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The Oxford Handbook of Women and Gender in Medieval Europe, ed. Judith
M. Bennett and Ruth Mazo Karras (Oxford: Oxford U.P., 2013; pp. xiv +
626. £95).
This volume, edited by Judith M. Bennett and Ruth Mazo Karras, contains a
timely synthesis of the work published on women and gender in the middle
ages over the past four decades. It is divided into seven parts and thirty-
nine contributors (of whom three are men) have written chapters covering
specific areas of expertise. The first part, on ‘Gendered Thinking’, contains
fresh overviews of what gender meant for women in Christian, Islamic and
Jewish religious societies (Dyan Elliott, Judith Baskin and Jonathan Berkey,
respectively). What they highlight is not surprising—in all three religions
women were subordinate to men—although subtle differences in the ways in
which women could have agency outside the domestic sphere are revealing.
Anglophone readers should be warned that this is not the book which the title
might lead them to expect. This is not yet another updating of the Carlyles’
great six-volume History of Mediaeval Political Theory in the West. There is
very little about the impact of Roman law (as opposed to Roman history), just
one mention of Aristotelian political ideas, and only the barest of references
to thinkers such as Aquinas, Bartolus, Dante or Marsilius of Padua. Three of
the chapters in this book might fit into an updating of the Carlyles, but even
they not easily; they are Yves Sassier’s reinterpretation of John of Salisbury’s
Policraticus, IV, 1–2; Alain Dubreucq’s discussion of Carolingian mirror-of-
princes literature; and, to a lesser extent, Élizabeth Crouzet-Pavan’s interesting
survey of Italian fifteenth-century moral justifications for princely regimes.
The other essays in the book focus not on thinkers but on doers. The aim
was to shed light on the political ideas of subjects rather than those of rulers,
by deducing them from chronicles, charters, illuminations or other sources.
Contributors were then encouraged to attempt to assess the role of the people
in medieval politics. This highly laudable aim was made yet more difficult
by the editors’ additional brief: the book should also investigate whether the
ideological foundations of the principate, as established by Augustus and paid
lip-service to by the emperors of late antiquity, survived to influence rulers or
their critics into the later middle ages. Hervé Oudart introduces the volume
by offering a snapshot of these alleged ideological foundations: the prince was
a man to whom the people rallied on account of his virtues, and because they
perceived that their own good was served by following him. The principate
was reinforced by an oath to the ruler taken by all the people. Jean-Pierre
Martin adds to this picture by demonstrating the prince’s role in providing
security for the people as a cornerstone of the common good.
Having laid out the groundwork, Oudart then examines an important
chapter in French historiography. He particularly admires Karl Werner’s
interpretation of post-Carolingian history because Werner draws parallels
between the princely regimes that proliferated then and the principate of the
classical period. Admittedly there is much to be said for Werner’s thesis. Yet it
almost certainly makes too little of the victories in the field that were so vital
to the emergence of most new principalities, and of the value of a prince’s
EHR, CXXX. 543 (April 2015)