and much loss in the Kowilas which arc merely chapels situate in villages and
hamlets in which no other religious service is performed except that everyone
is at liberty, whenever it pleases him, to offer boiled victuals which are eaten
by the Superintendents and servants of those places.
Authorities Relied O n .
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Sabaragamuva ... • .. 1817-1818 5Si
Seven Korales .. .. 1817-1818 543 .
Three and Four Korales .. 1817-1821 557
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224
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702
AUTHORITIES' RELIED ON 7Q3
Collector
Colombo .. 1815-1818. 79
Caltura .. .. 1.81.3-May, 1817 . 80
Galle . ' '. .. t8i3-May,r8i7 :
, 8a
Matara .. 1813-1820 "83
Manar . . .. 1813-1818 go
Chilaw 1813-February, 181 7 91
Military Secretary 1812-1823 i73
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18x6-1818 , "4
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1814-1821 126
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June, 1815-January, 1817 107
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INDEX
Abdul, Moor informer, 139 receives Governor, 1 1 4 - 1 1 6 ; Kuru

Abera, Paime Maistrige, produces ve Lekama, 120 ; interferes in
sannas, 384 administration, 120, 121 ; silver-
Abharaiia, see Dcva, Sinhale; T 7 6 , work, 125 ; in Colombo, 128 , 129 ;
•280, of Natha Deviyo, 322; pettiya, the Armoury, 146 ; 147 ; Ran
Kaduva, 154 ; menials for 1 6 4 ;
327 ; royal, at Kataragama, 368 ostentation, 1 6 5 - 1 6 7 ; the Mala
Abhiseka, of Kings, 8, 43 bars, 168 ; desires office, 1 7 5 , 176 ;
Aehari, 71 calamander, igz; knows Dore
Achin, ammunition from, 264 Svami, 196, 1 9 7 ; on unrest, 205-
Adam, tooth of, 323 2 1 4 ; his horse, 2 1 6 ; Delgoda,
Adikar, Adikaranvaru, Maha Nilame, 226, 227 ; suspected, 232 ; intri
drums, n ;.whips, 14, 31, 51, 303 ; gues in Sat Korale, 246 ; removed
staff, 23, 303 ; deference due to, to Colombo, 235-241 ; jewels, 239 ;
Medal, 239, 240 ; dasayo, 240, 241 ; ,
38, 1 1 7 ; festivals, 4 1 , 4 6 ; polico
his late departments, 242 ; sulphur
56 ; divi Sittu, 0 6 ; not allowed
stores, 265 ; Medal, 296 ; his house
sudda pan, 80; dakum of, 9 1 ; 298 ; on restoring the King, 299 ;
rakavallo, 1 1 8 ; panivida karayo, Gooria Vidane, 301 ; gives lands,
162 ; flogging, t(i6 ; civic condi 304 ; his children, 316 ; the Danta
tions, 1 7 4 ; religious edifices, 175 ; Dhatu, 322, 323 ; suspected, 326,
supervisory powers, 200 ; a Chief's 327; King's clothing, 364, 370 ;
fine, 246;' intones King's words, Paldeniya house, 3 7 4 ; on chang
2 7 9 ; entitled to ponum, 292 ; ing Sirit, 407 ; in Isle of France,
escort of, 303 ; Katupurule people, 4 1 6 ; maligned, 417, 418 ; offering-
3 0 4 ; signs'royal grants, 322; under to Danta Dhatu, 4 1 9 ; His grace
new constitution 406 ; palanquins, of manner, 4 1 9
414
Adikarama, of Uva, 138, 336, 379 ; Ahaliyagoda, Chief of Pata Bulat-
Bintanna, i<>8, 197 ; Matale, 338 gama, 243, 244
Adukku, cooked food, 187 Ahikuntakayo, 90
Africa, slaves from, 24 1 Ahupola, 21 [, abandoned, 271
Agala Kumbura Sattambi, produces Ajuta, gaming, 170
Akara, Agara, 103-105 ; Brahmins
Kan Kaduva, 154 at, 254 ; see Gems
Agama, see Dcva Akaragane Kumarihami, 47 ; slaves
Agumpodi, 315 of, 241, 248
Agasliya, 7 Akkiriya, revenue from, 180
Agent, Accredited, 1 6 ; judicial Akvatta, Moor carpenter at, 192
duties, 94 ; Warrant of Agency, Ala, Ela, sec Irrigation
101, 1 3 7 ; Native Agent, 1 0 4 ; Aladcniya Kariyakaranna, 41
status of, 117 ; proposed establish Alagiyavanna Mohottala, 22 ; danc
ment of, 228-230 ; reconstituted,
ing'. 79, *54. 27*
400 ; revenue duties, 413
Alahara, Madugalla captured, 395
Ahalepola, Ehelepola, Maha Nilame ; Alapata, Elapata, coconut garden,
treachery and disillusion, 1-36 ; (17; Basnayaka, 2 5 5 ; Library,
Mataka datiaya, 41 ; on horseback, 353 *
H
-IS. Si. 7 ; at Alut Avuruddhii, 46 ; Alatti women, 40, 43 ; ceremony, 1 1 9
47 ; offers horse, 02 ; expected to Alauvmulla Mudiyanse, 64 ; Punchi
be King, (iii ; loans, 73 ; State Rala, 186 ; with Dore Svami, 196,
Guest, 78, 70 ; suspected, 80-87 ; 204
complains against van Dort, 89 ; Alfaite, see Tailor
710 INDEX
Algama Dolaha, cinnamon, 93 Ana Messare, 191

Alia, Ella, Viharaya plundered, 61 Anas Rala, Akara Vidane, 104
Allepola, Ellepola, Maha Nilame, 4 6 ; Anda, share of crop, 235
with Dore Svami, 225, 247, 251, in Andarapana Mohundiram, 294
Sat Korale, 272, Matale, 300, 335, Andavala Mohottala, property des
as Adikar, 3 3 7 ; fate of, 385-388: troyed, 2 1 1 , 338, 345 ; plans to cap
his widow, 388 ture, 334, 379, 380 ; escapes from
Almirah, 99 custody, 382.
Almofada, see Tailor Anderson, Capt, 77
Alokan Mudiyanse, captured, 333 Andipane, 144
Alu deniya, royal fields, 133 Andre, St. Ahalepola cremated, 417
Alupota, 64, 1 6 1 , 1 9 0 ; garrisoned, Andrews, Robert, 2, 26, 1 1 7 ; horse,
197; Kappitipola at, 204, 219, 165 ; diary of mission, 171-174, 228,
226 ; garrison, 271, 360, 393 278, 300, 364, Treaty, 389
Alut Avurudda, 46, 338 Angelbeek, Governor, house of, 4 1 5
Alut gama, Moors at, 71 Anguruvatota, 90
Alutgamtota, 1 1 , under Udugam- Ankeliya, in honour of Pattini, 184
palia, 162 Annan Chattiri, King's barber, 383
Alut Kuru Korale, 315 Anstruther, Philip, evidence of, 400
Alut Nuvara, inscription, 1 8 ; Vishnu Antwerp, 5
Devalaya, 44, see Ukgal ; fighting Anumati Rala, 255
near, 2 2 6 ; atuva, 308, 3 3 7 ; in Anuradhapura, 88; 90, 255 ; venerated,
D
Bintanna, 421 357> 3 7 ' 377 • Backhouse at, 391 ;
Alutpanne, fighting men, 336 Fraser at, 392
Alut Sal, see Mangalya Apa, 266
Alut vela, royal fields, 1 3 3 ; Dore Appa, 299
Svami at, 276-278, 335 Appuhami, convey panduru, 45 ; com
Alut Viharaya inscription, 119 missioner, 132 ; with Wilson, 1 9 4 ;
Alu Viharaya, 2, 376 rank of, 373 ; Rate Mohottala, evi
Alwis, David de, Mudaliyar, 60, 66, dence of, 2 4 9
114. 307 Appu Rala, aptd. Disava, 30, 336
Amadoru, Maha Vidane Mudaliyar, Arabia, Arab, Ceylon gems in, 2 4 ;
horses, 2 8 ; Moslems from, 70 ;
" 3i4 donkeys, 90, 281
Amarapura, 140 ; Buddhist sect, 223, Arachchi, Madugalla's, 1 4 4 ; Katu
291 purula, 169 ; Atapattu, 208
Ambagala, 2 9 ; Chalias of, 313 Arampala Mohottala, 293, 3 1 1 , his
Ambagamuva, 328
fate, 392-393
Ambagaspitiye Nilame hanged, 386
Ara Mudala, Treasury, 67 ;• finances
Ambagolla Unnanse captured, 381 trade, 73, 97, 105, 106, 294 ; records
Ambakka Devalaya, 10, 274, 275 preserved at, 343 ; Dakum payable
Ambakumbura, 47 to, 407, arrears due to, 413
Ambala Kanda, 328 Arandara, 90 ; Ra Sinha's cattle, 97 ;
Ambalama, 90, 187, 223, 224, 266, road, 172, 415
34° Arava raided, 266 ; Arthanayaka Apa,
Ambalangoda, Dharmapala's Gaba 266
da gama, 137 Aravvavala, Kunam Maduve Lekama,
Amban Ganga, 251 82 ; Adikar, 384
Ambavela, 280 Archery, skill in, 208, 258, 306, 307,
Ambevalle Rala, 334
325, 320, 338
Ambitiava, 372
Areka, 25 ; in decorations, 44 ; trade,
Ambulugala, 123 72 ; monopoly, 91 ; at Ruvanalla,
Amethyst, see Sugandi 97; in Saparagamuva, 103-106 ; from
Ampitiya, » in Sagama Rata, 266 ; Denavaca, 104 ; monopoly abolish
burnt 304 ; Kaskarayo, 333, 344 ed, 124 ; smuggled to Ambalangoda,
Amunugama, 119, 120 ; Disava's dam, 137 ; at Puttalam, 145 ; Portuguese
123; aptd. Disava, 274 greed for 241 ; from Bulatgama,
Amunupura garrisoned, 5 ; cattle, 76 ; 244; trees destroyed, 284 ; trade,
road from, 128 ; view, 173 294, from Gantuna, 329 ; in Deva-
Amuvala, Amduvala, Brahmins of, 104 madda, 355
INDEX 711
Arippu, 145, 3°7 Aturupana Viharaya, 328

Armenian, 93 Atuva, see Gampola, Hanvalla, 2 4 3 ;
Armour, Andrew, studies Sinhalese, 39 365 ; Gurudeniya, 308, Mavela, 346,
Arms, see Ayudhage, Archery Teldeniya, 383
Arrack, 68 ; distilled, 112, 1 1 3 ; smug Atvalapadiya, 224
gled, 121 ; soldiers ration, 2 9 8 ; Austria, Emperor of, 214, 220
avoided at A'pura, 3 5 7 ; Farm Auvatu, see Tal, 172
suggested, 389-391, Soldiers with Ava, 291
out, 397 Avadahana Maluva, 420
Arrepper, in bathing, 220 Avalokitesvara, 44, 46
Art, see Handicraft, Painting, 5, 61, Avasara, 235
72, 73, King's portrait, 100, 266- Avisahavalla, 171
275. 354. at Padeniya, 362 ; Dam- Avulpat, 48
bu'lla, 374-376
Arthasastra, Kautilya's, 183 Avurudu Mangalya, see Mangalya
Aruma Perumal Vanniya, 336 Ayudha ge, arms, 146, 1 4 7 ; dekum
Arya Kama Dcva, 254 payable to 407, arrears due to, 413 ;
Asala Keliya, Esala, see Perahara, 176, Ra-n, 196, Mandape, 383; Mura
177 Ayudha, 209; Kataragama Deviyo's,
257 1 Fighting men's, 275 ; Kivule-
Asana Mohundiram, Kapitan, 5 0 ; gedara's, 421
at Negombo, 1 3 1 - 1 3 4 ; at Galle, Azavedo, Dona Maria de, 88 ; Jerony-
137. 3^0-328 mo de, 400
Asbage, 164, 227 Baboom, Armenian Merchant, 93
Asgiri Viharaya, 31 ; Bhikkhu as Backhouse, Thomas Ralph, Captures
saulted, 95 ; lands of, 2 1 6 , Parana Dontuva, 1 5 7 ; at Manar, 358;
and Alut, 242, 248 ; Nayaka, 285, at Anuradhapura, 391, 392
316 Badahalaya, see Rajakariya, in charge
As'hareth, Sheik, 70 of bulat garden, 104; of Tunkinda,
Ashmolean, geological specimens, 105 10 y ; as Brahmins, 150
Asiaticus, Asiatic Journal, 103 Badalagammana, headman of,
Askiri Korale, 358, 378 friendly, 77
Asmaliyadda, Prince at, 196 Badal Vidiya, Silversmith Street, 238
Asoka, 8 Badaveclilla, 234, 2 4 8 ; in Settlements,
Aspantiyu Nilani 1O4 261
Assam, forests of, 173 Badda, sec Rajakariya
Assan, Goona guard, 301 Baddegamtota, 158
Astrology, and Beravayo, 281 ; start Badigama, 340
of Perahara, 359 Badulla, British occupy, 6, 60, Katara
Ata, Aliya, Etiima, see Elephant gama devalaya plundered, 61, 73 ;
Atakalan Korale, 238 Brownrigg at, 1 0 8 - 1 1 1 ; Badulu
Atakalanpanne, iron from, 108 Oya, 109-111, 2 0 9 ; Perahara, 1 3 3 ;
Atale, 191 Kappitipola at, 1 3 8 ; flood, 1 5 3 ;
Atapatfu, 208 ; in charge ol Banner road to, 161 ; Wilson appointed,
and Lekam Miti, 209; niurapola, 178-190 ; Sawers succeeds him, 200-
225 202 ; during the lighting, 209, 212,
At Huge, 164, 227 21O, 219, 2 2 4 ; devastated, 258,
At Gala, 3, elephants round, 1 1 7 1 259 ; road to, 271 ; Devalaya, 2 7 7 ;
signalling to, 1 2 5 ; road, 252, 3 7 6 ; 284-280 ; threatened, 303 ; H.E.I.
negotiations at, 274 ; wheat grown, Coy's troopis reach, 305, 307, 330 ;
302 Taldena removed, 335, 33<J-3+5!
Atova, 255 school, 353, 3 7 8 ; chief of, 3 7 9 ;
Atlanayaka Mohottala, 282 381, 421
Attapitiya, 97, road to 1 2 8 ; Disava's Badulugama Rate Rala, joins Dore
residence, 134 ; Andrews at, 165 ; Svami, 189, 190, 2O9
172 ; elephants, 182, 243, 325, 329, Bagava, Gallona Pansala, 360
34 'J Baliuriranga, 254
Attar, for bathing, 220 Baiya, 140
Attula, 64, 1 8 6 ; Nilame, u y Bakinigaha vela, 74, 189
Atulugam Korale, Moors in, 71 Balakaduva Pass, 2, 6, 376
712 INDEX
Balapane, gabadagama, cinnamon Batticalo, Sawers at, 60, tavalam

• from, 93 traffic with Badulla, 73, track to,
Balane, 6, 15 ; road to, 128 ; Pass, 172 ; 161, Supplies Bintanna, 271 ; cloth
dismount at Kadavata of, 173, from 2 8 2 ; conditions in hospital,
247 2 9 7 ; Moors migrating to, 3 3 2 ;
counterfeit coins from, 333 ; early
Balangoda, Third Division at, 75, 101,
organisation of, 335-336; sick re
road through, 1 0 6 ; Commissariat
moved to, 344; reinforcements from,
at, 283, 345 380, 382
Bali, island, 1 7 3 ; Balibat, religious
dance, 178, 337 ; Balibat tota, 67 Battanagala Korala, 300
Balma, see Deva Batugedara, 37, 67 ; supply depot at,
Bambahinna, 75 75, seat of Disava, 90 ; Dolosvala
Bambarabadda, 385 at, TO 1, 1 0 3 ; Harmanis Perera,
Bambaradeniya, Basnayaka Rala, 10 104 ; Ahalepola, 125
Bambaragala, paintings, 383 Batvadana Rala, 334
Bambaragama Pass, 221 Bee, 208, 408
Bambarajjuruvo, 156 Bcechey, Sir William, 407
Bamboo, bambu, 90, 1 1 3 , 1 7 1 , . 2 1 0 ; Beef, eaten by outcastes, 48 ; shortage
Kunam yatali, 275 ' of, 7 6 ; 79, jibe against Ahalepola
Bana, see Buddhism about, 1 6 6 ; pollution caused by,
Banana, in proverb, 33, trees for 267; "beef-eating vagabonds"
decoration, 41, 324; leaves for eating 284 ; for Muslims, 298, 299 ; Dam-
from, 49, 9 1 , 106 ; from Bulatgama, bavinna provides, 338 ; consumption
244 ; ration, 298 increasing, 357 ; eating, 405
Bandara, 248 Beer, on festive occasions, 79
Bandara Nayaka, 254 Begging, see Buddhism, 420
Bandarapola, in Matale, 364 Bohr, Johann van der, 1 1 5
Bandara Vadda, 421 Belgoda Kanda, Kitul from, 135
Bandepatteh Pass, 372
Bandesa, tray, 172 Beligal Korale, King's Cattle in, 97,
161 ; Beligalla, 329 «
Banks, Sir Joseph, President Royal
Society, 214 Belihul oya, 111,286 ; watersMaturata,
Bankshall, in Colombo, 221 302
Banner, see Kodi Bellana, 126
Barande, Kattuyana, 80 Bellantudave Appuhami, 149
Barbosa, Duarte, describes Malabar, Beminivatta Valauva, 134
Bengal, wheat from, 1 7 9 ; pease, 299
313
Barley, grown for the King, 302 Bennett, on Sinhala character, 160 ;
Barnes, Sir Edward, 361, 368 wheat in Ceylon, 302
Bartram, Mrs., 417 Benson, renegade, 265
Basnayaka, B. Nilame, B, Rala, Beravaya see Drum, Rajakariya, 85 ;
Bannaka, Kangany, see Sapara dancers, 178 ; as Gandharva
gamuva, 254-256, cannot interfere Brahmins, 281
in ritual, 45 ; Devundara, 222 ; Bertolacci, Anthony, 354
Kataragama, 2 5 7 ; 3 3 8 ; under re Bcruvaln, 70, chalias landed, 313
organisation, 409, 410 Betel, see Bulat
Batavia, 119, 137 Betge,—diyara, 46, see medicine ;
Batgama, caste, 157, of Tuppitiya, arrack prepared at, 113 ; Mohundi
307 ram, 196, 384
Bathing, 219, 220, 303 Betme Rala, see Kataragama, Ala-
Bathurst, Earl, 1, y, 38, attitude vumulla, 2 1 7 ; house looted, 2 2 0 ;
towards Prize money, 62 ; on 249, 250 ; Egoda Betme of Sapara
Finance, 93, 94, 1 3 4 ; and Christi gamuva, 256 ; Maha, 257 , 4 1 1
anity, 148 ; insists on economy, 159 ; Bezoar, analysed, 171
presses for report on Sinhale, 167 ; Bhikkhu, see Buddhism, 269-271 ;
1 7 8 ; reviews situation, 229-231; spies, 358
247, 296 ; contemplates evacuation, Bhuvanaike Bahu murdered, 315
348 ; his principles, 350 ; 366, 372, Bibilegama, Dutch captured at, 339
8
3 6 . 399, 412-414 Bible Society, 148, 359
INDEX 713
Bintanna, Rate rala of, 31, under Boyd, Robert, 13, 37, 1 5 8 , William,
Millava, 69, Nagara, 7 7 ; Adikara 354. 390
ma, 1 3 8 ; transport cattle, 1 5 0 ; Boyet, Lieut. Cader, 3 9 5
Adikarama arrests suspect, 1 6 8 ;
Brahmin, who selects gems, 104 ; and
Elephant slaughter, 182 ; smallpox,
mantras, 1 4 1 , 142 ; appointed Kapu
1 8 4 ; Dore Svami reaches, 1 8 9 ;
rala at Kataragama, 217 ; influx of,
garrison at, 200 ; Vaddo, 208;
254 ; Beravayo as, 281 ; cultivate
Moor Mohundiram, 221 ; military
wheat, 302
sent from, 2 2 4 ; Kelly in, 2 5 9 ;
Braybrooke, Samuel, on Sinhala Cha
Vidano, 2 6 1 ; sulphur store, 265 ;
garrison removed, 271 , 277 ; Pera racter, 160 ; on atrocities, 219, 331,
hara, 337, 3 4 0 ; no school, 3 5 3 ; 3Si, 414
Prince in, 3 6 2 ; Disava, 3 8 2 ; Brewers, employ cardamoms, 72
Kivulegedara worshipped, 421 Bridge, see Transport, at Peradeniya,
Bissa, for storing paddy, 306 267
Bisset, George, Brownrigg's brother- Brighton, 188, 303
in-law, 3 9 ; a pluralist, 108, iog; British, king accepted, 16 ; Colonial
at funeral service, 132 ; as apologist, seal, 35 ; Kapuralala will support,
2 1 2 ; 2 1 5 , 266, 268, 269, 272, 287, 45-46 ; change of attitude towards,
292, 296, 300, 309, 3 1 1 , 317, 323 ; on 6 6 ; flag first hoisted, 1 0 1 ; Davie
surrender of Uva, 341-342 ; 359, bitter against, 127 ; administration
365, 387. 397 criticised, 128-130 ; lamps used by,
Blacksmith, 7 1 , 324 ; makes guns, 346 135 ; rely on Sinhalese jealousies,
Blackstone, and capital sentence, 69 1 3 9 ; muskets captured from, 1 4 7 ;
Blankenberg, wounded, 2 1 9 ; shooting Museum, iGy ; build at Maha Nuva
on white flag, 274 ; at Godamunc, ra, 1 7 4 ; neglect elephants, 1 8 3 ;
302, ravages Maturatu, 306 ; recruits people dissatisfied with, 193 ; uni
Malays, 331 forms unsuitable, 198 ; how Sinha
lese regarded, 227-233 ; abandon
Blicklant, Lieut. Dissave, a prisoner,
various Provinces, 252 ; Polyandry
339
in Britain, 260 ; exterminate Tasma-
Bo, bogaha, bodhi druma, bodhin nians, 2 8 7 ; convalescents' diet,
vahansa where Davie's .men were 298, 299; contemplate abandoning
executed, 3 ; round Devalayas, 43 : Sinhale, 300; Mint, at Colombo,
bopat design, 81 ; at Ruvaiialla, 333 J provide for Valliyakun, 337;
89, 90, 171 ; Kennedy killed under, methods of repression, 350-357;
indifferent about education, 3 5 3 ;
212 ; Ambulant under, 223, Saplings
burn Hanguranketa palace, 359,
from Anunulhapura, 255 ; at Goda-
hang corpses, 386 ; attack on Sinha
linine, 267 ; Cult of, 357
lese institutions, 401-412; treat
Bodawpayu, King, 291 ment of Ahalepola, 416
Badiliyupak.su Namba, horse named,
279 Brownrigg, Robert; Governor. His
intrigues and the Treaty, 1-20 ;
Bodimaluwe Appuhami, captured
G.C.B. and Baronet, 21 ; makes ap
3" 9 pointments, 22-30 ; placates Sangha,
Boeirus, cattle keepers, 72 3 1 - 3 7 ; returns to Colombo, 3 8 ;
Bogumbara, paluma, j 74, vuvu, 387 52 ; contemplates administrative
Bogodu Viharaya, plundered, 61 ; changes, 53-60 ; refuses to appoint
lands claimed by, n o ; Disava Moorish Vidane, 74-77 ; suspicious
over, 201 ; crops in, 307 of Ahalepola, 80-87 '• worried about
Bognmuvu Atapultu. Lekama, reward finance!, 90-95 ; pleased with Kapu
ed, 349 vatta, 96-98; satisfied with
Bolgoda, 48 progress, I O I , 1 0 2 ; on tour in
Bombay, onions from, 67, tari at, Sinhale, 103-127 ; concerned about
112, Gooria from, 301 drunkenness, 1 1 3 - 1 1 4 ; fails to
Borugalla Mohottala, plans to capture, appreciate Sinhala attitude towards
334 ; seized, 338 ; family to be money and land, 129-130 ; quarrels
removed, 370 with judiciary, 130 ; Order of the
Botany, specimens sent to Europe, Bath, 1 3 7 ; organises espionage,
214 ; knowledge of, 383 140 ; appreciative of chiefs' fairness,
Bow, see archery
714 INDEX
n(
1 4 4 ; 3- l Christianity, 1 4 7 - 1 4 9 ; should adopt, 304; Removal
reviews the administration, 149- of Danta Dhatu from Maligava,
1 5 3 ; discusses expenditure, 159- 322-325 ; Cult of the Bo, 3 5 7 ;
160 ; reports progress, 161-162 ; influence on art, 3 7 5 ; Bhikkhus
at Maha Nuvara, 171-178 ; gratified as conspirators, 381 ; Relic captured,
with results, 178 ; and Vellassa 395-397 ; Brownrigg's bid for popu
rising, 196-201; on punitive action, larity, 4.08-410
202 ; his mental conflict, 266-207 ; Buduruve gala, 61
his plan of. action, 209-210 ; offer Bulatgama, Pata, 243, 2 4 4 ; Uda,
ings to Kataragama, 2 1 6 ; proposals 243, 244, 307
regarding temporalities, 2 1 7 ; on
rewarding treachery, 223 ; deter Bulat leaf, 45, 4 9 ; King's garden,
mined to continue struggle, 226 ; 1 0 4 ; 1 1 3 ; Dalumura rajakariya,
his explanation of unrest, 227-231 ; 180, 244, 284, 367, 383
scheme of reorganisation, 232- Bulat surulu, fees on appointments,
1 0 1 n
2 3 5 ; bid for Moorish help, 2 4 1 - 34i 54i 55> 1 * Satara Korale,

242 ; the Vilbava myth, 247-252 ; Madige, 9 7 ; from Maha Betme,
257-259, Lady Brownrigg removed 1 9 6 ; to be abolished, 2 3 4 ; from
to Colombo, 2 5 9 ; and Supreme Bulatgama, 244 ; Surulu, 296 ;
Court, 262 ; his troubles, 286-288 ; to Kivulegedara, 340 ; abolished,
295-348; advised to adopt Bud 407 ; few preserved, 409
dhism, 304 •; and plot against Dore Buluvala, 393
svami, 359, 3 6 2 ^ 6 6 ; responsible Buncoos, Malay Captain, loots deva
for war, 3 6 9 ; negotiations with laya property, 6.1, 65 ; shot, 221
Pilime Talawa, 371-372 ; describes Buquoy, Company's Ambassador,
Allepola, 386; 388-400 ; reorganises 289
administrations, 401-414 ; returns Burmah, 1 1 3 , 291
to Colombo, 4 1 5 ; and Ahalepola,
Burnand, Jacob, on Moors, 7 3 ; on
416 ; on Rebels, 422
cloth weaving, 282 -
Brownrigg, Lady, on the road, 172 ; Burrows, Lady, restores Sannas, 355
evacuated to Colombo, 259 ; George Bussche, de, Captain, Governor's,
Nadoris and, 3 1 4 ; presents colours A . D . C , 32, 7 9 ; a German, 3 2 0 ;
to Sinhalese levies, 321 370 ; Sinhalese batteries, 391
Buddhism, Bhikkhus excluded from Butava Rate Rala, captures Muttu
Kumaruppe Vitiya, 5 ; Safeguarded Hadji, 189-194 ; proclaimed, 203-
in Treaty, 17 ; Brownrigg's advances 205 ; 267-271 ; his father submits,
to Sangha, 31-33 ; Dalada Maligava, 341, 344 ; captured, 360-362, execut
32, Bhikkhus' dress, 32 ; food from ed, 378, his in formation, 379
Maha Gabadava, 36 ; Devas protect, Butava Mohundiram, 190
37 ; Bhikkhus and education, 37 ; Buttala, Bootel, 64, 1 6 1 , Dore svami
Sinhalese devotion to, 39-42 ; Re at, 187, 188, 1 9 1 , 197, 2 1 9 , 2 2 6 ;
turn of Danta Dhatu to Maha sickness at, 271
Nuvara, 40-52 ; Maligava Lekam Butts, de, Lieutenant, 37
Mitiya, 4 1 , mourning for dead, 41 ; Buvalikada Vasala, 4 ; Nayaka Svami
Mahayana influence, 44 ; dhanaya 26, 62
to Bhikkhus, 48-50 ; Sudd ha pan, Cabook, road metal, 238
80 ; Kirti Sri's padakkuma, 96 ; Cabral de Faria Mudaliyar, Luiz, 106
Bhikkhus in conspiracy, 133-140 ; Cacha, of cloth, 244
Upasampadava from Siam, 134 ; Cadell, Alexander, Supdt. of Mint., 333
and Madugalla's plot, 141-146; Caesar, Julius, 2 6 0
observing Vas, 155 ; swearing on Caftree, regimental Band of, 33 ;
Buddha's image, 205 ; Bhikkhus Wilsons escort, 190 ; tappal carriers
consulted by King, 206; Alut Sal killed, 20c ; Kennedy's escort , 2 1 1 ;
Mangalya and Maligava, 218 ; bludgeoned, 224 ; diet, 298, 305,
Bhikkhu as spy, 222 ; Amarapura 320 ; immune from malaria, 344 ;
sect, 223 ; Bhikkhus at conference, Train Pilime Tahiuva's men, 358,
227; Buddha at Mahiyangana, 2 5 4 ; 380, 3'M
the Upasampadava, 269-271 ; Bud Calamander, 99 ; Ahalepola's table,
dha at Mutiyangana, 284 ; Ruler 165, boxes, 192
Calladine, Colour Sergeant, diary,
INDEX 715
36, 198; at Kotabova, 212, 213, Chillies, n o , in diet, 281

268, 271, 297 China, cinnamon for, 93 ; paper, 96 ;
Calomel, 400 inoculation practised, 185 ; paper,
Cambridge, Trinity College, 370 330, ware, 338, 375
Campbell, James, about the Chiefs, 14 ; Choliyan, royal family, 168
and presents, 55, Sinhalese on Choromanclel Coast, Moors from, 70
atrocities, 312 ; destruction of tanks, Christianity, Soc, for Prop., of Gospel,
355, and cattle, 356 21 ; Bible Society, 21, Bhikkhu
Camphor, for bathing, 220 desires, 137 ; Brownrigg and, 147-
Cane, in walking, 115 14.9; Translation of Bible, 159 '•
Cangany, over Boeiros, 72 ; Canaca- Portuguese church at Colombo,
pulle of Chilaw, 241 171 ; Sat Korale Princess a Chris
tian, 241 ; Church of San Salnador
Caniguua Chetty, of Nagapattanam,
at Saparagamuva, 255; fireworks
313
at festivals, 265 ; converts to, 290-
Cannon, dug up at Maha Nuvara, 125 ;
291 ; prejudices, 397
captured at Gurubowila, 146
Christie, Thomas, Supdt, of Hospitals,
Cape, 320, 331, 332
Card, gaming, 170
297
Cardamom, 25, 72, 124, shipped from Church, applied to Buddhist shrine,
Puttalam, 14.5 • 33. 01
Cardodara Kanda, 104 Cinnamon, 72 ; monopoly, g2, 93 ;
Carpenter, 71, no professional class, shipped from Galle, 137 ; proposed
7^ plantation in Matale, 138 ; state of
Carriage, see Vehicle. Brownrigg's trade, 163-165 ; 291 ; peelers in
99, 128, Ahalepola's chaise, 105 » Sinhale, 312-314; lands of peelers
Castlereugh, Viscount, 148 exempted, 408
Casie Chitty, Simon, 1H3 Citron, ointment, 41 o
Castor, for bathing, 220 Civil Service, 28, 53, 57, 59, 60, 126,
Cattle, for beef, 75, 76 ; in Sat Korale, 151-153. iC'7 1 friction with military,
108; King's Sudu Harak, 164; 179, 180 ; mentality of, 400
slaughtered, 2 1 2 ; buffalos outside Cleather, H. W . , Dep., Judge Advo
Colombo Fort, 239 ; British destroy, cate, 398
356 of Padeniya Viharaya, 362 ; Clock, musical, 52 ; sec paya
see Madige, Gonbadda Cloth, from India, 145; offered by
Brownrigg, 2 1 6 ; weaving, 281-282;
Ceylon, geological formation, 347 ',
trade in 294, weaving, 313
see Sinhale
Clough, Benjamin, missionary, 291
Chain, gold, 12, 30; Kirti Sri's, 40;
0l Coane, Commander, at Tuppitiya, 307
Dutch, 239 ; 301, 363. 4 > I Cochin, Sinhalese soldiers at, 320
Ahalepola's, 416
Cock, device of Kanda Kumaraya,
Chalcka, Malayalam for Kos, 283 186
Chalia, see Cinnamon, 163-1 fig, 291,
Cocoa, ration of, 298
, 31J-314 Coconut, King's gardens, 4 ; leaves
('hnniura, 40, 51, 80, presented by for decoration, 41 ; round Devalaya,
the king, 1,15 43; oil for lamps, 52 ; King's gar
Chamlos, Mudaliyar of, 2O2 ; of dens in Badulla, 67; Gammahes
Ceylon, 313 provide Chief, 97; King's garden
Chapman, Captain, 357 at Denavaka, 104 ; at Kundasala,
Charlotte, fjueeu, birthday celebra 112; oil lamps, 135; plantations,
tions III', i)l> 144; 145; oil for Kaltimangalya,
Cheeyakka, lor bathing, 220 156; Davy's observations on, 1 7 1 ;
Cheklcu, not used in Sinhale, 07 oil for bathing, 220 ; in exchange
Cheua, and wild cinnamon, 163 for areca, 244; olfering of flower
Cheiuiaput.iiiim, 22(1 and nuts, 248, cabbage, 266 ; 275 ;
Chelty, and trade, 71 shell as powder llask, 276, 281 ;
Chilaw, cattle from, 7 0 ; fort, 144; trees destroyed, 283, 284 ; for appa,
ollicials ol in 1013, 241 ; 246 ; 299; for Maligava, 324; for
porters from, 262 ; timber, 267 ; Valliyakun, 337; in Devamadda,
weaving cloth, 281, 294; 3 1 5 ; 355, "Ahalepola's plantation, 374
cattle lifting, 356
716 INDEX
Coffee, 25, 72, 124, shipped from Betme 220 ; to be abolished, 234,
, Puttalam 145 , 298 245. 4°7
Coke, Sir William, on Press gang, 262, Dalada, Danta dhatu, Dalada Mali
263 ; death of, 359-360 gava, Dalada Ge see Buddhism
Collector, Maitland's instructions to, Dalumura Rajakariya, 180
234 Dambadeniya, 70, 80, 263
Colombo weather in, 179, storm at, Dambagala, raided, 218
203; Botanic gardens at, 2 1 4 ; Dambavinna, chief of Gon Badda, 74,
Land bought by Moors, 221, 222 ; 138 ; Disava, 260, 303 ; village, 305,
Journal, 232; Ahalepola at, 236- 307 ; returns to British, 334, 340;
241 ; Millava at, 260; transport
declines Vellassa Disava, 379
organisation, 2 6 2 ; Mattamagoda
sent to, 282; church, at, 291 ; Dambulla, road from, 88, 89 ; Viha
deportation to, 308, 3 1 1 , 325, 333, raya, 372, Rangiri, 374"37°. 377
336, Croakers of, 344, 348 ; church, Dampalgoda, 328
360 ; Brownrigg's return, 415 Danaya, Dana Mataka, 41, Sanghika,
Colombuturai, 145 47-50; a Bhikkhu's 135 ; at
Comb, men's, worn by Malays, 361 Badulla, 138
Comly, blanket, 198 Dance, 51, European, 79, at Devala
Commissioners, of Enquiry, 31 ; on yas, 7 9 : at Court, 7 9 ; at Ukgal
Prince's trial, 368, 369 ; to adminis- Alut Nuvara, 106, 1 0 7 : on tight
' ter oath, 1 4 1 ; Board of, 152, 153, rope, 177, see Balibat, Valliyakun,
368, reorganised, 404-412 Garayakun: at Saman Devalaya,
Convention, see Treaty 254-255
Cordiner, 26, 44, 255 Danduvallogane Viharaya, 1 6 1
Cornaca, elephant keeper, 181 Dangamuva, 138, 139, Mohottala in
Cornwall, H.M.S., 99 Udakinda, 260 ; submits, 336, 381
Coromandel, 320 Daniell, Samuel, Artist, T83 : Smoke
Correa, Simao, 248, 313 against malaria, 298; William, 183
Costa, Joao da, Raja Sinha's Atapattu Dankumbura, 189
Arachchi, 208 Dasaman, 80
Cotan China, 260 Dasaya, custom regarding, 30 ; do
Cotton, 47, 257, grown, 281, 282 ; mestic servants, 87, 235, 240-242
see weaving Dassanay'aka, Cornelius, First Trans
Council, His Majesty's in Ceylon, 19, lator, 94, 191 ; Daniel, catalogues
28 ; Resident as First Councillor, Lekam Miti, 94 ; Killed, 2 1 1
117 Davate Mohottiar, 308
Coxon, Major, 6 ; supports Moors, 74, Davie, Major, 3, 96 ; inquiry regarding,
• gratified witli Sinhalese, 77, on 127, 265 ; men slaughtered, 56Q
Kataragama, 186, 223 ; at Alupota, Davy, Dr. John, 68, 1 7 1 , 174, 177 ;
360-362 ; 378 not impartial, 2 1 2 ; on bathing,
Crafts, 71-73, 191, 192 220 ; on Kingship, 228 ; on British
Crocodile, 91 warfare, 231, ; in defence of Brown
Croker, Secretary to the Admiralty, 8 rigg, 273 ; notices grape vine, 305,
Cufic, Inscription, 70 312, 316 ; visits Uva, 312 ; Sinhalese
Custom, see Sirit Charitra literacy, 352, 353 ; on Dambulla,
Curry, 298 375, 376 , 397, Sir Humphrey, 169
Currency, see Money Debara, 20c)
Daalmans, Aegidius, of Antwerp, 5
Debatgama, 328
Dadalla, 222, 223 : in Portuguese
Foral, 291 Dedication, oC elephant, 277
Dada mudal, Disava's perquisite, .101 Degalcloruva Viharaya, 1 1 9
Dadimunda Devata, 142 Dehiattevela, royal fields in, 1S1
Daduru Oya, 252, 290 Dehigama, a]ltd. Uda Gabada Nilame,
Dagaba, 90 146, censured by King, 1O7 ; and
Dahat, for bulat, 49 the Vilbava myth, 251, 270 ; Prince
Dakina maluva, of Vasala, 177 ; of Lvars, 272, 312
Salava, 13 ; Mandapc, 28, 46 Dehiganipal Korale, 118
Dakum, from Provinces, 91, Satara Dehi kinda, 191
Korale Madige, 97 ; from Maha Dehivinna Kanda, 339
INDEX 717
Deiyan vela of Natha Dcvivo, 322, Devamadda, Disava, 24, 1 1 8 ; royal

328 family of, 1G8 ; devastated, 355
Dela habage, 104 Dcvanam piya Tissa, 267
Delft, gate of Colombo Fort, 238 Devaraldcita Unnanse, 160 ; of Kici-
Delgamuva, Danta Dhatu at, 44 alla, copies Madum Sangiya, 353
Delgoda, 226 Devatagedara Appu, 364
Delhi, Emperor at, 70 Devinvahansela, Queens, 99
Deltara, fell from, 48 Deviyan Gampaha Vidane, 338
Deltota Sattambi, 304 Devundara, Devi Nuvara, 44 ; Bas
Delvala Nilame, 2 2 6 ; Etana Hami, nayaka at, 222, 254
wife of Kappitipola, 389 Deyala dahamuna, 313
Delvita, outpost at, 280, 293 ; Lekama, Dhammarama, see Karatota
393 Dharma, 143
Demala Hat Pattu, 3 1 5 Dharma Pandita Thera, converted,
Demorara, 370 291
Demodera Mohottala, Basnayaka, 106; Dharmapala, 23 ; and Franciscans, 32
supports Dore Svami, 282 ; raids fish for, 48 ; successor to, 53 ; Re
Saparagamuva, 3 4 4 ; his talatu cords of, 94 ; Gabadagam of, 1 3 1 ;
seized, 345 rights over elephants, 181 ; over
Bulatgama, 2 4 4 ; Vidanes under,
Denavaka, King's akara, 104
2O1 ; Seven Korales under, 315
Deva, Deviyo, Devivaru, Devalaya,
Dcvatava to curse the King, 10, Dholl, Indian, 299
lands offered to, 11 ; Safeguarded Diamond, 239
by Treaty, 1 7 ; Four Devalayas, Dias, Carolu-s, Wilson's Interpreter,
32, protect the Sasana, 37 ; Sinha 192-195, 2 1 2 ; William Adirian,
308, 301)
lese view of, 40 ; Return of to
Maha Nuvara, 40-44 ; Pollution of Digolla Muhundiram, 303
Dik Oya, 30c)
Devalaya, 4 1 , Deva Sanhinda, 4 4 ;
Panduru distributed to Devalayas, Dimbula, village of Ulpange, 346
Dimbulana, 2 6 0 ; Disava ot Gampaha
45 ; u,t Pirit piukama, 65 ; dancing
Korale, 261, 2 8 6 ; helps British,
at, 7 9 ; right to gems, 1 0 3 ; by
Ra Siha before war, 1 3 9 ; Merit 33«-340. 347. 380
offered to, 1 5 6 ; see 'Perahara; Disava, Disaval, Disave Adipati, Disa
Deviyo applied to royalty, 190, pati, Disapati vara, Sulu, Maha,
204 ; distribution to Devalayas at Dessave, Disa Ralahami, 16, sign the
Alut Sal Mangalya, 2 1 8 ; at Dore Treaty, 20 ; office of, 23; Kings gifts
Svami's presentation, 277-280 ; send to, 27, 28, use o( palanquin by, 37,
rain, 307 ; deilirution, 421 ; Vishnu, in public functions, 43 ; reside out
side Provinces, 54 ; appointments
at,Maha Nuvara, 43-40, 142, 4 1 2 ;
l>y> 54. 55 ; authority of, 65 ; dada
at HaiiguranUcta, 225, 351,1 ; Natha
uuidal his perquisite, 101 ; entitled
at Maha Nuvara, 43-511; 11M, 156, to salute of guns, 107 ; palanquin
277, 322 ; Saman at Saparagamuva, bearers of, r xo ; issue sittu, t22 ;
37. 7'), 90, I ' M , 120, 254-250, 3 5 4 ; rights of lumgam, 1 2 4 ; provide
at Alut Nuvara, 44, v.tr ; Katara transport, ifia ; Kurilve people of,
gama, at Ruhuna, 43, 141, 2i(i, ii 14 ; Hogging with ipal, 166 ; parade
277, 285, 4 1 1 ; at Badulla, 133, oi a, 1 7 2 ; in the Perahara, 17b;
277, 307 ; at I'kgul Alut: Nuvara, gifts from King temporary, 181 ;
79, 106 ; Pattini, at Maha Nuvara,, high status of, 223 ; his court house,
43, 142, 1H4 ; Badulla, 133, Hangu 224 ; Divisional Disavas cuntem-
ranketa, 225 ; ltan vatta, 193, plateil, 2 3 3 ; emoluments oi, 2 4 5 ;
Vilbava, 248 ; Kekraya, 4 0 ; Stm- 25!), prestige of, 2O0 , 277 ; palan
kailagala Deviyo, 2bd ; Punchi Alut quin bearers of, 313 ; destroy pres
Bandara, 422 ; Horaguiia Devalaya, tige; of, 371J, 382 ; palanquins for,
107; Podanvala Devalaya, 1 7 3 ; 40O ; n;-or«aiiisc'el, 407-414
Limlamula Devalaya at Badulla, Dispense, gabadava, Royal store, 132
LIS Divert, given to washerman, 12
Divi Sittu, autheirUing Ordeal, 65, 06
Devagiri, sacked by Moslems, 70
Diyabatma. 276
Di.'vagolla Honda Hami, 2K2
718 INDEX
Diyakola captured, 303, 33-2-336 letter, r88 ; hears about Dore

Diyatalava Kanda, Prince at, 359, 363 Svami, 188-193 ; at Matara, 203;
Diyavadana Nilame, 50. 5 1 , 409, 412 214 ; organises espionage, 222 ; 227 ,
Diyavinna ^83 Ahalepola's removal, 235, 238, 250 ;
Dobbin, Captain, 345, 376, 383 intrigues in Sat Korale, 246, 247 ;
Dodanvala, 132 ; Rate Mahatmeya 258, 265 ; and Upasampadava, 270,
abducted, 224, Disava, 340, 363 285 ; letters intercepted, 287 ; Diary,
Dodanvatu Kapalla, 305, fort near, 294 ; in Udu Nuvara, 296, 322-325 ,
330, 341 ; opposed to administra
339 . batteries, 381
tive changes, 343 ; his spies, 344 ; in
Dolosbage, 307, 328, 329
Kotmale, 345-347 ; dubbed " Tor
Dolosdas Corla, 137 pedo", 345, employs spies, 358, 381.
Dolospatlu, Paliala, 249 394, and Ihagama, 396, 397; opposed
Dolosvala, aggrieved with Kapuvatta, to changes, 400-412 ; on the Sinhala
100, 101 ; and the Akara, 104 ; Constitution, 413
Talpat addressed to, 1 3 8 , 1 3 9 ; Dragoons, Ceylon, 78, 172
raising men in Saparagamuva, 220 ' Dress of Disava, 2, of King, it, of
rewarded, 221 ; 226, 233 ; eman Judicial officer, 19, Sirit regarding,
cipates slaves. 241, 2 5 3 ; as Divi 27 ; tailors not needed, 46 ; of King,
sional Disava, 256, suspected, 308 9 9 ; of Sinhalese, 1 1 4 , 1 1 5 ; Dore
Doluve Vela, 304 Svami's, 188, 196, 301 ; Kappiti
Donkey, for transport, 90 pola's, 257, 275, 301, of fighting men,
Dontuva, ot Oru Kima, 156-15S 276 ; proposed uniform, 281 ;" Dore
Dooly, 344, see Vehicle Svami's, 304, 338, of Malays, 360,
Doragama, elephant keepers' village, 6 3 6 1 ; Kinc's, 3 6 4 : Ahalepola's, 416
Doratiyava Unnanse, 242 Drink, sec Arrack, 1 1 3 , 1 1 4
Doravaka, Gabadagama, cinnamon
from, 93, 312 Dropattai, 198
Dore Svami, at Kataragama, 1 S 7 ; Drum, as mark of honour, 1 1 ; in
action against him, 187-200; at religions ceremonial, 42, 46, 5 1 , 78,
trial, 1 9 5 ; regal name of Viravik- 80; accompany Keppitipola, 137,
rama Sri Kirti, 196 : reward offered Ahalepola's, 165 : at Alut vela,
for arrest, 203 ; and Kappitipola, 279 ; Berava badda, 281 ; of Mali
204, 20.5, 209 ; protected by Katara gava, 324 ; see Sumptuary, Raja
gama Deviyo, 2 1 6 ; at Monaragala, Kariya, Udakkiya
220, spies on, 222, 223 ; dakum sent Dullava, Dulvava, Dis. of Valapane,
to, 232, 242-246; Vilbava myth, 132 ; driven out of Valapane, 200 ;
247-251 ; presentation to people, 299, his father, 302, Balvadana
274-280 ; sounded about a Nilame, 334
settlement, 300, 301 ; Gooria Vi Dumbara, sant.as for, 353
dane, 302 ; bullets for, 307 ; origin Dumbara, elephant catchers, 3, 35,
of rising, 335, 340, 341, 351, 359 ; 116 ; Maligava treasure concealed
arrested by Madugalla, 363-365 ; in, 40 ; Moors removed, 73 ; Atbage
subsequent career, 366-370 ; Amba- village in, 164 ; unrest, 223, 224,
galla Unnanse. 381 ; substitute for, Martial Law, 225, 2 2 7 ; welcomes
392 : and Pilime Talavva, 399 Pilima Talavva, 242 ; resistance in,
Dorevava Unnanse, spy, 372 2 5 7 ; defiant, 273, 274 ; 3 4 0 ;
D'Oyly, John, arranges the Treaty, Kappitipola crosses, 341, 3 5 9 ;
8-20 ; rewarded, 21 ; accredited Prince enters, 363-363 ; turns
Agent, 22-28 ; interested in Sinha against Prince, 3S0 ; chasirur Madu
lese, 38-40; at return of Devas, galla, 383-386 ; 394. 395
43-44; the Kapu Ralala, 45, 46 ; Duncan, Jonathan, 70
return ol Dalada, 5 1 , 52 ; opposed Dunudomboe wawa, Dalu demba
to radical changes, 53-59 ; on Moor wewa, 367
procession, 95 ; wide interests, 95, Dunuvila, Millava's house, 242
96; Geological specimens, 105, 1 6 9 ; Durayo, supply fish, 48 ; of Vahum-
arrack, 113. 1 1 4 ; given relief, 1 2 6 : purayo,i35 ; of chaliyas, 291, 313 ;
Kivulegedara's trial, 1,32 ; Brown of Batgama people, 307
rigg reviews hi.- work, 149-153 ; Dutch, see Hollander
Report on Sinhale, 1 6 7 ; mother's Dutu Gemunu, 61 ; in Kotmale, 244 ;
INDEX 719
builds devalaya to Saman deviyo, Ehnsley, Captain, 244, 245

254 ; and Ridi Viharaya, 349 Embilipitiya, 1 5 6
Dye, 281, 282 Emerald, 239, 416
Dysentery, 276, 301, Coke dies of, 359 English, prisoners of Raja Sinha, 3 0 ;
Earrings,'men's 75, 333 indifferent to local matters, 38-39,
Eck, Baron van, 95, 400 5 8 ; Looting, 6 1 - 6 5 ; tavalams on
Edanda, oclandu, 91, 2 1 8 plantations, 73 ; toddy popular
Edanduvava Basnayaka Nilame, 123 with, 113 ; in Burmah, 113 ; pig
Eden, Thomas, 6 ; Dep. Secy, to Govt., tails among, 1 1 5 ; study of, 148,
366 149, iflt; women acquire status
Edinburgh, Phrenological Soc, 420 of Sinhalese, 1 7 4 ; rope, 1 9 8 ;
Education, Bhikkhus responsible for domestic servants of, 241 ; alphabet,
37 ; see Seminary 249 ; war with, 310 fon advantages
Edward V I I I , 155 of IJva, 342, punishments, 3 8 6 ;
Edwards, Mary, case of, 130, 351 artificial prestige, 405, 406 ; Velan-
Eggs, presented to Brownrigg, 171 da minissu, 408
Egoda Pattuva, D i s a v a of, a Co Erapana, sickness at, 271
Egypt, 4 3 . 3 « 7 , , Ksala, sue Perahara
Ehelepola, see, Ahalepola
Essequibo, 370
Eheliyagoda, sec Ahaliyagoda
Ekiriya, royal fields at, 133 Eta, Etinna, see Elephant
Eknaligoda, rewarded, 96 ; his law suit Etarava Korale, 108
with Pusvalla, 97, <)8 ; in favour, Ktnavala, chaliyas of, 312, 313
1 0 7 ; reports conspiracy, 1 3 3 - 1 3 7 ; European, slow to adopt bathing, 220 j
at Colombo, 1 4 7 - 1 4 9 ; patronises restriction on land purchase by,
gaming, 170 ; in Saparagamuva, 220; 360; and Eastern art, 3 7 5 ; medi
rewarded, 221 ; searches for Prince, cine, 384
226, 233, 24C); his ambitions, 253- Extermination, of Sinhalese advo
256 ; enrolls men, 280, 281 ; advises cated, 231 ; not declared policy,
rewards, 30S ; medal, 309 ; alleged 264 ; ol Tasmanians, 287 ; in Uva,
offer to Prince, 332 ; efficiency in 342, census, 413
looting, 33O, 337',' 340 ; 344, 345 ; Falclc, Governor, and Sinhala con
his " locusts ", 385 stitution, 129 1 on capital punish
F.la, see Irrigation ment, 316, counterfeit coins, 334
Elapata, see Alapata Farrcll, Dr., 158
Elephant, 2, 3, gift of, T2, 27, 6 3 1 Fencing, 177
White, 25, in processions, 43, 51 ; Ferreira, Antao Vaz, 22
captured for sport, 1 1 6 ; to Ratvatta, Festivals, see Mangalya
1 3 8 ; sent to Jafanapatam, 1 4 4 ; Firearms, 146, 1 4 7 ; lack of, 264,
145 ; At Bage department, 164, 265; 275-276, 338: surrendered, 347,
165.; gala at Ganetanna, 172 ; in 2
35' , 358, 3 7 7 , 395, new regulations
the Perahara, 1711, Royal rights about, 413, Jingals, 220, 275
over, 181-184 ; bells, 199 ; offered Fiscal, applied to British Agent, 180
by Brownrigg to Kataragama, Fish, see Food : for the Vasala, 48 ;
210, 2 1 8 , 2K5 ; protection against, Moors supplied, 73 ; by Satara
224.; Raja Sinha offers to Devalaya, Korale madisje, 97, from Udupan-
255 ; at Tuppitiya, 2(>o carts, kafai, 144 ; dried, from India, 1 4 5 ;
2 6 7 ; at Upasampatla rejoicings, soldiers rations of salt fish, 1 9 8 :
2 7 0 ; 2 7 5 ; at Dore Svami's pre Fishers' quarter in Colombo, 221 ;
sentation, 277-280 ; seized, 290 ; salt fish lor areca, 244, 294 ; as
tribute of Vannias, 315 ; Dcvalay ration, 298, 2 9 9 ; Maha Vidane
elephants seized, 3 3 8 ; trench as Mudaliyar of the Fishers, 3 1 4 ;
defence against, 374 ; fodder from Fishers' Company, 321
ratmagama, 37(1; King's, 3H3, pro F'itch, Ralph, in Ceylon in 1589, 257
tection from, 421 Flag, see Kodiya : shooting on white,
Kliagora Ra Siha's cattle at, .97 274.
Ellcpata Pundit, 21)9
Fletcher, Captain, u8o
Kllepola, see Allepola
Food, generally, 4 7 ; Sri Vikrama's,
Elliott, Hugh, Governor ol Madras,
48 ; game, lish, 48 ; beef, 76 ; beer,
287
port, sherry, madeira, 159 ; Dinner
720 INDEX
by Ahalepola, 165; cattle, vegetables, Gale yakkha, worshipped by Vaddo,

fruit, 266 ; on military service, 275 ; 189
Brownrigg adopts vegetable diet, Galle, condition of Fort, 1 3 7 , 186,.
287 . 247 ; Ordnance store at, 265, 291 ;
Forbes, Collector, 27, 88, 208 ; plots Sinhalese levies at, 320 ; Thoen at,
against Kappitipola, 332 ; Major, 323, Asana at, 327, 328, 367, 396
417 Gamagedara Rate Rala, z n
France, Isle of, Banishment to, 368, Gamage Sattambi, 346
386, 397. 399, 416 Gaman Maligava, circuit palace, 1 9 6 ,
Fraser, Capt. A.D.C.. 266, Peradeniya 276
bridge, 267, as Terror, 346, im Gaming, 169, 170
pressed by scenery, 347 ; in search of Gamini, 8
Pilima Talawa, 376-377, 392, 395 Gammahe, g6, dancers from India, 1 7 8
Freire, Salvador, Pereyra, 8S Gammevala, 421
French, muskets, 1 4 7 ; Directors, 300 Gampaha, 381, 384 ; Korale, 385 ; in
Fretz, Diedrich Thomas, his house in Kandupalla, 109
Gampola, 66, 243, 244.; Disava of G.
Colombo, 99
Korale, 261 ; Cultivating vela, 307,
Fruit, for Sri Vikrama, banana, pine
328
apple, Jak, orange, citron, dates,
Gamsabhava, met at Ambalama, 224
kaju, 48
Gandharva Brahmins, 281
Fudge, Jonathan, Brownrigg's coach Ganegoda, 56 ; vegetables from, 302
man, 37 Ganetanna, 24, gala at, 172
Furniture, domestic, platter, 46 ; mats, Gan gate, of game, 48
r
49, ° 5 . 3 5 . 192. benches and tables, Ganjam, chiefs of, 300
4 9 ; .lack ol, 72.; lamps, 1 3 5 ; cot, Gannoruva, tota of, n ; Devas at,
1 3 6 ; stool, 162 ' chair, 166. 1 7 1 . 42 ; coffee wild at, 72 ; Brownrigg
tray, 1 7 1 , 172 ; in a chiefs house, received at, 1 7 3 , 174, 414
192 ; in a villager's house 382 Gantale, Lake, 1
Gabadava, Store, Maha, Uda, G. Gantare, bell, 56
• Nilame, Gabadagam, see Madugalla, Gantuna, Ra Siha's Gabadagama,
36, oil from Badulla, 67, 9 1 ; salt 329, 394
and Karavala to, 9 7 ; rice and Garayakum, fiance after Perahara, 178
Jaggery, 104 ; iron and steel, 10S ; Garedepure, 29
coconuts, 1 1 2 ; Jaggery, 1 1 3 , 1 3 5 ; Garlic, from Lunu Badda, 302
lime and charcoal, 1 4 6 ; chief ot Gatambc, diya Kapiina at, 177
Gabadagam, 150, 1 6 7 ; Nilame, 1 9 6 ; Gay, James, Judicial Commissioner,
see Alut Sal Mangalya, 294; Queen's, 152 ; report on Sinhale, 167, resides
312 ; of Maligava, 324 ; Records at, within Vasala, 1 7 7 , 1 7 9 ; table lor,
343 ; supplies Devale requirements, 192 ; sent to arrest Pilima Talavva,
T
337 ; Niy anda cords for, 364, 407; 2 3 6 ; in Tumpane, 272, 306,. 3 3 0 ;
arrears due to, 413 his help requested, 350, on cattle
Gabbala, Kanda, Kitul from, 135 slaughter, 356, 363, 3O4, 377 ; on
Atbage village, 164 arrack, 390
Gadayagama, 260, 271 Gazette, 38, origin of, 98, 99, 102, 203,
Gahalayo bury corpses, 240, execu 2 1 1 , 212, 215, 292, 387, 392, 395. 397
tioner, 387, 419 Gedara atto, 76
Gahoni, elephant cloth, 337 Goddos, Lt. Col., on raiding expedi
Gaja Balm, 156 tion, 283, 284
Gajanayaka Nilame, see Elephant; Gems, see Saparagamuva, Raja Sinha's
in Perahara, 176 catseye, 36 ; not exploited, 72,
Gala, see Elephant Royal right to, 91 ; the Akara, 103-
Galagama Disava, 20 105 ; smuggled to Ambalangoda,
Galagedara, Pass, 89, 272, 309 137 ; Brahmins at Akara, 234 ; pre
Galagoda, Unnanse, 285 ; Disava, 20, sented to Raja Sinha, 354
335- 359 ; Aspantiye Nilame, 146 George, the Third, K>, 17 ; Birthday
Galapitagedara Rate Rala, 307, 340 celebrations of, 77-79. 1 6 8 , 401-412 ;
Galboda Korale, King's Cattle in, 97, iv and v, (55 ; Fort St., see Madras.
ziig ; vegetables from, 302 German, 249, 320
Galbokka, Galle buck, 360 Ghi, 72, 97
INDEX 721
Giddava, 384 Gunpowder, arrack for 1 1 3 ; manu

Girfard, Hardinge, Advocate Fiscal, 8; facture of, 258, 276
literary endeavour?, 39 ; on flogging, Gurubevila, cannon from, 146
Go, 89 ; on arrack, 114 ; and Brown Gurudenij'a, King's keta at, 2 1 8 ;
rigg, 130 ; on the War, 214 ; on burnt, 304
extermination, 231 ; on Brownrigg, Gurugoda oya, 90, 236
' 258, 259, 288 ; on de Busscho, 320 ; Gurunnahe, applied to five Nayide
at Agricultural Society, 354 classes, 71
Gilampasa, a Bhikkhu's, 135 Habarakada, 104 '
Gilimale, Kitul produce from, 1 1 3 ; Hadji, see Muttu
Pagoda appu of, 255 Hair, cutting of, 360, 361
Ginigat Kanda, Gala, 75, 107 Hak gediya, chank, 257
Girihagama Pass, 89, 272 Hakim, 384
G'irikola, 161 Hakmana, 385
Giriulla, Kadavata, 88 Hakimmo Nilame, 385
Giriva Dolosdas, 1 5 6 , 157 ; Pattu, 282 Hakuru, sugar, 135 ; see Jaggery
Glasgow, 2 Hakurugammana Rala, supports the
Glass, 338 Prince, 308; Hakurugama Rala
Goclagcdai'a, his house looted, 61 ; captured, 34.fi
Adikarama, proclaimed, 215 ; Disa- Halangoda, Basnayaka Nilame, 43
• va of Bogoda, 2 0 1 , 286, 334, 340, Halgran Oya, 303
37° Halialla, abandoned, 271
Godamune, Ambalama, 266, 2 6 7 ; Haliyadda, 280, Vedarala, 383, 384
attacked, 280 ; Blankenberg at, 302, Halpe Kadavata, 107
304, 306 ; demonstration' against, Hamba, rice for King, 218
' 325, 326 Hambantota, (j; a penal station, 60,
Godapola, 29 64 ; levayas near, 08 ; tavalams to,
Godericli, Viscount, Secy, of State, on 73 ; military post, 1 5 7 , 158 ; salt
.Prince's trial, 368, 3(19 from, 180, 184 , 197 ; horse sent to,
Gocns, Kykloll van, cancels sale of 216
slaves, 241 ; on grape-vines, 305 ; Hamuduruvo, Nayaka, Hin, 1 8 6 ;
plans capital at Sitavaka, 357, 358 Dalada, 300 ; Devi, of the King, 408
Golahala Mudiyanse, treatment of, Handaganava, car of paddy with
33" pearl? from, 36
Goldsmith, 239 Handicraft, Pata rata Kottai Badda,
Gombnddc Vidane, 261
Gonagala, 1 1 1 Hangidiya sec Rajakariya
Gonagama, i t i , evacuated, 32,5 Hangrankotuva Pass, 349
Gouainale, military from, 209 Hanguranketa, Third Division at,
Gonavii, Gonavala, 13, 251 75, road to, 1 1 2 ; occupied by
Goniya, Goni, Gunny, 97, t.5" military, 225 ; destruction at, 246 ;
Gonliadda, of Uva, 75 ; of Satara sulphur buried at, 2G5, 302, 306;
Korale, 97 Danta Dhatu produced at, 322-325;
Goniuoda, Basnayaka Nilame, 43 ; Devale at, 326, 359
Adikarama of Bintanna, 197 ; Sent Haimasgedara" Mohottala, 292 ; Adi
to Batticalo, 271 ; invited back, karama, 3 58, 3 7 6 ; executed, 388
332 ; Bintanna Disava, 382 Hannah bee Rajakariya
Gopala, 384 Hanover, 17, 400
Gooria, Guri, warriors, 300, 301, 30.5 Hansa Kodiya, 138
GoUaya, the king's, Id Hantia Nilame, aptd. Commissioner
Govivansa. govigama, ifift, 240, 249 by King, 210
Graham, Maria, on toddy, 112 ; at Han valla, field hospital at, 200;
Ambulangnda, 1 3 7 ; on carpenters, details about, 223, 224 ; fort aban
iqt ; t m Oidavil Servants, 400 doned, 271 ; Mohottala surrenders,
Granthe, script, 20 349 ; atuva, 365. 3»4 „ .,
Grape, 305, 391 Hapatagamuva Mohottala, 167; family
Graphite, no demand for, 108 to be removed, 3 7 9 ; negociates
Granville, Diary of, 99, 1711 surrender, 380, 381 ; the younger,
Gray, Capt., French, shoots cattle, 76 334, 340 ; surrenders, 382
Gregory, George, on Arrack Farm, 31)0 Hapitigam Korale, 95, 315
705—Y
722 INDEX
Happaliha, 86 Hindagala, Viharagama, 50, 388

Happolakadavata, 190 Hindu, Law, 103, on killing elephants,
Haputale Pass, 221 183 ; and Kataragama, t 8 6 festival,
Hapuvida, 46 176, 177, 265 ; on the Bo Tree, 357
Harakgomu Kanda, 275 Hingurukaduve Maha Betme, cap
Harappa, 357 tured, 338
Hardy, Major, 64 ; at Ratnapura, 1 3 3 ! Hiniduma, and Akara, 104
Dolosbage, 328, 329 ; Lt. Colonel, Hin Unnanse, 279
- 326 ; Sat Korale, 349 ; Dumbara, Hirahiva, Bhikkhu casting off his
384-387 ; Captain, at Delvita, 2 9 0 ; sivura, 222, 364, 371
retreats, 293 ; in Matale, 388: Hiruvala, sulphur store, at, 264
Spence, 405, 406 Hoffmeister, Werner, 22, 208
Harispattuva, Harasiya P., Cinnamon Holland, Lord, on War in Ceylon, 103
plantation, 164, 1 6 5 ; unrest, 242, Hollander, Company, 23 ; Governor
247, 272, 290 ; Rate Mahatmaya, at Galle, 4 3 ; trade, 71-73 ; Dress
310. 349, 3°6 borrowed from, 86 ; Tombo, 94,
Hart, Major, 272 95 ; Challies, 101, gifts at Kunda
Harvard, William Martyn, missionary, sala, 112 ; presents of clothes, 1 1 5 ;
191 ; exaggeration by, 211 ; on cannon from Trikunamale, 1 2 3 ;
George Nadoris, 291 smuggling, 144 ; muskets taken
Hastings, Lord, Gov., Gen., 287 from, 1 4 7 ; Pannebakkerie, 1 5 9 ;
Hatamuna, 2 cinnamon policy, 163 ; gaming,
Hatara Liyadda, in Tumpane, 306 . 169 ; land purchases by Moors, 2 2 1 ;
Hatkinda, 62 222; names of buildings, 2 3 8 ,
Hausanvala, 201, 202, 209, 268 ; aban Medals, 239, 240, 261 ; cotton
doned, 271 growing and weaving, 281 ; Treaty
Hayildar, 6 of 1766, 3 1 5 ; employ Sinhalese
Health, toddy a prophylactic, aga soldiers, 320 ; remove Maligava
inst fever, 113 Karanduva, 325 ; coinage, 333 ;
Hebrew, 257 Disava of Colombo, 357 ; Company's
Hekanda, 56 Assembly Hall, 360
Hella, spear, 386 Holman, James, 224, 397
Hemamala Kumari, brings Danta Holombuva, Devalaya village of, 4 7
Dhatu, 325 Honev, 72, 1 3 3 ; see hakuru, tribute
Hena, cleared by Vahumpurayo, 104, oi, '208
in Honoritics, female, Valauve unnanse,
Henadeniye Dingiri Appuhamy, 388 240 ; Valauve Mahatmeya, 3 8 7 ;
Henaya, 115 Bargayava, 240 ; Etana hami, 389 ;
Hepanna, 10 Kumari hami, 241, 2 4 8 ; Devin
Heppuva, heppu, casket, 1 [ Vahansc, 99
Hesse Casel, 91 Hook, Colonel, at Madula, 222 ; ap
Hetakma, measure of distance, 247 pointed to Sat Korale, 252 ; 253,
Hettimulla, road through, 172 ; 240, 272 ; activities of, 286-296, 309-
330 319 ; campaign in Sat Korale, 349-
Hevahata, 40 ; Adikarama at, 138 ; 358 ; and Pilime Talavva, 362, 370-
Rate Mahatmaya abducted, 224 ; 377 ; in Matale, 3 8 8 ; civil adminis
under Martial Law, 226, 227, 242, tration, 389-391 ; and Pilime Talav
246, 265, 276, 286, 326, 329, 347, va, 392 ; hangs Arampala, 393 ;
R
359, 363, 3 2 , 384, 399 great chiefs taken, 31)5 ; Ihagama
Hevakam Korale, 124, 147 arrested, 396, 3 9 9
Hevakam Vadi, 276 Hopper, appu, 29H, 2no,
Hevapannayo, 78, 80, 1 3 6 ; Residents Mora, for Colombo llagstall, 359, 360
Lascarins supported by Adikar's Horabokka, Oi, 2 1 9
Katapurule, 162 Horagima Devalaya, 107
Hevapola Mohottala, surrenders, 392 Horanava, 277, 279
Hevisi, see drum Horomhava Mohottala, 249
Hikgolla, site of fort, 376 Horse, gift ol, 12, 27 ; to Molligoda, 28,
Himbeliatte Vela, post at, 339 to Mullegaina, 62, 78 ; to Millava,
Hinapahuva, 219 130 ; to Katvatta, 138 ; offered to
Hinara Manketa ford, 329 Deviyo, 62 ; Asbago establishment,
INDEX 723
164, 1G5 ; Ahalepola's horses, 165 ; centre, 375 ; medicine, 384

manner of riding on, 172 ; offered to Ingrafting, inoculation, against small
Kataragama by Brownrigg, 2 1 6 ; pox, 185
for Molligoda, 2v> r ; Kirti Sri's Ink, writing, 20 ; made by Isah, 96
death, 250, 2.52 ; for the Prince, Ipal, flogging with, 166
275-280 ; seized, 338, 405 Iriyagama, chief ot Yati nuvara, 279 ;
Howard, John, 118 Padi Kara Lekama, 388; Kalu
Hughes, 272 Banda, 388
Hukm Namah, of 1 ippti Sultan, 343 Iron, in Saparagamuva, 25, 72, 1 0 8 ;
Hulanbadda, transport areca, 294 for Viharaya, 133 ; bullets of, 27G
Hulangamuva, 292 Irrigation, Canal, 75, 101
Hulan patiya, 1 1 5 Irriveriya,, 80
Hulft, Gerard, tombstone of, 360 Isah, Thoen's wife, 96, 323
Hungam, customs duty levied at Islam, see Moor
Kadavatu, T 2 4 Itanavatta, 1,68, Wilson killed at, 193,
Hunugala, raided, 346 196
Humwala, 158 Jackal, 4
Huvandiram, at Devuudara, 222 Jackson, enters Matale, 374
Hyder, Euttali. 100 J aula, cinnamon prosecutions at, 163
Idalgama Mohottala, 214 Jafanapatam, porters from, 6;
Idalgashinna, 75, 107, 108 ; Kappiti Brahmin from, 1 4 1 ; banishment
pola at, 1 3 8 ; soldier killed, 212, to, 143-141:1 ; Lusignan's experience,
275, 276, 282 ; route insecure, 334- S
» 7 . 1 7 ' ) ; porters, 2G2 ; cloth weav
340 ; Geological formation, 347 ing, 28! ; Manar separated from,
Iddamalpana, road to, 89, 90, 172 33»
Ihala Dolos pattu, Kate Lekama of, Jaggery, 25, 72 ; from Denavaca, T04;
374 ; chiefs, 391 at GUimale, U 3 ; see hakuru, sudu
Ihagama, Maha Badde Nilame, 42 ; hakuru, 135 ; present of, 172 , 298,
Unnaiise's consf iraey, 134-' 37 : 2Q9, 3 2 1 ; from Gantuna, 3 2 9 ; for
made Disava, 2bo, 385, 397, 399 Valliyakiin, 337
Ikirivatta, 289 Jak,2S3
Ikiriya, z i 8 Jalotilaka Mandape, 4
Ilaugam, 2 0 ; IJdagedara Tlangavna, Jancla, window, 191
107
Japanese, 1 1 3
Illangakon, Don David, Maha Mudali
Jasinha Brahmana, Kapurala at Kata
yar, 168, 222, 314. 332
ragama, 2 1 7
Illukvela, post established, 349
Jasmine, see Dasaman
Ilhippa Kadavai, 145
IndaHigoda Kanda, 135 Jaya Bhumi, 4
India? craftsmen, 5 ; royalty, 7 ; Jayasundara Mohottala, enlists fight
notation, 21 ; horses, 28 ; ghari, 41 ; ing ni.m, 281
Moslems, 70 ; breed of Cattle, 76 ; Jemadar, (1 ; of Gooriahs, 301
classes allied to South Indians, 1 1 2 ; jenncr, Edward, and vaccination, 1.85
Bandaris, 1 1 3 ; elephant merchants, Jesuit, 24K, in Kalpitiya, 305
1 4 4 ; and Gajababu, 1 5 O ; invoice Jewels, 239
Nagas, 173 ; inoculation practised. jhigul, Kodituvakku, 220, 363
1 8 5 ; bathing, a n j ; grooms from, Johnston, Major, his line of retreat, 3 ;
23K ; domestic servants, 24.1 ; de- describes Kundasala, 112 ; and rice
tuand tor areca, 2.(1 ; He vale design bags, 151 ; condemns unilonus,
Irom. 253 ; sulphur, 26|. ; East India 198 ; couly transport, 202
Company, ami cinnamon trade, 92 ; Sir Alexander, chief Justice, criticis
Army, 252, 290 ; Weavers, 281, es Treaty, 13 ; on slavery, 3 1 ; diary
2K2 ;' troop* expect Prize, 290; of, 33 ; liis bezoais, 171 ; Translation
on eating at mess, 299 ; sugar, 299,
made for, 291 ; painting of weavers,
King's guards, 300 ; grapes, 305 ;
Khillat, 308 ; Chalias from, 312-313; 3L1
settlers, 3 1 5 ; War, 319 ; Sinhalese, Jonville, Sitavaka route, 89, go, 171 J
serving in, 320 ; Danta Dhatu on rooms, 191 ; ambalain, 2 2 3 ;
from, 323 ; reinforcements, 332 ; Adikar's intoning, 279
currency. 333 ; I'ipal, 357 ; cultural jordaims, Friar, in 1328, 285
Journal, Colombo, 991 Asiatic, 103
724 INDEX
Judicial, mutilation prohibited, 1 7 , Kandelova, Mohottala, 246, 293, sur

18 ; capital sentence, 1 8 ; Brown renders, 391
rigg and the judiciary, 18, 1 9 ; Kande minissu, Vahumpurayo, 1 3 5
system in Sinhale, 2 1 ; changes Kandukara, 261, 335, 379
introduced, 94; procedure at criminal Kandupalla, attached to Uva, 1 0 7 ;
trial, 142-144 ; arrears, 151 ; Brown saltpetre, 109, 261, 276, 340 ; over
rigg's scheme, 234 ; Judicial execu run, 345
tion, 316 ; hair cutting as punish Kandupotava, 1 3 6
ment, 361 ; execution, 386, 387 ; Kandura, 107
system changed, 410 Kandy, see Maha Nuvara
Kabilitte Rala, Maha Betme, 187, 2 1 7 Kaneiya, 209
Kachcheri, Cutcherry, 94, u p , 2 0 2 ; Kankanama, 1 1 , 237, 257, 285,
at Badulla, 285, 367, 378 ; Disavas Kanakapullc, 350, Valauve, 364, 383
to attend, 379 Kannakai, 184
Kachchi Malai, 70 Kanulvela, Moors, 74
Kadavata, 1, 2 ; Hapugaha, K., 43 ; Kaphitavima, inaugurates Perahara,
dues at, 67, 1 2 4 ; Balane, 128 ; 248
Hapola, 190 ; Passara, 197, Naval Kappitipola, signs Treaty, 20 ; Mona-
Aar, 198 ; closed in Valapane, 200 ; ravila, 2 2 ; and Kataragama, 6 4 ;
Dodanvatu Kapalla, 305, 3 0 6 , 383, his functions, 65-67; attitude to
385 ; abolished, 408 wards British, 82 ; under suspicion,
Kadavatu Korale, 75, 96, 226, 233, 283 109 ; a lawsuit, 1 1 8 ; at Colombo,
137, 1 3 8 ; Ran Kaduva, 154, 155 ;
Kader Shah, 70
dislikes Katugaha, 180 ; vaccina
Kadigamuva Maha Gabada Nilame, tion, 185 ; reports about Dore
132 Svami, i q 7 ; at Badulla, 200 ;
Kahalla, 394 joins Dore Svami, 204, 209 ; pro
Kahalvatta Korala, 388 claimed, 214 ; raids Saparagamuva,
Kahanda, 386 226.; and Ahalepola, 232, 237 ;
Kahavatta Nilame surrenders, 346 entertains spy, 247-249 ; price on his
Kakira, wild cucumber, 354 head, 251 ; his activities, 257-270 ;
Kalagan Tulane, 367 at Alut Vela, 275-280; ill, 2 8 6 ;
Kalalpitiya, 2 his guards, 301, 303, 3 0 4 ; ill, 3 0 6 ;
Kalani Ganga, 80, 236, 315, 360 the Danta Dhatu, 322-325 ; in
Mat lie, 328-330 ; and Pilime Talav
Kalapifiya Ambalama, 346
va, 331-335 ; appoints Basnayaka
Kalinga, Princess, 325
Rala, 33S ; crosses Dumbara, 341,
Kali Yuga, 186 344 ; guns for, 346 ; at Ridi Viha
Kallar Kovil, 145 raya, 349 ; influence in Sat Korale
Kalmunai, 145 feared, 350, traverses Dumbara,
Kalpitiya, 80, 261, 305 354 ; arrested by Madugalla, 363-
Kalu alia ruppa, 11 r 367 ; rewards warrior, 373 ; family
Kalugala Viharaya. 35S captured, 389 ; in chase of, 393-
Kalugalpitiye Mohundiram, adheres 395 ; tried, 393 ; executed, 41S-420
to the Prince, 336, 340, captured,
379. 3S o Kapugama, 291
Kalu Ganga, go, 126, 140 Kapuliyadda Unnanse, 136
Kalugomuva, Maligava village, 324 Kapu Rala, ralala, functions, 44, 45 ;
Kalu Hami, dancer, 107 Madugalla's plot, 141 ; administer
Kalu Nayaker, 189 oaths, 142 ; at Perahara, 177 ; at
Kalupahana, 238, 336 Kataragama, 187 ; Brahmin ap
Kalutara, 42, 60, river transport to, pointed, 217 ; Saparagamuva, 255,
7 5 ; distilling, i n ; Eknaligoda's • 277 ; invocation for rain, 306
goods at, 149 Kapuvatta, al. Pilima Talavva ; Adi
Kamata, threshing floor, 388 kar, 22-25 ; Diyavadana Nilame,
Kanagenna Vadiya, 381 50, 51 ; State Guest, 96-99 ; in
Kandakapu Ulpota Gammahe, 132 Saparagamuva, 100-102 ; judge, 97-
Kanda Kumaraya, see Kataragama 9 8 ; at Ratnapura, 1 0 3 ; g o o d ser
Kandapola Nuvara, 337 vices of, 1 7 5 ; at Magul Maduva,
Kandayura, camp, 326 214 ; to be deprived ol power, 233-
Kande Kumbura, 261 236 ; house looted, 236-237 ; Korala
INDEX 725
Tuna, 243 appoints Basnayaka Kautilya, Arthasastra of, 183

Rala, 2 5 4 ; removed to Colombo, Kavi karayo, 107
259, 260 Kavrala Lekama, of Villava, 249
Karalla, uprising, 205 Kavudumune Lekama, rewarded, 349.
Karanduva, at Maligava, 96 ; Pera Kavula, 191
hara, 1 7 6 ; of the Danta Dhatu, Kayman's Gate, 4, 4 1 5
322-325 ; 396 Kehelalla, 189, 384
Karatota Dhammarama Unnanse, 3 9 Kekuna, oil, 67
Karavatti, 336 Kelaniya, Viharaya, 1 2 8 ; Ganga, 144
Kara vita, 1 0 4 Kelly, Colonel, commands Third Divi
Karavo, Karavala, karavadu; see sion, 7 5 , 1 9 4 ; in charge of operations,
Raja Kariya, Fish, Satara Korale 197, 209, 221 ; in Bintanna, 259 ;
Madige, 4 8 , 9 6 , 9 7 Vellassa, 271 ; Vclangashinna ,305 ;
Kariyakarana Rala, of Maligava, 3 2 4 leaves Uva, 306; Courts Martial,
Karma, 4 1 8 331 ; joins Hook, 349, 351 ; at
Kasakarayo, 1 4 , 38 ; whips, 4 2 ; see Dambulla, 376, 3 7 7 ; and Kappiti
Adikar, 303 ; of. Ampitiya, 333 pola, 393-393. 398
Kataragama, Ruhunu Maha K „ Cater- Kendiya, for drinking, 49 ; at Mali
gama, Maha Sena, Kanda Kuma gava, 80 ; ran kendi, 177
raya, (>, 6 0 ; property plundered, Kengalla, 3, 35 ; Kuruve Lekama, 120
6 1 , 6 4 ; incidents at, 1 8 6 , 1 8 7 ; Kennedy, John, killed, 211
dimensions, 1 9 1 ; gold image, 1 9 6 ; Kerr, W . H., Collector, Kandyan
military post, 2 0 9 , 2 1 4 ; Betme Agent, 53 ; in Saparagamuva, 1 0 1 ,
Ralala proclaimed, 2 : 5 ; Brownrigg's 151 ; Colonel, 158
offerings, 2 1 6 ; appointments to, Kcsa dhatu, at Mahiyangana, 197
2 1 7 ; looting, 2 2 1 ; Officials support Kola, rice field, 2 1 8
Prince, 2 4 9 ; emblems given to Khillat, gift of dress, 308
Prince, 2 5 7 , 2 5 8 ; garrison, 2 7 1 , Kidd, Dr. John, geological specimens,
2 7 6 - 2 8 4 ; officials arrested, 3 3 8 ;
105
royal Abharana (rum, 3 6 8 ; Agent
in charge, 411 ; Kivulcgedara's kovil Kimbulgan tota, ford, 40, i n , 384
at, 4 2 1 King, auctioneer in Covent Gdns., 36 ;
Admiral Sir Richard, 263 ; Capt,,
Katalcalla Mohottala, 1 3 8 , 2 6 0 , 2 8 2 , A.D.C., 1 2 8 ; at Attapitiya, 159,
334. 34". 3 4 4 243. 325
Katiyana Bamndc at Maligava, 3 2 4 Kinimra, caste, see Rajakariya
Kat rajakariya, 9 1 , Maha Kat, 3 2 4 Kiravali Pattuva, 29 ; cinnamon, 93 ;
Kattadigedara Siyatu, 2 8 5 weavers, 28r, 312
Kattamber Rala, Katta Korala, 204 Kirialla Viharaya, 353
Katti Mangalya, 15(1 Kiri Mu Inula, 4
Katturu valla,- 1 9 3 Kiri Naide, smith, 128
Katu atta, signal by thorn branch, Kirinda, 396
3°° Kirioruva, 3
Katugaha, Adikarama, 6 2 , 1 3 8 ; pro- Kiri Oya, 251
British, 1 3 9 ; Mohottala, backed by Kiriporuva Mohottala, 281
Wilson, 1 8 0 ; suspended by Kappi Kirivanagama, 221
tipola, 2 0 4 ; Adikarama, 2 6 0 ; Disava, Kirkpatrick, General, edits Hukro
2O1, 2 8 6 , 3 3 9 ; out of favour, 3 7 8 , Namah, 344
The Younger Rate Mahatmaya, Kirti Sri Raja Sinha, sannas of, 25 ;
261, 33O
yakada doliya, 2 6 ; Maduve atto,
Katugastota, 1, 242
34. 35 ; Bh'd pendant, 40 ; removes
Katu kale, 4 3 . 5 6 , gaming, 170
Katu palalla, 1 9 8 Dalada, 50 ; embassy to Batavia,
Katupatvcla kadavata, 1 1 2 9(1; endows Sri Pada, 106 ; Treaty,
Katupurulu, vevala, cane, 2 3 estab n o ; at Puttalama, 1 1 9 ; Moors,
lishment, 138 ; Panivida karayo, 1 3 9 ; Katti Mangalya, 1 5 6 ; Pera
162 ; in charge of prisoners, 1 6 9 ; hara, 176, 189 ; Dore Svami related
2O4 ; of Ampitiya, 3 0 4 : katuatta to, 250, 2fii ; Maligava Karandu,
of, 3 0 9 , 3 3 3 ; of l'-'ussellava, 340 3 2 5 ; Ridi Viharaya, 3 4 9 ; sannas
Katuvana, Kelly's Division, 7 5 ; Kap to Navaratna, 355
pitipola, 1 3 8 , 1 5 7 Kitala Batgama, 157
726 INDEX
Kitul, palm, economic value of, 1 1 3 ; 268, 271 ; sickness, 344 ; Butava
tada made from, 329, 330 ; toddy, executed, at, 378
390 ; see Jaggery Kotahena, 260
Kivulegedara Mohottala, charged with Kotakeiya deniya Kamata, 388
murder, n o ; contumacious, n i ; Kotapitiya, 71
tried, 132, 167, 1 6 8 ; and Dore Kotika Velandama, Areca trade, 106
Svami, 188 ; Valapane Disava, 189, Kotmale, 50 ; Abharana in, 1 5 4 , 244 ;
195 I house burnt, 201 ; proclaimed, Kappitipola, 260 ; threatened, 308,
203-215, 2 i g , reward offered, 251 ; 3 2 9 ; quiescent, 345-347; Prince
threatens Badulla, 303; plans to leaves, 359 ; Sattambis, of, 364
•capture, 334 ; marriage rumoured, Kottaha Lekama, furnishes cakes, 48
336 ; Disava, 340 ; adviser to Prince, Kotu godalla, 4 ; gunfire from, 124
368 ; influence of family, 379 ; his Kovalan, 184
authority, 380 ; house burnt, 3 8 1 ; Kovila, of Daclimunda, 142, of Kivu
executed, 421 ; deified, 42 T legedara, 421
Knox, Robert, 31, 44 ; bulat, 4 9 ; Kris, Malay, 268
buried treasure, 63 ; beef, 76 • Kukoo, 140
Valapane, n o ; drink, 1 1 3 ; Raja Kukulu Korale, 233, 353
Sinha, 115 ; Perahara, 176 ; theft, Kulatunga Mudaliya, 310
185 ; describes country, 200, 201 ; Kumarasinha, 249
dress, 257 ; coconut, ' 2S3 ; drink, Kumarasvami Mudaliyar, 131
390 ; attitude to Europeans, 405 Kumara Vanniya, 315
Kobbakaduva, Nayaka Unnanse, 32, Kumaruppe Vitiya, 4, 5
33, 49, 5 0 ; Basnayaka Nilame, Kumbalagama Unnanse, conspires,
162 ; Valapane Disava, 200, 344, 140
389 ; Siya Pattuve Adikar, 302 Kumbukkaduve Unnanse, 160
Kodekcry, 140 Kunama, see Vehicle, Maduve
Kodiya, banner, 15, 23, 24, 43, 51, 78, Lekama, 167, King's, 275, 279, 280 ;
80 ; Uva, 137 ; Disava's, 172 ; Vala Badda, 313, Lekama, 386 ; Raja
pane, 200, 278. Atapattu people, kariya, 408
209; for Devalaya, 255 ; Kukul, Kundasala, 112 ; Kunda salava, 4
258 ; . Puli, 313 ; Flagstaff, 360 ; Kuppen, Captain, Malay, 50
with Prince, 363, 374, 382 Kuppe Tamby, 190
Kodituvakku, 2, 44, 51 ; Disava's, Kurakkan, 275
1 0 7 ; King's, 1 4 7 ; Lekama, 176, Kure, Siman, 261, 385
413 Kurukohogama Kiri Banda, con
Koholana, palanquin bearers of, 313 victed, 386 ,
Kohomba, 46 Kurunagala, 53, Habago, 88 ; Walbe
Kohu Kumbura ; headman friendly, off aptd. Agent, 235-255 ; 290 ; raids
7 7 ; captures Kappitipola, 2 0 4 : from, 3 1 1 , 312, 3 1 6 , threatened,
proclaimed, 2 1 5 ; captured, 267- 317, 366, 367 ; tavalams from, 376,
269 ; 360-379 Hook at, 377, 393, 395, 406
Koka Gala, Vaddo, assemblo at, 198, Kurundukumbura Mohottala, 246, 252
190 Kuruppu, Nanambi, 254
Kolom, 46 Kuruve, of Kengalla, 35, r i 6 , 120,
Kolonna Korale, 157, 233 164 ; of Tuppitiya, 260 ; of Satara
Komarika, royal fields at, 133, 180, Korale, 116, 172 ; Lekama, 182
1 9 5 ; Vidane of arrested, 212 Mudaliyar, 183, Lekama, 303
Kondagam, 46 Kuruviti Korale, 44, 233. 256, 354
Konde Ella, 115 Kuttapitiya, sannas, 25 ; Portuguese
Konpola, palanquin bearers of, 313 in, 106, 275
Korala, Koralala, 16, 190, 377 ; Tuna, Laggala, 3, 8, 5
Three Korales, 9 ; areka monopoly Lamamiura, Lama Hami, Raja Sinha's
of, 92 ; see Mampitiya, 1 7 1 , 243 ; sister, 297
supports British, 252, 308, 328 ; Lankatihika, 10
Mattamagoda's lands in, 348 Lansolu, coloured cloth, 337
Kos, jak, economic value, 283 Larin see Money
Kossinne Nilame, 240 Lascar, muslim, 95, Gnu, 202
Kotabova, Moors, 7 4 ; Madige, 1 8 1 , Lascarin, see Hevapannayo, 180, 192-
1 9 3 ; military at, 199, 2 1 2 , 213, 1 9 4 ; corps of, 202 ; prisoner released
INDEX 727
2
224, 237, 2 3 8 ; corps, 320, 3 2 i - 3 5 . situation, 342 ; Tippu Sultan, 343 ;
337. 350, 3<37 croakers of Colombo, 344 ; D'Oyly,
Latin, inscription on Medal, 239 346 ; Fraser, 346-347, 3O1; Volate
Latre, Captain Philip de, driven away Nilame, 362, 363, Sinhalese state
by Pilime Talavva, 251, 252, 349 ; craft, 365 ; the new claimant, 372,
reward in connection therewith, 382 ; Madugalla, 384, need of change,
373 401, 402
Lavoran, Surgeon, discovers malaria Lyons, stuffs from, 7 1
parasite, 298 Lyttleton, Lieut,, Artist, 3, 5
Lead, not found in Ceylon, 2 7 6 Macanlay, Zachary, 148
Leech, 3 ; worry troops, 1 9 9 ; friend Macdonald, Major, Commandant at
of the Sinhalese, 297 Badulla, 180, 190 ; in Vellassa, 201,
Lekama, Maha Lekama, see Maduwa, 202 ; Uva, 209, 218-221 ; despatches
Kuruve, Kottalia, Kunama, 2 7 ; intercepted, 224, 253 ; besieged at
. Lekam mitiya of Maligava, 41 ; Paranagama, 258 ; reports atro
at public functions, 43, Lekam miti cities, 331 ; Paranagama, 339 ; at
of Lands, 9 4 ; precedence of, 9 7 ; Galle, 355, 363
list of arms, 146, 1 4 7 ; in Perahara, Macdowal, General, at Ruvanalla,
1 7 7 ; Lekam miti of a Disava, 171 ; Fort, 37O
209 ; of Ran Ayudha Mandape, 225 ; Mackay, Major, with Fifth Division,
of Devale village, 322 ; of Uva, 1-3 ;" Commanding in Sinhale, 3 ;
343 ; of Sat Korale, 350 Prize Committee, 40
Leopard, sent to London, too ; device Mackintosh, Sir James, 39
of Chaliyiis, 313 Maclaine, Lieut., J., his ferocity, 219,
Levalla, tota, n ; ferry boat, 224, 33 f
273. 37''. 3"3 M'adagamvela, 218, 268, Mudiyanse,
Levaya, 08, 157, 158 34'. 344
Levnke, Disava, 2f>, 124 ; his con lis. Muda Kinda, Disava over, 2O1, 3 0 3 ;
eated lands, 1 7 6 ; learnt wrestling, wavering, 340-344
328 ; Basnayaka N'ihuiie, 43 Mada Korale, unrest in, 22(1, 233, 283,
Lewis, Lieut., 274 344
Lihiniya Vehera, 293 Mada Maha Nuvara, 384
Lime-juice, for washing, 219, 298 Mada midula, 165, 19*1
Lion, present to Raja Sinha, 289 Mada Oya, i n , iy.|., 218
Lindsay, Lieut., Colonel, M., 368
Madappuli, 322
Lisbon, Bibliotheea Nacioiial, 94
Madavala, 9(1; Viharaya, 146
Lit I.akunu. 20, 21
Madavala tanna, 247, 238, 272, 309,
Liverpool, Karl of, on War in Ceylon,
3I'>
103
Maildegama, yd
Liyana, Rain, 25 Madeira, present of, 214
Lockyer, Edmund, Captain, bis Madge, ('apt., abandons fort, 376
Diary of the Expedition, i - j , 150, Madige, madi, hungam, 07; Badde
1 C.() Nilame, see Moor, 72-75 ; Vidane,
Locusts, Eknaligodu's, 3N5 74. 77 ; of Satara Korale, 96, 97 ;
Lodawick, suli-Asst., Surgeon, 370 Hiilaiiliadda. M.. 9 7 ; changing
Logal oya, 218 rajakariya, 124 ; under Disava, 1O2 ;
London, Times, 25H M. Moiiuniliram, tSu. 189, 2 4 1 ;
Louis Appu, [ i c o n , 31)7-31.8 organisation of, 29^ , in S;it Korale,
Lunu Badda, supplies onions, 302 294, 38.1
Lunugala, Vahumpurayo of, 109, n o , Ma<lras, Nayukers sent to, 131 ; Kum-
3" 7 halgama at, 140 ; Sinhalese ain-
Lusignan, George, aptd., to Kandyan bassailors, 144 ; help sought, from,
Oilice, 178, 179, 233, 248, 250, 2fit, 226 : Treaty discussed, 2O4 ; Gover
2OO ; on IJehigamn, 272 ; Hook, nor of, ziij, 331, 306, 301
289, George Nadoris, 202, 293 ; Madu, lassoo, 1 10
Molligoda, 20O ; negotiations, 300, Madugalla, Uda Gabada Nilame, 42 ;
309, 31 i ; hanging people, 312 ; tried, 140-140 ; released, 1 7 5 ; sum
Hook, 317, 321 ; Ilantu Dhatu, moned to Maha Nuvara, 223 ;
323 ; Hook's ('union, 329, 331 ; reward olfered for, 251 ; and
Dambavinna, 3 3 4 ; Hie political Millava, 259, 335 ; I urns against
728 INDEX
" Prince, 3G3-365 1 pursued, 383-393 ; cleared, 224 ; garrisons called in,
convicted, 3 9 9 ; the Elder, Gaja- 2 4 2 ; Upasampada, 269-271 ; iso
navaka Nilame, 31, 1 4 3 ; sent to lated, 288 ; Perahara, 337 ; records
Dumbara, 223 ; Siya Pattuve Adi at, 350 ; vindicating houses, 4 1 4
kar, 299, 300 ; captured, 384, 385 Maha Oya, 112, 134, 144, 172, 306
Madugastalauve Basnayaka .Rala, 338 Maharata, 387
Madulla, 94 ; tappal station destroyed, Maha Sena, see Kataragama
200, 210, 211*; 271, 338, 380-382 Maha titta, 143
Madum Sangiya, copied, 353 Mahatmayo, 1 1 8 , 123
Madura, 7 ; burnt, 184 ; Prince from, Maha Vadi Rata, Prince in, 220
372 Mahavala Tdama, Nuvara at, 363
Madurankuli, 143 Mahavalatanna Mohottala, rewarded,
Madutta Gal potta, i n 75 ; provides cattle, 76 ; in favour,
Maduva, madu, M. Gankara atto, 107, 138, 139 ; at Colombo, 1 4 7 -
M. Padikara atto, 34, 33, 65, 78, 149 ; 226, 233 ; alarmed, 246-253 ;
sends family away, 282-284, 308 ;
79 ; in front of Valauva, 134, 135 ;
and Ukgal Alut Nuvara, 3 3 7 ;
for dhanaya, 138, 166 ; Banner kept
repels incursion, 345 •
in, 209 ; atto, 227, 363 Maha Vasala, applied to King, 43
Maduvanvala Nilame, 282 Maha Vidane, see Panadura
Magic, practised bv Beravayo, 281 Mahavili Ganga, 3, 4, 1 1 1 ; diya kapi-
Magul Maduva, Mangalya Mandape,
Convention at, 13 ; Sangha received (
ma at, 177, 242, 243, 328, 381, 384
31-33 ; Avurudda celebration, 46 ; Mahayana, 61
dhanaya, 49 ; consultation at, 87 ; Mahiyangana, 197, 254, 421
as courthouse, 140-144 ; repairs to, Mahoney, Lieut., Diary of, 1 7 3 , 174
1 5 0 ; Chiefs meet, 166 ; Mangala Maitland, Governor, principles oi ad
Ashta, 1 7 7 ; Chiefs meet, 1 7 8 , ministration, 234 ; medals, 240 ; on
214, 215 ; Court, 234 ; new organi cattle raiding, 356
sation announced, 404 Makandura Mohottala, 56, 97, 98
Malabar, dynasty, 9, 1 6 , 26 ; traders,
Magurudeniya, sannas for, 1 1 9
72 ; money lenders, 73 ; dress, 86 ;
Maha Badda, Beravayo of, 42 , 163.
at Madulla, 94, 130 ; under arrest,
164 ; weaving, 281 ; see Cinnamon, 140 ; agitation against, 168 ; Princes,
314 203, 207, 214, 249 : in Maturata,
Maha Gabadava, records at, 343 302 ; accept Buddhism, 304 ; Chali
Mahagama, salt from, 7 7 as in 313, 322 ; Royal caste, 346 ;
Mahagam Pattu, 156, 158 Dress, 364 ; a claimant, 365, 372,
Maha hirage, 56, 1 1 8 , 1 7 5 , 392 ; Itch, 400
Maha Maluva, 15, 33, 43, 45 Malapalu, fields, 34
Maha Mantri, 85 Malaria, 297, 298, prophylactic,* 391
Maha Mudaliyar, 19, .53, 84, 130, 149, Malay-, at Katukale, 50 ; Mohundiram,
168 see Asana ; capture Dontuva, 157 ;
Maha Naduva, 140 open roads, 161 ; gaming, 170 ; at
Maha Nilame, see Adikar, 386 outposts, 174 ; with Wilson, 190-
Maha Nuvara, Senkanda Saila, Sen- 194 ; Kennedy, 2.11 ; domestic ser
kadagala Sirivardhana Pura, Kandy, vants, 241 ; respect Devalaya trea
North gate, 3 ; described, 4, 5 ; sure, 255 ; at Godamune, 266 ;
Hatara gantota, n ; sports at Court, capture Kohu Kumbura, 268 ; food
29 ; Vasala Guards, 34 ; eroded scruples, 298, 301 ; ferocity, 326 ;
streets, 36 ; horses and palanquins, wrestling, 3 2 8 ; recruits, 331 ; liable
37 ; Mahayana influence, 44 ; Vish to Malaria, 344 ; dress, 560, }6r,
nu cult, 44 ; Danta Dhatu brought, 384
44 ; Alut avuruddha, 46 ; dhanaya,
4 9 ; policing, 5 6 ; Udavatu kele Malayalam, 283
tank, 63 ; King's pleasure house, Malcolm, Lieut., 157
82 ; magistrate, 94 ; Moor proces Malgammana, 4 1
sion, 95 ; British flag first hoisted, Malgas talauva, 74, 190
102 ; Brownrigg at, 116-127 ; chan Malhami Bandara, suspected, 168
ges in, 120-124; Perahara, 1 3 3 ; Maligava, see Buddhism
Katti Mangalya, 156 ; in 18r7, 174, Mallava pora, 248
175; lawlessness, 1 7 8 ; heights Malliya, Tikiri, evidence of, 257, 258
INDEX 729
Mallun, 48 Matara, 6, 3 9 ; cattle, 7 6 ; Tombo,
Malmivala, 289 9 4 ; arrack, 112 ; Kappitipola at,
Malvana, Convention of, 53 138 ; Mahavalatanna, 149 ; Disava's
Malvatta, see Buddhism Muttettu, 157, 1 6 8 ; invaded by
Mammavat, 54, 88 ; Goda mavata, Sinhalese, 203, 222, 233, 247, 282,
1 4 4 ; see Transport, Roads 291 ; corps raised, 320, 321 ; Forbes
Mampitiya, the Elder, n g ; Dugganna, at, 332
Unnahe, 26, 123 ; Bandara's plot, Matipimbiya, see Dambavinna, 338
38G ; Kuda Bandara ; to Udu Nuva Mattamagoda, Disava, property
ra, 2 6 ; Korala Tuna, 1 1 9 ; land looted, 62 ; supports Prince, 282,
claims, 1 2 4 ; 1 7 1 , 1 7 2 ; imprisoned, 335-347 J Nanayakkara Lekama,
251 118, 3 3 6 ; surrenders, 377
Manakola, 286 Maturata, Third Div, in, 75 ; Blanken-
Manaketti, 392 berg, 302-306; Perahara, 337
Manar, 47 ; donkeys, 90, 265 ; propa Mavatagama, Nayaka Unnanse, 33,
ganda organised, 358 ; Backhouse 178 ; Nilame hanged, 3 1 6 , 317
at, 3 9 1 , 392 Mavela, Gabadagama, 346
Manavava, 394 Mayadunna, employs Moors, 7 1 , san
Manchu, 43, Emperor, 1 1 5 nas, 118, 192
Mandara Nuvara, 286, 388 Mead, C. W., at Chilaw, 246
Mandol fel, 244 Measures, of capacity, Amunam, of
Mandur, rice from, 150 ; firewalking, paddy, 1 3 3 , 303 ; sulphur, 2 6 5 ;
198 Bahar, 291 ; Bera, 303, 308 ; Goniya,
Maneloluva Panguva, given to Simon 97 ; Kotta, 294, Marcal, 303 ; Medi-
Appuhami, 124 da, 244; Naliya, 34 ; 244,, 2 9 4 ;
Mangalya, Avurudu, 46, 47, 108, Parrah, 252, 283 ; l.'ata, 244 Seer,
3 3 8 ; Karabandi, 1 1 9 ; Kudu ban- 90, 2 i o , 28r. 283, 294
ilina, in) ; Katti, 155 ; Asala, keliya, Meat, 48, 76
17!), 1 7 7 ; Alut sal, 217, 218, 2 4 8 ; Mecca, 73
Balibat, 337, Valliyak, 337 ; Man- Medabedde Vidane, 379
gala Ashta, 1 7 7 Medal, Dutch and English, 239, 2 4 9 ;
Manik vala, gems from, 126 Dolosvala's, 241 ; Malays', 2 6 8 ;
Mautota, 145 for MolligSda, 296, 309, 3 7 3 , see
Mantra, 141 Ahalepola
Maragala Kanda, 226, 361 Mcddugama, 190
Marapone, 328 Medicine, 46 ; elephants and horses,
Maravila, 144 1 1 3 , Madugalla's attendant, 1 4 4 ;
Marichehi katti, 1 4 5 smallpox, 184; skill recognised,
Marriott, Paymaster, (.'.., 47, 135 194 ; malaria, 298 ; knowledge of,
Marshall, Henry, Surgeon, 1 5 , 17, 383 ; foreign remedies, 3S4 ; see
385, 418, 420 ; Charles, Justice, Bet ge
'<><) Meneses, Dom Francisco de, 313
Martial Taw, Court Martial, 203, 212, Meuik Kumbura gitted to Sangha, 36
22fi, 230, 233, 303, 307, 310, 327, Merit, offered to Devas, 156 ; the
8 y s
3 3 ' . 339. 377. 3 7 - 3«5-387, 3 ' . 393. Governor's, 1 7 8 ; share of, 418, 421
3 ' A 399. 4 ~' Metal, lack of, 72
Maruvaliya Mohundiram, 29 Migahapitiya Gunotti Rala, 194
Maruvena, tenant, 24.3 Migastanna Adikar, 35, 56
Mascarenhas, i.lom Felippe, 164, 181 Milavana Pass, 374
Mnstelle, Gooria guard, 301 Millava Disava, King's adviser, 2 9 ;
Mat, for packing, 192 Dis. of Vellassa and Bintanna, 69 ;
Matale, 3 ; precedence, 24 ; Adikarama, Ahalepola and, 81 ; Brownrigg and,
1 3 8 ; Ahalepola's residence, 205, 127 ; in Colombo, 128-130; Kivule-
247 ; Prince of, 249 ; free of British, gedara's trial, 1 3 2 ; flogging, 1 5 2 ;
232 ; sulphur store, 264 ; 272 ; Ran Kaduva, 154 ; cinnamon peel
military in, 288-295 I Allepola, 300, ing, j.64 ; on the Perahara, 1 7 6 ,
3 0 2 ; incursion from, 3 1 7 , 3 1 8 ; 107 ; in Bintanna. 200-202 ; advises
Kappitipola enters, 329, 3 3 c 344, Brownrigg, 207, 228 ; removed to
349 ; Hook 358-380 ; Madugalla, Colombo, 259, 2 6 0 ; his family,
r
3'U, 3 '-| i invaded, 372-370 ; 379-395 272, 2 9 6 ; Rate Mahatmaya, house
730 INDEX
burnt, 242 ; surrenders, 377 2 3 2 ; identifies royal jewels, 2 3 9 ;

Millilla, for bridge, 267 sent to Satara Korale, 243, 259 ;
Mimure, place of refuge, 385 his activities, 289-296; relations
Minden, H.M.S., Z63, 359 with Hook, 303 ; interviews Brown
Minihiriya, Minneriya, 2, 372 rigg, 304, 3 0 9 ; against disarming
Mint, British., 333 people, 3T.5 ; on Danta Dhatu, 322 ;
Mirahavatta Lekama, 303, 337 defends Satara Korale, 329, 330,
Miranda, Padre Manoel de, 321 363 ; advice about Madugalla, 365,
Mirihatta Ford, 6 3 6 6 ; consulted on reorganisation,
Mirissa, 241 , 4 0 3 ; rewarded, 408, 4 1 2 ; use oi
Mirivadi sangala, 86 palanquin, 414
Mirror, 71 Molligoda, the younger, wife of, 24,
Mitudu Gurunny, Master Carpenter, 26 ; state guest at Colombo, 78,
79 ; his law suit, 118 ; Rate Mahat
71
maya of Dumbara, 1 1 9 ; Kuruve
Mivature Padikara Lekama, convic
Lekama of Kengalla, 164 ; replaced
ted, 386
by the elder Madugalla, 2 2 3 ;
Moffat, Lt. Col. Samuel, cruelties
Disava of Sat Korale, 245-253,
of, 330
349 ; died of drink, 391 ; Uclugam-
Mohenjo Daro, 357
paha Adikars, 412
Mohundiram, Gate, 19 ; Maduve Atto,
Molligoda, village, 289
34 ; Boeiros, 72 ; Telkara, 156 ;
Monaragala, Prince at, 220, 247
Aspantiye, 164 ; Sudu harak pan-
Monaravila, see Kappitipola, 329
tiye, 164, Vellassa Madige, 1 8 0 ;
Money, its position in Sinhale, 1 2 9 ,
Bet ge, Satapena ge, Kan ayudha
4 0 S ; counterfeiting, 333, 3 3 4 ;
maduva, 196 ; sent with offerings,
Challi, 102, 333 ; Fanam, 76 103,
2 1 6 : Moor, 2 2 i ; Satapena ge,
114, IT8, 135, 170, 244, 281 ; Silver
Atapattu Murapola, Vahalkada
Fanam, 383 ; Larin, 47, 103, 2 4 1 ,
2 2 5 ; Madige, 2 4 1 ; Sat Korale
244 ; British Notes, 161 ; Pagoda,
Madige, 294 ; Governor's Gate, 299 ;
12, 30, 35. 220, 292, 3 1 5 , 3 2 7 ;
over Sinhalese levies, 321
Star P., 251, 333 ; Porto Novo P.,
Mohottala, Mohottalala. Mohottiar, 7 6 ; Penny, 1 1 4 , 2 7 6 ; Pico, 67,
16 ; in appointing Disava, 24 ; 102, 1 7 1 , 281 ; Pound, 60, 1 5 2 , 240,
kneeling, 27 ; rewarded, 29 , 35 ; 241, 262 ; Ridi, 97, 14.1, 203, 253,
on Custom, 38 ; and Disava, 60, 294, 315 ; Rix-dollar, 62, 73, 99, 1 5 9 ,
1 1 9 ; hat of, 1 6 9 ; as spokesman, 192, 203, 210, 2 1 6 , 225, 239, 2 5 1 ,
177, 178 ; loyalty to Disava, 204 ; 265, 281, 282, 289, 294, 308, 310,
in Saparagamuva, 253-255 ; Dissave, 321, 333, 382, 388; Rupee, 2 2 0 ;
Mohottala, 47, 54, 100 ; see Eknali Sattali, 171 ; Shilling, 92, 240 ;
goda, 190, 253 ; of Korala Tuna, Stiver, 333 •
308 ; Sat Korale, 310 ; Tombo, 355 ;
social prejudices, 358 ; Atapattuve, Moniteur, newspaper, 292
169, 253 ; Kodituvakku, 253 ; Alut- Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley, 185
panne, 336 Moon, Alexander, botanist, 214
Molligoda, the elder, when the British Moonstone, see Punakkan, 169
entered, 4-20 ; aptd. Pallegampahe Moors, traders at Gonava, 13 ; at
Adikar, 22 ; complaints against, 29 ; Katukale, 50, 56 ; their settlement
Mamvaliye Muhandiram, 29 ; arran in Ceylon, 69-73 ) as spies, 73 ;
ges return of Devas, 41-43 : and religious procession by, 95 ; form
Dalada, 50, 51 state guest at Colom Hulan Badda, Madige, 97 ; and gem
bo, 78, 79 ; and Ahalepola, 81, 98 ; industry, 105 ; influx into Maha
sends nakat vattoruva, 108 ; aptd. Nuvara, 121 ; informer, 1 3 9 ; at
to Sat Korale, 1 1 9 ; visits Colombo, Putralam, 145 ; gem smuggler!', 169 ;
128 ; refers to precedent, 166 ; visits and gaming, 170 ; form Maha Nuva
Colombo, 168 ; his good services, ra bazzar, 175 ; becoming impudent
175 ; at Bintanna, 200 ; joins Mac 180 ; carpenter, 192 ; winning over,
donald, 202 ; trusted by Brownrigg, 221 ; their hmd purchases, 2 2 2 ;
207; Disava of Uva, 209, 214 ; a chief Moorman of Chilaw, 241,
vision, 2 1 6 ; Kataragama appoint Brownrigg's dealings with, 2 4 T ,
ments, 2 1 7 ; shot at, 2 1 9 ; a horse 242 ; Betrays Kohu Kumbura, 207,
for, 221 ; watched, 225 ; trusted, 2 6 8 ; in Vellassa alarmed, 2 7 1 ,
INDEX 731
Hook favours them, 293-295 ; beef convicted, 169 ; supports Dore Sva
for Muslims, 299; Mohundiram over, mi, 282-290, 344 ; proscribed, 345
304; encouraged by Hook, Muttu, Hadji, in favour, 73-77 ; aptd.
310-312 ; Battalion, 320, 321 ; leav Madige Mohundiram, 180 ; his brief
ing Vellassa, 332 ; counterfeit coins, career, 181-189, 269, 361
333 ; report on Kappitipola, 341 ; Mutukon Sinha Vidane Henaya, San
expelled from Kotmale, 345 ; beef nas, 354
for Muslims, 357 ; in Matale, 373- Mutukuda, 46, 51, 86
376 ; at Butava's execution, 378 ; Na, Naga Kesara, 90 ; avenue, 173 ;
medical men, 384; spy, 394, in arrows shaped like leaf, 208 ; amba-
Sinhalese villages, 410 ; arrest Kivu lam under, 223 ; over devalaya, 42J
legedara, 420 Nadeni, Vannia of, 335, 336
Moore, novelist, 300 Nadu Kadu, Moors at, 77
Morahela, given to Mahavalatanna, 7 5 Nagaha Vitiya, 420
Moratota, Nayaka Unnanse, 32, 36, Nagalagamtota, 80
in charge of Sri Pada, 39; given Nagapattanam, 313
Degaldoruva, 119 Nagara, 174, 391, 392
Moratuva, carpenters from, 192 Naik, 6
Mornington, Lord, 163 Nakata, 41, 44,. 46, 51 ; Vattoruva,
Moslem, invasion, 7, 254 ; and Adam's 108, 277, 397 ; see Pananvala
Peak, 70 Nalanda, 2 ; Boyd at, 37 ; road trace,
Mosquito, 271, 393 88, 89 ; fort abandoned, 251, 252,
Mozambique, slaves from, 241 290 ; Kappitipola at, 364 ; proposed
Mudaliyar, 12 ; addressed by King, fort at, 374 ; road blocked, 376 ;.
100 ; of the Washers, 104 ; Salaries Kelly at, 377, 385 ; Haimasgedara.
paid to, 2(ii hanged, 388, 392, 395
Muddanepola, 4 3 Nambapana, 90
Muddu Svami, 18, 25, 364, 386 Namunukula, Kanda, rain raising on,.
Mudduva, smiths of, 125 306, 307
Mudukondan Mahavasala, assassi Napoleon, his,newspaper, 292
nated, 168 Naranda, 383
Muclungoda, 168 Narangala Kanda, 333
Mugura, club, 2 1 1 Narangomuva, 385, 389
Mukkuvas, in Batticalo, 336 Naranpanava, 384
Mukavadam patiya, used by Kapu Narapati, 34 ; nara deviyo, 43
Rala, 45 ; by Maligava attendants, Narayana, Naraina, see Vishnu ; Na-
5i raina Pulle, 121
Mulgama Korala, supports Wore Sva Narcndra Sinha, receives ambassa
mi, 282 dors, 13 ; infringes Sirit, 27, 94 ; at
Mulgrfmpola, 43 Kundasala, 1 1 2 ; uses wigs, 115 ; at
Mullegama Disava, his house looted, Puttalama, 145 ; and Maligava,
61, 62, 333, 399 Karanduva, 325 ; medicine for, 384.
Multen, bama, 248 ; ge, Nilame, 27') : Natum Ilangama, the King's, 79
of Maligava, 324 Navala Aar, 198
Mun, for bathing, 220 Navala Unnanse, spy, 358
Mundassaua, square of cloth, 364 Na valla, palanquin bearers from, 341
Mundel, 144 Navaratna Vanniya, in Pomparippu,
Munnessarania, 254, sannas, 354 149 ; Maha Muduliyar, Medal of
Mura, turn of service, 275 240 ; Mudaliya, escorts Pybus, 355.
Murray, Fourth Division under, 0 Navatkadu, King at, 145
Murute Kanda, 329 Navayodun Korale, Disava of, 61,
Music, 30, Regimental Band, 1 3 1 ; 233", 256, 2 S3
organ, pianoforte, violin, 'cello, 159 ; Nayaka Unnanse, provided with aduk-
for devalaya, 255 ku, 187
Musk, lor the bath, 220 Nayaker, 5, 7, 130, 131, :08, 189
Mutaliph, captain, 40 Nayide, the five classes of, 71
Mutiyangava Viharaya, 133 ; Nayaka Nazzur, 91
arrested, 284-285 Needle, 71, 155
Muttetu, 97 Negro slaves, 241
Muttetuvagama, 139 ; Atapattu Rala Negumbo, fish from, 48 ; Moors at,
732 INDEX
7 1 , 8 0 ; arrack distilled at, 1 1 2 ; O'Neil, Lieut. William, 3 0 8 ; arrests

Nayakers and Asana Kapitan at, Kappitipola, 394, 395, 397
1 3 1 , 134 ; road to, 144 ; customs Onions, from Uva and Bombay, 67 ;
duty in 1 6 1 3 , 241 ; Magistrate at, ration, 298 ; Lunu Badda supplies,
262 302
Ncllava Kodituvakku Lekama, 349 Opanayaka, Portuguese Senhorio of,
Nelundeniye Mohottala, killed, 333 106
Newman, Lieut., igo-194 Ophthalmia, 296
Nikavalla, Nayaka Unnanse ot Daii- Opium, remedy for dysentery, 2 6 4 ;
bulla, 377, 395 ; rewarded, 396, 408 and malaria, 298
Nila Maha Yodaya, 156 Ordeal, 65, by fire, 152
Nilambe, 266, Kappitipola at, 328 Orukima, 156, 158
Nilame, Nilamevaru, 2 7 ; on Gover Oruva, trough, 267
nor's staff, 38 ; status of, 42, 180, Ostnvullcr, Andris, 249
Attula N., 1 1 9 ; Gabada, 1 9 6 Ottu Balanda, spying, penalty for,
Nila Perumala, 254 201
Nindagam Ralala, provide Adukku, 187 Otunna, 154
Niravalla, Smith of, 128 Ovila, Pilime Talavva's Valauva burnt,
Nirialla, Brahmins of, 104 290
Nirvana, 418 Oxford, 355
Nissanka Malla, gilds Dambulla Oya Palata, 260, 2 6 1 , 286 ; chiefs of,
images, 375 335 ; Disava, 378
Niti Niganduva, 413 Pachchavadan, from Jaffna, 281
Nitsinga Mudaliyar, 6 Pada, flat bottomed boat, 1 7 1
Nittavala Viharaya, 397 Padaviya, ecclesiastical, 50
Nivasa, Ahalepola's residence, 205 Padeniya Viharaya, 362
Nivitigala, given to Dolosvala, 101 ; Padi, salary, 35
Ra Siha's Akara, 103, 104 Padikara, 307
Niyanda, bowstring hemp, 364 Padili vatta, at Negumbo, 1 3 1
Niyanganipaya Viharaya, King's like Paduvo, caste, 164, 302
ness at, 100, 243 Pagoda Appu, fetches Bo plants, 255
North, Frederick, attitude to Sinhalese Pahamune Mohottala, 392
language, 39 ; starts Government Pahidun, uncooked food, 295 , 3x5
Gazette, 98, 9 9 ; rewards Perera Paik, 300
Mudaliyar, 104. ; and Christianity, Painting, mural, 5, 22 ; Ologama, 349 ;
147-149 ; his cinnamon policy, 163 ; Dambulla, 375 ; Bambaragala, 383
medals, 240 ; the press gang, 262 ; Pakka, administrative system, 54
his failure, 263 ; Sinhalese Militia, Palamkottai, cloth from, 282
320 ; grant to Munnessarama, 354 Palanga, Pattini's husband, 184
Nugahapola nangi, Ahalepola's youn Palangamuva vatta, 89, 1 7 1
ger sister, 240 Palanquin, Pallakkiya, see Kunama,
Nugaliyadda, 364 Vehicle ; bearers, 85, n o , 3 1 3 - 3 1 5 ;
Nuvara, residence of Court, 363 Queen's, 99 ; Ahalepola, 165, 209,
Nuvara Kalavaya, 47 ; Killing elep 220 ; Brownrigg, 235, 275 ; Pilime
hants by Vaddo, 182 ; free of British, Talavva, 2 9 0 ; Molligoda, 303 ;
252 ; Fraser scours, 376, 392, 394 ; Sangha Raja, 310, 341 ; use regula
partitioned, 410 ted, 406, 414
Nuvara Vava, Vanni Unnahe, Kuma Palatupana saltpans, n o ; fort, 161
rasinha, Vannisinha, Nagara Van Paldeniya, Ahalepola's house, 374
niya, 47 ; helps to capture Prince, Pali, 136, si okas to deva, 1 4 1 , Bible,
367-368 ; has a fresh claimant 159 ; in Burmah, 291 ; translator,
available, 372 ; Fraser at, 376-377 299, book, 4 1 9
•Octagon, see Pattirippuva. P.ilingupana Rala, at Matara. 94
Oil, for Valliyakun, 337 Palipana Disava, 119
•Oath, in judicial proceedings, 142 ; Pallaru, 315
on image of Ruddha, 205 ; at H o Pallegama, Duraya, 307 ; village, 385
Tree, 2 6 7 ; at Devalaya, 364, 410 Pallegampaha, see Adikar
Ologama, ravaged, 349, 372 Palle Vahala, Queen's Establishment,
Olugalla Unnanse, submits, 33O 266, 344 ; Gabada Nilame, 34
Olupaliyuva Unnanse, imprisoned, 382 Palmadulla, see Koratota
INDEX 733
Palvatta, 193 Passo Grande, Grand Pass, 80, 360,

Pamplemousscs, Ahalepola at, 4 1 6 415
Pan, suclda, at Maligava, 51, 52, 80 Pasyodun Korale, 104, 1 2 6 , 163
Panadura, Maha Vidane, 132 Patabendas, of Chilaw, 241
Pananvala Ganitaya, King's astrolo Pata tahaduva, frontlet, 1 2
ger, 51 Patberiya Mohottala, 308
Panava, 156, 1 6 1 ; Chiei! of, 2 1 7 ; Patcherie, for bathing, 220
Disava, 260 ; Vidane of, 261 Paterson, Capt., H.M.S. Minden, 263
Panaval Korale, 308 Patha rogaya, foot disease, 216
Pancakakudha Bhandaya, 80, 153 Patra, bowl, 267
Pancha Sila, and Bhikkhus' evidence, Pattini, see Deva
141 ; rules of, 302 Pattipola, Disava, 30, 336 ; aar crossed,
Pandan, flambeaux, 408 199, 3441 Pate Rala, 2 1 2 , 310, 396
Pandeloya, 150 Pattirippuva, 5, 15 ; given to Mali
Pandi kulam, 186 gava, 36, 3 7 ; dhanaya at, 4 9 ;
Panditasekara, Petrus, convert, 291 King at, 1 1 6
Panduru, the King's, 34 ; to Devala- Paune, 384
yas, 45 ; mila, 9 7 ; by Ra Siha Paya, twenty-four minutes, 42 ; tetiya,
Deviyo, 139 ; by Sri Vikrama, 186 4 1 ; sutra, 42, 2 7 7 , 278
Pandyan, 184 Peacock, 2 ; vehicle of Deva, 186
Panikki, Panicaes, elephant catchers, Pearl fishery, 145
181 ; King's Panikkile, 383 Pease, Bengal, 299
Panivida, King's, 37 ; P. karayo, 1G2, Pedic, Mukkuva headman, 33O
278 Pelican, quills, 330
Pannayo, 376 ; dura, villages, 1.64; Pelsaert, Francisco, 219
Pannagama, 2, 89, 37O, 389 Penang, recruits from, 331
Pannala garrisoned, 209, 210 ; Mohot Pcnum, 55, 292
Pepper, red, for King's kitchen, n o ;
tala, 2 4 9 ; attacked, 258, 2 7 1 , 381,
monopoly, 124 ; from Puttalam,
Pausala, as village school, 37, 247, 145 ; in Devamedda, 355
354 ; centre of conspiracy, 381 Peradeniya, river, 4 ; Lekama, 138 ;
Pan Sil, recited at Dambulla, 376 Viharaya, 162 ; bridge, 2 6 7 ; fighting
Pantavclla, 395 at, 386, 388
Paper, 20, 95, 96, 248, 330 Perahan kaclaya, strainer, 80
Paradeniya Bandar, 1 1 8 Perahara, 28 ; Knox on, 4 4 ; 133 ;
Paradise, bird of, 1 1 5 at Katti Mangalya, 1 5 6 ; Asala
Paragoda, 349 keliya, 17O, 1 7 7 ; celebrated, 3 3 7 ;
Parakrama Bahu, 7 1 , 200, 207, 2 1 1 , at Maha Nuvara, 359 •••
2 7 9 ; Pandita, 254 ; Rukule, 149, Peraliya, rebel, 146
Peramune Rala, 209
25-C
Percival, Capt., 26, 29, 64
Paranagama, 7 5 , 257, 258, 280, 305,
Perera, Harmanis Mudaliyar, 104,
337. 330. 345. 3»S. 42"
103 ; Dona Maria, Ra Siha's daugh
Paranakuru Korale, 47, 328
ter, 1 of)
Parangi, thcru, 145 ; Hatane, 2T3, 4 1 6
Persia, horses, 28 ; Moslems from, 70 ;
Parape, 293, 349
Parasol, 13O sulphur, 264
Parava, 71 Pescadores, fishermen, 48
Paravahagania, 394 Petangoda Uyana, 1 7 1
Paravenia, 29, 33, 47, 248 Pcttah, of Colombo, 4,415
Pardesi, see Moor Pharaoh, 43
Parea tecelao, weaver, 281 Philip of Spain, 53
Paris, 231 Philipsz Panditaratna, Third Maha
Parliament, Select Committee of, 2 1 9 , Mudaliyar, 291
400, 414, 4 1 7 Pidurutalagala, 302
Parrot, for Raja Sinha, 1 1 5 Pike, Bombardier, 130
Pasbage, 32H, '329 Pilassa, 289, 293
Passara, 64 ; revenue from, iSo ; road, Pilime Talavva, father of Kapuvatta,
197, 21S, 257, 30O 96, 1 1 9 ; Adikar, executed, 24; meets
Passaramulla, salt store, 283 Macdowall, 3 6 ; conspires, 50, 7 3 ;
Passaravatta Vidane, surrenders, 30O Devoid Rajjuruvo, 8 6 ; the Ran
734 INDEX
Kaduva, 1 5 4 ; at Sitavaka, 1 9 1 , Poson maha, month, 421

304; Great Chief, 22 ; Dis. of Potatoes, sweet, 298
Satara Korale, 24 ; his sister, 35 ; Potuhara Unnanse, spy, 358
wears sandles, 78, 173 ; State Guest, Poussin, 89
78, 7 9 ; Dis., Satara Korale, 1 1 9 ; Prarthanava, 418
his house, 1 3 4 ; Poobarry, 1 8 8 ; Prince Regent, see Regent
Dis. of Valapane, 209; his party Prize, Committee, 40, 4 1 , 290
232 ; attempt to arrest, 236, 237 ; Procession, Moor, 95, 221
Viharaya at Asgiriya, 242 ; attacks Ptolemy map, 183
British forces, 251, 252 ; Arava, Pubbiliya, 395 ; rewarded, 408
266; invades Sat Korale, 272, Puduma, Hela, i n
289-292 ; Adikar, 299 ; 309 ; and Pujava, 42 ; pahan, 52, 156 ; sabda,
Kappitipola, 331-358; and Hook 32, 80 ; kiribat patra, 138 ; at
362-372 ; pursuit of, 373-395; con Maligava, 324
victed, 399 Puliankulam, 394
Pin, 71 Puli maram, 1 ; kodi, 313
Pinhao, Simao, 106 Pulvarayan kattu, 145
Pinkama, 65 Pumpkins, for King's kitchen, 302
Pinto, Luiz Gomez, Disava, 192, 329 Punahala, 275, 296
Pioneers, from Jaffna, 6 ; Muslim, 95, Punakarai, 145*
197, 202 ; from Madras, 226 Punakkan, 169
Pirit, 65 Purappadu, 10
Pitavela, 364, Mahatmayo, 384, 385 Pussatlava, 346
Pitigoda, Maligava treasures, 40 Pussegoda Unnanse, spy, 248, 366-
Pitiya Devalaya, 304 37°
Pitt diamond, 40; P. Rivers Museum, Pusulpitiya, 50, 345
455 Pusvelle Disava, 26 ; Mohottala, 97,
Piyum, 46 98, 308
Plantain, see banana Puttalama, Kirti Sri at, 1 1 9 ; des
Poddalgoda Unnanse, 136 cribed, 1 4 5 ; Vidane, 261 ; salt,
Poison, 381 262, 294, 362
Pol gahima, 1S4 Puvakpitiya, 385
Pollution, 41, 45, 267, 387 Pybus, John, 2, 1 1 7 , 138, 355
Polonnaruva, 88 Queiroz, Fernao de, 71
Polvatta Unnanse," 141-146 ; village, Quill, for writing, 20, 330
219 Radalavaru, 16, 27 ; domestic econo
Polyandry, 47, 260 my of, 62 ; and Ahalepola, 81 ;
Pomparippu, J45 dignity of, 87 ; dress of, 1 1 4 , 1 1 5 ;
Poobarry, Puprassie, 188, igo dress when punished, 1 1 6 ; as
Porovakarayo, at Teldeniya, 383 Councillors, 1 1 7 ; Trial of, .143 ;
Porto Novo, 76 co-operate with British, 162 ; and
Portuguese, 22, 23, 44, 75, 80 ; dress, Ahalepola, 165-167 ; employ Rodi,
86, 1 1 5 ; Senhorios, 9 3 ; Tombo, 269, Sabhava, 407
I 0
94. 97. 3 i°4. 135. 1 5 7 . 163 192. Rada Vadunna, 168
241, 312-314, 354, 355, 4 9 7 ; inter Rahupola Pihana Rala, 303, 333,
marriage, 106 ; at Ginigatgala, 107, 336 ; members of family captured,
Gifts from, 112, at Mantota, 145 ; 339
muskets, 147 ; gambling. 1 6 9 ; Rain raising, on Namunukula Kanda,
Petangoda Uyana, 171 ; defeated, 306, 307
173 ; Elephants, 181, 182 ; Katara Raja Adirajah Sinha, tutor of, 32 ;
gama, 186 ; janela 191 ; ferocity, gifts village to Moratota, 36 ; " God
213 ; bathing, 220 ; Devi Nuvara, of Ceylon ", 44 ; his ambassadors
222 ; name buildings, 238 ; areka, at Jafanapatam, 144 ; Queens of,
241, 248 ; God's emblems, 257 ; 1 6 8 ; related to Dore Svami, 197-
Using King's name, 276, 281 ; 269 ; Andrews before 364
beef, 284; Mutiyangana, 2 83 ; Rajakariya, 24, or, 92, 103, 227 ;
Foral, 291 ; clerk, 301, 313 ; kill system changed, 408 ; Badahala
Bhuvanaika Bahu, 315 ; church, Badda, 150, 162 ; Dalumura, 180 ;
360 ; looting, 385 ; taverns, 390 ; Gon, 7 5 ; Hannali, 46; Hangidiya,
sanctuary, 4 T 9 , upbringing, 405 46 ; Hevapanna, 275 ; Hulanbadda,
INDEX 735
294 ; Hulanbadda Madige, 97 124 ; Rata, Rataval, Rate Mahatmaya,

Hunu, 146 ; Jagreiro, 244 ; Karavo, Rate Rala, 16 ; Status of Rate
48, 96 ; Lunu, 109 ; Lunu, onions, Mahatmaya, 23 ; in Perahara, 1 7 6 ;
302 ; Maha badda of Beravayo, 42 ; Rate Rala, 1 8 9 ; Govigama, 2 4 0 ;
Miris, n o ; Pahidun, 295, Pata exotic, 383
rata Kottal badda, 125 ; Porters, Ratambala Mohottala, 246
262 ; Radabadda, 32, 156-158, 409 ; Ratkarava, 108
Satara Korale Madige, 96, 9 7 ; Ratmalavinna Mohottala, 106
Seven Baddas of Chaliyas, 3 1 3 , 314 Ratnapura, fort built at, 103, 159 ;
Tel, 67; Weavers, 281; Yakada, 108 Hardy at, 133, 163, 233, 234, 275,
Rajapaksa Mudaliya, elephant named, 280, 282, 355
279 Rattan, 9 0 ; lacing for cots, 1 3 5 ;
Raja Sinha 1628-1687, throne of, 21 ; flogging with, 152
his brother, 2 9 ; his English pri Ratvatta, Devamadda Disava, execu
soners, 31,; his rarities, 3 6 ; asserts ted, 24, 1 1 8 , 249
divinity, 43, 4 4 ; endows Katara Ratvatta, Disava of Matale, 24, 118 ;
gama, 61 ; memory revered, 8 9 ; and cinnamon planting, 138
Ukgal Alut Nuvara dancers, 107 ; Regent, Prince, 1 6 , 21, 63, 81, 83; his
Katti Mangalya, 156 ; Dodanvala menagerie, 100 ; birthday of, 175 ;
Devalaya, 173 ; offerings at Katara Orders botanical specimens, 2 1 4 ;
gama, 187 ; builds Pattini Deva effigy on Medal, 239, 240, 332 ;
laya at Itanavatta, 1 9 3 : Arachchi approves of considering evacuation,
of, 208 ; Maha Saman Devalaya, 348; portrait, 407; on re-organisa
255, 261 ; pleasaunce at Nilambe, tion, 411-413
266 ; uttering his name, 276 ; lion Regiment, First Ceylon, 61, 1 6 1 , 197,
presented to, 289 ; sister of, 297 ; 211 ; Second Ceylon, 262, 415 ;
exempts Dolosbage from dues, 307, Third Cevlon, 33, 43 ; Ceylon Rifle,
330 ; rewards Vidane Henaya, 354, 160 ; Fifteenth, H.E.I.C., Native
355 Infantry, 263, 286; Eighteenth,
Raja Vanniya, 315 286 ; Nineteenth, 246 ; Fifty-third,
Rakavallo, 56, 118 262 ; Seventy-third, 1 3 1 , 197, 219
Ramasamy, 415 Resin, for Valliyakun, 337
Ramba toran, 41 ; see Banana Resthouse, 106, 187
Rambukpitiya Lekama, 244 Revenue in money desired, 234, 235,
Rambukpota Mohottala, chief resident 407, 408
of Badulla, 109, 281, 303, 307, 324, Reynolds, Lieut., 395
335 ; the younger, 300, 334, 336, Rhododendron, in Uva, 108
a
337. 33^ I G y Palata Disava, 378 Ribeiro, Joao, 181, 405
Ramesvaram, 121 Rice medium for barter, 71-73, for
Rammalaka, Adikar, 27 the Gabadava, 103, 1 0 4 ; brought
Randeni, 2 1 9 to Ambalangoda, 137 ; for Madu
Ran Kaduva, 86, 153-155, 2 1 7 , 4 1 7 ; galla's use, 144 ; from Mandur, 150 ;
Mande, 91 ; Kendi, 177 ; Doli, 177, a luxury, 275 ; ration, 298 ; water
Ayudha, 196, 225, 322 storage for, 355
Rangalla, bulat plantation at, 244 Ridipana, i n
Rankot divala. Land claims, 123 Ridi Viharaya, 349, 358
Ra Siha Deviyo 1581-1593 ; and Ridiyagama, 156
llamgam, 29 ; fish for, 48 ; and Ritchie, Capt., in Vellassa, 410
Moors, 71 ; Dancers at Court of, Roads, see Transport, Mammavat,
79 ; his bisneta, 88 ; Gon Badda of Badulla to Maha Nuvara, 1 1 1 , 112 ;
Satara Korale, 97 ; iron for, 108 ; Colombo to Jaffna, 144-5, from
and cinnamon, 163 ; his capital, 1 7 1 ; Batticalo, 198, Veyangoda to
his stone seat, 171 ; and Mahiyan- Varakapola, 267
gana, 1 9 7 ; revenue from Bulat Rodi, provide lassoos, 1 1 6 ; execution
gama, 244 ; Devalaya dance, 254 ; ers, 212, 269, 299 ; cord for
dress of, 257; obtains ammunition, Gabadava, 364 ; punishment by, 380
from Achin, 264 ; vegetables for Rodney, John, 130
302 ; cinnamon peeling, 312 ; alleg Rogers, Major, slaughters elephants, 184
ed destruction of books by. 353 Roper, Captain, burns Millava's house,
Rasmigala, Andavala's house, 345 242
736 INDEX
Rosa, Salvator, 89 anse, 310 ; Mukkuvas, 336 ; Deva-

Ross and malarial parasite, 298 rakkita, 353 ; execution of, 3 5 4 ;
Roti, kurakkan cakes, 275 Munnesarama, 354 ; Mutukon Sinha,
Rough, William, 369, 370 354 ; Navaratna Mudaliya, 355 ;
Royal Asiatic Society, 313 from British, 367 ; to Veda, 384
Royal Society, 214 Saparagamuva, 1, 9 ; wealth of, 24,
Ruby, 239 25 ; Saman Devalaya at, 37 ; execu
Ruell, Johannes, 21 tion of women in, 66, 67 ; plot
Ruhunu Rata, 186 against King in, 75, 96 ; road to,
Rundell, Bridge, and Rundell, of 91 ; areca monopoly in, 92 ; cinna
Ludgate Hill, Kings Jewellers, 240 mon from, 93 ; Portuguese Tombo
Ruvanalla, Brownrigg at, 60 ; road to, of,-94 ; resources of, 103-107 ; bound
89, 90 ; cinnamon from, 93, 163 ; ary changed, 107, 156-158 ; chiefs
arecanut trade at, 97 ; toll at, 1 7 1 ; insubordinate, 1 6 9 ; craftsmen in,
Fort, 236 ; troops from, 328, 4 1 5 , 192 ; raising men from, 220, 221 ;
416 threatened, 232 ; proposed re-orga
Sa, Constantino de, 61 ; imports sul nisation in, 233-235 ; sides with
phur, 264 British, 2 5 2 ; worship of Saman
Saar, Johan Jacob, of Nuremburg, 76 Deviyo, 254-256, 267, 275 ; Eknali
Sadow Siri Swedon, Upasaka, 140 goda needed in, 280 ; leaders in, 282 ;
Saffron, for bathing, 220 ; water for Koralala of, 308 ; raids in, 3 3 4 ;
dedication, 255 Perahara at, 337 ; road from, 339 ;
rouse' enmity with Uva, 340-345,
Sagama Rata, 266 ; Viharaya, 267
354, 382 ; raiders from, 385 ; chang
Salpiti Korale, 48
ing dress in, 407 ; land tenures, 413
Salsette H.M.S., 100
Salt, stored at Badulla, 6 ; for Uva, Saracen, 69
68 ; from Palatupana, 7 5 , n o ; at Sarakku, condiments, 302
Kurunagala, 88 ; by Satara Korale Sarasvati Mandape, 278
Madige, 97 ; Treaty of 1766, n o ; Saram, de, Abraham, Mudaliyar, 1 2 ,
pans near Puttalama, 145 ; at 21 ; Second Maha Mudaliyar, 132,
Levayas robbed, 157-158 ; from 214, 237 358, 364.; Lewis, Maha
Hambantota, 180, 1 8 4 ; issued to Mudaliyar, 116. 172, 1 7 3 , 174 ; 278 ;
porters, 210, 262 ; looted, 2 6 6 ; Louis, Second Maha Mudaliyar, 59,
lack of, 275 ; allowance of, 281 ; 118 ; funeral of, 131, 132 ; Johannes
Variyagama's store of, 283 ; trade Jacobus, attached to Ahalepola,
2 0 u
in, 294 ; for Valliyakun, 337 3 7 , 3 \ Christoffel, Fourth Maha
Saltpetre, preparation of, 109, 276, Mudaliyar, 263
385 Sasana, see Buddhism
Samakkattu, gift of dress, 308; Satapena ge, 196
Sat Korale, chiefs, 349 ; Medabadda Satara Korale, g, mutilation, pro
Vidane, 380 ; in Dumbara, 384 hibited in, 18 ; Insignia of, 24 ;
Saman Deviyo, see Deva Smiths of, 46 ; madige of, 96 , 97 ;
Samanera, 270, 366 Kuruva of, 116 ; Molligoda, aptd.,
Samanta Kuta, Samanala Kanda, 25, Disava, 119 ; Pata Rata Kottai
8 8
. " 3 254, 347, 415 Badda, 125 ; Disava's residence,
Samarapuli, Diyaratne, 158 134 ; Elephant capture in, 172 ;
Sanctuary, 4 1 9 carpenters of, in Tombo, 192 ;
Sandal, from Timor, 80 unrest in feared, 225 ; Molligoda in,
Sangathar, 7 243 ; road through, -247 ; sides with
Sangha, see Buddhism, consulted by British, 252, 272, 290 ; trade with,
King, 87 ; Sangha, Rajah's palan 294 ; borders Dolosbage, 307 ; cin
quin, 310 , 408-410 namon peelers of, 312, 3 1 3 , 328,
1
Sankhaya, right spiralled shell, 36 ; 33°, 349. 4 ' - ; organisation of, 413,
Sannas, Kuttapitiya, 25 ; Franciscans, 414
32 ; Mattamagoda, 62 ; Valandure Satinwood, for Peradeniya bridge, 267
Mohottala, 106 ; Bogoda, Viharaya, Sat Korale, precedence of, 24 ; British
n o ; to Mattamagoda's ancestress, intrigues, 29, Pilima Talavva aptd.
118 ; Alut Viharaya, 119 ; Moratota, Disava, 1 1 9 ; Gabadagam of, 1 6 2 ;
1 1 9 ; Maguru deniya, 1 1 9 ; Nava- craftsmen, 192 ; King of, 241: pro
ratna Vanniya, 145 ; Dehigama, posed reorganisation, 244-253, 272,
146 ; Morahala, 149 ; Velivita Unn 289 ; Madige, 29-1 ; Hook in, 294-
INDEX 737
321 ; cinnamon peelers, 313 ; Kap Silk, fillet of honour, pata bandinava,
pitipola enters, 3 2 9 ; Devastation, 373
1 0
355-362, 392-395. 4 . 4 " Silva, Christian de, spy, 222, 247, 310 ;
Sattambi, 280, 304, 346, 364, 365 recruits troops, 321
Savandara, 80 Silva, George" Nadoris de, converted,
Sawers, Samuel, sent to Uva, 60-77 I 291 ; his activities, 292-294, 310-
transferred to Maha Nuvara, 94 ; 315, 35O ; phantastic tricks of, 359,
starts distillery at Kundasala, 114 ; 392
establishes Police Patrol, 121 ; aptd. Simon Appuhami, deserts to King,
Revenue Agent, 126 ; Commandeers 123, 124 '
cattle, 150 ; commissioner of Reve Sinhale, limit of, 1 ; kingship in, 7 ;
nue, 1 5 3 , 1 9 4 ; succeeds Wilson, 200 ; Royal Abharana, r i ; Royal re
answers about Badulla, 202 , 204 ; wards, 12 ; Treaty 1815, 13-21 ;
refused Banner of Uva, 209 ; and; dignity of chiefs, 14 ; and inflicting
Kataragama appointments, 2 1 7 ; pain, 1 7 ; capital sentence, 18 ;
lends palanquin, 2 2 0 ; watches encourage trade in, 20 ; Royal staff
Molligoda, 225, 236, 2 4 2 ; creates in, 23 ; political divisions, 23-24 ;
Disavas, 261, 264 ; his difficulties, limited authority of King, 26-27 ;
283-286 ; to treat with the Prince, kneeling before King, 2 7 ; standard
300 ; and the Gooria Vidane, 301, of, 38; Devas and sovereignty
303 ; his propaganda, 3 0 7 ; His over, 40 ; measuring time, 41 ;
work in Uva, 325-348 ; his revela King's divinity, 43, 4 4 ; food gene
tion of brutalities, 350-352, 361 ; rally, 48-50 ; acquiesces in British
plot against the Prince, 365-367 ; rule, 52 ; new organisation of, 53-
repression in Uva, 378-382 ; Niti 60 ; system of appointments, 54-56 ;
Niganduva, 4 1 3 , 4 1 5 ; Kappiti ideal of Kingship, 5 6 ; Handuru
pola's execution, 418, 419 Kama, 64 ; absence of crime, 68 ;
Schneider, Gaulterus, Surveyor, 91 ; Trade and barter, 71-73 ; men's
builds Ratnapura Fort, 159 earrings worn, 75 ; affection towards
Schoekraft, Johan Martyn, Contract cattle, 7 6 ; exclusive rights of
butcher, 76 Sinhalese to office in, 77 ; Regalia,
86 ; Revenue, 91-95 ; provision for
Schweitzer, 239 ; on leeches, 297
Royalty, 91, 92 ; cinnamon from,
Scissors, 71 93 ; principles of Justice, 98 ;
Sekrayo see Deva customs about gems, 103-105 ; and
Seleth Mudaliya, King's elephant, 255 areka, 105-106 ; economy of public
Seminary, for Chief's sons, 126, 147 ; service, 1 0 9 ; absence of drunken
Davie's son at, 127 ness, 113 ; Dress, 114, 115 ; respect
Senkadagala, Scnkanda saila, see Maha paid to King's affairs', 1 1 7 ; imprison
Nuvara ; Deviyo, 266 ment, 1 1 S ; Royal property in
Sennappattanam, King's envoy at, violable, 119 ; Brownrigg's appre
355 ; see Madras ciation of legal system, 120 ; land
Sepala Mohottiar, Canacapulle of litigation, 121, 122 ; land transfers,
Chilaw, 241 122, 123 ; regard for nama gama,
Sepoy, 2 8 6 ; food of, 298, 3 1 1 , 3 5 7 ; 123, 124 ; proposed seminary for
Kappitipola protects, 394 chiefs' sons, 126 ; relative position
Seringapatam, 62, 63, 301 of land and money, 129-130 ; a
Settlements, Sinhale not annexed to, Siamese for throne, 134, 140 ;
53 ; commission drawn by collectors, internal jealousies, 1 3 9 ; Trial of
55 ; Finances, 93 ; Rcsthouses for chiefs. 143 ; Trade at Puttalam,
travellers, 187; arrack farm, 390, 391 145 ; teaching English, 149 ; Search
Shield, fencing, 1 7 7 for Ran Kuduva, 153-155 ; Brown
Shoolbraid, Ensign, takes Madugalla, rigg maligns Sinhala character, 160 ;
395, and Variyapola, 396 Katupurule at the Vasala, 162 ;
Shoes, slippers, sandles, Ahalepola, 35 ; report on, 167 ; status of women,
D'Oyly removes, 51 ; Pilime Talava, 174 ; orderliness of people at Pera
78 ; the King's 100 ; Fraser, 347 hara, 177 ; sports at Perahara, 177 ;
Siam, intercourse with Ceylon, 134 ; killing elephants, 182 ; Knox on
their character, 185 ; a chief's house,
Bhikkhus from, 176 191 ; general jurisdiction of Adikars,
Silappadikaram, Tamil poem, 184
738 INDEX
200; methods of war, 200, 201 ; Slave, see dasaya, Jaffna, 6 ; at Gam
how unrest would be dealt with, pola atuva, 67 ; for devalaya, 255 ;
205, 206 ; devotion to religion, 215 ; Company Slaves, 282 ; Slave Island,
216 ; bathing, 219 ; ..Moorish pro 321
cessions forbidden, 221 ; names, Smallpox, 184, 185, 264 ; epidemic,
239; system of slavery, 240, 241 ; 387, 388
fines, 245 ; little territory remains Smith, see Raja kariya, Handicraft.
for British, 252, 263; soldiers' Snake stones, analysed, 1 7 1
code, 268, 269 ; medical men, 264 ; Snipe, 1
lack fire arms, 264, 265 ; wood carv Sokade, see Moor
ing, 2 7 5 ; the King's name, 2 7 6 ; Soranatota, garrison at, 3 0 7 ; raid
campaign methods, 2 7 6 ; presenta from, 333
tion of a . King, 277-280 ; cloth Spanish, dress, 99
. weaving, 281, 282 ; regard for Spy glass, 280
coconut palm, 283, 284 ; diet, 287 ; Sri pada, 25 ; see Karatota, Kutta-
treatment of Moors in, 293, 294 ; pitiya, 106
assisted by the leech and mosquito, Srivardhana Pura, see Maha Nuvara
297, 298 ; Sugar not made in 299 ; Sri Vijaya Raja Sinha, 325
punishment of chiefs, 300 ; etiquette Sri Vikrama Raja Sinha, intrigues
at interview, 304; Ruler should against, 1-10 ; provisions in Treaty
be Buddhist, 304 ; Cinnamon peel about, 1 5 , 1 6 ; described as mild, 29 ;
ing, 312-314 ; methods of warfare, his tastes, 30 ; his liberality ot mind,
318-319; lack of co-hesion, 335 ; 30 ; his tutor, 33 ; presents ranhilige
Literacy, 352-353; Irrigation Sys to Devalayas, 43 ; provisions sup
tem, 355 ; reverence for Anuradha plied to, 47, 48 ; regulates interest,
pura, 357; long hair, 360-361 ; valour 73 ; his dancing establishment, 79 ;
rewarded, 373 ; medical knowledge, recognises Portuguese Tombo, 9 4 ;
383, 384 ; punishment for treason, leaves for India, 99 ; liked Kunda-
386; attitude towards dead body, 387; sala, 1 1 2 ; opposed to drunkenness,
intoxicants, 389-391 ; administra 113 ; watches elephant hunt, 116 ;
tion re-organised to destroy Sinha patronises art, 125 ; his' kindness
lese power, 399-412 ; population, to Davie, T27 ; his glass lamps.. 135 ;
4 1 3 ; execution, 4 1 9 ; disposal of censures Dehigama, 167 ; opposed
dead, 420 ; Hero worship, 421 to gaming, 170 ; and Kataragama,
Sinha Raja Adaviya, Calamander 186 ; and Vihara properties, 2 1 6 ;
from, 165 Queens at Hanvalla, 223 ; his jewels,
Sinharama, see Drum 239 ; daughter born to, 240 ; and
Siritcharitra ; safeguarded, 16 ; know Kiriporuva Mohottala, 281 ; his
ledge of, essential, 18 ; safe guarded silver concealed, 2 8 4 ; his return
by the Treaty, 20, infringed by considered, 299, 301, 308; 'and
Narendra Sinha, 27 ; and by Ahale Sat Korale, 3 1 0 ; and Variyapola
pola, 45 ; King guardian of, 56, 59 ; Unnanse, 324 ; his money hoards,
punishment of women for disgracing 3 3 3 1 organises fighting men, 336 ;
birth, 66 ; by whom preserved, 98 ; and Valliyak Mangalya, 3 3 7 ;
revenue collected according to, 126 : expels Moors from Kotmale, 345 ;
status of women, 174 honoriiics his personal attendants, 346 ; re
for ladies, 240 ; dasaya, 240, 241 ; wards Devarakkita, 353 ; and Veda,
funeral customs, 240 ; Brownrigg's 384 ; dispassionate judge, 386 ;
attack on, 400-412 change of custom, 407
Sitavaka, 29, 48 ; route, 88, 89 ; con Stark, of Kandyan office, 237
fused with Avisahavella, 171, build Steuart, James, his Notes on Ceylon,
ings at, 191, 223 ; Firewood for 370
palace, 313 ; rebuilding prophesied, Stewart, Capt. at Ruanalla, 328
357. 358 Stuart, General, 44
Sittu, see Sinhale, Disava, 2 4 5 Style, see Talpat
Siyambalangamuva, Ihagama hiding Subedar, 6
at, 137, 396, 397 Suddana, 132, retracts evidence, T67
Siyane Korale, 168, 383 Sugandi, Amethyst, 168
Siya Pattuve Adikar, 302 Sugar, cane, candy, 299
Skinner, Thomas, 276, 391 Sulphur, Sinhalese lack, 264, 265,
INDEX 739
2 7 6 ; dug up at Diyatalava, 363, Tannegedara, 263

395 ; ointment, 400 Tannevatte Rate Rala, captured, 333
Sun, .Race of the, S Tappal, .53 ; post holders, 187, 200
Suriya, trees in Galle, 137, 312 Tasmanians, exterminated, 287
Survey, 91 ; expence of, 93. Tatu Kola, 91
Sutherland, James, 32 ; Secy, for Kand Tavalam, 73-75, 376 ; see Moor
yan Provinces, 53, 79 ; Interviews Tea, 1 7 1
Ahalepola, 83-87 ; and Millava, 1 2 9 ; Teak, 89
leaves Ceylon, 178 Teignmouth, Lord, 359
Sumptuary, Ahalepola's account, 8 6 ; Teldeniya, 224 ; attacked, 258, 376 ;
Arches, 78 ; Chair,. 35, 406 ; Dress, occupied, 383
27, 50, 86, 1 1 4 , 115,' 129 Drums, 1 1 ; Telegraphy, 339
Fo'ot gear, 35, 78, 173 ; Gold and Telkara Mohundiram, 156
Gems, 12, 2 3 9 ; Head covering, 81, Tennekon Vela, wheat grown in, 302
100, 11.5 ; Horse, 37, 45 ; Palanquin, Tennent, Sir James Emerson, mis
37. 78, 310 ; Shoulder covering, 133 ; interprets Proclamation,. 409;
Tiles, 174 ; Whips, 14, 31, 50, 138, maligns Ahalepola, 418
303 ; White hangings, 32, 78, 162 ; Teripahe, sulphur store at, 265
Windows, 191 • Termites, 5
Svarna Kalyana Vitiya, 56 Terupane Kadavata, 376
Sword, not worn, 1 1 5 ; executioner's, Tevava, 324
Tevavaksrana Unvahanse, 310
387 Thera, maha, see Buddhism, 269-271
Tada, of Kitul wood, 329, 330 Thoen, corresponds with Davie, 96 ;
Tahanam mukalana, Forbidden
on Danta Dhatu, 323
Forest, 295
Thomson, Captain, 244, 245
Tail, of a mob, 45
Thomas, Abraham de, Mohundiram,
Tailor, see Hannali, 47
Tala, basil, 383 299
Talaivasinga Mudaliyar, 6 Thorn, gates, 2
Talava, 187 Tibbotugoda, 210, Kennedy killed
Talavatura, 274 near, 2 1 1 , 382
Taldena, house looted, 61, i n , returns Tibbotumulla, 51
to British, 260, 261, 3 0 7 ; sent to Tibbotuvave Nayaka Unnanse, 176
Colombo, 335-339. 378/382 Tick, 297
Talgahagoda Vidane, 2 9 9 ; village, Tiger, device, 313
389 Timber resources, 72, g9, 1 2 5 , 1 6 2
Talihe, 258 Timbiripale Bandage, owned negro
Tal, Talpat, talatu, auvatu, 20, 85 ; slaves, 241
price of, 106, see Opanayaka; to Timor, sandal from, 80
the, Devas, 141 ; a Disava's, 172, Tinder box, 71
259, 274 ; as tents, 276, 277 ; yadana Tingola Kumbura, 3
muttuva, 280, 290, 338, 3 7 1 , 377, Tippu Sultan, 100, 3 0 1 ; his Hukm
381, 393 ; talatu, 408; book, 419 Nama, 343
Taman kaduva, 2 ; killing elephants Tire, curtain, 258
by vaddo, 182 ; Disava of, 282 ; Tiru Kovil, described as Church, 33
attached to Trikunamale, 410 Tirumala Nayaka, 7
Tamarind, 1 ; with arrack, 298 ; Tittavalla, 88
leaves as medicine, 400 Tittaval Mankada, 16S
Tambagamuva, 75, 308 Tobacco, 67 ; smoking, 298
Tamba Kumbure Pihana Rala, cap Toddy, Tari, T 1 2 , 113 ; ferment, 299 ;
tured, 333 prophylactic agt., malaria, 391
Tamby Mudaliyar, Head of the Tolfrey, William, interviews Ahale
Guides, 131 ; advice about Dore pola, 83-87; and Millava, 129 ;
Svami, 203 his death, 158, 159
Tamil, language used,. 47 ; poem, .184 ; Toll, 171
letter, 388 Tombo, see Portuguese
Tammottama, see Drum, Rajakariya, Toppiya, sec Sumptuary, head dress,
42 81 ; ata mulu, 1 1 5
Tanayama, 89, 107, 171 Toragala, chalias of, 313
Tanjore, Indian guards from, 301 Tortoise shell, 71
740 INDEX
Trade, see Moor, Sinhale, 71-73 ; and Madugalla, Dehigama

' Land Pass Duty, 9 2 ; Monopolies Uda Hevahata, 257
abolished, 124, 405 Udakada, 354
Transport, 54; by tavalam, 73, 74; need Uda Kinda, 108, 260, 303, 306, 3 3 4 ,
of roads, S8-91 ; see Satara Korale 339
Madige, 96, 97 ; system ineffective, Udakkiya, 107
150 ; carriage road to Badulla con Uda Kumbalgama, 108
templated, 161 ; between Batticalo Uda Madure Mohottala, 212
and Badulla, 1 8 4 ; facilities for Uda Palata threatened, 2 3 2 ; road
travellers, 187 ; payment for, 210, through, 237 ; Disava of, dismissed,
243 ; impressing porters, 262-263 243, 245, 3 0 7 ; Mohundiram cap
Tray, earthen, 46 ; of reeds, 1 7 1 ; see tured, 3 3 4 ; Disava, 388, 396
Vatti Udasiya Pattuva, 386
Treaty, details of, 13-21 ; Bathurst's Udattapola, 252
view of, 62, 63; illustration of Udispattu, 384
signing, 7 9 ; of 1766 with Hollan Urlugama Unnanse, spy, 187, 247,
ders, n o , 315 ; of 1644, 164 ; Viola 248 ; village, 328
tion of, 242, 253 ; discussed at Mad Udu Nuvara, status of, 8, 25, 26 ;
ras, 2 6 4 ; copy of, 389, of 1 8 1 5 , amethysts from, 168, 243, 274,
401, 412 280, 296, 308, 328, 388
Trikunamale, 1 ; road to, 88, 89, 93 ; Udupankarai, fish from, 144
Naval Department contemplated at, Uduvara Madduma Appu, 190
9 2 ; Dutch cannon from, 125 ; Uduve Batgama, 157
vaccination introduced at, 185, 251 ; Uduvela Mudiyanse, 304 ; surrenders,
road from, 252 ; recruiting in, 3 3 1 ; 344. 3°4
counterfeit coins from, 333 ; road to, Udti viyana, canopy, 337
348, 3 5 9 ; European land purchase Ukgal Alut Nuvara, 65, 138, 253, 282,
forbidden, 360; reinforcements 337
arrive at, 372, 410 Ukgal Kaltota raided, 344
Tri Pitaka, 2 Ula, 386
Tukutchi, Moor spy, 188 Uliyam, 85
Tnlhiriya, Moor carpenter at, 192 Ulpengava, Aramudala, jewels stored
Tulloch, agent at Kurunagala, 87, 224, in, 11 ; Nilame, 2 7 9 ; village of,
248; on Sinhalese soldiers, 269 ; 328, 3 46
Literacy, 353 ; copper sannas, 354 ; Ulundu, 220

pata bandinava, 373 ; paintings, Ulvita, 2 1 9
' 375 ; captures Kappitipola's family, Uma Oya, 1 1 1 - 1 1 5 , 210, 339, 381, 410
389 ; Kappitipola's skull, 420 Unambuva, joins Prince, 335
Tumbaliyadda, 312 Unatanna raided, 326
Tumpane, road through, 247, 2 5 2 , Unnanse, Nayaka, Ami, Unvahaflse,
272-273, 290; Cay in, 306, 349 ; see Buddhism, evidence without
hiding place of chiefs, 3 5 8 ; arrack, oath, 142
390 Upasakaya, 140
Tunkeme, 157 Upasampadava, 32, 269, 270
Tun Korale see Korala Tuna Upulvan, see Vishnu
Tuppitiya, attacked, 258; elephants Uragora, 313
collected at, 260 ; garrison at, 305 ; Uriya, 300
Batgama people of, 307, 331 ; Urubokka, 282
Dimbulana at, 336 Uruparatta, 157
Tuppotti panam, 71 ; tuppottiya, Uyan vatu, gardens, 171
275,315,349 Uva, precedence of, 24 ; unrest in, 54 ;
Turkey, Turk, 69 ; inoculation prac Sawers' task in, 60-77 : coconuts in,
tised, 185 67 ; salt for, 68 ; Gon badda of, 75 ;
Turmeric, used in dedication, 277 ; Akara of, 105 ; cold season in, 1 1 1 ;
saffron, in cooking, 281, 324 Banner of, 138, 208 ; Prince expec
Tumour, George, Agent at Ratnapura, ted in, 140; gabadagam under
355 ; on Dore Svami's trial, 368 Katugaha, 180 ; see Wilson, Sawers
Tutucorin, cloth from, 282 ; Sinhalese appointed to, 200 ; Molligoda suc
Soldiers, at, 320 ceeds Kappitipola, 209 ; Province
Uda Gabada, 272 ; Nilame, 388 ; see for Dore Svami, 232 ; Molligoda
INDEX 741
recalled from, 2 4 3 ; Eknaligoda Vannatu villu, 145

. wanted in, 253 ; resistance in, 257 ; Vanniya, of Nadeni, 335, 336 : Raja
Millava as Disava of, 239 ; events in, V., and Kumara, V., 315 ; Vanni
260-275; to be partitioned, 2 6 1 , Unnahe, 372, 3 7 7 ; Vanni Rata, 391
277, 280 ; Goorias of, 301-326, 329 ; Varaka, 285
military action in, 332-336 ; Disava Varakapola, of Queen's Gabadava,
of, captures Hollanders, 3 3 9 ; end 267, 312
of struggle in, 340-343 ; Lekam Variyagama, 42, 96, 100 ; salt store,
Miti of, 343 ; no school in, 353 ; 283
, Leaders in, 379, 381 ; Wright in Variy'apola Sumangala Unnanse, 324,
charge, 382, Eknaligoda raids, 385 ; 325 396
Viyaluva attached to, 410 Vasala, see Maha Nuvara
Vaccination introduced, 185 Vas Kavi, 141
Vadana talatu, see Tal Vassa, Veluvana, Katina chivara, Vas,
Vaddo, Vadi Rata venlsion from, 48
revenue, 180 ; killing elephants, 182 ; 155
at Koka Gala, 189 ; capture Kappi Vastuva, King's Treasure, 40, 59, 80,
tipola, 204 ; early account of, 207- 286
209, 226 ; escort of, 247 ; the Prince's Vatagolla, 381
guard, 276-280, 341, 361, 366 ; Vatapuluva tota, 3, 397
place of refuge, 380; dues from, Vattappuva, ring, 128
408 ; Bandara Vadda, 421 Vattarantanna, 279
Vaduvo, carpenters, 7 1 , 125, 1 9 1 , 192 Vatti, trays, 171
Vahumpurayo, 104; Kuttapitiya, 106; Vattuva, Kaluvaldeniyalage, 274-278
Lunugala, 1 0 9 ; jaggery, 135 ; claim Vatumulla forest, 381, outpost, 382
to be Brahmins, 150 Vauda, Vaudavili, 289; Nilame, 309,
Vaialliye Linda, 56 349
Vakirigala, vegetables from, 302 Veda Rala, see Medicine ; the King's,
Vak Oya, 124, 384 166 ; dysentery, 264, 383, 396
Valagama, Ra Siha's cattle at, 97 Vedikkara Lekama, 167
Valandure Mohottala, rewarded by Vehicle, Bandy, 2 5 8 ; Chaise, 1 6 5 ;
chariot, 3 7 ; Dolava, 235 ; Dooly,
King, 106
344 ; horse, 37 ; Kunama, 167 ;'
Valapane, Disava, 6 1 ; natural fea
Palanquin, 144, 209, 220, 235, 303 ;
tures, n o , 132 ; Bhikkhu arrested,
136 , 167 ; see Dore Svami; Mayura Pallakkiya, 37 ; Phaeton, 128 ; Ran
kodiya, 200; Disava, 209, 210 ; doliya, 4 3 ; ran hibige, 4 3 ; Tom
campaign in, 215; invade He valiata, John, 172 ; Triacle, 238
224 ; Hook, 252 ; resistance in, 257 ; Vel Ayuthan, 257, 258, 277
sulphur store, 265 , 277, 302, 329, Velangashinna, 258, 280, 301, 305, 334,
33S, 340-345 ; education netfUicted, 337
353 ; Prince leaves, 359, ^ 3 . 379 ', Velagedara Appuhami, 1 1 ; Sattambi,
desires peace, 380, 385, 388, 399 ; 34«>
partitioned, 410 Velanvita, Kappitipola at, 247
Valauva, 34, 290 ; Mahatmayo, 387 Velate Nilame, 43, 362
Valave Ganga, 156, 283, 344 Velava Mohottala submits, 351, 374
Valentyn, Francois, 208 Velegiriya, Prince at, 302, 325
Valigama, in 1613, 241 Veligala, 312
Valimada, wheat grown, 30 Vellanera, 337
Valimanna Viharaya, 328 Vellassa, unrest, 54 ; Millava in, 69 ;
Valivita Saranankara Unnanse, 310 tavalam bulls, 72 ; 150 ; praised by
Vallavaya, fort, 6, 61 ; Korale, 276, Coxon, 77 ; Madige Mohdn, 180 ;
34° Moors, 1 8 4 ; unrest, 189-203; des
Valliamma, Consort of Kanda Kuma cribed, 207-209 ; Eknaligoda in,
raya, 196 220 ; Moors favoured, 221, 267-269,
Valliyakun, dance, 178, 337 271, 277 ; under control, 306, 326;
Van Dort, overseer, 89 Moors, 332, 335, 3 4 4 ; education
Vanduragala Viharaya, 3 1 6 ; Rate neglected, 353, Chief of, 378; leaders,
Lekama, 349 379 ; Wright in charge, 382, 393 ;
Van Eck, Governor, 95 Moors, 410
Vannarponnai, 141 Vellore, 100, 135
Veluvana, 155
742 INDEX
Velvet, King's slippers, too Weaving, 281, 282 ; introduction of

Vendaruva, 40, 384, 386 weavers, 313
Ventriloquism, 279 Wellaiwewe, Weliweriya, 367
Ver, chaya, dyeroot, 282 Wellington, Lord, his staff expensive,
Veraganpita, see Karatota 287
Veragoda Mudiyanse, promised a Westminster, School, 105 ; D'Oyly's.
Disava, 223 ; Rala, 260, 344 ; contemporary at, 370
Svami Nayaker, 346 Wetzelius, Johannes Philippus, 21 .
Veralupe, 235 Wheat, grown for the King, 302
Veyangoda, 267 Wheeler, Captain, 61
Vettiyavala, Betme, 217 Whip, see sumptuary, 51 ; of Adika
Vidagama Terunnanse, 149 rama, 138 ; of Ahalepola, 165
Vidane, appointment, 3 4 ; Ahalepola White hangings, see Sumptuary
taunted, 85 ; of Ra Siha's cattle, Wig, for Narendra Sinha, 1 1 5
97 ; Akara, 103, 104 ; Maha V „ see Wilberforce, William, 148 •
Panadura, Police V., 1 3 8 ; Vidane Willerman, Major, builds fort, 1 6 1 ;
Gam, 1 6 4 ; Maha Durayo, 164 ; for sleeping on, 198
Elephant Hunt, 181, of Devundara, William, IV., and the plague, 184
222 ; of Bulatgama, 243 ; status, Wilson, John, advised to adopt Bud
261 ; of Gooriyas, 301, 302 ; Devi- dhism, 304; General on Prince's
yan Gampaha, 338 trial, 369
Vidiye Arachchi, 121 ; Vitiya of Deva Wilson, Sylvester Douglas, enforces
laya, 255 custom, 133 ; informed of unrest,
Viharaya, Viharasthana, see Bud 139 ; Second Assistant, 153 ; aptd.,
dhism ; music at, 42 ; paintings, 375 to Badulla, 179-190 ; his death, 1 9 1 -
Vijayanagara, 7 194 ; scene of death, 200 ; 335, 361
Vijayapala, 29 ; gaming, 169 ; Prince Windsor, 21, 155
of Matale agitation, 249 Wolvendahl, Church at, 131 ; tomb
Vijayo, 7 stone from, 360
Vikrama Bahn, Sri Sangabo Sri, 266 Wrestling, Malay system of, 328
Vilbava, see Dore Svami, 222, 241, Wright, Henry transferred to Badulla,,
247-252, 357, 3"4-368, 371 94 ; summons Kivulegedara, n o ,
Vimala Dharma Suriya. 325 in, 1 3 3 ; First Assistant and
Vinavalla, 189-191 Accredited Agent, 1 5 3 ; succeeded
Vinaya, Rules of, 270 by Wilson, 179 ; Selected for Saba
Vira Vaku, 392 ragamuva, 233-235 , 247, 253, 2 7 5 ,
Viravikrarna Sri Kirti, 196 ; see Dore 337 ; and Eknaligoda, 340 ; Judicial
Svami Commissioner, 368; aptd., to Uva;.
Vishnu, see Deva 382; on Saparagamuva Tenures,
Vissuve Panikkiya, 27 413 a
Vitti vattoru, 122 Yadavas>po
Viyantattu, 46 Yakada Doliya, 26
Viyaluva, 62, n o , 132 ; military oper Yaka Rajjuruvo, 106
ations, 209-222 ; Disava, 340; leaders Yakavalla, 104
of, 379, 380 ; separated from Vala Yakdesso, 107 ; dance after Perahara,
pane, 410 ; Kivulegedara revered, 178 ; British provide, 337
421 Yallegama, family to be removed, 379,
Vizagapatam, Chiefs, 300 Yamanno, provide iron, 108
Vos, P. G. de, Magistrate, 163 Yapahuva, 392
Vyadi Kangan, of Kataragama, 257 Yata Kinda, 108, 190, 307, 336, 339,
Waiwooda Mohottala, Prince known
340
as, 367
Yata Palata, 105
Walbeoff, John, to Kurunagala, 235, Yatavatte Loku Disava, 30 ; Nayaka
2
245 5 3 , 349 Unnanse, 32 ; mountains, 252
Wales, New South, banishment to, Yati Madura, Boragalla captured at,
415 33S
Watch, 42 Yati Nuvara, status of, 8, 25, 26 ;
Wattala tota, 144 roads in, 88 ; view of, 173 ; loyal to-
Wattekela Mohottala, 379 British, 243, 272 ; chief of, 279 ;.
Wax, 72, 124 ; tribute of, 208 Sattambi, 280
BOOKS BY P. E. PIERIS
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Ceylon and the HoflTs^Jf s, 1658-1796, Third Ed. .. 3.50
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SINHALE AND THE PATRIOTS

-<3 <3o803 d3«S«a geSsosstocw

Chiefs' Memorial, 1834.

Tri Sinhala, the Lest Phase, brought the story of the

The help received from many friends will be found acknow­

of serious crime. Failure to appreciate Sinhalese system. Millava Disava.

CHAPTER III Page 88

CHAPTER IV Page 128

U p a s a k a y a . B h i k k h u s suspected. Madugalla to be tiicd Prou-duie

CHAPTER V Page 171

CHAPTER VI Page 204

CHAPTER VII Page 232

CHAPTER V I I I Page 257

and cinnamon peelers. His matrimonial schemes. Firearms being sur­

CHAPTER X Page 322

CHAPTER XI Page 349

tala surrenders. Nalanda. Rangiri Parabulia. Hook impressed by the

CHAPTER XII Page 383

Lieutenant-General Robert Brownrigg, Governor

twisting their "*ails and keating." Elephants, pea­

Gala and A t Gala, (the stockade four, miles from

Mack ay was now placed in military charge of

sickness among the English garrison in 1803, thus

being still unfinished and others in decay, but the

miles on the road from Colombo and one and a half

The military dispositions were sufficient against

the middle of the eighteenth century and after a period

Views were being exchanged with the Chiefs, and

A campaign of vilification, depicting Sri Vikrama

to remove a doubt understood to be present among the

The Sinhalese regarded the military

Devalayas of Udu Nuvara, after which the people of

His confidence was ill founded, for the Great

it was not employed as recompense for service to the

No record of the proceedings based on Sinhalese

occupations, but Henry Marshall, the Staff Surgeon

acting on behalf of the British King and the Prince

religionin the forefront. Brownrigg explaining that the

What the Treaty referred to was mutilation of

directly from the executive Government, could be

The three remaining Articles, dealing with certain

which Johannes Ruell printed at Amsterdam in 1708

In spite of influential support the reward was delayed

From the earliest times the straight staff which the

Suriya gave it to Matale, Senaratna to Sat Korale

they hardened into stone. The best gems are found

of a Chief and with their consent Mampitiya Kuda

amenable to the justice of his country as well as the,

elephants and men," but in the absence of a local

British intrigues with the Chiefs of Sat Korale had

from the business of government was spent in listening

Sir Alexander Johnston, addressing the Grand

D'Oyly and Sutherland met them under the

juncts. Simple without, it far surpassed the King's

of fruit, and he had not enough to live upon. Brown­

by payment in money, padi, for which lands, gam,

came again into English hands with the seals on the

refused to enter it till the people standing on the

Disava inflicted a heavy fine as well. Now the

tion of their surroundings ; the plain-spoken Hardinge

wellbeing of the world was the concern of the Devas

forced to interfere and decide in favour of the Maligava,

making a pay a of twenty four minutes. In everyday

The help received from many friends will be found acknow

and cinnamon peelers. His matrimonial schemes. Firearms being sur

twisting their "*ails and keating." Elephants, pea

of fruit, and he had not enough to live upon. Brown

Sekraya had placed the country under Vishnu's protec

The new territory was not annexed to the. Settle

an armed host under Kader Shah attempted a land

they held no service lands and in return for the privi

he encountered at home. Appreciating the possi

In Uva, where there were no Madige Moors, trans

rejections were sold to Indian merchants on the con

Advertisements, Judicial Notifications, private adver