Communikate Magazine Aug

IFET Communications’ Magazine Communikate Aug 2022 1|Page
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It‗s indeed glad to all of us that we are in the month of August. The August is the month
when we enjoy the breeze of freedom and liberty. The time reminds us of our freedom
fighters who as blood martyrs fetched the freedom for us. The 8th issue of the
Communikate July 2022 is filled with many new and historic cum technological
contents. Let‘s have the thought each week a skill and let‘s work upon it, for Skills –Tills
in our life.
Here‗s another opportunity to learn English from any language. Click on the below link
to join https://helloenglish.com/profile/MART07QG
Happy Independence Day!
The Editor – Communikate

The Free India
Every year, the 15th of August is a highly grateful day for Indians, as they will
celebrate Independence Day and pay tribute to all liberation warriors. India will
complete the 75 years of Independence on 15th August 2022 but India will
celebrate the 76th Independence day. Indian people celebrated their first
Independence Day on 15th August 1947, so if we count from 1947 then this will be
the 76th Independence day celebration in 2022. India will complete 75 years of
Independence but celebrate the 76th Independence day in 2022. The 75 years of

Independence of India is named Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav by the Indian
government.
This year is the 75th anniversary of India‘s independence from British colonizers,
marking a lengthy journey for India that was freed from British rule after a deadly
fight. Mahatma Gandhi, Kunwar Singh, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, Bhagat
Singh, Chandrashekhar Azad, Dadabhai Naoroji, Rani Lakshmi Bai, and many
more are our freedom fighters who sacrificed their lives for our freedom.

The Prime Minister of India raises the flag at the Red Fort in Delhi every year and

then conveys his message to the people of India and points out all India‘s
achievements since 1947 and also gives a speech about the future plans for the
success of India in the upcoming time. The celebration includes programs like flag-
waving, lighting, speeches, singing the National Anthem, Marching by Indian
soldiers, and many more.
Independence Day is the national holiday for all government and non-government
officials and departments. For the first time, the Prime Minister of India, Jawahar
Lal Nehru raised the Indian Flag at Lahori Gate of the Red Fort. to celebrate the
special occasion of Indian freedom and addressed the nation. Every Indian
celebrates 15th August in their own ways, some people fly kites, some go to see
Parade, some distribute sweets on that day.
The British Government had a different plan for Indian freedom as they decided to
liberate India on 30th June 1948 but the last Governor-General of India, C
Rajagopal put pressure on Mountbatten to declare the freedom of India on 15th
August 1947. British rule was started with the Battle of Plassey in 1757 when
Colonial powers set up the East India Company.
When is Indian Independence Day?
Indian Independence Day is always celebrated on August 15th. It is the National
Day of India.

Also known as 'I-Day', this public holiday marks the date in 1947 when India
became an independent country.
This holiday is a dry day in India when the sale of alcohol is not permitted.
History of Indian Independence Day
The British established their first outpost on the Indian Subcontinent in 1619 at
Surat on the northwestern coast.
India maintained good trade relations with the western world, till the East India
Company defeated Siraj-ud-Daulah and set its sight on India with the aim of
colonizing it. The East India Company took over and later the Crown ruled with
the Viceroy helming the administration.
The Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 put paid to the status quo with the Barrackpore Sepoy
Mutiny rising up in arms against British rule, as did the Meerut uprising. Soon
discontentment took serious proportions in the fierce battle of Jhansi, battle of
Kanpur and violence and protests in Bengal, Bihar and Gujarat. The early wave of
nationalism from 1885 to 1905 was led by liberalists like Gopal Krishna Gokhale,
Dadabhai Naoroji and Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya who were believers in
moderate politics and boasted of legal, literary backgrounds. Towards the end of
the nineteenth century, the extremists comprising Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Lala

Lajpat Rai, Bipin Chandra Pal and several other leaders dominated the political
climate by launching a fierce attack on British rule. They insisted on boycotting
foreign products and insisting on ‗swadeshi‘ or homegrown products. Bal
Gangadhar Tilak gave the call for 'Swaraj' and very soon the resounding of the
slogan "Swaraj is my birthright, and I shall have it" filled the air.
From the Jalianawala Bagh tragedy to the Non-cooperation Movement and Quit
India Movement, India‘s struggle for freedom is chequered. The era of Gandhian
nationalism gave direction to mass movements till the Quit India Movement or
‗Bharat Chhodo Andolan‘ in 1942 finally shook the confidence of the British
administration. By this time, the two World Wars had already taken its toll on the
resources of the British. Finally, the bridled determination of Indians led to the
ouster of the British Empire. The powers were transferred to Constituent Assembly
in India, and India was declared a free country. India gained its independence on
August 15, 1947. 15 august 1947 day was Friday.
By the end of that century, the East India Company had opened three more
permanent trading stations at Madras, Bombay, and Calcutta.
The British continued to expand their influence in the region until, by the mid-
nineteenth century, they had control over most of what is present-day India,
Pakistan, and Bangladesh. In 1857, a rebellion in northern India by mutinous
Indian soldiers led the British Government to transfer all political power from the

East India Company to the Crown. The British began controlling most of India
directly while administering the rest through treaties with local rulers.
In the late Nineteenth Century, the initial moves were taken toward self-
government in British India by the appointment of Indian councillors to advise the
British viceroy and the establishment of provincial councils with Indian members.
In 1920, Indian leader Mohandas K. Gandhi transformed the Indian National
Congress political party into a mass movement to campaign against British
colonial rule. The party used both parliamentary and nonviolent resistance and
non-cooperation to achieve independence. Other leaders, notably Subhash Chandra
Bose, also adopted a military approach to the movement. The movement
culminated in the independence of the subcontinent from the British Empire and
the formation of India and Pakistan.
Thus, on August 15th 1947, India became a dominion within the Commonwealth.
Friction between Hindus and Muslims led the British to partition British India,
creating East and West Pakistan. India became a republic within the
Commonwealth after promulgating its constitution on 26 January 1950, which is
now the Republic Day holiday.
National Flag of India
On this day, the Prime Minister of India will hoist the tricolour at Red Fort before

IFET Communications’ Magazine Communikate Aug 2022 10 | P a g e
addressing the nation from the ramparts. On Independence Day, the flag is hoisted,
which is to say it is kept folded somewhere in the middle of the flag pole and is
pulled up to the top and unfurled.
The other public holiday in India is January 26th, India‘s Republic Day. On this
day, the President of India unfurls the flag on Rajpath before presiding over a
parade that showcases India‘s military might and cultural diversity. On this day,
the tricolour isn‘t hoisted, it is merely unfurled. It is folded up and rests on top of
the flag pole, unlike on August 15th, when it is in the middle before being
unfurled.
This is a minor difference between the two ceremonies but the significance is
great. The hoisting of the flag signifies the rise of a new nation, free from colonial
domination. Whereas on Republic Day, the flag is already on top of the flag pole
and signifies that it is one of a free nation.
The Indian national flag is a horizontal tricolour of saffron, white and green. The
wheel in the centre is a representation of the chakra, which appears on the abacus
of Ashoka's pillar.
The flag was approved on July 22nd 1947 and presented to the Indian nation on
August 15th 1947 when Jawaharlal Nehru, the first Prime Minister of India, raised
the flag at Lahore Gate of the Red Fort in Delhi.

The colour saffron, represents courage, sacrifice and renunciation. The white
denotes truth and purity and the green stands for life, faith and chivalry. The wheel
symbolises unceasing motion and progress.
Independence Day in India is observed with great solidarity. All government
buildings glow brightly and the flag is seen mounted on top of buildings and
houses. Print and various other online media offer special supplement, televise
special Independence Day special shows and competitions. TV channels show
movies based on India's freedom struggle. The day is packed with drills and
cultural shows, fireworks and outings.
On Indian Independence Day, the ritual of flying kites is ritualistically observed.
People keenly fly tri-colored kites, small and big, to mark the occasion. Children
wearing tri-colored clothes with ‗I Love India‘ slogans and other patriotic
messages are seen waving paper flags. Cars and other vehicles are also seen
sporting miniatures of the national flag. Independence Day has also given way to
the trend of sporting theme wristbands, badges, stickers and flagpins. The air is
charged with the mood of festivity. Tricolor mithais are prepared and fly off the
shelves in no time. The Independence Day celebrations transcend caste and
religion, as citizens unite and sing hymns and songs in harmony and remember our
freedom fighters.

How is the President of India elected
On July 18, elected MLAs and MPs across the country will vote to elect India‘s
16th President. President Ram Nath Kovind‘s tenure ends on July 25.
The authority to conduct elections for the Office of President is vested in the
Election Commission of India (ECI). The President shall hold office for a term of 5
years from the date on which he enters his office.
ELECTION PROCESS
The President is elected by an Electoral College consisting of MPs of both Houses
of Parliament and MLAs of the states and Delhi and Puducherry.
Nominated members of Rajya Sabha, Lok Sabha and the Assemblies, and members
of state Legislative Councils, are not part of the Electoral College.
As per the census 1971, the votes are weighted, their value determined by the
population of each state.
The value of each MP‘s vote is 5.43 lakh divided by 776, rounded off to 700. The
combined electoral pool from the Assemblies and Parliament adds up to 10.86
lakh.
At present, with 208 MLAs, Uttar Pradesh has the highest value assigned to their
votes, while Sikkim has the lowest, which stands at seven.

HOW DOES THE CANDIDATE WIN?
A nominated candidate does not secure victory based on a simple majority but
through a system of bagging a specific quota of votes.
While counting, the poll panel totals up all the valid votes cast by the Electoral
College through paper ballots and to win, the candidate must secure 50 per cent of
the total votes cast + 1.
Unlike general elections, where electors vote for a single party‘s candidate, the
voters of the Electoral College write the names of candidates on the ballot paper in
the order of preference.
The nominated members of either Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha or Legislative
Assemblies of the states are not eligible to be included in the Electoral College and
therefore, they are not entitled to participate in the election. Also, members of the
Legislative Councils are also not electors for the Presidential election.
NOMINATION PROCESS
The nomination of a candidate for the office of the President needs to be consented
to by at least 50 electors as proposers and 50 electors as seconders.
This rule of getting electors to propose and second a person's candidature was
adopted in 1974 after the Election Commission realised that in 1952, 1957, 1962,
1967 and 1969 polls, several candidates submitted their names even though they

did not have even a remote chance of getting elected.
HOW DOES VOTING TAKE PLACE?
All elected MPs, in Parliament, will be given ballot papers (green coloured for
MPs and pink coloured for MLAs) to cast their vote. They will also be given
special pens, which are the only instrument they can use to record their votes.
Each ballot paper will contain the name of all candidates who are contesting the
Presidential election. The electors will proceed to indicate their preference for each
candidate - marking '1' for the candidate they most prefer as President, '2' for the
candidate who is their second preference, and so on.
An elector isn't required to mark preferences for all Presidential candidates. He/she
has to only mark their first preference for their vote to be considered in the
election.
COUNTING OF VOTES
The ballot papers are taken up state-wise and allotted to each candidate's tray
depending on whose name appears as the first preference. Then the ballot papers of
the Members of Parliament are similarly distributed.
The total number of votes that a Presidential candidate garners is calculated by
adding up the value of all the ballots in which a particular candidate receives a first
preference.

Droupadi Murmu (born 20 June 1958) is an Indian politician who is the president-
elect of India. She is a member of the BJP. She is the first person belonging to a
Scheduled Tribe (ST) community to be elected President of India.
Murmu, 64, is the first Adivasi and second woman to become the nation‘s First
Citizen and the Supreme Commander of India‘s Armed Forces. Draupadi Murmu
was born on June 20, 1958, in Uparbeda village of Mayurbhanj district in Odisha
in a Santali tribal family to Biranchi Narayan Tudu. Bother her father and
grandfather were village heads under the Panchayati Raj Systems. Murmu was
elected to two terms in the Odisha Assembly in 2000 and 2004, and served as a
Minister from 2000 to 2004 in Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik‘s BJD-BJP coalition

government. She was sworn in as the first woman Governor of Jharkhand in 2015.
NDA Presidential candidate Droupadi Murmu on Thursday scripted history by
becoming the country‘s first tribal President defeating Opposition nominee
Yashwant Sinha. Murmu, former Governor of Jharkhand, trounced challenger and
Opposition candidate Yashwant Sinha, securing 64.03 per cent of the total votes
polled. When the counting of votes concluded, it was clear that Murmu‘s
spectacular win had also been helped by some cross-voting — proof of division
and confusion in Opposition ranks.
On December 19, 1946, speaking at the Constituent Assembly, Adivasi leader
Jaipal Munda called the new constitution ―an opportunity for my people who have
suffered for 6,000 years‖.
Subsequently on January 24, 1947, he admonished the Advisory Committee tasked
with preparing schemes for the administration of tribal areas, that it never occurred
to those responsible for the selection of the committee to have a tribal woman on it.
Today, almost 75 years after Munda stood amidst our founders and spoke, India
will have its first Adivasi President in Droupadi Murmu. I have no doubt that
Munda would have smiled broadly at what he would have considered a fitting but
long overdue election. Adivasis or the ―earliest inhabitants‖, are the original
indigenous people living in India.
Scheduled Tribes constitute over 8.6 per cent of the population – as per the 2011

Census, the ST population is 104 million. They are found predominantly in Bihar,
West Bengal, Jharkhand and Odisha. President-elect Murmu is an inspired choice,
given her identity as a Santhal woman. She is also a formidable and appropriate
choice for President. She has a lifetime of experience in politics and in governance,
having occupied positions as a legislator, minister, and governor.
Born in 1958, in the Uparbeda panchayat in Odisha‘s Mayurbhanj district, she was
the first woman in the area to go to college. She was elected twice to the Odisha
Assembly in 2000 and 2009 and was also a minister in the coalition government
formed by the BJP and BJD, led by Naveen Patnaik from 2000 to 2004.
Subsequently, she was Governor of Jharkhand from 2015 to 2021.
Draupadi Murmu: Governor of Jharkhand
Draupadi Murmu took oath as the Governor of Jharkhand on May 18, 2015, and
became the first woman Governor of Jharkhand. She was the first female tribal
leader from Odisha to be appointed as a Governor of the Indian State.
Draupadi Murmu as the Governor of Jharkhand in 2017 refused to give assent to a
bill approved by the Jharkhand Legislative Assembly seeking amendments to the
Chhotanagpur Tenancy Act, 1908, and the Santhal Pargana Tenancy Act, 1949.
The bill sought to give rights to the Tribals to make commercial use of their land,
while also ensuring that the ownership of land does not change.

Draupadi Murmu Awards & Honours
Draupadi Murmu, in 2007, received the Nilkantha Award for the best MLA (
Member of Legislative Assembly) by Odisha Legislative Assembly.


Draupadi Murmu Political Career
Draupadi Murmu joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1997 and was elected
as the councilor of the Rairangpur Nagar Panchayat. In 2000, she became the
Chairperson of Rairangpur Nagar Panchayat and also served as the National Vice-
President of BJP Scheduled Tribes Morcha.
During the BJP and Biju Janata Dal coalition government in Odisha, Draupadi
Murmu served in the following positions.
Positions held Tenure
Minister of State with Independent
Charge for Commerce and March 6, 2000 to August 6, 2000
Transportation
Minister of Fisheries and Animal

August 6, 2002 to May 16, 2004
Resources Development
Former Odisha Minister 2000
MLA from Rairangpur Assembly

2004
Constituency

Draupadi Murmu Teaching Career
Draupadi Murmu started out as a school teacher before entering state politics.
Murmu worked as an assistant professor at the Shri Aurobindo Integral Education
and Research Institute, Rairangpur, and as a Junior Assistant at the Irrigation
department of the Government of Odisha.
44th Chess Olympiad 2022
Let‘s know who is Thambi The Knight, the official mascot for the 44th Chess
Olympiad
Thambi is a brown horse, dressed in traditional attire and can be seen greeting
people by doing ‗ Namaste‘. The word ‗Thambi‘ is a local phrase used in the Tamil
language to address people meaning ‗Hey Little Brother‘.

The word 'mascot' originates from the French term 'mascotte' which means lucky
charm. This was used to describe anything that brought luck to a household. The
word was first recorded in 1867 and popularised by a French composer Edmond
Audran who wrote the opera La mascotte, performed in December 1880.
The horse is the knight in the game of chess and is specially designed to highlight

the culture of Tamil Nadu and the game of chess.
As competition is approaching, the streets in Chennai are getting themed as chess
blocks, which truly reflects the love for the game.
The current world champion Magnus Carlsen of Norway will also be taking part in
the competition. The Norwegian is one of the highest-ever-rated players of the
world. Talking about team India, Vidit Gujrathi, Nihal Sarin, P Harikrishna, R
Praggnanandhaa, D Gukesh along with Koneru Humpy, D Harika and R Vaishali
will be representing India in the competition. Former World Champion
Vishwanath Anand will personally mentor the players.
This is the first Olympiad that is to take place in India from 28 July to 10 August.
The opening ceremony of the event will take place on 28 July at 7:00 pm (IST) in
the presence of Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi who will then inaugurate
the event.
Venue: The venue of the 45th Chess Olympiad will take place at the Convention

centre at the Four Points by Sheraton in Mahabalipuram near Chennai.
HISTORY
Several competitions were organised in conjunction with the FIDE Congress held
in Budapest in 1926. Encouraged by Paris 1924 experience, the authorities of FIDE
decided to hold great chess event. There was a number of individual tournaments
ran: the masters, the open, and the women‘s tournament. The team competition

was held too, and six teams applied. However, only four of them came to
Budapest, as Austria and Czechoslovakia withdrew. Hungary led with Steiner and
Vajda were favourites and they won comfortably ahead of Yugoslavia and
Romania. Stevan Ćirić, member of Yugoslav crew, was notable politician at the
time, the Ministry of Education and Chairman of Parliament of Yugoslavia.
Because of its tiny, embryonic size, the Budapest event was not counted as official
FIDE Chess Olympiad. Still, it is historically first international team event ever
played according to modern standards. Grünfeld (Austria) and Italian youngster
Monticelli tied first in the individual event known as ―FIDE Masters‖. Mrs.
Holloway of Great Britain won women‘s tournament and Sandor Zinner of
Hungary (do not confuse with the Czech Emil Zinner) won the open tournament.
Budapest 1926 Team Tournament
Date: July 1926
City: Budapest, Hungary
4 (6 teams applied, Austria and Czechoslovakia

Teams participating:
withdrew before the start)
Players participating: 19
Game system: Round robin
26olymp.zip – Team Tournament

Downloadable game file:
26it.zip – 1st FIDE Masters

44th Chess Olympiad: Ticket Prices
Category 1
The tickets for the Chess Olympiad 2022 start from INR 200 onwards for the
Category 1, which will be issued to U-19 students, women and the Tamil Nadu
government officials. The Category 1 ticket holders will have access to Hall 1 and
2. At the same time, the ticket will be valid for only two hour.
Category 2
Under Category 2, Indian citizens excluding category 1 will be able to buy the
tickets for a minimum price of INR 2000 and a maximum of INR 3000. This
would give them access to Hall 1 and 2 and it would serve as a full day event
access for the Chess Olympiad.
Category 3
Under the third category, special tickets will be given to Foreigners for access into
Hall 1 and 2. These tickets are available only for foreigners, who will get access
for the entire day of the events. The starting price for the Category 3 is INR 6000
and goes up till INR 8000.



How to book tickets for the Chess Olympiad 2022?
Interested chess fans in India can book tickets for the 44th Chess Olympiad on the
official ticketing portal of the event, which has been launched by the All India
Chess Federation. It order to buy the tickets, fans need to visit the ticketing portal,
tickets.aicf.in and follow the steps shown to them. After booking the tickets, fans
will receive a confirmation about the same by Whatsapp/Email/SMS.

The Fall and Rise of Russian Electronic Warfare
The Ukraine invasion has become an old-fashioned slog, enabling Russia to
unleash its electronic weapons.
A month into Russia‘s invasion, Ukrainian troops stumbled upon a
nondescript shipping container at an abandoned Russian command post outside
Kyiv. They did not know it then, but the branch-covered box left by retreating
Russian soldiers was possibly the biggest intelligence coup of the young war.
Inside were the guts of one of Russia‘s most sophisticated electronic warfare (EW)
systems, the Krasukha-4. First fielded in 2014, the Krasukha-4 is a centerpiece of
Russia‘s strategic EW complement. Designed primarily to jam airborne or satellite-
based fire control radars in the X- and Ku-bands, the Krasukha-4 Is often used
alongside the Krasukha-2, which targets lower-frequency S-band search radars.
Such radars are used on stalwart U.S. reconnaissance platforms, such as the E-8
Joint Surveillance Target Attack Radar System (JSTARS) and Airborne Warning
and Control System, or AWACS, aircraft.
And now Ukraine, including by extension its intelligence partners in NATO, had a
Krasukha-4 to dissect and analyze.
That Russian troops would ditch the heart of such a valuable EW system was
surprising in March, when Moscow was still making gains across the country and

threatening Kyiv. Five months into the war, it is now apparent that Russia‘s initial
advance was already faltering when the Krasukha-4 was left by the roadside. With
highways around Kyiv clogged by armored columns, withdrawing units needed to
lighten their load.
The abandoned Krasukha-4 was emblematic of the puzzling failure of Russian EW
in the first few months of Russia‘s invasion. After nearly a decade of owning the
airwaves during a Moscow-backed insurgency in eastern Ukraine, EW was not
decisive when Russia went to war in February. The key questions now are, why
was this so, what is next for Russian EW in this oddly anachronistic war, and how
might it affect the outcome?
At least three of Russia‘s five electronic warfare brigades are engaged in Ukraine.
And with more exposure to NATO-supplied radios, experienced Russian EW
operators who cut their teeth in Syria are beginning to detect and degrade
Ukrainian communications.
Electronic warfare is a pivotal if invisible part of modern warfare. Military forces
rely on radios, radars, and infrared detectors to coordinate operations and find the
enemy. They use EW to control the spectrum, protecting their own sensing and
communications while denying access to the electromagnetic spectrum by enemy
troops.

U.S. military doctrine defines EW as comprising electronic attack (EA), electronic
protection, and electronic support. The most familiar of these is EA, which
includes jamming, where a transmitter overpowers or disrupts the waveform of a
hostile radar or radio. For instance, the Russian R-330Zh Zhitel jammer can
reportedly shut down—within a radius of tens of kilometers—GPS, satellite
communications, and cellphone networks in the VHF and UHF bands. Deception is
also part of EA, in which a system substitutes its own signal for an expected radar
or radio transmission. For example, Russian forces sent propaganda and fake
orders to troops and civilians during the 2014–2022 insurgency in eastern Ukraine
by hijacking the local cellular network with the RB-341V Leer-3 system. Using
soldier-portable Orlan-10 drones managed by a truck-mounted control system, the
Leer-3 can extend its range and impact VHF and UHF communications over wider
areas.
The converse of electronic attack is electronic support (ES), which is used to
passively detect and analyze an opponent‘s transmissions. ES is essential for
understanding the potential vulnerabilities of an adversary‘s radars or radios.
Therefore, most Russian EA systems include ES capabilities that allow them to
find and quickly characterize potential jamming targets. Using their ES
capabilities, most EA systems can also geolocate enemy radio and cellphone
transmissions and then pass that information on so that it can be used to direct
artillery or rocket fire—with often devastating effects.

A few Russian systems conduct ES exclusively; one example is the Moskva-1,
which is a precision HF/VHF receiver that can use the reflections of TV and radio
signals to conduct passive coherent location or passive radar operations. Basically,
the system picks up the radio waves of commercial TV and radio transmitters in an
area, which will reflect off targets like ships or aircraft. By triangulating among
multiple sets of received waves, the target can be pinpointed with sufficient
accuracy to track it and, if needed, shoot at it.
Warfare Systems Deployed in Ukraine
Electronic Purpose First Fielded Notes
Warfare System
1RL257 Targets X-band 2014 Consists of two
Krasukha-4 and K u-band KamAZ-6350
radars, trucks, one a
particularly on command post
planes, drones, and the other
missiles, and outfitted with
low-orbit sensors

satellites
1L269 Krasukha- Targets S-band 2011 Also based on
2 radars, two KamAZ-
particularly on 6350 trucks
airborne
platforms. Often
used paired with
the Krasukha-4
RB-341V Leer-3 Disrupts VHF 2015 Consists of a
and UHF truck-based
communications, command post
including cellular that works with
communications Orlan-10 drones
and military to extend its
radios, over range
hundreds of
kilometers
RH-330Zh Zhitel Jammer; can shut 2011 Consists of a

down GPS and truck command
satellite post and four
communications telescopic-mast
over a radius of phased-array
tens of antennas
kilometers
Murmansk-BN Long-range 2020 Russian sources
detection and claim it can jam
jamming of HF communications
military radios thousands of
kilometers away
R-934B VHF/UHF 1996 Consists of either
jammer that a truck or a
targets wireless tracked vehicle
and wired and a towed 16-
communications kilowatt
generator
SPN-2, 3, 4 X- or K u-band (not available) Consists of a

jammers that combat-control
target airborne vehicle and an
radars and air-to- antenna vehicle
surface
guidance-control
radars
Repellent-1 Antidrone 2016 Weighs more
system than 20 tonnes
Moéskva-1 Precision 2015 Published
HF/VHF receiver sources cite a
for passive range of up to
coherent location 400 kilometers
of enemy ships
and planes
Russia uses specialized electronic-warfare units to conduct its EA and ES
operations. In its ground forces, dedicated EW brigades of several hundred soldiers
are assigned to the five Russian military districts—West, South, North, Central,
and East—to support regional EW operations that include disrupting enemy
surveillance radars and satellite communication networks over hundreds of

kilometers. EW brigades are equipped with the larger Krasukha-2 and -4, Leer-3,
Moskva-1, and Murmansk-BN systems (the latter of which detects and jams HF
radios). Each Russian army maneuver brigade also includes an EW company of
about 100 personnel that is trained to support local actions within about 50
kilometers using smaller systems, like the R-330Zh Zhitel.
Militaries use electronic protection (EP), also known as electronic
countermeasures, to defend against EA and ES. Long considered an afterthought
by western forces after the Cold War, EP has risen again to be perhaps the most
important aspect of EW as Russia and China field increasingly sophisticated
jammers and sensors. EP includes tactics and technologies to shield radio
transmissions from being detected or jammed. Typical techniques include using
narrow beams or low-power transmissions, as well as advanced waveforms that are
resistant to jamming.
Experts have long touted Russia as having some of the most experienced and best-
equipped EW units in the world. So in the early days of the 24 February invasion,
analysts expected Russian forces to quickly gain control of, and then dominate, the
electromagnetic spectrum. Since the annexation of Crimea in 2014, EW has been a
key part of Russian operations in the ―gray zone,‖ the shadowy realm between
peace and war, in the Donbas region. Using Leer-3 EW vehicles and Orlan-10
drones, Moscow-backed separatists and mercenaries would jam Ukrainian

communications and send propaganda over local mobile-phone networks. When
Russian forces were ready to strike, the ground and airborne systems would detect
Ukrainian radios and target them with rocket attacks.
But after nearly a decade of rehearsals in eastern Ukraine, when the latest
escalation and invasion began in February, Russian EW was a no-show. Ukrainian
defenders did not experience the jamming they faced in the Donbas and were not
being targeted by drones or ground-based electronic surveillance. Although
Russian forces did blow up some broadcast radio and television towers, Ukraine‘s
leaders continued to reach the outside world unimpeded by Russian EW.
Using counter-drone systems provided by the United States before the invasion,
Ukrainian troops have downed hundreds of Russian drones by jamming their GPS
signals or possibly by damaging their electronics with high-powered microwave
beams.
Russia is gaining the upper hand now, having consolidated control in Ukraine's

east and south as the invaded country begins running out of soldiers, weapons, and
time. With more defined front lines and better logistics support from their
homeland, Russian troops are now using their EW systems to guide artillery and
rocket strikes. But instead of being the leading edge of Russia‘s offensive, EW is
coming into play only after Moscow resorted to siege tactics that call to mind the
origins of EW in World War I.
The RF spectrum was a lot less busy then. Commanders used their new radios to
coordinate troop movements and direct fire and employed early passive direction-
finding equipment to locate or listen to enemy radio transmissions. While
communications jamming emerged at the same time, it was not widely employed.
Radio operators realized that simply keying their systems could send out a blast of
white noise to drown the transmissions of other radios operating at the same
frequencies. But this tactic had limited operational value, because it also prevented
forces doing the jamming from using the same radio frequencies to communicate.
Moreover, warfare happened slowly enough that the victim could simply wait out
the jammer.
Thus, World War I EW was exemplified by passive detection of radio
transmissions and infrequent, rudimentary jamming. The shift to more
sophisticated EW systems and tactics occurred with World War II, when
technological advances made airborne radars and jammers practical, better tuners

allowed jamming and communicating on separate frequencies, and the increased
tempo of warfare gave combatants an incentive to not just jam enemy
transmissions but to intercept and exploit them as well.
Consider the Battle of Britain, when the main challenge for German pilots was
reaching the right spot to drop their bombs. Germany used a radio-beacon system it
called Knickebein (―crooked leg‖ in English) to guide its bombers to British
aircraft factories, which the British countered with fake beacons that they code-
named Aspirin. To support British warplanes attacking Germany in 1942, the
Royal Air Force (RAF) fielded the GEE hyperbolic radio navigation system that
allowed its bomber crews to use transmissions from British ground stations to
determine their in-flight positions. Germany countered with jammers that drowned
out the GEE transmissions.
The World War II EW competition extended to sensing and communication
networks. RAF and U.S. bombers dispensed clouds of metallic chaff called
Window that confused German air-defense radars by creating thousands of false
radar targets. And they used VHF communication jammers, which the British
called Jostle, to interfere with German ground controllers attempting to vector
fighters toward allied bombers.
The move-countermove cycle accelerated in response to Soviet military
aggressions and advances in the 1950s. Active countermeasures such as jammers

or decoys proliferated, thanks to technological advances that enabled EW systems
with greater power, wider frequency ranges, and more complex waveforms, and
which were small enough to fit aircraft as well as ships.
Later, as Soviet military sensors, surface-to-air missiles, and antiship cruise
missiles grew in their sophistication and numbers, the U.S. Department of Defense
sought to break out of the radar-versus-electronic-attack competition by leveraging
emerging materials, computer simulation, and other technologies. In the years
since, the U.S. military has developed multiple generations of stealth aircraft and
ships with severely reduced radio-frequency, infrared, acoustic, and visual
signatures. Russia followed with its own stealth platforms, albeit more slowly after
the Soviet Union‘s collapse.
But today, years of underfunded aviation training and maintenance and the rapid
introduction by NATO of Stinger shoulder-launched surface-to-air missiles have
largely grounded Russian jets and helicopters during the Ukraine invasion. So
when Russian troops crossed the border, they faced a situation not unlike the
armies of World War I.
Without airpower, the Russian assault crawled at the speed of their trucks and
tanks. And although they proved effective in the Donbas during the last decade,
Russian drones are controlled by line-of-sight radios operating in the Ka- and Ku-
bands, which prevented them from straying too far from their operators on the

ground. With Russian columns moving along multiple axes into Ukraine and
unable to send EW drones well over the horizon, any jamming of Ukrainian forces,
some of which were interspersed between Russian formations, would have also
taken out Russian radios.
Russian EW units did use Leer-3 units to find Ukrainian fighters via their radio and
cellphone transmissions, as they had in the Donbas. But unlike Ukraine‘s rural
east, the areas around Kyiv are relatively densely populated. With civilian
cellphone transmissions mixed in with military communications, Russian ES
systems were unable to pinpoint military transmitters and use that information to
target Ukrainian troops. Making matters worse for the Russians, Ukrainian forces
also began using the NATO Single-Channel Ground and Airborne Radio System,
or SINCGARS.
Ukrainian troops had trained for a decade with SINCGARS, but the portable VHF
combat radios were scarce until the lead-up to the Russian invasion, when the
flood of NATO support sent SINCGARS radios to nearly every Ukrainian ground
unit. Unlike Ukraine‘s previous radios, which were Russian-built and included
backdoors for the convenience of Russian intelligence, SINCGARS have built-in
encryption. To protect against jamming and interception, SINCGARS
automatically hops among frequencies up to 100 times a second across its overall
coverage of 30 to 88 megahertz. Because SINCGARS can control signals within

25-kilohertz bands, the user can select among more than 2,000 channels.
As in World War I, the lack of airpower also affected the speed of conflict. The
widely circulated videos of Russian armored convoys stuck along the roads around
Kyiv were a stark reminder that ground operations can only move as fast as their
fuel supply. In World War II and the Cold War, bombing missions and other air
operations happened so quickly that even if jamming impacted friendly forces, the
effect would be temporary, as the positions of jammers, jamming targets, and
bystanders would quickly change. But when Russian forces were trundling toward
the urban areas of northern Ukraine, they were going so slowly that they were
unable to exploit changing geometries to get their jammers into positions from
which they could have substantial effects. At the same time, Russian troops were
not sitting still, which prevented them from setting up a large system like the
Krasukha-4 to blind NATO radars in the air and in space.
Russian EW is gaining an advantage only now because Moscow‘s strategy of
quickly taking Kyiv failed, and it shifted to a grinding war of attrition in Ukraine‘s
south.
So what‘s next? The Kremlin‘s fortunes have improved now that its soldiers are
fighting from Russian-held territory in Ukraine‘s east. No longer spread out along
multiple lines in suburban areas, invading troops are now able to use EW to
support a strategy of incrementally gaining territory by finding Ukrainian positions

and overwhelming them with Russia‘s roughly 10-to-1 advantage in artillery
As of this writing, at least three of Russia‘s five EW brigades are engaged in
Ukraine. And with more exposure to NATO-supplied radios, experienced Russian
EW operators who cut their teeth in the last decade of war in Syria are beginning to
detect and degrade Ukrainian communications. EW brigades are using the Leer-3‘s
Orlan-10 drones to detect Ukrainian artillery positions based on their radio

emissions, although the encryption and frequency hopping of SINCGARS radios
makes them hard to intercept and exploit. Because the front lines are now better
defined compared to the early war around Kyiv, Russian forces can assume the
detections are from Ukrainian military units and direct artillery and rocket fire
against those locations.
The Krasukha-4, which was too powerful and unwieldy to be useful during the
assault on Kyiv, is also making a reappearance. Exploiting Russia‘s territorial
control in the Donbas, EW brigades are using the Krasukha-4 to jam the radars on
such Ukrainian drones as the Bayraktar TB2, and to interfere with their
communication links, preventing Ukrainian forces from locating Russian artillery
emplacements.
To gain flexibility and mobility leading up to the invasion, the Russian army broke
its 2,000-soldier maneuver brigades into smaller battalion tactical groups (BTGs)
of 300 to 800 personnel in such a way that each included a portion of the original
maneuver brigade‘s EW company. Today, BTGs operating in southern and eastern
Ukraine are employing shorter-range VHF-UHF electronic attack systems like the
R-330Zh Zhitel to disable Ukrainian drones ranging from Bayraktar TB2s to small
DJI Mavics by jamming their GPS signals. BTGs are also attacking Ukrainian
communications using R-934B VHF and SPR-2 VHF/UHF jammers, with some
success. Although Ukrainian soldiers have SINCGARS radios, they still rely on

vulnerable cellphones and radios without encryption or frequency hopping when
SINCGARS is down or unavailable.
But Ukraine is fighting back against Russia‘s spectrum assault. Using counter-
drone systems provided by the United States before the invasion, Ukrainian troops
have downed hundreds of Russian drones by jamming their GPS signals or
possibly by damaging their electronics with high-powered microwave beams, a
specific type of EA where electromagnetic energy is used to generate high voltages
in sensitive microelectronics that damage transistors and integrated circuits.
Ukrainian forces are also leveraging U.S.-supplied EW systems and training to jam
Russian communications. Unlike their Ukrainian counterparts, Russian troops do

not have a system like SINCGARS and often rely on cellphones or unencrypted
radios to coordinate operations, making them susceptible to Ukrainian geolocation
and jamming. In this way, stabilization of the front lines also helps Ukraine‘s EW
efforts because it allows quick correlation of transmissions to locations. Ukraine‘s
defenders also exploited a weakness of the large and powerful Russian EW
systems—they are easy to find. Using U.S.-supplied ES gear, Ukrainian troops
have been able to detect transmissions from systems like the Leer-3 or Krasukha-4
and direct rocket, artillery, and drone counterattacks against the truck-borne
Russian systems.
The Ukraine invasion shows EW can change the course of a war, but it‘s also
showing that the fundamentals still matter. Without airpower or satellite-guided
drones, Russia‘s army could not get jammers over the horizon to degrade
Ukrainian communications and radars in advance of troops moving on Kyiv.
Forced to use short-range unmanned aircraft and ground systems, Russian EW
brigades operating with BTGs had to worry about interfering with friendly
operations and could not distinguish Ukrainian troops from civilians. They also
had to stay on the move, reducing the utility of their large multivehicle EW
systems. Russian EW is gaining an advantage only now because Moscow‘s
strategy of quickly taking Kyiv failed, and it shifted to a grinding war of attrition in
Ukraine‘s south.

So for now, unable to reach over the horizon, Russian EW ground units can jam
Ukrainian troops only when they are separated by clearly defined battle lines. They
are relying on systems like the Leer-3 to find Ukrainian emissions so Russian
artillery can then overwhelm the defenders with volleys of shells and rockets.
Russian EW systems like the Krasukha-4 and R-330Zh Zhitel can disable GPS or
radars on Ukrainian drones, but it‘s not substantially different from shooting down
aircraft with guns. And although ES systems like the Moskva-4 could hear signals
over the horizon, Russia is running out of the long-range missiles that could exploit
such detections.
Perhaps the biggest lesson from Ukraine for EW is that winning the airwaves does
not equal winning the war. Russia is on top of the EW war now only because its
lighting assault became a pulverizing slog. The situation could quickly flip if
Kyiv‘s troops, with western support, regain control of Ukraine‘s skies, where they
could electronically and physically disrupt the management and logistics that keep
Russia‘s rickety war machine trundling along.

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IFET Communications’ Magazine Communikate Aug 2022 1|Page

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Happy Independence Day!

The Editor – Communikate

The Free India

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Independence of India is named Azadi Ka Amrit Mahotsav by the Indian

fight. Mahatma Gandhi, Kunwar Singh, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, Bhagat

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waving, lighting, speeches, singing the National Anthem, Marching by Indian

soldiers, and many more.

Parade, some distribute sweets on that day.

Rajagopal put pressure on Mountbatten to declare the freedom of India on 15th

Colonial powers set up the East India Company.

When is Indian Independence Day?

Indian Independence Day is always celebrated on August 15th. It is the National

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became an independent country.

History of Indian Independence Day

Surat on the northwestern coast.

the Viceroy helming the administration.

discontentment took serious proportions in the fierce battle of Jhansi, battle of

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climate by launching a fierce attack on British rule. They insisted on boycotting

foreign products and insisting on ‗swadeshi‘ or homegrown products. Bal

August 15, 1947. 15 august 1947 day was Friday.

permanent trading stations at Madras, Bombay, and Calcutta.

Pakistan, and Bangladesh. In 1857, a rebellion in northern India by mutinous

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government in British India by the appointment of Indian councillors to advise the

In 1920, Indian leader Mohandas K. Gandhi transformed the Indian National

Congress political party into a mass movement to campaign against British

non-cooperation to achieve independence. Other leaders, notably Subhash Chandra

Bose, also adopted a military approach to the movement. The movement

the formation of India and Pakistan.

Commonwealth after promulgating its constitution on 26 January 1950, which is

now the Republic Day holiday.

National Flag of India

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pulled up to the top and unfurled.

and signifies that it is one of a free nation.

the flag at Lahore Gate of the Red Fort in Delhi.

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symbolises unceasing motion and progress.

Independence Day in India is observed with great solidarity. All government

special Independence Day special shows and competitions. TV channels show

cultural shows, fireworks and outings.

On Indian Independence Day, the ritual of flying kites is ritualistically observed.

shelves in no time. The Independence Day celebrations transcend caste and

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How is the President of India elected

years from the date on which he enters his office.

The President is elected by an Electoral College consisting of MPs of both Houses

of Parliament and MLAs of the states and Delhi and Puducherry.

of state Legislative Councils, are not part of the Electoral College.

population of each state.

votes, while Sikkim has the lowest, which stands at seven.

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HOW DOES THE CANDIDATE WIN?

through a system of bagging a specific quota of votes.

the total votes cast + 1.

the order of preference.

to by at least 50 electors as proposers and 50 electors as seconders.