Dokumen - Pub CIA Operation Mockingbird Document Collection

Operation
Mockingbird
An Overview and History

Article with Links at:
http://www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk/JFKmockingbird.htm
In 1948
Frank Wisner was appointed director of the Office of Special Projects. Soon
afterwards it was renamed the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). This became the
espionage and counterintelligence branch of the Central Intelligence Agency. Wisner
was told to create an organization that concentrated on "propaganda, economic
warfare; preventive direct action, including sabotage, antisabotage, demolition and
evacuation measures; subversion against hostile states, including assistance to
underground resistance groups, and support of indigenous antiCommunist elements in
threatened countries of the free world."
Later that year Wisner established Mockingbird, a program to influence the domestic
American media. Wisner recruited Philip Graham Washington Post
( ) to run the project
within the industry. Graham himself recruited others who had worked for military
intelligence during the war. This included James Truitt
, Russell Wiggins, Phil Geyelin,
John Hayes and Alan Barth. Others like Stewart Alsop
, Joseph Alsop
and
James
Reston ,

were recruited from within the Georgetown Set . According to Deborah Davis
Katharine the Great
( ): "By the early 1950s, Wisner 'owned' respected members of the
New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles."
In 1951
Allen W. Dulles
persuaded Cord Meyer to join the CIA. However, there is
evidence that he was recruited several years earlier and had been spying on the liberal
organizations he had been a member of in the later 1940s. According to
Deborah Davis ,
Meyer became Mockingbird's "principal operative".
One of the most important journalists under the control of Operation Mockingbird was
Joseph Alsop , whose articles appeared in over 300 different newspapers. Other
journalists willing to promote the views of the CIA included Stewart Alsop (
New York
Herald Tribune ),
Ben Bradlee Newsweek
( ),
James Reston New York Times
( ),
C. D.
Jackson Time Magazine
( ),
Walter Pincus Washington Post
( ), William C. Baggs ( Miami
News ), Herb Gold ( Miami News Chattanooga Times
) and Charles Bartlett ( ). According
to
Nina Burleigh A Very Private Woman
( ) these journalists sometimes wrote articles that
were commissioned by Frank Wisner . The CIA also provided them with classified
information to help them with their work.
After 1953 the network was overseen by Allen W. Dulles , director of the Central
Intelligence Agency . By this time Operation Mockingbird had a major influence over 25
newspapers and wire agencies. These organizations were run by people with
wellknown rightwing views such as William Paley (CBS), Henry Luce (
Time Magazine
and Life Magazine),
Arthur Hays Sulzberger New York Times
( ),
Alfred Friendly
(managing editor of the Washington Post ), Jerry O'Leary (Washington Star )
,
Hal
Hendrix Miami News
( ),
Barry Bingham Sr. Louisville CourierJournal
, ( ), James Copley
(Copley News Services) and Joseph Harrison ( Christian Science Monitor ).
The Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) was funded by siphoning of funds intended for
the
Marshall Plan . Some of this money was used to bribe journalists and publishers.
Frank Wisner
was constantly looked for ways to help convince the public of the dangers
of communism. In 1954 Wisner arranged for the funding the Hollywood production of
Animal Farm , the animated allegory based on the book written by
George Orwell .
According to Alex Constantine (
Mockingbird: The Subversion Of The Free Press By The
CIA
), in the 1950s, "some 3,000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually
engaged in propaganda efforts". Wisner was also able to restrict newspapers from
reporting about certain events. For example, the CIA plots to overthrow the
governments of Iran and Guatemala.
Thomas Braden , head of the of International Organizations Division (IOD), played an
important role in Operation Mockingbird. Many years later he revealed his role in these
events: "If the director of CIA wanted to extend a present, say, to someone in Europe a
Labour leader suppose he just thought, This man can use fifty thousand dollars, he's
working well and doing a good job he could hand it to him and never have to account
to anybody... There was simply no limit to the money it could spend and no limit to the
people it could hire and no limit to the activities it could decide were necessary to
conduct the war the secret war.... It was a multinational. Maybe it was one of the first.
Journalists were a target, labor unions a particular target that was one of the activities
in which the communists spent the most money."
In August, 1952, the Office of Policy Coordination and the Office of Special Operations
(the espionage division) were merged to form the Directorate of Plans (DPP). Frank
Wisner became head of this new organization and Richard Helms became his chief of
operations. Mockingbird was now the responsibility of the DPP.
J. Edgar Hoover became jealous of the CIA's growing power.
He described the OPC as
"Wisner's gang of weirdos" and began carrying out investigations into their past. It did
not take him long to discover that some of them had been active in leftwing politics in
the 1930s. This information was passed to who started making attacks on members of
the OPC. Hoover also gave McCarthy details of an affair that Frank Wisner
had with
Princess Caradja in Romania during the war. Hoover, claimed that Caradja was a
Soviet agent.
Joseph McCarthy also began accusing other senior members of the CIA as being
security risks. McCarthy claimed that the CIA was a "sinkhole of communists" and
claimed he intended to root out a hundred of them. One of his first targets was
Cord
Meyer , who was still working for Operation Mockingbird. In August, 1953,
Richard
Helms , Wisner's deputy at the OPC, told Meyer that Joseph McCarthy had accused him
of being a communist. The Federal Bureau of Investigation
added to the smear by
announcing it was unwilling to give Meyer "security clearance". However, the FBI
refused to explain what evidence they had against Meyer.
Allen W. Dullesand both
came to his defence and refused to permit a FBI interrogation of Meyer.
Joseph McCarthy did not realise what he was taking on. Wisner unleashed Mockingbird
on McCarthy. Drew Pearson ,
Joe Alsop
,
Jack Anderson,
Walter Lippmann
and
Ed
Murrow all went into attack mode and McCarthy was permanently damaged by the
press coverage orchestrated by Wisner.
Mockingbird was very active during the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala.

People like Henry Luce was able to censor stories that appeared too sympathetic
towards the plight of Arbenz.
Allen W. Dulles
was even able to keep leftwing journalists
from travelling to Guatemala. This including Sydney Gruson of the New York Times .
Frank Wisner was also interested in influencing Hollywood. As Hugh Wilford points out in

The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (2008): “Fortunately for the CIA, two
factors predisposed the major Hollywood studios that dominated the industry to take a
responsible position in the cultural Cold War. One was a strong tendency toward selfcensorship,
the result of many years' experience avoiding the commercially disastrous effects of giving
offense to either domestic pressure groups like the American Legion or foreign audiences. The
other was the fact that the men who ran the studios were intensely patriotic and anticommunist
they saw it as their duty to help their government defeat the Soviet threat."
Frank Wisner House of UnAmerican Activities Committee
was helped by the fact that the
(HUAC) J. Parnell Thomas
, chaired by , was carrying out an investigation into the Hollywood
Motion Picture Industry. The HUAC interviewed 41 people who were working in Hollywood.
These people attended voluntarily and became known as "friendly witnesses". During their
interviews they named nineteen people who they accused of holding leftwing views.
One of those named, Bertolt Brecht, a playwright, gave evidence and then left for East

Germany . Ten others: Herbert Biberman ,
Lester Cole,
Albert Maltz,
Adrian Scott,
Samuel Ornitz ,
Dalton Trumbo ,
Edward Dmytryk ,
Ring Lardner Jr.,
John Howard
Lawson and Alvah Bessie refused to answer any questions and were sent to prison and
were blacklisted from the industry.
The CIA
and
FBIalso provided rightwing television producer, Vincent Harnett, with
information about leftwing figures in the industry. In June 1950 Harnett published Red
Channels , a pamphlet listing the names of 151 writers, directors and performers who they
claimed had been members of subversive organisations before the
Second World War
but had
not so far been blacklisted.
Lee J. Cobb was one of those actors who was originally blacklisted but eventually cooperated
with the HUAC : “When the facilities of the government of the United States are drawn on an
individual it can be terrifying. The blacklist is just the opening gambit being deprived of work.
Your passport is confiscated. That's minor. But not being able to move without being tailed is
something else. After a certain point it grows to implied as well as articulated threats, and people
succumb. My wife did, and she was institutionalized. In 1953 the HCUA did a deal with me. I
was pretty much worn down. I had no money. I couldn't borrow. I had the expenses of taking
care of the children. Why am I subjecting my loved ones to this? If it's worth dying for, and I am
just as idealistic as the next fellow. But I decided it wasn't worth dying for, and if this gesture
was the way of getting out of the penitentiary I'd do it. I had to be employable again.”
According to
Frances Stonor Saunders Who Paid the Piper?
, the author of Frank
(2000),
Wisner recruited several important figures for Operation Mockingbird. This included former
OSS filmmaker John Ford and studio bosses Cecil B. DeMille
(Paramount Pictures) and
Darryl
Zanuck (Twentieth CenturyFox).
Another important figure in this group was Howard Hughes, the boss of RKO Pictures. As
Charles Higham Howard Hughes: The Secret Life
points out in (2004), this was also good
for business: “Hughes’s crusade against Communism” was “exacerbated by his desire to have
Hughes Aircraft profit from the Korean and any future antiSoviet wars”. For example, in June
1950, General Ira Eaker "signed an acrosstheboard agreement giving Hughes a monopoly in
interceptors for the U.S. Air Force… despite the fact that it was in breach of the Sherman
antimonopolies act… By the end of 1950, the war had made Hughes even richer than before.”
Another important figure in this conspiracy was C. D. Jackson Office of
. He had joined the
Strategic Services (OSS) in 1943. The following year he was appointed Deputy Chief at
the Psychological Warfare Division at Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary
Force (SHAEF). After the war, he became Managing Director of TimeLife International .
When it became clear that Dwight D. Eisenhower stood a good chance of becoming president,
the CIA arranged for Jackson to join his campaign. This involved Jackson writing speeches for
Eisenhower. Jackson was rewarded in February 1953 by being appointed as Special Assistant to
the President. This included the role of Eisenhower's liaison between the CIA and the Pentagon.
According to the Eisenhower Presidential Library files in
Abilene
,
Kansas
, Jackson's "area
responsibility was loosely defined as international affairs, cold war planning, and psychological
warfare. His main function was the coordination of activities aimed at interpreting world
situations to the best advantage of the United States and her allies and exploiting incidents which
reflected negatively on the Soviet Union , Communist China and other enemies in the Cold
War."
C. D.
Jackson was also involved in Operation Mockingbird. This was revealed after the death of
Jackson. On December 15, 1971, Mrs. C.D. Jackson gave her husband’s papers to the Dwight
D. Eisenhower Library. This included details that Jackson was in contact with a CIA agent in
Hollywood's Paramount Studios . The agent is not named by Jackson but Frances Stonor
Saunders Who Paid the Piper?
claims in (2000) that it was
Carleton Alsop
, a CIA agent
employed by Frank Wisner . There is no doubt that Alsop was one of the CIA agents working at
Paramount. However, Hugh Wilford The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played
argues in
America (2008) that it was a senior executive at Paramount, Lugi G. Laraschi, was the most
important CIA figure at the studio. Laraschi was the head of foreign and domestic censorship at
the studio, whose job was to “iron out any political, moral or religious problems”. Other studios,
including MGM and
RKO , had similar officers, and were probably CIA placements. In a private
letter to
Sherman Adams , Jackson claims the role of these CIA placements was “to insert in their
scripts and in their action the right ideas with the proper subtlety”.
Although the main objective of Operation Mockingbird was to influence the production of
commercial films the CIA also occasionally initiated film projects. The best documented
instance of this concerns an animated version of Animal Farm , a satirical allegory about
Stalinism by
George Orwell . The book was highly popular when it was published in 1945 and it
was only natural that the studios should be interested in making a film of the book. The problem
for the CIA was that Orwell was a socialist whose book attacked both communism and
capitalism. Therefore, it was important to make a film that restricted it to a condemnation of
Joseph Stalin and the
Soviet Union.
In 1950 Wisner’s OPC arranged for Joe Bryan to recruit anticommunist documentarymaker
Louis de Rochemont to produce a movie version of the tale. It was decided to get the film made
in Britain to disguise CIA involvement in the project. Rochemont employed the British
animation studio of husband and wife John Halas and
Joy Batchelor to make the film. Most of
the funding came from a CIA shell corporation, Touchstone. E. Howard Hunt was one of those
agents involved in the production of the film whose role was to remove the socialist elements in
Orwell’s allegory.
One unnamed member of the OPC sent a letter to John Halas called for the addition of scenes

showing the other farms (that represented capitalist countries) in a more flattering light. The
most important demand was to change the ending of Animal Farm . The CIA did not like the
scene where the pigs and dogs face a liberationstyle uprising of the other animals. The letter
included the following: “It is reasonable to expect that if Orwell were to write the book today, it
would be considerably different and that the changes would tend to make it even more positively
antiCommunist and possibly somewhat more favorable to the Western powers.”
One of the main concerns of the CIA was the portrayal of racerelations in Hollywood movies. It
was argued that the left was using this issue to undermine the idea that America was a
democracy based on equal rights. Letters from Jackson sent to the producers of films called for
scenes showing African Americans mixing on equal terms with whites. One of Jackson’s
proposals involved “planting black spectators in a crowd watching a golf game in the Martin and
Lewis comedy The Caddy”.
In 1955 Graham Greene The Quiet American
published . The novel is set in Vietnam
and
involves the relationship between Thomas Fowler and Alden Pyle. Fowler is a veteran British
journalist in his fifties, who has been covering the war in Vietnam for over two years. Pyle, the
“Quiet American” of the title, is officially an aid worker, but is really employed by the CIA. It is
believed that the Pyle character is partly based on that of
Edward Lansdale .
Greene had worked for the British Secret Service during the Second World War . Although a
The Times
fairly successful novelist at the time, Greene was also employed by Le Figaro
and as
a journalist. Between 1951 to 1954 spent a long period of time in Saigon. In 1953 Lansdale
became a CIA advisor on special counterguerrilla operations to French forces against the
Viet
Minh .
While it is true that
Graham Greene
admitted that he never had the "misfortune to meet"
Lansdale, the two men did know a lot about each other. Lansdale recalls that in 1954 he had
dinner with Peg and Tilman Durdin at the Continental Hotel in
Saigon. Greene was also there
having a meal with several French officers. Lansdale claims that after he and the Durdins were
leaving, Greene said something in French to his companions and the men began booing him.
Lansdale definitely thought that Pyle was based on him. He told
Cecil B. Currey on 15th
February, 1984: "Pyle was close to Trinh Minh Thé, the guerrilla leader, and also had a dog that
went with him everywhere and I was the only American close to Trinh Minh Thé and my
poodle Pierre went everything with me."
In the book Pyle is sent to
Vietnam by his government, ostensibly as a member of the American
Economic Mission, but that assignment was only a cover for his real role as a
CIA agent.
According to one critic "Pyle was the embodiment of wellmeaning Americanstyle politics, and
he blundered through the intrigue, treachery, and confusion of Vietnamese politics, leaving a trail
of blood and suffering behind him." As Fowler points out in the novel, Pyle was attempting to
"win the East for Democracy". However, according to Fowler, what the people of Vietnam really
wanted was "enough rice" to eat. What is more: "They don't want to be shot at. They want one
day to be much the same as another. They don't want our white skins around telling them what
they want."
When the book was published in the United States in 1956 it was condemned as antiAmerican.
Pyle (Lansdale) is portrayed as someone whose belief in the justice of American foreign policy
allows him to ignore the appalling consequences of his actions. It was criticized by
The New
Yorker for portraying Americans as murderers.
The director, producer and screenwriter, Joseph L. Mankiewicz was chosen to make the film of
The Quiet American . He visited Saigon in 1956 and was introduced to Edward Lansdale , whose
cover was working at the International Rescue Committee’s office. The most controversial scene
in the book is the bombing of a Saigon square in 1952 by a Vietnamese associate of Lansdale’s,
General Trinh Minh Thé . In the novel, Greene suggests that Pyle/Lansdale, was behind the
bombing. Lansdale suggested to Mankiewicz that the film should show that the bombing was
“actually having been a Communist action”.
When he returned home Mankiewicz wrote to John O’Daniel , the chairman of the

American
Friends of Vietnam that he intended to completely change the antiAmerican attitude of Greene’s
book. This included the casting of
Second World War hero,
Audie Murphy , as Alden Pyle.
In a letter that
Edward Lansdale
wrote to
Ngo Dinh Diem he praised Mankiewicz’s treatment of
the story as “an excellent change from Mr. Greene’s novel of despair” and “that it will help win
more friends for you and Vietnam in many places in the world where it is shown."
As Hugh Wilford pointed out: “It was a brilliantly devious maneuver of postmodern literary
complexity: by helping to rewrite a story featuring a character reputedly based on himself,
Lansdale had transformed an antiAmerican tract into a cinematic apology for U.S. policy and
his own actionsin Vietnam.”
Graham Greene was furious with Mankiewicz’s treatment ofhis novel. "Far was it from my
mind, when I wrote The Quiet American that the book would become a source of spiritual profit
to one of the most corrupt governments in Southeast Asia."
In 1955 President Dwight Eisenhower established the 5412 Committee in order to keep
a check on the CIA's covert activities. The committee (also called the Special Group)
included the CIA director, the national security adviser, and the deputy secretaries at
State and Defence and had the responsibility to decide whether covert actions were
"proper" and in the national interest. It was also decided to include
Richard B. Russell,
chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. However, as Allen W. Dulles
was
later to admit, because of "plausible deniability" planned covert actions were not
referred to the 5412 Committee.

The Very Best Men The Mighty Wurlitzer

Dwight Eisenhower became concerned about CIA covert activities and in 1956
appointed David Bruce as a member of the President's Board of Consultants on Foreign
Intelligence Activities (PBCFIA). Eisenhower asked Bruce to write a report on the CIA. It
was presented to Eisenhower on 20th December, 1956. Bruce argued that the CIA's
covert actions were "responsible in great measure for stirring up the turmoil and raising
the doubts about us that exists in many countries in the world today." Bruce was also
highly critical of Mockingbird. He argued: "what right have we to go barging around in
other countries buying newspapers and handling money to opposition parties or
supporting a candidate for this, that, or the other office."
After
Richard Bissell
lost his post as Director of Plans in 1962,
Tracy Barnes
took over
the running of Mockingbird. According to Evan Thomas The Very Best Men
( ) Barnes
planted editorials about political candidates who were regarded as proCIA.
In 1963,
John McCone , the director of the CIA, discovered that Random House
Invisible Government
intended to publish by
David Wise and
Thomas Ross . McCone
discovered that the book intended to look at his links with the Military Industrial
Congress Complex . The authors also claimed that the CIA was having a major influence
on American foreign policy. This included the overthrow of Mohammed Mossadegh in
Iran (1953) and
Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala (1954). The book also covered the role
that the CIA played in the Bay of Pigs operation, the attempts to remove President
Sukarno in Indonesia and the covert operations taking place in Laos and Vietnam.
John McCone called in Wise and Ross to demand deletions on the basis of galleys the
CIA had secretly obtained from Random House. The authors refused to made these
changes and Random House decided to go ahead and publish the book. The CIA
considered buying up the entire printing of Invisible Government
but this idea was
rejected when Random House pointed out that if this happened they would have to print
a second edition. McCone now formed a special group to deal with the book and tried to
arrange for it to get bad reviews.

Katharine the Great A Personal History

Invisible Government was published in 1964. It was the first full account of America's
intelligence and espionage apparatus. In the book Wise and Ross argued that the
"Invisible Government is made up of many agencies and people, including the
intelligence branches of the State and Defense Departments, of the Army, Navy and Air
Force". However, they claimed that the most important organization involved in this
process was the CIA.
John McCone
also attempted to stop Edward Yates from making a documentary on the
CIA for the National Broadcasting Company (NBC). This attempt at censorship failed
and NBC went ahead and broadcast this critical documentary.
In June, 1965, Desmond FitzGerald was appointed as head of the Directorate for Plans.
He now took charge of Mockingbird. At the end of 1966 FitzGerald discovered that
Ramparts , a leftwing publication, was planning to publish that the CIA had been
secretly funding the National Student Association. FitzGerald ordered Edgar Applewhite
to organize a campaign against the magazine. Applewhite later told Evan Thomas for
his book, The Very Best Men : "I had all sorts of dirty tricks to hurt their circulation and
financing. The people running Ramparts were vulnerable to blackmail. We had awful
things in mind, some of which we carried off."
Ramparts
This dirty tricks campaign failed to stop publishing this story in March, 1967.
The article, written by
Sol Stern
, was entitled NSA and the CIA. As well as reporting CIA
funding of the National Student Association it exposed the whole system of
antiCommunist front organizations in Europe, Asia, and South America. It named Cord
Meyer
as a key figure in this campaign. This included the funding of the literary journal
Encounter .
In May 1967 Thomas Braden
responded to this by publishing an article entitled, I'm
Glad the CIA is Immoral, in the Saturday Evening Post , where he defended the activities
of the International Organizations Division unit of the CIA. Braden also confessed that
the activities of the
CIA
had to be kept secret from Congress. As he pointed out in the
article: "In the early 1950s, when the cold war was really hot, the idea that Congress
would have approved many of our projects was about as likely as the John Birch
Society's approving Medicare."
Meyer's role in Operation Mockingbird was further exposed in 1972 when he was
accused of interfering with the publication of a book,
The Politics of Heroin in Southeast
Asia by
Alfred W. McCoy . The book was highly critical of the CIA's dealings with the
drug traffic in Southeast Asia. The publisher, who leaked the story, had been a former
colleague of Meyer's when he was a liberal activist after the war.
Further details of Operation Mockingbird was revealed as a result of the Frank Church
investigations (Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to
Intelligence Activities) in 1975. According to the Congress report published in 1976:
"The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around
the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion
through the use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct
access to a large number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and
news agencies, radio and television stations, commercial book publishers, and other
foreign media outlets." Church argued that the cost of misinforming the world cost
American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year.
Frank Church
showed that it was CIA policy to use clandestine handling of journalists
and authors to get information published initially in the foreign media in order to get it
disseminated in the United States. Church quotes from one document written by the
Chief of the Covert Action Staff on how this process worked (page 193). For example,
he writes: “Get books published or distributed abroad without revealing any U.S.
influence, by covertly subsidizing foreign publicans or booksellers.” Later in the
document he writes: “Get books published for operational reasons, regardless of
commercial viability”. Church goes onto report that “over a thousand books were
produced, subsidized or sponsored by the CIA before the end of 1967”. All these books
eventually found their way into the American marketplace. Either in their original form
(Church gives the example of the Penkovskiy Papers ) or repackaged as articles for
American newspapers and magazines.

In another document published in 1961 the Chief of the Agency’s propaganda unit
wrote: “The advantage of our direct contact with the author is that we can acquaint him
in great detail with our intentions; that we can provide him with whatever material we
want him to include and that we can check the manuscript at every stage… (the
Agency) must make sure the actual manuscript will correspond with our operational and
propagandistic intention.”

Church quotes Thomas H. Karamessines as saying: “If you plant an article in some
paper overseas, and it is a hardhitting article, or a revelation, there is no way of
guaranteeing that it is not going to be picked up and published by the Associated Press
in this country” (page 198).

By analyzing CIA documents Church was able to identify over 50 U.S. journalists who
were employed directly by the Agency. He was aware that there were a lot more who
enjoyed a very close relationship with the CIA who were “being paid regularly for their
services, to those who receive only occasional gifts and reimbursements from the CIA”
(page 195).

Church pointed out that this was probably only the tip of the iceberg because the CIA
refused to “provide the names of its media agents or the names of media organizations
with which they are connected” (page 195). Church was also aware that most of these
payments were not documented. This was the main point of the Otis Pike Report. If
these payments were not documented and accounted for, there must be a strong
possibility of financial corruption taking place. This includes the large commercial
contracts that the CIA was responsible for distributing. Pike’s report actually highlighted
in 1976 what eventually emerged in the 1980s via the activities of CIA operatives such
as Edwin Wilson , Thomas Clines,
Ted Shackley,
Raphael Quintero ,
Richard Secord and
Felix Rodriguez .

Church also identified E. Howard Hunt as an important figure in Operation Mockingbird.
He points out how Hunt arranged for books to be reviewed by certain writers in the
national press. He gives the example of how Hunt arranged for a “CIA writer under
contract” to write a hostile review of a
Edgar Snow New York Times
book in the (page
198).

Church comes up with this conclusion to his examination of this issue: “In examining the
CIA’s past and present use of the U.S. media, the Committee finds two reasons for
concern. The first is the potential, inherent in covert media operations, for manipulating
or incidentally misleading the American public. The second is the damage to the
credibility and independence of a free press which may be caused by covert
relationships with the U.S. journalists and media organizations.”
In February, 1976, George Bush , the recently appointed Director of the CIA announced
a new policy: “Effective immediately, the CIA will not enter into any paid or contract
relationship with any fulltime or parttime news correspondent accredited by any U.S.
news service, newspaper, periodical, radio or television network or station.” However,
he added that the CIA would continue to “welcome” the voluntary, unpaid cooperation of
journalists.
Carl Bernstein, who had worked with Bob Woodward in the investigation of
Watergate,
provided further information about Operation Mockingbird in an article in The Rolling
Stone in October, 1977. Bernstein claimed that over a 25 year period over 400
American journalists secretly carried out assignments for the CIA
: "Some of the
journalists were Pulitzer Prize winners, distinguished reporters who considered
themselves ambassadorswithoutportfolio for their country. Most were less exalted:
foreign correspondents who found that their association with the Agency helped their
work; stringers and freelancers who were as interested it the derringdo of the spy
business as in filing articles, and, the smallest category, fulltime CIA employees
masquerading as journalists abroad."
It is almost certain that Bernstein had encountered Operation Mockingbird while working
on his Watergate investigation. For example, Deborah Davis Katharine the Great
( ) has
argued that Deep Throat was senior CIA official, Richard Ober
, who was running
Operation Chaos for Richard Nixon during this period.
According to researchers such as
Steve Kangas ,
Angus Mackenzie
and
Alex
Constantine, Operation Mockingbird was not closed down by the CIA in 1976. For
example, in 1998 Kangas argued that CIA asset Richard Mellon Scaife ran "Forum
World Features, a foreign news service used as a front to disseminate CIA propaganda
around the world."
On 8th February, 1999, Kangas was found dead in the bathroom of the Pittsburgh
offices of Richard Mellon Scaife. He had been shot in the head. Officially he had
committed suicide but some people believe he was murdered. In an article in Salon
Magazine , (19th March, 1999) Andrew Leonard asked: "Why did the police report say
the gun wound was to the left of his head, while the autopsy reported a wound on the
roof of his mouth? Why had the hard drive on his computer been erased shortly after his
death? Why had Scaife assigned his No. 1 private detective, Rex Armistead, to look into
Kangas' past?
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Mockingbird4.htm
Anderson Cooper, CIA Operative? apfn.org

Not only is CNN “journalist” Anderson Cooper the great-great
grandson of robber baron Cornelius “Commodore” Vanderbilt and
the son of trust fund baby and designer jean hucksteress Gloria
Vanderbilt, he is also a CIA operative, according to Radar Online.
“Following his sophomore and junior years at Yale—a well-known

recruiting ground for the CIA—Cooper spent his summers interning
Thursday September 07th 2006, at the agency’s monolithic headquarters in Langley, Virginia, in a
10:27 am program for students interested in intelligence work. His involvement
with the agency ended there, and he chose not to pursue a job with the agency after
graduation, according to a CNN spokeswoman, who confirmed details of Cooper’s CIA
involvement to Radar.”
Or did he? As revealed during the Church Committee investigation in 1975, the CIA had a
long-standing relationship with the corporate media, dubbed “Operation Mockingbird” by
Deborah Davis, former Village Voice writer and author of Katherine The Great (New York:
Sheridan Square Press, 1991). In her book, Davis quotes Philip Graham, the late editor
Washington Post, as saying: “You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a
couple hundred dollars a month.” Of course, Cooper, a bona fide Ritchie Rich, doesn’t need a
couple hundred dollars a month, but may be doing the CIA’s work for other reasons, or he may
be “owned” by the spook agency, as Frank Wisner and Allen Dulles owned “respected
members of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles, plus
stringers,” according to a CIA source cited by Davis (see Alex Constantine, Tales from the
Crypt: The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA’s Operation Mockingbird).
“Media assets … eventually include ABC, NBC, CBS, Time, Newsweek, Associated Press,
United Press International (UPI), Reuters, Hearst Newspapers, Scripps-Howard, Copley News
Service, etc. and 400 journalists, who have secretly carried out assignments according to
documents on file at CIA headquarters, from intelligence-gathering to serving as go-betweens,”
writes Mary Louise for Prison Planet. “The CIA had infiltrated the nation’s businesses, media,
and universities with tens of thousands of on-call operatives by the 1950’s. CIA Director Dulles
had staffed the CIA almost exclusively with Ivy League graduates, especially from Yale with
figures like George Herbert Walker Bush from the ‘Skull and Crossbones’ Society.”
Personally, I have come to the conclusion that the media is not only influenced by
the CIA… the media is the CIA. Many Americans think of their supposedly free press
as a watchdog on government, mainly because the press itself shamelessly
promotes that myth. One of the first tenets for the control of a population is to
control all sources of information the population receives and mostly because of the
pervasive CIA and Operation Mockingbird, the mainstream American Press is a
controlled multi-national corporate/government megaphone. They are up to their
eyeballs in dirty deeds and there will never be an end to the corruption that prevails
unless the CIA is abolished. Otherwise, the CIA will just keep on using their tricks of
propaganda, stuffed ballot boxes, purchased elections, extortion, blackmail, drug
trafficking, sexual intrigue, kidnapping, beating, torture, intimidation, economic
sabotage, false stories about opponents in the local media, infiltration and
Page 1 of 15 disruption of opposing political parties, demolition and evacuation procedures,
May 07, 2015 09:22:18PM MDT
disruption of opposing political parties, demolition and evacuation procedures,
death squads, and politically motivated assassinations.
According to Steve Kangas, the late journalist who mysteriously committed suicide (shot twice
in the head, à la Gary Webb) in the offices of CIA asset Richard Mellon Scaife, the “CIA has
always recruited the nation’s elite: millionaire businessmen, Wall Street brokers, members of
the national news media, and Ivy League scholars…. Historically, the CIA and society’s elite
have been one and the same people. This means that their interests and goals are one and the
same as well.”
No doubt Anderson Cooper’s “interests and goals are one and the same” as the CIA and the
ruling elite. However, this does not mean he is actually a snoop agency mole inserted in CNN.
Nonetheless, his supposed flirtation with the agency, and his Ivy League background,
specifically at Yale, are suspicious, to say the least. http://kurtnimmo.com/?p=555
Media contacts
According to Carl Bernstein 400 reporters were working for the CIA as part of Operation
Mockingbird. These include, but are not limited to:
CBS (William S. Paley)

Chattanooga Times (Charles Bartlett)
Christian Science Monitor (Joseph Harrison)
Copley News Services (James Copley)
Louisville Courier-Journal (Barry Bingham, Sr.)
The Miami News (William C. Baggs, Herb Gold, Hal Hendrix)
Newsweek (Ben Bradlee)
New York Herald Tribune (Stewart Alsop)
New York Times (Arthur Hays Sulzberger)
Time Magazine (Alfred Friendly, Charles Douglas Jackson, Henry Luce)
Washington Post (Walter Pincus)
Washington Star (Jerry O'Leary)
Carl Bernstein. The CIA and the Media, Rolling Stone Magazine, October 20, 1977.
Operation Mockingbird. A detailed article with internal links on the individuals
involved and external links to other articles on the subject.
Operation Mockingbird, SourceWatch.
Alex Constantine. The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA, What Really
Happened.
Disinfopedia - Operation Mockingbird. This site compiles many of the allegations
made regarding Operation Mockingbird on the web.
Discussion about Operation Mockingbird and Search Engines
CIA LEAK: JUDITH MILLER OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD

ASSET!
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/10-18-05/discussion.cgi.24.html
Propaganda
Page 2 of 15 May 07, 2015 09:22:18PM MDT
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Mockingbird4.htm Propaganda
Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia - Cite This Source new!
Propaganda is a specific type of message presentation directly

aimed at influencing the opinions of people, rather than
impartially providing information. Literally translated from the
Latin gerundive as "things which must be disseminated," in
some cultures the term is neutral or even positive, while in
others the term has acquired a strong negative connotation. Its
connotations can also vary over time. For instance, in English,
"propaganda" was originally a neutral term used to describe the dissemination of information in
favor of a certain cause. Over time, however, the term acquired the negative connotation of
disseminating false or misleading information in favor of a certain cause. Strictly speaking, a
message does not have to be untrue to qualify as propaganda, but it may omit so many
pertinent truths that it becomes highly misleading.
In English the term propaganda overlaps with distinct terms like indoctrination (ideological
views established by repetition rather than verification) and mass suggestion (broader strategic
methods). In practice, the terms are often used synonymously. Historically, the most common
use of the term propaganda is in political contexts; in particular to refer to certain efforts
sponsored by governments, political groups, and other often covert interests. In the early 20th
century the term was also used by the founders of the nascent public relations industry to
describe their activities; this usage died out around the time of World War II. Individually
propaganda functions as self-deception. Culturally it works within religions, politics, and
economic entities like those which both favor and oppose globalization. At the left, right, or
mainstream, propaganda knows no borders; as is detailed by Roderick Hindery. Hindery further
argues that debates about most social issues can be productively revisited in the context of
asking "what is or is not propaganda?" Not to be overlooked is the link between propaganda,
indoctrination, and terrorism. Mere threats to destroy are often as socially disruptive as physical
devastation itself. See also religious terrorism.
Purpose of propaganda
The aim of propaganda is to influence people's opinions actively, rather than merely to
communicate the facts about something. For example, propaganda might be used to garner
either support or disapproval of a certain position, rather than to simply present the position.
What separates propaganda from "normal" communication is in the subtle, often insidious,
ways that the message attempts to shape opinion. For example, propaganda is often presented
in a way that attempts to deliberately evoke a strong emotion, especially by suggesting illogical
(or non-intuitive) relationships between concepts.
An appeal to one's emotions is, perhaps, a more obvious propaganda method than those
utilized by some other more subtle and insidious forms. For instance, propaganda may be
transmitted indirectly or implicitly, through an ostensibly fair and balanced debate or argument.
This can be done to great effect in conjunction with a broadly targeted, broadcast news format.
In such a setting, techniques like, "red herring", and other ploys (such as Ignoratio elenchi), are
often used to divert the audience from a critical issue, while the intended message is suggested
through indirect means. This sophisticated type of diversion utilizes the appearance of lively
debate within, what is actually, a carefully focused spectrum, to generate and justify
deliberately conceived assumptions. This technique avoids the distinctively biased appearance
of one sided rhetoric, and works by presenting a contrived premise for an argument as if it were
a universally accepted and obvious truth, so that the audience naturally assumes
Page 3 of 15 Mayit 07,
to be
2015 09:22:18PM MDT
a universally accepted and obvious truth, so that the audience naturally assumes it to be
correct. By maintaining the range of debate in such a way that it appears inclusive of differing
points of view, so as to suggest fairness and balance, the suppositions suggested become
accepted as fact. Here is such an example of a hypothetical situation in which the opposing
viewpoints are supposedly represented: the hawk (see: hawkish) says, "we must stay the
course", and the dove says, "The war is a disaster and a failure", to which the hawk responds,
"In war things seldom go smoothly and we must not let setbacks affect our determination", the
dove retorts, "setbacks are setbacks, but failures are failures." As one can see, the actual
validity of the war is not discussed and is never in contention. One may naturally assume that
the war was not fundamentally wrong, but just the result of miscalculation, and therefore, an
error, instead of a crime. Thus, by maintaining the appearance of equitable discourse in such
debates, and through continuous inculcation, such focused arguments succeed in compelling
the audience to logically deduce that the presupposions of debate are unequivocal truisms of
the given subject.
The method of propaganda is essential to the word's meaning as well. A message does not
have to be untrue to qualify as propaganda.
In fact, the message in modern propaganda is often not blatantly untrue. But even if the
message conveys only "true" information, it will generally contain partisan bias and fail to
present a complete and balanced consideration of the issue. Another common characteristic of
propaganda is volume (in the sense of a large amount). For example, a propagandist may seek
to influence opinion by attempting to get a message heard in as many places as possible, and
as often as possible. The intention of this approach is to a) reinforce an idea through repetition,
and b) exclude or "drown out" any alternative ideas.
In English, the word "propaganda" now carries strong negative (as well as political)
connotations, although it has not always done so. It was formerly common for political
organizations to refer to their own material as propaganda. Other languages do not necessarily
regard the term as derogatory and hence usage may lead to misunderstanding in
communications with non-native English speakers. For example, in Portuguese and some
Spanish language speaking countries, particularly in the Southern Cone, the word
"propaganda" usually means the most common manipulation of information—"advertising".
Famed public relations pioneer Edward L. Bernays in his classic studies eloquently describes
propaganda as the purpose of communications. In Crystallizing Public Opinion, for example, he
dismisses the semantic differentiations (“Education is valuable, commendable, enlightening,
instructive. Propaganda is insidious, dishonest, underhanded, misleading.”) and instead
concentrates on purposes. He writes (p. 212), “Each of these nouns carries with it social and
moral implications. . . . The only difference between ‘propaganda’ and ‘education,’ really, is in
the point of view. The advocacy of what we believe in is education. The advocacy of what we
don’t believe in is propaganda.”
The reason propaganda exists and is so widespread is because it serves various social
purposes, necessary ones, often popular yet potentially corrupting. Many institutions such as
media and government itself are literally propaganda-addicts, co-dependent on each other and
the fueling influence of the propaganda system that they help create and maintain.
Propagandists have an advantage through knowing what they want to promote and to whom,
and although they often resort to various two-way forms of communication this is done in order
to make sure their one-sided purposes are achieved. Special kt 10:37, 15 August 2006 (UTC)
Types
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Types of propaganda
Propaganda shares techniques with advertising and public relations. In fact, advertising and
public relations can be thought of as propaganda that promotes a commercial product or
shapes the perception of an organization, person or brand, though in post-WWII usage the
word "propaganda" more typically refers to political or nationalist uses of these techniques or to
the promotion of a set of ideas. Propaganda also has much in common with public information
campaigns by governments, which are intended to encourage or discourage certain forms of
behavior (such as wearing seat belts, not smoking, not littering and so forth). Again, the
emphasis is more political in propaganda. Propaganda can take the form of leaflets, posters,
TV and radio broadcasts and can also extend to any other medium.
In the case of the United States, there is also an important legal distinction between advertising
(a type of overt propaganda) and what the Government Accountability Office (GAO), an arm of
the United States Congress, refers to as "covert propaganda." Journalistic theory generally
holds that news items should be objective, giving the reader an accurate background and
analysis of the subject at hand. On the other hand, advertisements generally present an issue
in a very subjective and often misleading light, primarily meant to persuade rather than inform.
If the reader believes that a paid advertisement is in fact a news item, the message the
advertiser is trying to communicate will be more easily "believed" or "internalized." Such
advertisements are considered obvious examples of "covert" propaganda because they take on
the appearance of objective information rather than the appearance of propaganda, which is
misleading. Federal law specifically mandates that any advertisement appearing in the format
of a news item must state that the item is in fact a paid advertisement. The Bush Administration
has come under fire for allegedly producing and disseminating covert propaganda in the form of
television programs, aired in the United States, which appeared to be legitimate news
broadcasts and did not include any information signifying that the programs were not generated
by a private-sector news source.
Propaganda, in a narrower use of the term, connotates deliberately false or misleading

information that supports or furthers a political cause or the interests of those in power. The
propagandist seeks to change the way people understand an issue or situation for the purpose
of changing their actions and expectations in ways that are desirable to the interest group.
Propaganda, in this sense, serves as a corollary to censorship in which the same purpose is
achieved, not by filling people's minds with approved information, but by preventing people
from being confronted with opposing points of view. What sets propaganda apart from other
forms of advocacy is the willingness of the propagandist to change people's understanding
through deception and confusion rather than persuasion and understanding. The leaders of an
organization know the information to be one sided or untrue, but this may not be true for the
rank and file members who help to disseminate the propaganda.
More in line with the religious roots of the term, it is also used widely in the debates about new
religious movements (NRMs), both by people who defend them and by people who oppose
them. The latter pejoratively call these NRMs cults. Anti-cult activists and countercult activists
accuse the leaders of what they consider cults of using propaganda extensively to recruit
followers and keep them. Some social scientists, such as the late Jeffrey Hadden, and
CESNUR
Page 5 of 15 affiliated scholars accuse ex-members of "cults" who became vocal critics
May 07,and
2015the
09:22:18PM MDT
CESNUR affiliated scholars accuse ex-members of "cults" who became vocal critics and the
anti-cult movement of making these unusual religious movements look bad without sufficient
reasons.
Propaganda is a mighty weapon in war. In this case its aim is usually to dehumanize and create
hatred toward a supposed enemy, either internal or external. The technique is to create a false
image in the mind. This can be done by using special words, special avoidance of words or by
saying that the enemy is responsible for certain things he never did. Most propaganda wars
require the home population to feel the enemy has inflicted an injustice, which may be fictitious
or may be based on facts. The home population must also decide that the cause of their nation
is just.
Propaganda is also one of the methods used in psychological warfare, which may also involve
false flag operations.
The term propaganda may also refer to false information meant to reinforce the mindsets of
people who already believe as the propagandist wishes. The assumption is that, if people
believe something false, they will constantly be assailed by doubts. Since these doubts are
unpleasant (see cognitive dissonance), people will be eager to have them extinguished, and
are therefore receptive to the reassurances of those in power. For this reason propaganda is
often addressed to people who are already sympathetic to the agenda. This process of
reinforcement uses an individual's predisposition to self-select "agreeable" information sources
as a mechanism for maintaining control.
Propaganda can be classified according to the source and nature of the message. White
propaganda generally comes from an openly identified source, and is characterized by gentler
methods of persuasion, such as standard public relations techniques and one-sided
presentation of an argument. Black propaganda is identified as being from one source, but is
infact from another. This is most commonly to disguise the true origins of the propaganda, be it
from an enemy country or from an organization with a negative public image. Gray propaganda
Is propaganda without any identifiable souce or author. In scale, these different types of
propaganda can also be defined by the potential of true and correct information to compete
with the propaganda. For example, opposition to white propaganda is often readily found and
may slightly discredit the propaganda source. Opposition to gray propaganda, when revealed
(often by an inside source), may create some level of public outcry. Opposition to black
propaganda is often unavailable and may be dangerous to reveal, because public cognizance
of black propaganda tactics and sources would undermine or backfire the very campaign the
black propagandist supported.
Propaganda may be administered in very insidious ways. For instance, disparaging

disinformation about history, certain groups or foreign countries may be encouraged or
tolerated in the educational system. Since few people actually double-check what they learn at
school, such disinformation will be repeated by journalists as well as parents, thus reinforcing
the idea that the disinformation item is really a "well-known fact," even though no one repeating
the myth is able to point to an authoritative source. The disinformation is then recycled in the
media and in the educational system, without the need for direct governmental intervention on
the media.
Such permeating propaganda may be used for political goals: by giving citizens a false
impression of the quality or policies of their country, they may be incited to rejectMay
Page 6 of 15 certain
07, 2015 09:22:18PM MDT
impression of the quality or policies of their country, they may be incited to reject certain
proposals or certain remarks or ignore the experience of others.
See also: black propaganda, marketing, advertising
History of propaganda
Etymology
In late Latin, propaganda meant "things to be propagated". In 1622, shortly after the start of the
Thirty Years' War, Pope Gregory XV founded the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide
("Congregation for Propagating the Faith"), a committee of Cardinals with the duty of
overseeing the propagation of Christianity by missionaries sent to non-Catholic countries.
Therefore, the term itself originates with this Roman Catholic Sacred Congregation for the
Propagation of the Faith (sacra congregatio christiano nomini propagando or, briefly,
propaganda fide), the department of the pontifical administration charged with the spread of
Catholicism and with the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs in non-Catholic countries (mission
territory).
The actual Latin stem propagand- conveys a sense of "that which ought to be spread".
Originally the term was not intended to refer to misleading information. The modern political
sense dates from World War I, and was not originally pejorative.
Propaganda has been a human activity as far back as reliable recorded evidence exists. The
writings of Romans like Livy are considered masterpieces of pro-Roman statist propaganda.
The Behistun Inscription, made around 515 BCE and detailing the rise of Darius I to the Persian
throne, can also be seen as an early example of propaganda.
19th and 20th centuries' propaganda
Gabriel Tarde's Laws of Imitation (1890) and Gustave Le Bon's The Crowd: A Study of the
Popular Mind (1897) were two of the first codifications of propaganda techniques, which
influenced many writers afterward, including Sigmund Freud. Hitler's Mein Kampf is heavily
influenced by Le Bon's theories. Journalist Walter Lippman, in Public Opinion (1922) also
worked on the subject, as well as psychologist Edward Bernays, a nephew of Freud, early in
the 20th century. During World War I, Lippman and Bernays were hired by then United States
President, Woodrow Wilson, to participate in the Creel Commission, the mission of which was
to sway popular opinion in favor of entering the war, on the side of the United Kingdom. The
Creel Commission provided themes for speeches by "four-minute men" at public functions, and
also encouraged censorship of the American press. The Commission was so unpopular that
after the war, Congress closed it down without providing funding to organize and archive its
papers.
The war propaganda campaign of Lippman and Bernays produced within six months such an
intense anti-German hysteria as to permanently impress American business (and Adolf Hitler,
among
Page 7 of 15 others) with the potential of large-scale propaganda to control public opinion.
May 07,Bernays
2015 09:22:18PM MDT
among others) with the potential of large-scale propaganda to control public opinion. Bernays
coined the terms "group mind" and "engineering consent", important concepts in practical
propaganda work.
The current public relations industry is a direct outgrowth of Lippman's and Bernays' work and
is still used extensively by the United States government. For the first half of the 20th century
Bernays and Lippman themselves ran a very successful public relations firm.
World War II saw continued use of propaganda as a weapon of war, both by Hitler's
propagandist Joseph Goebbels and the British Political Warfare Executive, as well as the
United States Office of War Information.
In the early 2000s, the United States government developed and freely distributed a video
game known as America's Army. The stated intention of the game is to encourage players to
become interested in joining the U.S. Army. According to a poll by I for I Research, 30% of
young people who had a positive view of the military said that they had developed that view by
playing the game.
Russian revolution
Russian revolutionaries of the 19th and 20th centuries distinguished two different aspects
covered by the English term propaganda. Their terminology included two terms: агитация
(agitatsiya), or agitation, and пропаганда, or propaganda, see agitprop (agitprop is not,
however, limited to the Soviet Union, as it was considered, before the October Revolution, to be
one of the fundamental activity of any Marxist activist; this importance of agit-prop in Marxist
theory may also be observed today in trotskyists circles, who insist on the importance of leaflets
distribution).
Soviet propaganda meant dissemination of revolutionary ideas, teachings of Marxism, and

theoretical and practical knowledge of Marxist economics, while agitation meant forming
favorable public opinion and stirring up political unrest. These activities did not carry negative
connotations (as they usually do in English) and were encouraged. Expanding dimensions of
state propaganda, the Bolsheviks actively used transportation such as trains, aircraft and other
means.
Josef Stalin's regime built the largest fixed-wing aircraft of the 1930s, Tupolev ANT-20,
exclusively for this purpose. Named after the famous Soviet writer Maxim Gorky who had
recently returned from fascist Italy, it was equipped with a powerful radio set called "Voice from
the sky", printing and leaflet-dropping machinery, radiostations, photographic laboratory, film
projector with sound for showing movies in flight, library, etc. The aircraft could be
disassembled and transported by railroad if needed. The giant aircraft set a number of world
records.
Nazi Germany
Most propaganda in Germany was produced by the Ministry for Public Enlightenment and
Propaganda (Propagandaministerium, or "Promi" (German abbreviation)). Joseph Goebbels
was placed in charge of this ministry shortly after Hitler took power in 1933. All journalists,
writers, and artists were required to register with one of the Ministry's subordinate chambers for
the press, fine arts, music, theater, film, literature, or radio.
The
Page 8 of 15 Nazis believed in propaganda as a vital tool in achieving their goals. Adolf Hitler
May 07,, 2015 09:22:18PM MDT
The Nazis believed in propaganda as a vital tool in achieving their goals. Adolf Hitler,
Germany's Führer, was impressed by the power of Allied propaganda during World War I and
believed that it had been a primary cause of the collapse of morale and revolts in the German
home front and Navy in 1918 (see also: Dolchstoßlegende). Hitler would meet nearly every day
with Goebbels to discuss the news and Goebbels would obtain Hitler's thoughts on the subject;
Goebbels would then meet with senior Ministry officials and pass down the official Party line on
world events. Broadcasters and journalists required prior approval before their works were
disseminated.
Nazi propaganda before the start of World War II had several distinct audiences:
German audiences were continually reminded of the struggle of the Nazi Party and
Germany against foreign enemies and internal enemies, especially Jews.
Ethnic Germans in countries such as Czechoslovakia, Poland, the Soviet Union, and
the Baltic states were told that blood ties to Germany were stronger than their allegiance
to their new countries.
Potential enemies, such as France and the United Kingdom, were told that Germany
had no quarrel with the people of the country, but that their governments were trying to
start a war with Germany.
All audiences were reminded of the greatness of German cultural, scientific, and
military achievements.
Until the conclusion of the Battle of Stalingrad on February 4, 1943, German propaganda
emphasized the prowess of German arms and the supposed humanity German soldiers had
shown to the peoples of occupied territories. Pilots of the Allied bombing fleets were depicted
as cowardly murderers, and Americans in particular as gangsters in the style of Al Capone. At
the same time, German propaganda sought to alienate Americans and British from each other,
and both these Western belligerents from the Soviets.
After Stalingrad, the main theme changed to Germany as the sole defender of what they called
"Western European culture" against the "Bolshevist hordes". The introduction of the V-1 and
V-2 "vengeance weapons" was emphasized to convince Britons of the hopelessness of
defeating Germany.
On June 23, 1944, the Nazis permitted the Red Cross to visit concentration camp
Theresienstadt in order to dispel rumours about the Final Solution to the Jewish question. In
reality, Theresienstadt was a transit camp for Jews en route to extermination camps, but in a
sophisticated propaganda effort, fake shops and cafés were erected to imply that the Jews
lived in relative comfort. The guests enjoyed the performance of a children's opera, Brundibar,
written by inmate Hans Krása. The hoax was so successful for the Nazis that they went on to
make a propaganda film at Theresienstadt. Shooting of the film began on February 26, 1944.
Directed by Kurt Gerron, it was meant to show how well the Jews lived under the "benevolent"
protection of the Third Reich. After the shooting, most of the cast, and even the filmmaker
himself, were deported to the concentration camp of Auschwitz.
Goebbels committed suicide shortly after Hitler on April 30, 1945. In his stead, Hans Fritzsche,
who had been head of the Radio Chamber, was tried and acquitted by the Nuremberg war
crimes tribunal.
Cold
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Cold War propaganda
The United States and the Soviet Union both used propaganda extensively during the Cold
War. Both sides used film, television, and radio programming to influence their own citizens,
each other, and Third World nations. The United States Information Agency operated the Voice
of America as an official government station. Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, which were
in part supported by the Central Intelligence Agency, provided grey propaganda in news and
entertainment programs to Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union respectively. The Soviet
Union's official government station, Radio Moscow, broadcast white propaganda, while Radio
Peace and Freedom broadcast grey propaganda. Both sides also broadcast black propaganda
programs in periods of special crises. In 1948, the United Kingdom's Foreign Office created the
IRD (Information Research Department) which took over from wartime and slightly post-war
departments such as the Ministry of Information and dispensed propaganda via various media
such as the BBC and publishing.
The ideological and border dispute between the Soviet Union and People's Republic of China
resulted in a number of cross-border operations. One technique developed during this period
was the "backwards transmission," in which the radio program was recorded and played
backwards over the air. (This was done so that messages meant to be received by the other
government could be heard, while the average listener could not understand the content of the
program.)
Soviet propaganda appeared in Soviet Union education, as well. Propaganda went so far in
school that it sometimes even interfered with learning. When one learned history, one would
never learn any history except for Russia's, but even that was not at all valid. There were often
lies spread about how life in America and other Western countries was, and how rich the
U.S.S.R. was compared to them. Also, the Soviets used classic novels, such as the American
favorite Uncle Tom's Cabin to spread communist propaganda. The overall motif and message
was twisted to an anti-American message and was fed to the schools.
In the Americas, Cuba served as a major source and a target of propaganda from both black
and white stations operated by the CIA and Cuban exile groups. Radio Habana Cuba, in turn,
broadcast original programming, relayed Radio Moscow, and broadcast The Voice of Vietnam
as well as alleged confessions from the crew of the USS Pueblo.
One of the most insightful authors of the Cold War was George Orwell, whose novels Animal
Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four are virtual textbooks on the use of propaganda. Though not set
in the Soviet Union, these books are about totalitarian regimes in which language is constantly
corrupted for political purposes. These novels were used for explicit propaganda. The CIA, for
example, secretly commissioned an animated film adaptation of Animal Farm in the 1950s with
small changes to the original story to suit its own needs.
Special kt 11:23, 15 August 2006 (UTC)
Afghanistan
In the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan, psychological operations tactics were employed to

demoralize the Taliban and to win the sympathies of the Afghan population. At least six
EC-130E Commando Solo aircraft were used to jam local radio transmissions and transmit
replacement propaganda messages.
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15 were also dropped throughout Afghanistan, offering rewards for Osama bin07,Laden
May and
2015 09:22:18PM MDT
Leaflets were also dropped throughout Afghanistan, offering rewards for Osama bin Laden and
other individuals, portraying Americans as friends of Afghanistan and emphasizing various
negative aspects of the Taliban. Another shows a picture of Mohammed Omar in a set of
crosshairs with the words "We are watching".
Iraq
During the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the Iraqi Information Minister Mohammed Saeed al-Sahaf
repeatedly claimed Iraqi forces were decisively winning every battle. Even up to the overthrow
of the Iraqi government at Baghdad, he maintained that the United States would soon be
defeated, in contradiction with all other media. Due to this, he quickly became a cult figure in
the West, and gained recognition on the website WeLoveTheIraqiInformationMinister.com The
Iraqis, misled by his propaganda, on the other hand, were shocked when instead Iraq was
defeated.
In November 2005, various media outlets, including The Chicago Tribune and the Los Angeles
Times, alleged that the United States military had manipulated news reported in Iraqi media in
an effort to cast a favorable light on its actions while demoralizing the insurgency. Lt. Col. Barry
Johnson, a military spokesman in Iraq, said the program is "an important part of countering
misinformation in the news by insurgents", while a spokesman for Defense Secretary Donald H.
Rumsfeld said the allegations of manipulation were troubling if true. The Department of
Defense has confirmed the existence of the program. More recently, The New York Times (see
external links below) published an article about how the Pentagon has started to use
contractors with little experience in journalism or public relations to plant articles in the Iraqi
press. These articles are usually written by US soldiers without attribution or are attributed to a
non-existent organization called the "International Information Center." Planting propaganda
stories in newspapers was done by both the Allies and Central Powers in the First World War
and the Axis and Allies in the Second; this is the latest version of this technique.
Techniques of propaganda generation
A number of techniques which are based on social psychological research are used to
generate propaganda. Many of these same techniques can be found under logical fallacies,
since propagandists use arguments that, while sometimes convincing, are not necessarily
valid.
Some time has been spent analyzing the means by which propaganda messages are
transmitted. That work is important but it is clear that information dissemination strategies only
become propaganda strategies when coupled with propagandistic messages. Identifying these
messages is a necessary prerequisite to study the methods by which those messages are
spread. That is why it is essential to have some knowledge of the following techniques for
generating propaganda:
Appeal to authority: Appeals to authority cite prominent figures to support a position

idea, argument, or course of action.
Appeal to fear: Appeals to fear seek to build support by instilling fear in the general
population, for example, Joseph Goebbels exploited Theodore Kaufman's Germany Must
Perish! to claim that the Allies sought the extermination of the German people.
Argumentum ad nauseam: Uses tireless repetition. An idea once repeated enough
Page 11 of 15 times, is taken as the truth. Works best when media sources are limited and
Maycontrolled by
07, 2015 09:22:18PM MDT
times, is taken as the truth. Works best when media sources are limited and controlled by
the propagator.
Bandwagon: Bandwagon and inevitable-victory appeals attempt to persuade the
target audience to take the course of action that "everyone else is taking."
Inevitable victory: invites those not already on the bandwagon to join those
already on the road to certain victory. Those already or at least partially on the
bandwagon are reassured that staying aboard is their best course of action.
Join the crowd: This technique reinforces people's natural desire to be on the
winning side. This technique is used to convince the audience that a program is an
expression of an irresistible mass movement and that it is in their best interest to
join.
Black-and-White fallacy: Presenting only two choices, with the product or idea being
propagated as the better choice. (Eg. You can have an unhealthy, unreliable engine, or
you can use Brand X oil)
Common man: The "plain folks" or "common man" approach attempts to convince the
audience that the propagandist's positions reflect the common sense of the people. It is
designed to win the confidence of the audience by communicating in the common manner
and style of the target audience. Propagandists use ordinary language and mannerisms
(and clothe their message in face-to-face and audiovisual communications) in attempting
to identify their point of view with that of the average person.
Direct order: This technique hopes to simplify the decision making process. The
propagandist uses images and words to tell the audience exactly what actions to take,
eliminating any other possible choices. Authority figures can be used to give the order,
overlapping it with the Appeal to authority technique, but not necessarily. The Uncle Sam
"I want you" image is an example of this technique.
Euphoria: The use of an event that generates euphoria or happiness in lieu of
spreading more sadness, or using a good event to try to cover up another. Or creating a
celebrateable event in the hopes of boosting morale. Euphoria can be used to take one's
mind from a worse feeling. i.e. a holiday or parade.
Falsifying information: The creation or deletion of information from public records, in
the purpose of making a false record of an event or the actions of a person during a court
session, or possibly a battle, etc. Pseudoscience is often used in this way.
Flag-waving: An attempt to justify an action on the grounds that doing so will make
one more patriotic, or in some way benefit a group, country, or idea. The feeling of
patriotism which this technique attempts to inspire may diminish or entirely omit one's
capability for rational examination of the matter in question.
Glittering generalities: Glittering generalities are emotionally appealing words applied
to a product or idea, but which present no concrete argument or analysis. A famous
example is the campaign slogan "Ford has a better idea!"
Intentional vagueness: Generalities are deliberately vague so that the audience may
supply its own interpretations. The intention is to move the audience by use of undefined
phrases, without analyzing their validity or attempting to determine their reasonableness
or application. The intent is to cause people to draw their own interpretations rather than
simply being presented with an explicit idea. In trying to "figure out" the propaganda, the
audience foregoes judgment of the ideas presented. Their validity, reasonableness and
application is not considered.
Page 12 of 15 May 07, 2015 09:22:18PM MDT


Obtain disapproval or Reductio ad Hitlerum: This technique is used to persuade a

target audience to disapprove of an action or idea by suggesting that the idea is popular
with groups hated, feared, or held in contempt by the target audience. Thus if a group
which supports a certain policy is led to believe that undesirable, subversive, or
contemptible people support the same policy, then the members of the group may decide
to change their original position.
Oversimplification: Favorable generalities are used to provide simple answers to
complex social, political, economic, or military problems.
Rationalization: Individuals or groups may use favorable generalities to rationalize
questionable acts or beliefs. Vague and pleasant phrases are often used to justify such
actions or beliefs.
Red herring: Presenting data that is irrelevant, then claiming that it validates your
argument.
Scapegoating: Assigning blame to an individual or group that isn't really responsible,
thus alleviating feelings of guilt from responsible parties and/or distracting attention from
the need to fix the problem for which blame is being assigned.
Slogans: A slogan is a brief, striking phrase that may include labeling and
stereotyping. Although slogans may be enlisted to support reasoned ideas, in practice
they tend to act only as emotional appeals. Opposing slogans about warfare in Iraq or the
Middle East, for example, such as "blood for oil" or "cut and run," are considered by some
to have stifled debate. On the other hand, the names of the military campaigns, such as
"enduring freedom" or "just cause", may also be regarded to be slogans, devised to
prevent free thought on the issues.
Stereotyping or Name Calling or Labeling: This technique attempts to arouse
prejudices in an audience by labeling the object of the propaganda campaign as
something the target audience fears, hates, loathes, or finds undesirable. For instance,
reporting on a foreign country or social group may focus on the stereotypical traits that the
reader expects, even though they are far from being representative of the whole country
or group; such reporting often focuses on the anecdotal.
Testimonial: Testimonials are quotations, in or out of context, especially cited to

support or reject a given policy, action, program, or personality. The reputation or the role
(expert, respected public figure, etc.) of the individual giving the statement is exploited.
The testimonial places the official sanction of a respected person or authority on a
propaganda message. This is done in an effort to cause the target audience to identify
itself with the authority or to accept the authority's opinions and beliefs as its own. See
also, damaging quotation
Transfer: Also known as association, this is a technique of projecting positive or

negative qualities (praise or blame) of a person, entity, object, or value (an individual,
group, organization, nation, patriotism, etc.) to another in order to make the second more
acceptable or to discredit it. It evokes an emotional response, which stimulates the target
to identify with recognized authorities. Often highly visual, this technique often utilizes
symbols (for example, the Swastika used in Nazi Germany, originally a symbol for health
Page 13 of 15 and prosperity) superimposed over other visual images. An example of common use09:22:18PM
May 07, 2015 of MDT
and prosperity) superimposed over other visual images. An example of common use of
this technique in America is for the President to be filmed or photographed in front of the
American flag.
Unstated assumption: This technique is used when the propaganda concept the
propagandist want to transmit would seem less credible if explicitly stated. It is instead
repeatedly assumed or implied.
Virtue words: These are words in the value system of the target audience which tend
to produce a positive image when attached to a person or issue. Peace, happiness,
security, wise leadership, freedom, etc. are virtue words. See ""Transfer"".
See also: doublespeak, meme, cult of personality, spin, demonization, factoid
Techniques of propaganda transmission
Common media for transmitting propaganda messages include news reports, government
reports, historical revision, junk science, books, leaflets, movies, radio, television, and posters.
In the case of radio and television, propaganda can exist on news, current-affairs or talk-show
segments, as advertising or public-service announce "spots" or as long-running advertorials.
The magazine Tricontinental, issued by the Cuban OSPAAAL organization, folds propaganda
posters and places one in each copy, allowing a very broad distribution of pro-Fidel Castro
propaganda.
Ideally a propaganda campaign will follow a strategic transmission pattern to fully indoctrinate a
group. This may begin with a simple transmission such as a leaflet dropped from a plane or an
advertisement. Generally these messages will contain directions on how to obtain more
information, via a web site, hotline, radio program, et cetera. The strategy intends to initiate the
individual from information recipient to information seeker through reinforcement, and then from
information seeker to opinion leader through indoctrination. A successful propaganda
campaign includes this cyclical meme-reproducing process.
The Propaganda Model
The propaganda model is a theory advanced by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky that
alleges systemic biases in the mass media and seeks to explain them in terms of structural
economic causes.
First presented in their 1988 book Manufacturing Consent: the Political Economy of the Mass
Media, the propaganda model views the private media as businesses selling a product —
readers and audiences (rather than news) — to other businesses (advertisers). The theory
postulates five general classes of "filters" that determine the type of news that is presented in
news media. These five are:
1. Ownership of the medium

2. Medium's funding sources
3. Sourcing
4. Flak
5. Anti-communist ideology
The first three (ownership, funding, and sourcing) are generally regarded by the authors as
Page 14 ofbeing
15 the most important. May 07, 2015 09:22:18PM MDT
being the most important.
Although the model was based mainly on the characterization of United States media,
Chomsky and Herman believe the theory is equally applicable to any country that shares the
basic economic structure and organizing principles which the model postulates as the cause of
media biases. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Chomsky stated that the new filter
replacing communism would be terrorism and Islam.
http://www.reference.com/browse/wiki/Propaganda
Page 15 of 15 May 07, 2015 09:22:18PM MDT

http://involuntaryservant.blogspot.com/2009/03/bought-and-paid-for-central-bankster.html
The Bought and Paid for Central Bankster-Owned LameStreamMedia

and their "Propaganda Matrix" blogspot.com
Important: Please see my companion piece on how often the MainStreamMedia is caught completely and
obviously lying.. often on national tell-a-vision.
My favorite analogy about the LameStreamMedia is that the former Soviet Union was a very poor country.
They could only afford 2 state propaganda organs: Pravda and Izvestia. In Russian Pravda means "Truth"
and Izvestia is loosely translated as "The News". The running joke in the Soviet Union was: There is no
truth in Pravda and there is no news in Izvestia.
We are a very wealthy country... We have 6 major propaganda organs.
This article illustrates how the organized crime oligarchy that controls the country and much of the world
has been using their almost complete control of virtual everything the average person sees on a given day
to weave an artificially-created reality with regard to politics/economics/history when they are not
distracting the population with sports & mindless entertainment, corrupting their morals, predicatively
programing them, or practicing other propaganda crimes.
The first part of the article below offers a number of media ownership charts that detail how a small handful
of six corporations own and control, essentially, every major television station, cable network, radio station,
magazine publisher, magazine distributor, book publisher, chain book store, theme park, record company,
major internet property, movie studio and theater chain.
The second part of the article details how the organized crime oligarchy is able to influence control of the
content through a handful of organizations that give key journalists in the MainStreamMedia food chain
their marching orders and control editorial approval and content.
For activists and those wanting to wake up others, we suggest printing out the 2006 Media Ownership
Chart and then running it through the printer again while printing the Media Ownership and Bilderberg,
CFR, and CIA Operation Mockingbird Control of the Media document on the same page which will then
give you one document, with overview, and link to this article that you can share with others.
Download a High Res Printable PDF Version Here
Media Ownership Chart - 2006 but still relevant today
Print Over Document with Overview and Link to This Article: Media Ownership and Bilderberg, CFR, and
CIA
Page 1 ofOperation
6 Mockingbird Control of the Media Jun 22, 2016 12:26:29AM MDT
CIA Operation Mockingbird Control of the Media
Directions: Print the 2006 Media Ownership Chart PDF 1st, then run that same sheet of paper through the
printer again while printing the document: Media Ownership and Bilderberg, CFR, and CIA Operation
Mockingbird Control of the Media on the same page to create a one-page overview with link to this article.
Download the Complete Chart in High Res PDF Here.
Download Full Chart in PDF Here.
Download Full Chart Here.
Central Bankster control of the media extends past ownership of the production and distribution
mechanisms of the physical infrastructure to control of the content. The main identifiable vehicles for
creating/managing/controlling the content of MainStreamMedia are:
Operation Mockingbird - A CIA program that was made public during the Church committee hearings in
1975 where it was disclosed that the CIA had hundreds of foreign journalists on the payroll. A quote from
the commission:
"The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world
who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the use of
covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large number of
newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and television
stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets."
If the CIA was doing something so corrupt, illegal, and unconstitutional in 1975 then it would be naive to
think that they aren't still operating the same network today.
Resources: PrisonPlanet.com analysis, Wikipedia,
Operation Mockingbird - An Overview and History
Page 2 of 6 Jun 22, 2016 12:26:29AM MDT

The Council on Foreign Relations, Bilderberg, and Trilateral Commission Media Puppets
Members of The Council on Foreign Relations and the Trilateral Commission dominate key positions in
America's government, military, industries, media outlets and educational foundations and institutions. The
following is a partial list of current CFR members and the positions of influence they hold in society. The
CFR's membership is limited to 3,000, and there are only 325 Trilateral Commission members.
________________________________________
BB = Member of the Bilderberg Group (The "Generals")

CFR = Member of the Council on Foreign Relations
TC = Member of the Trilateral Commission
The LameStreamMedia Deceivers/Traitors/Judas Goats
CBS:
Laurence A. Tisch, CEO -- CFR
Roswell Gilpatric -- CFR
James Houghton -- CFR, TC
Henry Schacht -- CFR, TC
Dan Rather -- CFR
Richard Hottelet -- CFR
Frank Stanton -- CFR
NBC/RCA:
John F. Welch, CEO -- CFR
Jane Pfeiffer -- CFR
Lester Crystal -- CFR, TC
R.W. Sonnenfeidt -- CFR, TC
John Petty -- CFR
Tom Brokaw -- CFR
David Brinkley -- CFR
John Chancellor -- CFR
Marvin Kalb -- CFR
Irving R. Levine -- CFR
Herbert Schlosser -- CFR
Peter G. Peterson -- CFR
John Sawhill -- CFR
ABC:
Thomas S. Murphy, CEO -- CFR
Barbara Walters -- CFR
John Connor -- CFR
Diane Sawyer -- CFR
John Scall -- CFR
Public Broadcast Service:
Robert Mcneil -- CFR
Jim
Page Lehrer
3 of 6 -- CFR Jun 22, 2016 12:26:29AM MDT
Robert Mcneil -- CFR
Jim Lehrer -- CFR
C. Hunter-Gault -- CFR
Hodding Carter III -- CFR
Daniel Schorr -- CFR
Associated Press:
Stanley Swinton -- CFR
Harold Anderson -- CFR
Katharine Graham -- CFR, TC
Reuters:
Michael Posner -- CFR
Baltimore Sun:
Henry Trewhitt -- CFR
Washington Times:
Arnaud De Borchgrave -- CFR
Children's TV Workshop (Sesame Street):
Joan Ganz Cooney, Pres. -- CFR
Cable News Network (CNN):
W. Thomas Johnson, Pres. -- TC
Daniel Schorr -- CFR
U.S. News & World Report:
David Gergen -- TC
New York Times Co.:
Richard Gelb -- CFR
William Scranton -- CFR, TC
John F. Akers, Dir. -- CFR
Louis V. Gerstner, Jr., Dir. -- CFR
George B. Munroe, Dir. -- CFR
Donald M. Stewart, Dir. -- CFR
Cyrus R. Vance, Dir. -- CFR
A.M. Rosenthal -- CFR
Seymour Topping -- CFR
James Greenfield -- CFR
Max Frankel -- CFR
Jack Rosenthal -- CFR
John Oakes -- CFR
Harrison Salisbury -- CFR
H.L. Smith -- CFR
Steven Rattner -- CFR
Richard Burt -- CFR
Flora Lewis -- CFR
Time, Inc.:
Ralph Davidson -- CFR
Donal M. Wilson -- CFR
Henry Grunwald -- CFR
Alexander Heard -- CFR
Sol Linowitz -- CFR
Thomas Watson, Jr. -- CFR
Strobe Talbott -- CFR
Newsweek/Washington Post:
Katharine Graham -- CFR
N.4Deb.
Page of 6 Katzenbach -- CFR Jun 22, 2016 12:26:29AM MDT
N. Deb. Katzenbach -- CFR
Robert Christopher -- CFR
Osborne Elliot -- CFR
Phillip Geyelin -- CFR
Murry Marder -- CFR
Maynard Parker -- CFR
George Will -- CFR, TC
Robert Kaiser -- CFR
Meg Greenfield -- CFR
Walter Pincus -- CFR
Murray Gart -- CFR
Peter Osnos -- CFR
Don Oberdorfer -- CFR
Dow Jones & Co (Wall Street Journal):
Richard Wood -- CFR
Robert Bartley -- CFR, TC
Karen House -- CFR
National Review:
Wm. F. Buckley, Jr. -- CFR
Readers Digest:
George V. Grune, CEO -- CFR
William G. Bowen, Dir. -- CFR
Syndicated Columnists
Geogia Anne Geyer -- CFR
Ben J. Wattenberg -- CFR
Resources: Chart of Bilderberg, Trilateral Commission, and CFR Media/Govt'/Military/Banking/Commercial

Domination,
What Do We Do About It?

Turn off the LameStreamMedia - Turn off their TeeVee programs, take out their bookmarks, delete their
RSS, stop listening to their podcasts, stop seeing their movies, don't shop in their book stores, cancel
cable TeeVee (but not the self-directed high speed internet :-), cancel their magazines and newspapers,
etc.
Expose this system of control to others and get them to turn off the LameStreamMedia as well.
Find what I call "The Authentic Voices" on the Internet who are exposing the truth
http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/ - Best Alternative News Aggregator

http://www.InfoWars.com - Alex Jones' news site
http://www.prisonplanet.tv/- Alex Jones' Documentary Films - Subscribe today!
http://www.dollarcollapse.com/ - Best Financial News Aggregator
http://www.gata.org/ - Information on the manipulation of the gold market
http://www.patriotsquestion911.com/ - Hundreds of prominent skeptics
http://www.madcowprod.com - MadCowMorningNews by Independent Journalist Daniel Hopsicker -
Covers Intelligence Agency Drug Dealing
http://www.danielhopsicker.tv - MadCow Videos
http://www.involuntaryservant.blogspot.com/
Page 5 of 6 - My humble effort Jun 22, 2016 12:26:29AM MDT
http://www.involuntaryservant.blogspot.com/ - My humble effort
http://www.youtube.com/user/EtienneBoetie - My humble YouTube Channel
Page 6 of 6 Jun 22, 2016 12:26:29AM MDT

http://www.carlbernstein.com/magazine_cia_and_media.php
Carl Bernstein carlbernstein.com
THE CIA AND THE MEDIA

How Americas Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee
Covered It Up
BY CARL BERNSTEIN
After leaving The Washington Post in 1977, Carl Bernstein spent six months looking at the relationship of
the CIA and the press during the Cold War years. His 25,000-word cover story, published in Rolling
Stone on October 20, 1977, is reprinted below.
THE CIA AND THE MEDIA
BY CARL BERNSTEIN
In 1953, Joseph Alsop, then one of America’s leading syndicated columnists, went to the Philippines to
cover an election. He did not go because he was asked to do so by his syndicate. He did not go because
he was asked to do so by the newspapers that printed his column. He went at the request of the CIA.
Alsop is one of more than 400 American journalists who in the past twenty‑five years have secretly carried
out assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency, according to documents on file at CIA headquarters.
Some of these journalists’ relationships with the Agency were tacit; some were explicit. There was
cooperation, accommodation and overlap. Journalists provided a full range of clandestine services—from
simple intelligence gathering to serving as go‑betweens with spies in Communist countries. Reporters
shared their notebooks with the CIA. Editors shared their staffs. Some of the journalists were Pulitzer Prize
winners, distinguished reporters who considered themselves ambassadors without‑portfolio for their
country. Most were less exalted: foreign correspondents who found that their association with the Agency
helped their work; stringers and freelancers who were as interested in the derring‑do of the spy business
as in filing articles; and, the smallest category, full‑time CIA employees masquerading as journalists
abroad. In many instances, CIA documents show, journalists were engaged to perform tasks for the CIA
with the consent of the managements of America’s leading news organizations.
The history of the CIA’s involvement with the American press continues to be shrouded by an official policy
of obfuscation and deception for the following principal reasons:
■ The use of journalists has been among the most productive means of intelligence‑gathering employed by
the CIA. Although the Agency has cut back sharply on the use of reporters since 1973 primarily as a result
of pressure from the media), some journalist‑operatives are still posted abroad.
■ Further investigation into the matter, CIA officials say, would inevitably reveal a series of embarrassing
relationships in the 1950s and 1960s with some of the most powerful organizations and individuals in
American journalism.
Among the executives who lent their cooperation to the Agency were Williarn Paley of the Columbia
Broadcasting System, Henry Luce of Tirne Inc., Arthur Hays Sulzberger of the New York Times, Barry
Bingham Sr. of the LouisviIle Courier‑Journal, and James Copley of the Copley News Service. Other
organizations which cooperated with the CIA include the American Broadcasting Company, the National
Broadcasting Company, the Associated Press, United Press International, Reuters, Hearst Newspapers,
Scripps‑Howard,
Page 1 of 21 Newsweek magazine, the Mutual Broadcasting System, the Miami Herald and03:34:04AM
Oct 10, 2016 the old MDT
Scripps‑Howard, Newsweek magazine, the Mutual Broadcasting System, the Miami Herald and the old
Saturday Evening Post and New York Herald‑Tribune.
By far the most valuable of these associations, according to CIA officials, have been with the New York
Times, CBS and Time Inc.
The CIA’s use of the American news media has been much more extensive than Agency officials have
acknowledged publicly or in closed sessions with members of Congress. The general outlines of what
happened are indisputable; the specifics are harder to come by. CIA sources hint that a particular journalist
was trafficking all over Eastern Europe for the Agency; the journalist says no, he just had lunch with the
station chief. CIA sources say flatly that a well‑known ABC correspondent worked for the Agency through
1973; they refuse to identify him. A high‑level CIA official with a prodigious memory says that the New York
Times provided cover for about ten CIA operatives between 1950 and 1966; he does not know who they
were, or who in the newspaper’s management made the arrangements.
The Agency’s special relationships with the so‑called “majors” in publishing and broadcasting enabled the
CIA to post some of its most valuable operatives abroad without exposure for more than two decades. In
most instances, Agency files show, officials at the highest levels of the CIA usually director or deputy
director) dealt personally with a single designated individual in the top management of the cooperating
news organization. The aid furnished often took two forms: providing jobs and credentials “journalistic
cover” in Agency parlance) for CIA operatives about to be posted in foreign capitals; and lending the
Agency the undercover services of reporters already on staff, including some of the best‑known
correspondents in the business.
In the field, journalists were used to help recruit and handle foreigners as agents; to acquire and evaluate
information, and to plant false information with officials of foreign governments. Many signed secrecy
agreements, pledging never to divulge anything about their dealings with the Agency; some signed
employment contracts., some were assigned case officers and treated with. unusual deference. Others had
less structured relationships with the Agency, even though they performed similar tasks: they were briefed
by CIA personnel before trips abroad, debriefed afterward, and used as intermediaries with foreign agents.
Appropriately, the CIA uses the term “reporting” to describe much of what cooperating journalists did for
the Agency. “We would ask them, ‘Will you do us a favor?’”.said a senior CIA official. “‘We understand
you’re going to be in Yugoslavia. Have they paved all the streets? Where did you see planes? Were there
any signs of military presence? How many Soviets did you see? If you happen to meet a Soviet, get his
name and spell it right .... Can you set up a meeting for is? Or relay a message?’” Many CIA officials
regarded these helpful journalists as operatives; the journalists tended to see themselves as trusted friends
of the Agency who performed occasional favors—usually without pay—in the national interest.
“I’m proud they asked me and proud to have done it,” said Joseph Alsop who, like his late brother,
columnist Stewart Alsop, undertook clandestine tasks for the Agency. “The notion that a newspaperman
doesn’t have a duty to his country is perfect balls.”
From the Agency’s perspective, there is nothing untoward in such relationships, and any ethical questions
are a matter for the journalistic profession to resolve, not the intelligence community. As Stuart Loory,
former Los Angeles Times correspondent, has written in the Columbia Journalism Review: ‘If even one
American overseas carrying a press card is a paid informer for the CIA, then all Americans with those
credentials are suspect .... If the crisis of confidence faced by the news business—along with the
government—is to be overcome, journalists must be willing to focus on themselves the same spotlight they
so relentlessly train on others!’ But as Loory also noted: “When it was reported... that newsmen themselves
were on the payroll of the CIA, the story caused a brief stir, and then was dropped.”
Page 2 of 21 Oct 10, 2016 03:34:04AM MDT
During the 1976 investigation of the CIA by the Senate Intelligence Committee, chaired by Senator Frank
Church, the dimensions of the Agency’s involvement with the press became apparent to several members
of the panel, as well as to two or three investigators on the staff. But top officials of the CIA, including
former directors William Colby and George Bush, persuaded the committee to restrict its inquiry into the
matter and to deliberately misrepresent the actual scope of the activities in its final report. The multivolurne
report contains nine pages in which the use of journalists is discussed in deliberately vague and sometimes
misleading terms. It makes no mention of the actual number of journalists who undertook covert tasks for
the CIA. Nor does it adequately describe the role played by newspaper and broadcast executives in
cooperating with the Agency.
THE AGENCY’S DEALINGS WITH THE PRESS BEGAN during the earliest stages of the Cold War. Allen
Dulles, who became director of the CIA in 1953, sought to establish a recruiting‑and‑cover capability within
America’s most prestigious journalistic institutions. By operating under the guise of accredited news
correspondents, Dulles believed, CIA operatives abroad would be accorded a degree of access and
freedom of movement unobtainable under almost any other type of cover.
American publishers, like so many other corporate and institutional leaders at the time, were willing to
commit the resources of their companies to the struggle against “global Communism.” Accordingly, the
traditional line separating the American press corps and government was often indistinguishable: rarely
was a news agency used to provide cover for CIA operatives abroad without the knowledge and consent of
either its principal owner, publisher or senior editor. Thus, contrary to the notion that the CIA insidiously
infiltrated the journalistic community, there is ample evidence that America’s leading publishers and news
executives allowed themselves and their organizations to become handmaidens to the intelligence
services. “Let’s not pick on some poor reporters, for God’s sake,” William Colby exclaimed at one point to
the Church committee’s investigators. “Let’s go to the managements. They were witting.” In all, about
twenty‑five news organizations including those listed at the beginning of this article) provided cover for the
Agency.
In addition to cover capability, Dulles initiated a “debriefing” procedure under which American
correspondents returning from abroad routinely emptied their notebooks and offered their impressions to
Agency personnel. Such arrangements, continued by Dulles’ successors, to the present day, were made
with literally dozens of news organizations. In the 1950s, it was not uncommon for returning reporters to be
met at the ship by CIA officers. “There would be these guys from the CIA flashing ID cards and looking like
they belonged at the Yale Club,” said Hugh Morrow, a former Saturday Evening Post correspondent who is
now press secretary to former vice‑president Nelson Rockefeller. “It got to be so routine that you felt a little
miffed if you weren’t asked.”
CIA officials almost always refuse to divulge the names of journalists who have cooperated with the
Agency. They say it would be unfair to judge these individuals in a context different from the one that
spawned the relationships in the first place. “There was a time when it wasn’t considered a crime to serve
your government,” said one high‑level CIA official who makes no secret of his bitterness. “This all has to be
considered in the context of the morality of the times, rather than against latter‑day standards—and
hypocritical standards at that.”
Many journalists who covered World War II were close to people in the Office of Strategic Services, the
wartime predecessor of the CIA; more important, they were all on the same side. When the war ended and
many OSS officials went into the CIA, it was only natural that these relationships would continue.
Meanwhile, the first postwar generation of journalists entered the profession; they shared the same political
and professional values as their mentors. “You had a gang of people who worked together during World
War II and never got over it,” said one Agency official. “They were genuinely motivated and highly
susceptible
Page 3 of 21 to intrigue and being on the inside. Then in the Fifties and Sixties there was
Octa10,
national
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susceptible to intrigue and being on the inside. Then in the Fifties and Sixties there was a national
consensus about a national threat. The Vietnam War tore everything to pieces—shredded the consensus
and threw it in the air.” Another Agency official observed: “Many journalists didn’t give a second thought to
associating with the Agency. But there was a point when the ethical issues which most people had
submerged finally surfaced. Today, a lot of these guys vehemently deny that they had any relationship with
the Agency.”
From the outset, the use of journalists was among the CIA’s most sensitive undertakings, with full
knowledge restricted to the Director of Central Intelligence and a few of his chosen deputies. Dulles and his
successors were fearful of what would happen if a journalist‑operative’s cover was blown, or if details of
the Agency’s dealings with the press otherwise became public. As a result, contacts with the heads of
news organizations were normally initiated by Dulles and succeeding Directors of Central Intelligence; by
the deputy directors and division chiefs in charge of covert operations—Frank Wisner, Cord Meyer Jr.,
Richard Bissell, Desmond FitzGerald, Tracy Barnes, Thomas Karamessines and Richard Helms himself a
former UPI correspondent); and, occasionally, by others in the CIA hierarchy known to have an unusually
close social relationship with a particular publisher or broadcast executive.1
James Angleton, who was recently removed as the Agency’s head of counterintelligence operations, ran a
completely independent group of journalist‑operatives who performed sensitive and frequently dangerous
assignments; little is known about this group for the simple reason that Angleton deliberately kept only the
vaguest of files.
The CIA even ran a formal training program in the 1950s to teach its agents to be journalists. Intelligence
officers were “taught to make noises like reporters,” explained a high CIA official, and were then placed in
major news organizations with help from management. “These were the guys who went through the ranks
and were told ‘You’re going to he a journalist,’” the CIA official said. Relatively few of the 400‑some
relationships described in Agency files followed that pattern, however; most involved persons who were
already bona fide journalists when they began undertaking tasks for the Agency.
The Agency’s relationships with journalists, as described in CIA files, include the following general
categories:
■ Legitimate, accredited staff members of news organizations—usually reporters. Some were paid; some
worked for the Agency on a purely voluntary basis. This group includes many of the best‑known journalists
who carried out tasks for the CIA. The files show that the salaries paid to reporters by newspaper and
broadcast networks were sometimes supplemented by nominal payments from the CIA, either in the form
of retainers, travel expenses or outlays for specific services performed. Almost all the payments were
made in cash. The accredited category also includes photographers, administrative personnel of foreign
news bureaus and members of broadcast technical crews.)
Two of the Agency’s most valuable personal relationships in the 1960s, according to CIA officials, were
with reporters who covered Latin America—Jerry O’Leary of the Washington Star and Hal Hendrix of the
Miami News, a Pulitzer Prize winner who became a high official of the International Telephone and
Telegraph Corporation. Hendrix was extremely helpful to the Agency in providing information about
individuals in Miami’s Cuban exile community. O’Leary was considered a valued asset in Haiti and the
Dominican Republic. Agency files contain lengthy reports of both men’s activities on behalf of the CIA.
O’Leary maintains that his dealings were limited to the normal give‑and‑take that goes on between
reporters abroad and their sources. CIA officials dispute the contention: “There’s no question Jerry
reported for us,” said one. “Jerry did assessing and spotting [of prospective agents] but he was better as a
reporter
Page 4 of 21 for us.” Referring to O’Leary’s denials, the official added: “I don’t know what in
Octthe
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reporter for us.” Referring to O’Leary’s denials, the official added: “I don’t know what in the world he’s
worried about unless he’s wearing that mantle of integrity the Senate put on you journalists.”
O’Leary attributes the difference of opinion to semantics. “I might call them up and say something like,
‘Papa Doc has the clap, did you know that?’ and they’d put it in the file. I don’t consider that reporting for
them.... it’s useful to be friendly to them and, generally, I felt friendly to them. But I think they were more
helpful to me than I was to them.” O’Leary took particular exception to being described in the same context
as Hendrix. “Hal was really doing work for them,” said O’Leary. “I’m still with the Star. He ended up at ITT.”
Hendrix could not be reached for comment. According to Agency officials, neither Hendrix nor O’Leary was
paid by the CIA.
■ Stringers2 and freelancers. Most were payrolled by the Agency under standard contractual terms. Their
journalistic credentials were often supplied by cooperating news organizations. some filed news stories;
others reported only for the CIA. On some occasions, news organizations were not informed by the CIA
that their stringers were also working for the Agency.
■ Employees of so‑called CIA “proprietaries.” During the past twenty‑five years, the Agency has secretly
bankrolled numerous foreign press services, periodicals and newspapers—both English and foreign
language—which provided excellent cover for CIA operatives. One such publication was the Rome Daily
American, forty percent of which was owned by the CIA until the 1970s. The Daily American went out of
business this year,
■ Editors, publishers and broadcast network executives. The CIAs relationship with most news executives
differed fundamentally from those with working reporters and stringers, who were much more subject to
direction from the Agency. A few executives—Arthur Hays Sulzberger of the New York Times among
them—signed secrecy agreements. But such formal understandings were rare: relationships between
Agency officials and media executives were usually social—”The P and Q Street axis in Georgetown,” said
one source. “You don’t tell Wilharn Paley to sign a piece of paper saying he won’t fink.”
■ Columnists and commentators. There are perhaps a dozen well known columnists and broadcast
commentators whose relationships with the CIA go far beyond those normally maintained between
reporters and their sources. They are referred to at the Agency as “known assets” and can be counted on
to perform a variety of undercover tasks; they are considered receptive to the Agency’s point of view on
various subjects. Three of the most widely read columnists who maintained such ties with the Agency are
C.L. Sulzberger of the New York Times, Joseph Alsop, and the late Stewart Alsop, whose column
appeared in the New York Herald‑Tribune, the Saturday Evening Post and Newsweek. CIA files contain
reports of specific tasks all three undertook. Sulzberger is still regarded as an active asset by the Agency.
According to a senior CIA official, “Young Cy Sulzberger had some uses.... He signed a secrecy
agreement because we gave him classified information.... There was sharing, give and take. We’d say,
‘Wed like to know this; if we tell you this will it help you get access to so‑and‑so?’ Because of his access in
Europe he had an Open Sesame. We’d ask him to just report: ‘What did so‑and‑so say, what did he look
like, is he healthy?’ He was very eager, he loved to cooperate.” On one occasion, according to several CIA
officials, Sulzberger was given a briefing paper by the Agency which ran almost verbatim under the
columnist’s byline in the Times. “Cycame out and said, ‘I’m thinking of doing a piece, can you give me
some background?’” a CIA officer said. “We gave it to Cy as a background piece and Cy gave it to the
printers and put his name on it.” Sulzberger denies that any incident occurred. “A lot of baloney,” he said.
Sulzberger claims that he was never formally “tasked” by the Agency and that he “would never get caught
near the spook business. My relations were totally informal—I had a goodmany friends,” he said. “I’m sure
they consider me an asset. They can ask me questions. They find out you’re going to Slobovia and they
say,
Page 5 of‘Can
21 we talk to you when you get back?’ ... Or they’ll want to know if the head of the Ruritanian
Oct 10, 2016 03:34:04AM MDT
say, ‘Can we talk to you when you get back?’ ... Or they’ll want to know if the head of the Ruritanian
government is suffering from psoriasis. But I never took an assignment from one of those guys.... I’ve
known Wisner well, and Helms and even McCone [former CIA director John McCone] I used to play golf
with. But they’d have had to he awfully subtle to have used me.
Sulzberger says he was asked to sign the secrecy agreement in the 1950s. “A guy came around and said,
‘You are a responsible newsman and we need you to sign this if we are going to show you anything
classified.’ I said I didn’t want to get entangled and told them, ‘Go to my uncle [Arthur Hays Sulzberger,
then publisher of the New York Times] and if he says to sign it I will.’” His uncle subsequently signed such
an agreement, Sulzberger said, and he thinks he did too, though he is unsure. “I don’t know, twenty‑some
years is a long time.” He described the whole question as “a bubble in a bathtub.”
Stewart Alsop’s relationship with the Agency was much more extensive than Sulzberger’s. One official who
served at the highest levels in the CIA said flatly: “Stew Alsop was a CIA agent.” An equally senior official
refused to define Alsop’s relationship with the Agency except to say it was a formal one. Other sources
said that Alsop was particularly helpful to the Agency in discussions with, officials of foreign
governments—asking questions to which the CIA was seeking answers, planting misinformation
advantageous to American policy, assessing opportunities for CIA recruitment of well‑placed foreigners.
“Absolute nonsense,” said Joseph Alsop of the notion that his brother was a CIA agent. “I was closer to the
Agency than Stew was, though Stew was very close. I dare say he did perform some tasks—he just did the
correct thing as an American.... The Founding Fathers [of the CIA] were close personal friends of ours.
Dick Bissell [former CIA deputy director] was my oldest friend, from childhood. It was a social thing, my
dear fellow. I never received a dollar, I never signed a secrecy agreement. I didn’t have to.... I’ve done
things for them when I thought they were the right thing to do. I call it doing my duty as a citizen.
Alsop is willing to discuss on the record only two of the tasks he undertook: a visit to Laos in 1952 at the
behest of Frank Wisner, who felt other American reporters were using anti‑American sources about
uprisings there; and a visit to the Phillipines in 1953 when the CIA thought his presence there might affect
the outcome of an election. “Des FitzGerald urged me to go,” Alsop recalled. “It would be less likely that the
election could be stolen [by the opponents of Ramon Magsaysay] if the eyes of the world were on them. I
stayed with the ambassador and wrote about what happened.”
Alsop maintains that he was never manipulated by the Agency. “You can’t get entangled so they have
leverage on you,” he said. “But what I wrote was true. My view was to get the facts. If someone in the
Agency was wrong, I stopped talking to them—they’d given me phony goods.” On one occasion, Alsop
said, Richard Helms authorized the head of the Agency’s analytical branch to provide Alsop with
information on Soviet military presence along the Chinese border. “The analytical side of the Agency had
been dead wrong about the war in Vietnam—they thought it couldn’t be won,” said Alsop. “And they were
wrong on the Soviet buildup. I stopped talking to them.” Today, he says, “People in our business would be
outraged at the kinds of suggestions that were made to me. They shouldn’t be. The CIA did not open itself
at all to people it did not trust. Stew and I were trusted, and I’m proud of it.”
MURKY DETAILS OF CIA RELATIONSHIPS WITH INDIVIDUALS and news organizations began
trickling out in 1973 when it was first disclosed that the CIA had, on occasion, employed journalists. Those
reports, combined with new information, serve as casebook studies of the Agency’s use of journalists for
intelligence purposes. They include:
■ The New York Times. The Agency’s relationship with the Times was by far its most valuable among
newspapers, according to CIA officials. From 1950 to 1966, about ten CIA employees were provided
Times
Page 6 of 21cover under arrangements approved by the newspaper’s late publisher, ArthurOct
Hays Sulzberger.
10, 2016 03:34:04AM MDT
Times cover under arrangements approved by the newspaper’s late publisher, Arthur Hays Sulzberger.
The cover arrangements were part of a general Times policy—set by Sulzberger—to provide assistance to
the CIA whenever possible.
Sulzberger was especially close to Allen Dulles. “At that level of contact it was the mighty talking to the
mighty,” said a high‑level CIA official who was present at some of the discussions. “There was an
agreement in principle that, yes indeed, we would help each other. The question of cover came up on
several occasions. It was agreed that the actual arrangements would be handled by subordinates.... The
mighty didn’t want to know the specifics; they wanted plausible deniability.
A senior CIA official who reviewed a portion of the Agency’s files on journalists for two hours onSeptember
15th, 1977, said he found documentation of five instances in which the Times had provided cover for CIA
employees between 1954 and 1962. In each instance he said, the arrangements were handled by
executives of the Times; the documents all contained standard Agency language “showing that this had
been checked out at higher levels of the New York Times,” said the official. The documents did not
mention Sulzberger’s name, however—only those of subordinates whom the official refused to identify.
The CIA employees who received Times credentials posed as stringers for the paper abroad and worked
as members of clerical staffs in the Times’ foreign bureaus. Most were American; two or three were
foreigners.
CIA officials cite two reasons why the Agency’s working relationship with the Times was closer and more
extensive than with any other paper: the fact that the Times maintained the largest foreign news operation
in American daily journalism; and the close personal ties between the men who ran both institutions.
Sulzberger informed a number of reporters and editors of his general policy of cooperation with the
Agency. “We were in touch with them—they’d talk to us and some cooperated,” said a CIA official. The
cooperation usually involved passing on information and “spotting” prospective agents among foreigners.
Arthur Hays Sulzberger signed a secrecy agreement with the CIA in the 1950s, according to CIA
officials—a fact confirmed by his nephew, C.L. Sulzberger. However, there are varying interpretations of
the purpose of the agreement: C.L. Sulzberger says it represented nothing more than a pledge not to
disclose classified information made available to the publisher. That contention is supported by some
Agency officials. Others in the Agency maintain that the agreement represented a pledge never to reveal
any of the Times’ dealings with the CIA, especially those involving cover. And there are those who note
that, because all cover arrangements are classified, a secrecy agreement would automatically apply to
them.
Attempts to find out which individuals in the Times organization made the actual arrangements for
providing credentials to CIA personnel have been unsuccessful. In a letter to reporter Stuart Loory in 1974,
Turner Cadedge, managing editor of the Times from 1951 to 1964, wrote that approaches by the CIA had
been rebuffed by the newspaper. “I knew nothing about any involvement with the CIA... of any of our
foreign correspondents on the New York Times. I heard many times of overtures to our men by the CIA,
seeking to use their privileges, contacts, immunities and, shall we say, superior intelligence in the sordid
business of spying and informing. If any one of them succumbed to the blandishments or cash offers, I was
not aware of it. Repeatedly, the CIA and other hush‑hush agencies sought to make arrangements for
‘cooperation’ even with Times management, especially during or soon after World War II, but we always
resisted. Our motive was to protect our credibility.”
According
Page 7 of 21 to Wayne Phillips, a former Timesreporter, the CIA invoked Arthur Hays Sulzberger’s name
Oct 10, 2016 03:34:04AM MDT
According to Wayne Phillips, a former Timesreporter, the CIA invoked Arthur Hays Sulzberger’s name
when it tried to recruit him as an undercover operative in 1952 while he was studying at Columbia
University’s Russian Institute. Phillips said an Agency official told him that the CIA had “a working
arrangement” with the publisher in which other reporters abroad had been placed on the Agency’s payroll.
Phillips, who remained at the Times until 1961, later obtained CIA documents under the Freedom of
Information Act which show that the Agency intended to develop him as a clandestine “asset” for use
abroad.
On January 31st, 1976, the Times carried a brief story describing the ClAs attempt to recruit Phillips. It
quoted Arthur Ochs Sulzberger, the present publisher, as follows: “I never heard of the Times being
approached, either in my capacity as publisher or as the son of the late Mr. Sulzberger.” The Times story,
written by John M. Crewdson, also reported that Arthur Hays Sulzberger told an unnamed former
correspondent that he might he approached by the CIA after arriving at a new post abroad. Sulzberger told
him that he was not “under any obligation to agree,” the story said and that the publisher himself would be
“happier” if he refused to cooperate. “But he left it sort of up to me,” the Times quoted its former reporter as
saying. “The message was if I really wanted to do that, okay, but he didn’t think it appropriate for a Times
correspondent”
C.L. Sulzberger, in a telephone interview, said he had no knowledge of any CIA personnel using Times
cover or of reporters for the paper working actively for the Agency. He was the paper’s chief of foreign
service from 1944 to 1954 and expressed doubt that his uncle would have approved such arrangements.
More typical of the late publisher, said Sulzberger, was a promise made to Allen Dulles’ brother, John
Foster, then secretary of state, that no Times staff member would be permitted to accept an invitation to
visit the People’s Republic of China without John Foster Dulles’ consent. Such an invitation was extended
to the publisher’s nephew in the 1950s; Arthur Sulzberger forbade him to accept it. “It was seventeen years
before another Times correspondent was invited,” C.L. Sulzberger recalled.
■ The Columbia Broadcasting System. CBS was unquestionably the CIAs most valuable broadcasting
asset. CBS President William Paley and Allen Dulles enjoyed an easy working and social relationship.
Over the years, the network provided cover for CIA employees, including at least one well‑known foreign
correspondent and several stringers; it supplied outtakes of newsfilm to the CIA3; established a formal
channel of communication between the Washington bureau chief and the Agency; gave the Agency access
to the CBS newsfilm library; and allowed reports by CBS correspondents to the Washington and New York
newsrooms to be routinely monitored by the CIA. Once a year during the 1950s and early 1960s, CBS
correspondents joined the CIA hierarchy for private dinners and briefings.
The details of the CBS‑CIA arrangements were worked out by subordinates of both Dulles and Paley. “The
head of the company doesn’t want to know the fine points, nor does the director,” said a CIA official. “Both
designate aides to work that out. It keeps them above the battle.” Dr. Frank Stanton, for 25 years president
of the network, was aware of the general arrangements Paley made with Dulles—including those for cover,
according to CIA officials. Stanton, in an interview last year, said he could not recall any cover
arrangements.) But Paley’s designated contact for the Agency was Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News
between 1954 and 1961. On one occasion, Mickelson has said, he complained to Stanton about having to
use a pay telephone to call the CIA, and Stanton suggested he install a private line, bypassing the CBS
switchboard, for the purpose. According to Mickelson, he did so. Mickelson is now president of Radio Free
Europe and Radio Liberty, both of which were associated with the CIA for many years.
In 1976, CBS News president Richard Salant ordered an in‑house investigation of the network's dealings
with the CIA. Some of its findings were first disclosed by Robert Scheer in the Los Angeles Times.) But
Salant's
Page 8 of 21 report makes no mention of some of his own dealings with the Agency, whichOct
continued into the MDT
10, 2016 03:34:04AM
Salant's report makes no mention of some of his own dealings with the Agency, which continued into the
1970s.
Many details about the CBS‑CIA relationship were found in Mickelson's files by two investigators for
Salant. Among the documents they found was a September 13th, 1957, memo to Mickelson fromTed
Koop, CBS News bureau chief in Washington from 1948 to 1961. It describes a phone call to Koop from
Colonel Stanley Grogan of the CIA: "Grogan phoned to say that Reeves [J. B. Love Reeves, another CIA
official] is going to New York to be in charge of the CIA contact office there and will call to see you and
some of your confreres. Grogan says normal activities will continue to channel through the Washington
office of CBS News." The report to Salant also states: "Further investigation of Mickelson's files reveals
some details of the relationship between the CIA and CBS News.... Two key administrators of this
relationship were Mickelson and Koop.... The main activity appeared to be the delivery of CBS newsfilm to
the CIA.... In addition there is evidence that, during 1964 to 1971, film material, including some outtakes,
were supplied by the CBS Newsfilm Library to the CIA through and at the direction of Mr. Koop4.... Notes in
Mr. Mickelson's files indicate that the CIA used CBS films for training... All of the above Mickelson activities
were handled on a confidential basis without mentioning the words Central Intelligence Agency. The films
were sent to individuals at post‑office box numbers and were paid for by individual, nor government,
checks. ..." Mickelson also regularly sent the CIA an internal CBS newsletter, according to the report.
Salant's investigation led him to conclude that Frank Kearns, a CBS‑TV reporter from 1958 to 1971, "was
a CIA guy who got on the payroll somehow through a CIA contact with somebody at CBS." Kearns and
Austin Goodrich, a CBS stringer, were undercover CIA employees, hired under arrangements approved by
Paley.
Last year a spokesman for Paley denied a report by former CBS correspondent Daniel Schorr that
Mickelson and he had discussed Goodrich's CIA status during a meeting with two Agency representatives
in 1954. The spokesman claimed Paley had no knowledge that Goodrich had worked for the CIA. "When I
moved into the job I was told by Paley that there was an ongoing relationship with the CIA," Mickelson said
in a recent interview. "He introduced me to two agents who he said would keep in touch. We all discussed
the Goodrich situation and film arrangements. I assumed this was a normal relationship at the time. This
was at the height of the Cold War and I assumed the communications media were cooperating—though
the Goodrich matter was compromising.
At the headquarters of CBS News in New York, Paley's cooperation with the CIA is taken for granted by
many news executives and reporters, despite tile denials. Paley, 76, was not interviewed by Salant's
investigators. "It wouldn't do any good," said one CBS executive. "It is the single subject about which his
memory has failed."
Salant discussed his own contacts with the CIA, and the fact he continued many of his predecessor's
practices, in an interview with this reporter last year. The contacts, he said, began in February 1961, "when
I got a phone call from a CIA man who said he had a working relationship with Sig Mickelson. The man
said, 'Your bosses know all about it.'" According to Salant, the CIA representative asked that CBS
continue to supply the Agency with unedited newstapes and make its correspondents available for
debriefingby Agency officials. Said Salant: "I said no on talking to the reporters, and let them see broadcast
tapes, but no outtakes. This went on for a number of years—into the early Seventies."
In 1964 and 1965, Salant served on a super-secret CIA task force which explored methods of beaming
American propaganda broadcasts to the People's Republic of China. The other members of the four‑man
study team were Zbigniew Brzezinski, then a professor at Columbia University; William Griffith, then
professor of political science at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology., and John Haves, then
vice‑president of the Washington Post Company for radio‑TV5. The principal government officials
associated
Page 9 of 21 with the project were Cord Meyer of the CIA; McGeorge Bundy, then special Oct assistant to the MDT
10, 2016 03:34:04AM
vice‑president of the Washington Post Company for radio‑TV5. The principal government officials
associated with the project were Cord Meyer of the CIA; McGeorge Bundy, then special assistant to the
president for national security; Leonard Marks, then director of the USIA; and Bill Moyers, then special
assistant to President Lyndon Johnson and now a CBS correspondent.
Salant's involvement in the project began with a call from Leonard Marks, "who told me the White House
wanted to form a committee of four people to make a study of U.S. overseas broadcasts behind the Iron
Curtain." When Salant arrived in Washington for the first meeting he was told that the project was CIA
sponsored. "Its purpose," he said, "was to determine how best to set up shortwave broadcasts into Red
China." Accompanied by a CIA officer named Paul Henzie, the committee of four subsequently traveled
around the world inspecting facilities run by Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty both CIA‑run operations
at the time), the Voice of America and Armed Forces Radio. After more than a year of study, they
submitted a report to Moyers recommending that the government establish a broadcast service, run by the
Voice of America, to be beamed at the People's Republic of China. Salant has served two tours as head of
CBS News, from 1961‑64 and 1966‑present. At the time of the China project he was a CBS corporate
executive.)
■ Time and Newsweek magazines. According to CIA and Senate sources, Agency files contain written
agreements with former foreign correspondents and stringers for both the weekly news magazines. The
same sources refused to say whether the CIA has ended all its associations with individuals who work for
the two publications. Allen Dulles often interceded with his good friend, the late Henry Luce, founder of
Time and Life magazines, who readily allowed certain members of his staff to work for the Agency and
agreed to provide jobs and credentials for other CIA operatives who lacked journalistic experience.
For many years, Luce's personal emissary to the CIA was C.D. Jackson, a Time Inc., vice‑president who
was publisher of Life magazine from 1960 until his death in 1964.While a Time executive, Jackson
coauthored a CIA‑sponsored study recommending the reorganization of the American intelligence services
in the early 1950s. Jackson, whose Time‑Life service was interrupted by a one‑year White House tour as
an assistant to President Dwight Eisenhower, approved specific arrangements for providing CIA
employees with Time‑Life cover. Some of these arrangements were made with the knowledge of Luce's
wife, Clare Boothe. Other arrangements for Time cover, according to CIA officials including those who
dealt with Luce), were made with the knowledge of Hedley Donovan, now editor‑in‑chief of Time Inc.
Donovan, who took over editorial direction of all Time Inc. publications in 1959, denied in a telephone
interview that he knew of any such arrangements. "I was never approached and I'd be amazed if Luce
approved such arrangements," Donovan said. "Luce had a very scrupulous regard for the difference
between journalism and government."
In the 1950s and early 1960s, Time magazine's foreign correspondents attended CIA "briefing" dinners
similar to those the CIA held for CBS. And Luce, according to CIA officials, made it a regular practice to
brief Dulles or other high Agency officials when he returned from his frequent trips abroad. Luce and the
men who ran his magazines in the 1950s and 1960s encouraged their foreign correspondents to provide
help to the CIA, particularly information that might be useful to the Agency for intelligence purposes or
recruiting foreigners.
At Newsweek, Agency sources reported, the CIA engaged the services of' several foreign correspondents
and stringers under arrangements approved by senior editors at the magazine. Newsweek's stringer in
Rome in the mid‑Fifties made little secret of the fact that he worked for the CIA. Malcolm Muir, Newsweek's
editor from its founding in 1937 until its sale to the Washington Post Company in 1961, said in a recent
interview that his dealings with the CIA were limited to private briefings he gave Allen Dulles after trips
abroad and arrangements he approved for regular debriefing of Newsweek correspondents by the Agency.
He10said
Page of 21that he had never provided cover for CIA operatives, but that others high in the
OctNewsweek
10, 2016 03:34:04AM MDT
He said that he had never provided cover for CIA operatives, but that others high in the Newsweek
organization might have done so without his knowledge.
"I would have thought there might have been stringers who were agents, but I didn't know who they were,"
said Muir. "I do think in those days the CIA kept pretty close touch with all responsible reporters. Whenever
I heard something that I thought might be of interest to Allen Dulles, I'd call him up.... At one point he
appointed one of his CIA men to keep in regular contact with our reporters, a chap that I knew but whose
name I can't remember. I had a number of friends in Alien Dulles' organization." Muir said that Harry Kern,
Newsweek's foreign editor from 1945 until 1956, and Ernest K. Lindley, the magazine's Washington
bureau chief during the same period "regularly checked in with various fellows in the CIA."
"To the best of my knowledge." said Kern, "nobody at Newsweek worked for the CIA... The informal
relationship was there. Why have anybody sign anything? What we knew we told them [the CIA] and the
State Department.... When I went to Washington, I would talk to Foster or Allen Dulles about what was
going on. ... We thought it was admirable at the time. We were all on the same side." CIA officials say that
Kern's dealings with the Agency were extensive. In 1956, he left Newsweek to run Foreign Reports, a
Washington‑based newsletter whose subscribers Kern refuses to identify.
Ernest Lindley, who remained at Newsweek until 1961, said in a recent interview that he regularly
consulted with Dulles and other high CIA officials before going abroad and briefed them upon his return.
"Allen was very helpful to me and I tried to reciprocate when I could," he said. "I'd give him my impressions
of people I'd met overseas. Once or twice he asked me to brief a large group of intelligence people; when I
came back from the Asian‑African conference in 1955, for example; they mainly wanted to know about
various people."
As Washington bureau chief, Lindley said he learned from Malcolm Muir that the magazine's stringer in
southeastern Europe was a CIA contract employee—given credentials under arrangements worked out
with the management. "I remember it came up—whether it was a good idea to keep this person from the
Agency; eventually it was decided to discontinue the association," Lindley said.
When Newsweek waspurchased by the Washington Post Company, publisher Philip L. Graham was
informed by Agency officials that the CIA occasionally used the magazine for cover purposes, according to
CIA sources. "It was widely known that Phil Graham was somebody you could get help from," said a former
deputy director of the Agency. "Frank Wisner dealt with him." Wisner, deputy director of the CIA from 1950
until shortly before his suicide in 1965, was the Agency's premier orchestrator of "black" operations,
including many in which journalists were involved. Wisner liked to boast of his "mighty Wurlitzer," a
wondrous propaganda instrument he built, and played, with help from the press.) Phil Graham was
probably Wisner's closest friend. But Graharn, who committed suicide in 1963, apparently knew little of the
specifics of any cover arrangements with Newsweek, CIA sources said.
In 1965‑66, an accredited Newsweek stringer in the Far East was in fact a CIA contract employee earning
an annual salary of $10,000 from the Agency, according to Robert T. Wood, then a CIA officer in the Hong
Kong station. Some, Newsweek correspondents and stringers continued to maintain covert ties with the
Agency into the 1970s, CIA sources said.
Information about Agency dealings with the Washington Post newspaper is extremely sketchy. According
to CIA officials, some Post stringers have been CIA employees, but these officials say they do not know if
anyone in the Post management was aware of the arrangements.
All editors‑in‑chief and managing editors of the Post since 1950 say they knew of no formal Agency
relationship
Page 11 of 21 with either stringers or members of the Post staff. “If anything was done itOct
was10,done by Phil MDT
2016 03:34:04AM
All editors‑in‑chief and managing editors of the
http://www.carlbernstein.com/magazine_cia_and_media.php Post since 1950 say they knew of no formal Agency
relationship with either stringers or members of the Post staff. “If anything was done it was done by Phil
without our knowledge,” said one. Agency officials, meanwhile, make no claim that Post staff members
have had covert affiliations with the Agency while working for the paper.6
Katharine Graham, Philip Graham’s widow and the current publisher of the Post, says she has never been
informed of any CIA relationships with either Post or Newsweek personnel. In November of 1973, Mrs.
Graham called William Colby and asked if any Post stringers or staff members were associated with the
CIA. Colby assured her that no staff members were employed by the Agency but refused to discuss the
question of stringers.
■ The Louisville Courier‑Journal. From December 1964 until March 1965, a CIA undercover operative
named Robert H. Campbell worked on the Courier‑Journal. According to high‑level CIA sources, Campbell
was hired by the paper under arrangements the Agency made with Norman E. Isaacs, then executive
editor of the Courier‑Journal. Barry Bingham Sr., then publisher of the paper, also had knowledge of the
arrangements, the sources said. Both Isaacs and Bingham have denied knowing that Campbell was an
intelligence agent when he was hired.
The complex saga of Campbell’s hiring was first revealed in a Courier‑Journal story written by James R
Herzog on March 27th, 1976, during the Senate committee’s investigation, Herzog’s account began:
“When 28‑year‑old Robert H. Campbell was hired as a Courier‑Journal reporter in December 1964, he
couldn’t type and knew little about news writing.” The account then quoted the paper’s former managing
editor as saying that Isaacs told him that Campbell was hired as a result of a CIA request: “Norman said,
when he was in Washington [in 1964], he had been called to lunch with some friend of his who was with the
CIA [and that] he wanted to send this young fellow down to get him a little knowledge of newspapering.” All
aspects of Campbell’s hiring were highly unusual. No effort had been made to check his credentials, and
his employment records contained the following two notations: “Isaacs has files of correspondence and
investigation of this man”; and, “Hired for temporary work—no reference checks completed or needed.”
The level of Campbell’s journalistic abilities apparently remained consistent during his stint at the paper,
“The stuff that Campbell turned in was almost unreadable,” said a former assistant city editor. One of
Campbell’s major reportorial projects was a feature about wooden Indians. It was never published. During
his tenure at the paper, Campbell frequented a bar a few steps from the office where, on occasion, he
reportedly confided to fellow drinkers that he was a CIA employee.
According to CIA sources, Campbell’s tour at the Courier‑Journal was arranged to provide him with a
record of journalistic experience that would enhance the plausibility of future reportorial cover and teach
him something about the newspaper business. The Courier‑Journal’s investigation also turned up the fact
that before coming to Louisville he had worked briefly for the Hornell, New York, Evening Tribune,
published by Freedom News, Inc. CIA sources said the Agency had made arrangements with that paper’s
management to employ Campbell.7
At the Courier‑Journal, Campbell was hired under arrangements made with Isaacs and approved by
Bingham, said CIA and Senate sources. “We paid the Courier‑Journal so they could pay his salary,” said
an Agency official who was involved in the transaction. Responding by letter to these assertions, Isaacs,
who left Louisville to become president and publisher of the Wilmington Delaware) News & Journal, said:
“All I can do is repeat the simple truth—that never, under any circumstances, or at any time, have I ever
knowingly hired a government agent. I’ve also tried to dredge my memory, but Campbell’s hiring meant so
little to me that nothing emerges.... None of this is to say that I couldn’t have been ‘had.’”.Barry Bingham
Sr., said last year in a telephone interview that he had no specific memory of Campbell’s hiring and denied
that
Page 12 he knew
of 21 of any arrangements between the newspaper’s management and the CIA.
OctHowever, CIA
10, 2016 03:34:04AM MDT
that he knew of any arrangements between the newspaper’s management and the CIA. However, CIA
officials said that the Courier‑Journal, through contacts with Bingham, provided other unspecified
assistance to the Agency in the 1950s and 1960s. The Courier‑Journal’s detailed, front‑page account of
Campbell’s hiring was initiated by Barry Bingham Jr., who succeeded his father as editor and publisher of
the paper in 1971. The article is the only major piece of self‑investigation by a newspaper that has
appeared on this subject.8
■ The American Broadcasting Company and the National Broadcasting Company. According to CIA
officials, ABC continued to provide cover for some CIA operatives through the 1960s. One was Sam Jaffe
who CIA officials said performed clandestine tasks for the Agency. Jaffe has acknowledged only providing
the CIA with information. In addition, another well‑known network correspondent performed covert tasks
for the Agency, said CIA sources. At the time of the Senate bearings, Agency officials serving at the
highest levels refused to say whether the CIA was still maintaining active relationships with members of the
ABC‑News organization. All cover arrangements were made with the knowledge off ABC executives, the
sources said.
These same sources professed to know few specifies about the Agency’s relationships with NBC, except
that several foreign correspondents of the network undertook some assignments for the Agency in the
1950s and 1960s. “It was a thing people did then,” said Richard Wald, president of NBC News since 1973.
“I wouldn’t be surprised if people here—including some of the correspondents in those days—had
connections with the Agency.”
■ The Copley Press, and its subsidiary, the Copley News Service. This relationship, first disclosed publicly
by reporters Joe Trento and Dave Roman in Penthouse magazine, is said by CIA officials to have been
among the Agency’s most productive in terms of getting “outside” cover for its employees. Copley owns
nine newspapers in California and Illinois—among them the San Diego Union and Evening Tribune. The
Trento‑Roman account, which was financed by a grant from the Fund for Investigative Journalism,
asserted that at least twenty‑three Copley News Service employees performed work for the CIA. “The
Agency’s involvement with the Copley organization is so extensive that it’s almost impossible to sort out,”
said a CIA official who was asked about the relationship late in 1976. Other Agency officials said then that
James S. Copley, the chain’s owner until his death in 1973, personally made most of the cover
arrangements with the CIA.
According to Trento and Roman, Copley personally volunteered his news service to then‑president
Eisenhower to act as “the eyes and ears” against “the Communist threat in Latin and Central America” for
“our intelligence services.” James Copley was also the guiding hand behind the Inter‑American Press
Association, a CIA‑funded organization with heavy membership among right‑wing Latin American
newspaper editors.
■ Other major news organizations. According to Agency officials, CIA files document additional cover
arrangements with the following news‑gathering organizations, among others: the New York
Herald‑Tribune, the Saturday‑Evening Post, Scripps‑Howard Newspapers, Hearst Newspapers Seymour
K. Freidin, Hearst’s current London bureau chief and a former Herald‑Tribune editor and correspondent,
has been identified as a CIA operative by Agency sources), Associated Press,9 United Press International,
the Mutual Broadcasting System, Reuters and the Miami Herald. Cover arrangements with the Herald,
according to CIA officials, were unusual in that they were made “on the ground by the CIA station in Miami,
not from CIA headquarters.
“And that’s just a small part of the list,” in the words of one official who served in the CIA hierarchy. Like
many sources, this official said that the only way to end the uncertainties about aid furnished the Agency by
journalists
Page 13 of 21 is to disclose the contents of the CIA files—a course opposed by almost allOct
of 10,
the2016
thirty‑five
03:34:04AM MDT
journalists is to disclose the contents of the CIA files—a course opposed by almost all of the thirty‑five
present and former CIA officials interviewed over the course of a year.
COLBY CUTS HIS LOSSES
THE CIA’S USE OF JOURNALISTS CONTINUED VIRTUALLY unabated until 1973 when, in response to
public disclosure that the Agency had secretly employed American reporters, William Colby began scaling
down the program. In his public statements, Colby conveyed the impression that the use of journalists had
been minimal and of limited importance to the Agency.
He then initiated a series of moves intended to convince the press, Congress and the public that the CIA
had gotten out of the news business. But according to Agency officials, Colby had in fact thrown a
protective net around his valuable intelligence in the journalistic community. He ordered his deputies to
maintain Agency ties with its best journalist contacts while severing formal relationships with many
regarded as inactive, relatively unproductive or only marginally important. In reviewing Agency files to
comply with Colby’s directive, officials found that many journalists had not performed useful functions for
the CIA in years. Such relationships, perhaps as many as a hundred, were terminated between 1973 and
1976.
Meanwhile, important CIA operatives who had been placed on the staffs of some major newspaper and
broadcast outlets were told to resign and become stringers or freelancers, thus enabling Colby to assure
concerned editors that members of their staffs were not CIA employees. Colby also feared that some
valuable stringer‑operatives might find their covers blown if scrutiny of the Agency’s ties with journalists
continued. Some of these individuals were reassigned to jobs on so‑called proprietary
publications—foreign periodicals and broadcast outlets secretly funded and staffed by the CIA. Other
journalists who had signed formal contracts with the CIA—making them employees of the Agency—were
released from their contracts, and asked to continue working under less formal arrangements.
In November 1973, after many such shifts had been made, Colby told reporters and editors from the New
York Times and the Washington Star that the Agency had “some three dozen” American newsmen “on the
CIA payroll,” including five who worked for “general‑circulation news organizations.” Yet even while the
Senate Intelligence Committee was holding its hearings in 1976, according to high‑level CIA sources, the
CIA continued to maintain ties with seventy‑five to ninety journalists of every description—executives,
reporters, stringers, photographers, columnists, bureau clerks and members of broadcast technical crews.
More than half of these had been moved off CIA contracts and payrolls but they were still bound by other
secret agreements with the Agency. According to an unpublished report by the House Select Committee on
Intelligence, chaired by Representative Otis Pike, at least fifteen news organizations were still providing
cover for CIA operatives as of 1976.
Colby, who built a reputation as one of the most skilled undercover tacticians in the CIA’s history, had
himself run journalists in clandestine operations before becoming director in 1973. But even he was said by
his closest associates to have been disturbed at how extensively and, in his view, indiscriminately, the
Agency continued to use journalists at the time he took over. “Too prominent,” the director frequently said
of some of the individuals and news organizations then working with the CIA. Others in the Agency refer to
their best‑known journalistic assets as “brand names.”)
“Colby’s concern was that he might lose the resource altogether unless we became a little more careful
about who we used and how we got them,” explained one of the former director’s deputies. The thrust of
Colby’s
Page 14 of 21subsequent actions was to move the Agency’s affiliations away from the so‑called
Oct 10,“majors” and toMDT
2016 03:34:04AM
Colby’s subsequent actions was to move the Agency’s affiliations away from the so‑called “majors” and to
concentrate them instead in smaller newspaper chains, broadcasting groups and such specialized
publications as trade journals and newsletters.
After Colby left the Agency on January 28th, 1976, and was succeeded by George Bush, the CIA
announced a new policy: “Effective immediately, the CIA will not enter into any paid or contractual
relationship with any full‑time or part‑time news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news service,
newspaper, periodical, radio or television network or station” At the time of the announcement, the Agency
acknowledged that the policy would result in termination of less than half of the relationships with the 50
U.S. journalists it said were still affiliated with the Agency. The text of the announcement noted that the CIA
would continue to “welcome” the voluntary, unpaid cooperation of journalists. Thus, many relationships
were permitted to remain intact.
The Agency’s unwillingness to end its use of journalists and its continued relationships with some news
executives is largely the product of two basic facts of the intelligence game: journalistic cover is ideal
because of the inquisitive nature of a reporter’s job; and many other sources of institutional cover have
been denied the CIA in recent years by businesses, foundations and educational institutions that once
cooperated with the Agency.
“It’s tough to run a secret agency in this country,” explained one high‑level CIA official. “We have a curious
ambivalence about intelligence. In order to serve overseas we need cover. But we have been fighting a
rear‑guard action to try and provide cover. The Peace Corps is off‑limits, so is USIA, the foundations and
voluntary organizations have been off‑limits since ‘67, and there is a self‑imposed prohibition on Fulbrights
[Fulbright Scholars]. If you take the American community and line up who could work for the CIA and who
couldn’t there is a very narrow potential. Even the Foreign Service doesn’t want us. So where the hell do
you go? Business is nice, but the press is a natural. One journalist is worth twenty agents. He has access,
the ability to ask questions without arousing suspicion.”
ROLE OF THE CHURCH COMMITTEE
DESPITE THE EVIDENCE OF WIDESPREAD CIA USE OF journalists, the Senate Intelligence Committee
and its staff decided against questioning any of the reporters, editors, publishers or broadcast executives
whose relationships with the Agency are detailed in CIA files.
According to sources in the Senate and the Agency, the use of journalists was one of two areas of inquiry
which the CIA went to extraordinary lengths to curtail. The other was the Agency’s continuing and
extensive use of academics for recruitment and information gathering purposes.
In both instances, the sources said, former directors Colby and Bush and CIA special counsel Mitchell
Rogovin were able to convince key members of the committee that full inquiry or even limited public
disclosure of the dimensions of the activities would do irreparable damage to the nation’s
intelligence‑gathering apparatus, as well as to the reputations of hundreds of individuals. Colby was
reported to have been especially persuasive in arguing that disclosure would bring on a latter‑day “witch
hunt” in which the victims would be reporters, publishers and editors.
Walter Elder, deputy to former CIA director McCone and the principal Agency liaison to the Church
committee, argued that the committee lacked jurisdiction because there had been no misuse of journalists
by the CIA; the relationships had been voluntary. Elder cited as an example the case of the Louisville
Courier‑Journal
Page 15 of 21 . “Church and other people on the committee were on the chandelier about
Oct 10,the
2016 03:34:04AM MDT
Courier‑Journal. “Church and other people on the committee were on the chandelier about the
Courier‑Journal,” one Agency official said, “until we pointed out that we had gone to the editor to arrange
cover, and that the editor had said, ‘Fine.’”
Some members of the Church committee and staff feared that Agency officials had gained control of the
inquiry and that they were being hoodwinked. “The Agency was extremely clever about it and the
committee played right into its hands,” said one congressional source familiar with all aspects of the
inquiry. “Church and some of the other members were much more interested in making headlines than in
doing serious, tough investigating. The Agency pretended to be giving up a lot whenever it was asked
about the flashy stuff—assassinations and secret weapons and James Bond operations. Then, when it
came to things that they didn’t want to give away, that were much more important to the Agency, Colby in
particular called in his chits. And the committee bought it.”
The Senate committee’s investigation into the use of journalists was supervised by William B. Bader, a
former CIA intelligence officer who returned briefly to the Agency this year as deputy to CIA director
Stansfield Turner and is now a high‑level intelligence official at the Defense Department. Bader was
assisted by David Aaron, who now serves as the deputy to Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Carter’s
national security adviser.
According to colleagues on the staff of the Senate inquiry, both Bader and Aaron were disturbed by the
information contained in CIA files about journalists; they urged that further investigation he undertaken by
the Senate’s new permanent CIA oversight committee. That committee, however, has spent its first year of
existence writing a new charter for the CIA, and members say there has been little interest in delving
further into the CIA’s use of the press.
Bader’s investigation was conducted under unusually difficult conditions. His first request for specific
information on the use of journalists was turned down by the CIA on grounds that there had been no abuse
of authority and that current intelligence operations might he compromised. Senators Walter Huddleston,
Howard Baker, Gary Hart, Walter Mondale and Charles Mathias—who had expressed interest in the
subject of the press and the CIA—shared Bader’s distress at the CIA’s reaction. In a series of phone calls
and meetings with CIA director George Bush and other Agency officials, the senators insisted that the
committee staff be provided information about the scope of CIA‑press activities. Finally, Bush agreed to
order a search of the files and have those records pulled which deals with operations where journalists had
been used. But the raw files could not he made available to Bader or the committee, Bush insisted. Instead,
the director decided, his deputies would condense the material into one‑paragraph summaries describing
in the most general terms the activities of each individual journalist. Most important, Bush decreed, the
names of journalists and of the news organizations with which they were affiliated would be omitted from
the summaries. However, there might be some indication of the region where the journalist had served and
a general description of the type of news organization for which he worked.
Assembling the summaries was difficult, according to CIA officials who supervised the job. There were no
“journalist files” per se and information had to be collected from divergent sources that reflect the highly
compartmentalized character of the CIA. Case officers who had handled journalists supplied some names.
Files were pulled on various undercover operations in which it seemed logical that journalists had been
used. Significantly, all work by reporters for the Agency under the category of covert operations, not foreign
intelligence.) Old station records were culled. “We really had to scramble,” said one official.
After several weeks, Bader began receiving the summaries, which numbered over 400 by the time the
Agency said it had completed searching its files.
The
Page 16 Agency
of 21 played an intriguing numbers game with the committee. Those who prepared
Oct 10,the material
2016 sayMDT
03:34:04AM
The Agency played an intriguing numbers game with the committee. Those who prepared the material say
it was physically impossible to produce all of the Agency’s files on the use of journalists. “We gave them a
broad, representative picture,” said one agency official. “We never pretended it was a total description of
the range of activities over 25 years, or of the number of journalists who have done things for us.” A
relatively small number of the summaries described the activities of foreign journalists—including those
working as stringers for American publications. Those officials most knowledgeable about the subject say
that a figure of 400 American journalists is on the low side of the actual number who maintained covert
relationships and undertook clandestine tasks.
Bader and others to whom he described the contents of the summaries immediately reached some general
conclusions: the sheer number of covert relationships with journalists was far greater than the CIA had ever
hinted; and the Agency’s use of reporters and news executives was an intelligence asset of the first
magnitude. Reporters had been involved in almost every conceivable kind of operation. Of the 400‑plus
individuals whose activities were summarized, between 200 and 250 were “working journalists” in the
usual sense of the term—reporters, editors, correspondents, photographers; the rest were employed at
least nominally) by book publishers, trade publications and newsletters.
Still, the summaries were just that: compressed, vague, sketchy, incomplete. They could be subject to
ambiguous interpretation. And they contained no suggestion that the CIA had abused its authority by
manipulating the editorial content of American newspapers or broadcast reports.
Bader’s unease with what he had found led him to seek advice from several experienced hands in the
fields of foreign relations and intelligence. They suggested that he press for more information and give
those members of the committee in whom he had the most confidence a general idea of what the
summaries revealed. Bader again went to Senators Huddleston, Baker, Hart, Mondale and Mathias.
Meanwhile, he told the CIA that he wanted to see more—the full files on perhaps a hundred or so of the
individuals whose activities had been summarized. The request was turned down outright. The Agency
would provide no more information on the subject. Period.
The CIA’s intransigence led to an extraordinary dinner meeting at Agency headquarters in late March
1976. Those present included Senators Frank Church who had now been briefed by Bader), and John
Tower, the vice‑chairman of the committee; Bader; William Miller, director of the committee staff; CIA
director Bush; Agency counsel Rogovin; and Seymour Bolten, a high‑level CIA operative who for years had
been a station chief in Germany and Willy Brandt’s case officer. Bolten had been deputized by Bush to deal
with the committee’s requests for information on journalists and academics. At the dinner, the Agency held
to its refusal to provide any full files. Nor would it give the committee the names of any individual journalists
described in the 400 summaries or of the news organizations with whom they were affiliated. The
discussion, according to participants, grew heated. The committee’s representatives said they could not
honor their mandate—to determine if the CIA had abused its authority—without further information. The
CIA maintained it could not protect its legitimate intelligence operations or its employees if further
disclosures were made to the committee. Many of the journalists were contract employees of the Agency,
Bush said at one point, and the CIA was no less obligated to them than to any other agents.
Finally, a highly unusual agreement was hammered out: Bader and Miller would be permitted to examine
“sanitized” versions of the full files of twenty‑five journalists selected from the summaries; but the names of
the journalists and the news organizations which employed them would be blanked out, as would the
identities of other CIA employees mentioned in the files. Church and Tower would be permitted to examine
the unsanitizedversions of five of the twenty‑five files—to attest that the CIA was not hiding anything except
the names. The whole deal was contingent on an agreement that neither Bader, Miner, Tower nor Church
would reveal the contents of the files to other members of the committee or staff.
Bader
Page began
17 of 21 reviewing the 400‑some summaries again. His object was to select twenty‑five that,
Oct 10, 2016 on the MDT
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Bader began reviewing the 400‑some summaries again. His object was to select twenty‑five that, on the
basis of the sketchy information they contained, seemed to represent a cross section. Dates of CIA activity,
general descriptions of news organizations, types of journalists and undercover operations all figured in his
calculations.
From the twenty‑five files he got back, according to Senate sources and CIA officials, an unavoidable
conclusion emerged: that to a degree never widely suspected, the CIA in the 1950s, ‘60s and even early
‘70s had concentrated its relationships with journalists in the most prominent sectors of the American press
corps, including four or five of the largest newspapers in the country, the broadcast networks and the two
major newsweekly magazines. Despite the omission of names and affiliations from the twenty‑five detailed
files each was between three and eleven inches thick), the information was usually sufficient to tentatively
identify either the newsman, his affiliation or both—particularly because so many of them were prominent in
the profession.
“There is quite an incredible spread of relationships,” Bader reported to the senators. “You don’t need to
manipulate Time magazine, for example, because there are Agency people at the management level.”
Ironically, one major news organization that set limits on its dealings with the CIA, according to Agency
officials, was the one with perhaps the greatest editorial affinity for the Agency’s long‑range goals and
policies: U.S. News and World Report. The late David Lawrence, the columnist and founding editor of U.S.
News, was a close friend of Allen Dulles. But he repeatedly refused requests by the CIA director to use the
magazine for cover purposes, the sources said. At one point, according to a high CIA official, Lawrence
issued orders to his sub‑editors in which he threatened to fire any U.S. News employee who was found to
have entered into a formal relationship with the Agency. Former editorial executives at the magazine
confirmed that such orders had been issued. CIA sources declined to say, however, if the magazine
remained off‑limits to the Agency after Lawrence’s death in 1973 or if Lawrence’s orders had been
followed.)
Meanwhile, Bader attempted to get more information from the CIA, particularly about the Agency’s current
relationships with journalists. He encountered a stone wall. “Bush has done nothing to date,” Bader told
associates. “None of the important operations are affected in even a marginal way.” The CIA also refused
the staffs requests for more information on the use of academics. Bush began to urge members of the
committee to curtail its inquiries in both areas and conceal its findings in the final report. “He kept saying,
‘Don’t fuck these guys in the press and on the campuses,’ pleading that they were the only areas of public
life with any credibility left,” reported a Senate source. Colby, Elder and Rogovin also implored individual
members of the committee to keep secret what the staff had found. “There were a lot of representations
that if this stuff got out some of the biggest names in journalism would get smeared,” said another source.
Exposure of the CIA’s relationships with journalists and academics, the Agency feared, would close down
two of the few avenues of agent recruitment still open. “The danger of exposure is not the other side,”
explained one CIA expert in covert operations. “This is not stuff the other side doesn’t know about. The
concern of the Agency is that another area of cover will be denied.”
A senator who was the object of the Agency’s lobbying later said: “From the CIA point of view this was the
highest, most sensitive covert program of all.... It was a much larger part of the operational system than has
been indicated.” He added, “I had a great compulsion to press the point but it was late .... If we had
demanded, they would have gone the legal route to fight it.”
Indeed, time was running out for the committee. In the view of many staff members, it had squandered its
resources in the search for CIA assassination plots and poison pen letters. It had undertaken the inquiry
into journalists almost as an afterthought. The dimensions of the program and the CIA’s sensitivity to
providing
Page 18 of 21 information on it had caught the staff and the committee by surprise. The CIA
Octoversight
10, 2016 03:34:04AM MDT
providing information on it had caught the staff and the committee by surprise. The CIA oversight
committee that would succeed the Church panel would have the inclination and the time to inquire into the
subject methodically; if, as seemed likely, the CIA refused to cooperate further, the mandate of the
successor committee would put it in a more advantageous position to wage a protracted fight .... Or so the
reasoning went as Church and the few other senators even vaguely familiar with Bader’s findings reached
a decision not to pursue the matter further. No journalists would be interviewed about their dealings with
the Agency—either by the staff or by the senators, in secret or in open session. The specter, first raised by
CIA officials, of a witch hunt in the press corps haunted some members of the staff and the committee. “We
weren’t about to bring up guys to the committee and then have everybody say they’ve been traitors to the
ideals of their profession,” said a senator.
Bader, according to associates, was satisfied with the decision and believed that the successor committee
would pick up the inquiry where he had left it. He was opposed to making public the names of individual
journalists. He had been concerned all along that he had entered a “gray area” in which there were no
moral absolutes. Had the CIA “manipulated” the press in the classic sense of the term? Probably not, he
concluded; the major news organizations and their executives had willingly lent their resources to the
Agency; foreign correspondents had regarded work for the CIA as a national service and a way of getting
better stories and climbing to the top of their profession. Had the CIA abused its authority? It had dealt with
the press almost exactly as it had dealt with other institutions from which it sought cover — the diplomatic
service, academia, corporations. There was nothing in the CIA’s charter which declared any of these
institutions off‑limits to America’s intelligence service. And, in the case of the press, the Agency had
exercised more care in its dealings than with many other institutions; it had gone to considerable lengths to
restrict its role to information‑gathering and cover.10
Bader was also said to be concerned that his knowledge was so heavily based on information furnished by
the CIA; he hadn’t gotten the other side of the story from those journalists who had associated with the
Agency. He could be seeing only “the lantern show,” he told associates. Still, Bader was reasonably sure
that he had seen pretty much the full panoply of what was in the files. If the CIA had wanted to deceive him
it would have never given away so much, he reasoned. “It was smart of the Agency to cooperate to the
extent of showing the material to Bader,” observed a committee source. “That way, if one fine day a file
popped up, the Agency would be covered. They could say they had already informed the Congress.”
The dependence on CIA files posed another problem. The CIA’s perception of a relationship with a
journalist might be quite different than that of the journalist: a CIA official might think he had exercised
control over a journalist; the journalist might think he had simply had a few drinks with a spook. It was
possible that CIA case officers had written self‑serving memos for the files about their dealings with
journalists, that the CIA was just as subject to common bureaucratic “cover‑your‑ass” paperwork as any
other agency of government.
A CIA official who attempted to persuade members of the Senate committee that the Agency’s use of
journalists had been innocuous maintained that the files were indeed filled with “puffing” by case officers.
“You can’t establish what is puff and what isn’t,” he claimed. Many reporters, he added, “were recruited for
finite [specific] undertakings and would be appalled to find that they were listed [in Agency files] as CIA
operatives.” This same official estimated that the files contained descriptions of about half a dozen
reporters and correspondents who would be considered “famous”—that is, their names would be
recognized by most Americans. “The files show that the CIA goes to the press for and just as often that the
press comes to the CIA,” he observed. “...There is a tacit agreement in many of these cases that there is
going to be a quid pro quo”—i.e., that the reporter is going to get good stories from the Agency and that the
CIA will pick up some valuable services from the reporter.
Whatever
Page 19 of 21 the interpretation, the findings of the Senate committees inquiry into the useOct
of 10,
journalists were MDT
2016 03:34:04AM
Whatever the interpretation, the findings of the Senate committees inquiry into the use of journalists were
deliberately buried—from the full membership of the committee, from the Senate and from the public.
“There was a difference of opinion on how to treat the subject,” explained one source. “Some [senators]
thought these were abuses which should be exorcized and there were those who said, ‘We don’t know if
this is bad or not.’”
Bader’s findings on the subject were never discussed with the full committee, even in executive session.
That might have led to leaks—especially in view of the explosive nature of the facts. Since the beginning of
the Church committee’s investigation, leaks had been the panel’s biggest collective fear, a real threat to its
mission. At the slightest sign of a leak the CIA might cut off the flow of sensitive information as it did,
several times in other areas), claiming that the committee could not be trusted with secrets. “It was as if we
were on trial—not the CIA,” said a member of the committee staff. To describe in the committee’s final
report the true dimensions of the Agency’s use of journalists would cause a furor in the press and on the
Senate floor. And it would result in heavy pressure on the CIA to end its use of journalists altogether. “We
just weren’t ready to take that step,” said a senator. A similar decision was made to conceal the results of
the staff’s inquiry into the use of academics. Bader, who supervised both areas of inquiry, concurred in the
decisions and drafted those sections of the committee’s final report. Pages 191 to 201 were entitled
“Covert Relationships with the United States Media.” “It hardly reflects what we found,” stated Senator
Gary Hart. “There was a prolonged and elaborate negotiation [with the CIA] over what would be said.”
Obscuring the facts was relatively simple. No mention was made of the 400 summaries or what they
showed. Instead the report noted blandly that some fifty recent contacts with journalists had been studied
by the committee staff—thus conveying the impression that the Agency’s dealings with the press had been
limited to those instances. The Agency files, the report noted, contained little evidence that the editorial
content of American news reports had been affected by the CIA’s dealings with journalists. Colby’s
misleading public statements about the use of journalists were repeated without serious contradiction or
elaboration. The role of cooperating news executives was given short shrift. The fact that the Agency had
concentrated its relationships in the most prominent sectors of the press went unmentioned. That the CIA
continued to regard the press as up for grabs was not even suggested.
Former ‘Washington Post’ reporter CARL BERNSTEIN is now working on a book about the witch hunts of
the Cold War.
Footnotes:
1 John McCone, director of the Agency from 1961 to 1965, said in a recent interview that he knew about
"great deal of debriefing and exchanging help" but nothing about any arrangements for cover the CIA might
have made with media organizations. "I wouldn't necessarily have known about it," he said. "Helms would
have handled anything like that. It would be unusual for him to come to me and say, 'We're going to use
journalists for cover.' He had a job to do. There was no policy during my period that would say, 'Don't go
near that water,' nor was there one saying, 'Go to it!'" During the Church committee bearings, McCone
testified that his subordinates failed to tell him about domestic surveillance activities or that they were
working on plans to assassinate Fidel Castro. Richard Helms was deputy director of the Agency at the
time; he became director in 1966.
2 A stringer is a reporter who works for one or several news organizations on a retainer or on a piecework
basis.
3 From the CIA point of view, access to newsfilm outtakes and photo libraries is a matter of extreme
importance. The Agency's photo archive is probably the greatest on earth; its graphic sources include
satellites, photoreconnaissance, planes, miniature cameras ... and the American press. During the 1950s
and
Page 20 1960s,
of 21 the Agency obtained carte‑blanche borrowing privileges in the photo libraries of 2016
Oct 10, literally dozensMDT
03:34:04AM
satellites, photoreconnaissance, planes, miniature
http://www.carlbernstein.com/magazine_cia_and_media.php cameras ... and the American press. During the 1950s
and 1960s, the Agency obtained carte‑blanche borrowing privileges in the photo libraries of literally dozens
of American newspapers, magazines and television, outlets. For obvious reasons, the CIA also assigned
high priority to the recruitment of photojournalists, particularly foreign‑based members of network camera
crews.
4 On April 3rd, 1961, Koop left the Washington bureau to become head of CBS, Inc.’s Government
Relations Department — a position he held until his retirement on March 31st, 1972. Koop, who worked as
a deputy in the Censorship Office in World War II, continued to deal with the CIA in his new position,
according to CBS sources.
5 Hayes, who left the Washington Post Company in 1965 to become U.S. Ambassador to Switzerland, is
now chairman of the board of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty — both of which severed their ties with
the CIA in 1971. Hayes said he cleared his participation in the China project with the late Frederick S.
Beebe, then chairman of the board of the Washington Post Company. Katharine Graham, the Post’s
publisher, was unaware of the nature of the assignment, he said. Participants in the project signed secrecy
agreements.
6 Philip Geyelin, editor of the Post editorial page, worked for the Agency before joining the Post.
7 Louis Buisch, presidentof the publishing company of the Hornell, New York, Evening Tribune, told the
Courier‑Journal in 1976 that he remembered little about the hiring of Robert Campbell. "He wasn't there
very long, and he didn't make much of an impression," said Buisch, who has since retired from active
management of the newspaper.
8 Probably the most thoughtful article on the subject of the press and the CIA was written by Stuart H.
Loory and appeared in the September‑October 1974 issue of Columbia Journalism Review.
9 Wes Gallagher, general manager of the Associated Press from 1962 to 1976, takes vigorous exception
to the notion that the Associated Press might have aided the Agency. "We've always stayed clear on the
CIA; I would have fired anybody who worked for them. We don't even let our people debrief." At the time of
the first disclosures that reporters had worked for the CIA, Gallagher went to Colby. "We tried to find out
names. All he would say was that no full‑time staff member of the Associated Press was employed by the
Agency. We talked to Bush. He said the same thing." If any Agency personnel were placed in Associated
Press bureaus, said Gallagher, it was done without consulting the management of the wire service. But
Agency officials insist that they were able to make cover arrangements through someone in the upper
management levelsof Associated Press, whom they refuse to identify.
10 Many journalists and some CIA officials dispute the Agency's claim that it has been scrupulous in
respecting the editorial integrity of American publications and broadcast outlets.
Page 21 of 21 Oct 10, 2016 03:34:04AM MDT

6/2/2016 CIA Disinformation in Action: Operation Mockingbird and the Washington Post
[back]
CIA Disinformation in Action: Operation Mockingbird and the

Washington Post
Mockingbird examples with introduction by H. Michael Sweeney, proparanoid.com
Document by Julian Holmes
No copyright - Public Domain
Permissions not required
The very lengthy (25 pages typwritten) document below is actually a letter to the Washington Post by
Julian C. Holmes, in which he takes the Post to task for decades of disinformation - typically in the form
of combating what the Post likes to describe as 'conspiracy theory' which, in the end, turns out to be
conspiracy fact. This uncopyrighted document was borrowed with permission from Michael Rivero's
excellent http://www.whatreallyhappened.com Web site. In an unusual format, Holmes carefully
documents each accusation with footnotes, a valuable tool for the reader. This is no mere rant, no mere
opinionated dissatisfaction, no angry response dashed off without thinking. No, it is an indictment.
Nestled within the over 100 footnotes and the not quite as many individual examples of supression and
distrotions of truth, and even fabrications of 'truth', is a root-most clue to the real problem - a problem
which reader should take care not to miss grasping...
That is the covert role played by the Washington Post in CIA's Operation Mockingbird, which is the
infiltration and control of American media to insure that you and I never quite hear the truth as it really
is. You will learn how the owner/publisher of the Post, Phillip Graham and graduate of the Army
Intelligence School was literally the founding director of Operation Mockingbird on behalf of CIA. The
significance is amplified when it is understood that Mockingbird was not simply the sell out of a
newspaper. It was the organized infiltration and in some cases the actual take over of the top 25
newpapers in the United States, major television networks, high-profile magazines, the wire services
(Reuters was an outright CIA owned and operated front until 'sold' to 'private' interests) and even motion
picture studios. Since then, of course, it has expanded further. For more information, visit Rivero's site
and read the excellent piece found there by author Alex Constantine, Tales From They Crypt.
We might expect a fascist dictatorship to use the motto-policy of "Do what we tell you or else!" We
would prefer to believe that our own democratic and free nation's motto-policy would be "Do what you
think best." However, thanks to a secret government and CIA, it is actually "Do what we tell you to think
best." That may have been what Eisenhower was warning us about when he coined the the phrase
"military industrial complex" in his farewell address. In my own writing I have followed his lead and
updated the phrase to that of simply: MIIM, the Military Industrial Intelligence Media complex.
Subscribe to the Washington Post, dear sheep, and welcome to the New World Order. Or, listen to Holmes
and decide for yourself. It is still your choice to make, despite what they would have you believe...
April 25, 1992

Richard Harwood, Ombudsman
The Washington Post
1150 15th Street NW
Washington, DC 20071
Dear Mr. Harwood,
Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit of hard news, just let drop the
faintest rumor of a government "conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room. Aroused from
http://www.whale.to/b/mock.html 1/19
apathy in the daily routine of reporting assignations and various other political and social sports events,
editors and reporters scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning: the greatest single threat to
herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government stability the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!
It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any of these frightful spectres,
but their presence is announced to Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs
spun by the wacko "CONSPIRACY THEORISTS".
Recall how the Post saved us from the truth about Iran-Contra.
Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the idea that Oliver North and his
CIA-associated gangsters had conspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack
Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the Post sprang to protect its readers,
and the conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column before printing it (*2).
But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute,
an interfaith center for law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S. arms-for-drugs trade that
helped keep weapons flowing to the CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets
(*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work on our bizarre, illegal war
against Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this discovery process by disparaging the charges of
conspiracy and by publishing false information about the drug-smuggling evidence presented to the
House Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles
Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only a partial correction and declined to print a
letter of complaint from Rangel (*5).
Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International
Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity in the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the
arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball to
exorcise from our minds a newly emerging threat to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise"
conspiracy (*7). But close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and then Gary
Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books with the same title, "October Surprise" (*8).
Honegger was a member of the Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick,
professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the staff of the National Security
Council under Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick
published their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to Iran if Iran would delay
release of the 52 United States hostages until after the November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal
was to quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October surprise). which would have bolstered
the reelection prospects for President Carter.
Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October 1988, Playboy Magazine ran
an expose "An Election Held Hostage"; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a
conference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former hostages, challenged the Congress to
"make a full, impartial investigation" of the election/hostage allegations. The Post reported the statement
of the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office
Building Auditorium (*10). On February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives
begrudgingly authorized an "October Surprise" investigation by a task force of 13 congressmen headed
by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired the House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee.
Hamilton has named as chief team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the
Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11).
Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing the U.S. arms-for-drugs operation
(*12). He had accepted Oliver North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he
derailed House Resolution 485 which had asked President Reagan to answer questions about Contra
support activities of government officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John
Hull (from Hamilton's home state). was charged in Costa Rica with "international drug trafficking and
hostile acts against the nation's security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to
intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling Hull's case "in a manner that will not
complicate U.S.-Costa Rican relations" (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the Costa
Rican response that declared Hull's case to be "in as good hands as our 100 year old uninterrupted
democracy can provide to all citizens" (*15).
Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy theories, it is difficult to avoid
the fact that so much wrongdoing involves government or corporate conspiracies:
In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery, surveillance, false arrests, and
violence to illegally harass U.S.citizens in the 60's (*16).
The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by "destroying crops, brutalizing citizens,
destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other leaders"
(*17).
"Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice to be
conspiring with I.G.Farben...of Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the United States
was effectively prevented from developing or producing [fo rWorld War-II] any substantial amount of
synthetic rubber," said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin (*18).
U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about dosages of radiation "almost certain to
produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing near the nuclear weapons
factory at Hanford, Washington (*19).
Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in getting around to cleaning up the Nation's
dangerous nuclear weapons sites (*20). State and local governments back the nuclear industry's secret
public relations strategy (*21).
"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty comprehensive cancer
centers, have misled and confused the public and Congress by repeated claims that we are winning the
war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment has continually minimized the evidence for
increasing cancer rates which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while discounting or
ignoring the causal role of avoidable eposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and the
workplace." (*22).
The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq "is yet another example of the
President's people conspiring to keep both Congress and the American people in the dark" (*23).
If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of doing business in this country.
Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the Pentagon and much of the
news media (*24).
Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend $100 million in taxes to promote a
distorted and truncated history of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the Smithsonian
Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26). rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish
invasion, like "anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death" (*27).
Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from the INSLAW company of
sophisticated, law-enforcement computer software which "now point to a widespread conspiracy
implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney
General Elliot Richardson (*28).
Or Watergate.
Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where the White House knew of the criminal
activities at "the Bank of Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence
agencies did their secret banking (*31), and where bribery of prominent American public officials "was a
way of doing business" (*32).
Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of California, Firestone, and E. Roy
Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with gas- and diesel-
powered buses and to monopolize the sale of buses and related products to transportation companies
throughout the country" [in, among others, the cities of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis,
Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33).
Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). and the U.S. Department of
Transportation to overlook safety defects in the 1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by General
Motors in the early 60's (*34).
Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield intrauterine contraceptive, and
which ignored repeated warnings of the Shield's hazards and which "stonewalled, deceived, covered up,
and
covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections." (*35).
Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA resulted in failure to
enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all 364
passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 (*36).
Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold by
manufacturers who ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted "in concert with
each other in the testing and marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).
Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to
relieve depositors of their savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White House, Congress and
corporate world for the interests and rights of the American people" will cost U.S. tapayers many
hundreds of billions of dollars (*38).
Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General Electric executives who met
surreptitiously in hotel rooms to fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial equipment
(*39).
Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for fabricating safety tests on
prescription drugs (*40).
Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of medical problemsrelating to asbestos
(*41).
Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies "agreed not to engage in any effective
price competition" (*42).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover up the nature of our
decades-old war against the people of Nicaragua
a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure for the Nicaraguan
police to reorganize into a more repressive force (*43).
Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the Chilean election process with
military aid, covert actions, and an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of the
legitimately elected government and the assassination of President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and CIA Director
William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful
elections in October 1975, and to lie about these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And
CIA Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46).
Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in 1989 and thereby violate
the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties
(*47).
Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil companies and the British
and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the British-owned Anglo-
Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime
Minister Muhammed Mossadegh (*49).
Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice Lumumba (*50).
Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole, Senator George
Mitchell, various U.S. Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the Congress to buy the
1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).
Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the CIA, in the face of
"unmistakable evidence that Gates lied about his role in the Iran-Contra scandal" (*52).
Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's Solidarity Movement and Hasten the Demise
of Communism" (*53).
Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of USAID funds by any
country "for the promotion of birth control or abortion" (*54).
Or "the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common purpose in Central America" (*55).
Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector Gramajo with the U.S. Army
to design "programs to build civilian-military cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of the Americas
(SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El
Salvador are graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel (*56).
Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration to harass and cause bodily harm to
whistleblower Linda Porter who uncovered dangerous working conditions at the facility (*57).
Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of South Vietnam to delay the Paris
Peace Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).
Or the pandemic coverups of police violence (*59).
Or the always safe-to-cite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60).
Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The Satanic Verses in paperback (*61).
Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post offers little comment
unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a really important conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big
business or big government.
Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of the Iranian government to help
out U.S. oil companies; or like our illegal war against Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and
the Canal; or like monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates corporate censorship on issues of
public importance (*62). When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence
in the conspiring officials can erode depending on how seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to
have violated the public trust. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to see as a
real threat to its corporate security.
Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver Stone's movie "JFK", which
reexamines the U.S. Government's official (Warren Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting
alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story of New Orleans District Attorney Jim
Garrison's unsuccessful prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection with the
assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy assassination was the work of conspirators
whose interests would not be served by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us from our
war against Vietnam.
The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along lines suggested by "JFK". Senior
Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael
Isikoff, have been called up to man the bulwarks against public sentiment which has never supported the
government's non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that the Senate Intelligence
Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren
Commission" (*63) and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that
President Kennedy was probably killed "as a result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number of
Post stories have been used as vehicles to discredit "JFK" as just another conspiracy (*65).
Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard
Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had
second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that there is no historical justification for
this idea. Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and
investigators David Scheim and John Newman have each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that
Kennedy was not enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just continues ranting
against the possibility of a high-level assassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its
arguments.
An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable behavior is George Lardner Jr's
contribution to the Post's campaign against the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie
was completed, and the third upon its release. In May, six months before the movie came out, Lardner
obtained a copy of the first draft of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the Post the
contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with
hostile statements from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner does not tell the reader that
subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government criminal action brought against Garrison,
Government witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted under oath that in a
May 1972 interview with a New Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S.
Government's case against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of the Garrison acquittal
mentions this controversy, but when I recently asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he
remembered it (*71).
Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his way through a justification for his
unauthorized possession of the early draft ofthe movie (*72). He also defended his reference to Pershing
Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".
When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73). He again ridiculed the film's
thesis that following the Kennedy assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to de-
escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by Johnson four days after Kennedy died.
Lardner says this memorandum was written before the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of
Kennedy's policy". In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before the assassination by McGeorge
Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have
seen it. Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version provided for escalating the war
against Vietnam (*74) facts that Lardner avoided.
The Post's crusade against exposing conspiracies is blatantly dishonest:
The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for the most part conducted in
secret. This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find meaningful
discussion of the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both the FBI and the CIA (*76). Or of a
dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the "new wave
of books and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that]
have frequently thrown suspicion on our organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison
and friendly elite contacts, especially politicians and editors "and to "employ propaganda assets to answer
and refute the attacks of the critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are particularly appropriate for
this purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to provide material for countering and discrediting the claims
of the conspiracy theorists..." (*77).
In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great, the story of Post publisher
Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties with Washington's powerful elite, a number of whom
were with the CIA.
Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim that Bradlee had "produced CIA
material" (*78). Understandably sensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,"Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced CIA material ...what I can do is to
brand Miss Davis as a fool and to put your company in that special little group of publishers who don't
give a shit for the truth". The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies;
Davis sued HBJ for breach of contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis
published her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply involved
with producing cold-war/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his association
with people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive
documentation presented by Deborah Davis in the second and third editions of her book (*80).
And it's not as if the Post were new to conspiracy work.
* Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the function of the press was more
often than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the government, was one of the architects of what
became a widespread practice:the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA" (*81). This scandal
was known by its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl
Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was widely known that Phil Graham was
someone you could get help from" (*82). More recently the Post provided cover for CIA personality
Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to print his name for over a year up until the day his indictmen twas
announced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).
Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the availability and prices of
journalists were discussed, a former CIA man recalls, "You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call
girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One may wish to consider Philip Graham's philosophy
along with a more recent statement from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of
the Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs. Graham said: "A second
challenge facing the media is how to prevent terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views.
... The point is that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and we've learned better how and
where to draw the line, though the decisions are often difficult" (*85).
Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified that our elite and our high-level
public officials may be exposed as conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the
assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in that, like most of us and like most
institutions, the Post runs its business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs a conspiracy "to act or
work together toward the same result or goal" (*86). But where the Post really parts company from just
plain people is when it pretends that conspiracies associated with big business or government are
"coincidence". Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy.
He lashes out at Oliver Stone and suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post's opposition to
Stone's movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that Stone's complaints are "groundless and paranoid
and smack of McCarthyism" (*87).
So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those who investigate conspiracies?
The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because they need something "neat and tidy"
(*88) that "plugs a gap no other generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always the
safest and most likely explanation for any conjunction of curious circumstances ..." (*90).
And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory" is what the Post espouses when it
would prefer not to admit to a conspiracy. In other words, some things just "happen". And, besides,
conspiracy to do certain things would be a crime; "coincidence" is a safer bet.
Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as Executive Director of the Benevolent
Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about presidential candidates
"who have begun to mutter about a press conspiracy". Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these
charges as "symptoms of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American
political class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers; they used the "C" word against the
PRESS! And Harwood exploded his off-the-cuff comment into an entire column ending it with:"We are
the new journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing waters of political conformity. But
conspirators we ain't".
Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the Washington Post, now
chairs the Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A
Reporter Looks Back in Anger Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime". Therein he discussed the
difficulties in convincing editors to accept important news stories. He illustrated the article with his own
experiences at the Post, where he says he was known as "the biggest pain in the ass in the office" (*93).
Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors is a matter of random
coincidence?
And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by editors without influence from fellow
editors or from management? Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless office "meetings" in
which news people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of which stories will run and which ones
will find inadequate space? That there is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no cooperative
efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry
Agran, (*94) a Post journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to that the Post
lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush
entertaining guests at a soup kitchen.
Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling
less than the truth in his account of wire-service control over news: "The largely anonymous men who
control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire photo machines determine at a
single decision what millions will see and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers
preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press agentry sneaks in the back door of
American journalism and marches untouched out the front door as 'news'" (*95).
When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge Clarence Thomas violated U.S.
law when he failed to remove himself from a case in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million
judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the animal feed empire, is the
family fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas
malfeasance to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97). Would Harwood have us
believe that the almost complete blackout on this matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate
was a matter of coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if she had
wanted to? Can a brick swim?
Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's Public Citizen. Titled All the Vice
President's Men, it documents "How the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines
Health, Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post journalists David Broder and Bob
Woodward published "The President's Understudy", a seven-part series on Vice President Quayle.
Although this series does address Quayle's role with the Competitiveness Council, its handling of the
Council's disastrous impact on America is inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about
Quayle memorabilia: youth, family, college record, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual
aspirations, wealthy friends, government associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth revealing
little about Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's problems, or his thoughts about justice and
freedom, and never mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle's record in the Bush
Administration (*98).
Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did both of them forget? Or did one,
or the other, or both decide not to mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever
discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to publish such a barren set of articles
because it would enhance their reputations? How did management feel about the use of precious news
space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages were dedicated to this twaddle without people
"acting or working together toward the same result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?
On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, USA Today, and the
Washington Post read respectively:
TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE CLEARING CLINTON'S PATH
TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH TOWARD SHOWDOWN

WITH BUSH
TSONGAS CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON
TSONGAS EXIT CLEARS WAY FOR CLINTON
This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions of whether the news media
collective mindset is really different from that of any other cartel like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or
manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a combination of independent commercial enterprises designed to
limit competition" (*101).
The Washington Post editorial page carries the heading:
AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER
Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post "conspire" to keep its staff and its
newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of mediocrity? The Post would respond that the
question is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post's telephone conversations, I can only speculate on
how closely the media elite must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes a
new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are "safe", and that experienced reporters don't
have to ask.
What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post communicates within its own
corporate structure and with other members of the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does
in public, namely, how it shapes and censors the news.
Sincerely,
Julian C. Holmes
Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news media, And - maybe a few others. _
Notes to Letter of April 25, 1992:
1. Mark Hosenball, "The Ultimate Conspiracy", Washington Post, September 11, 1988, p.C1
2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the
Post censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to Robert
Gates.
2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "Iran-Contra Figure Dodges Extradition", Washington Merry-Go-
Round, United Feature Syndicate, May 26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post (see note 2a)..
2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Want to Extradite", Washington
Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). as it appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..
3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, etc., United States District
Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.
3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs to U.S.", Cleveland Plain Dealer,
November 16, 1986.
3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews with Robert Plumlee, contra
resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990.
4. Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press, 1987.
5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-
181.
5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug Smuggling",
Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.
5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington Post, July 24,1987, p.A3.
5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel's Letter- to-the-Editor of
July 22, 1987. It was printed in the Congressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7.
6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail", Boston Globe, April 10,
1988.
6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10, 1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry
with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's
Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.
6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra The Coverup Continues", The Progressive, November 1988, p.24.
6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by the Subcommittee on
Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States
Senate, December 1988.
7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory", Washington
Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1.
7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of the 1980 'Hostage- Deal' Story Is
Still Full of Holes", Washington Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2.
8a. Barbara Honegger, October Surprise, New York: Tudor, 1989.
8b. Gary Sick, October Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random House, 1991.
9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage", Playboy, October 1988, p.73.
9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, "The Election Held Hostage", FRONTLINE, WGBH-TV,April 16,
1991.
10a. Reuter, "Ex-Hostages Seek Probe By Congress", Washington Post, June 14,1991,p.A4.
10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium, Washington
DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For New Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New
York, NY, 10016.
11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into 'OctoberSurprise'", Washington
Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11.
11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The Guardian, December 11, 1991,
p.7.
11c. Jack Colhoun, "October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer", The Guardian, February 26, 1992, p.3.
12. See note 5a, p.180-1.
13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.
13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No.
100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.
14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica; from
Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose
Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas Bosco,
James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert
Lagomarsino, and Bob McEwen; January 26, 1989.
14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S. Indiana Native Wanted on
Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990.
14c. "Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer", Scripps-Howard News Service,April 25, 1991.
15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the Case of the Imprisonment of
Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989.
16. Brian Glick, War at Home, Boston: South End Press, 1989.
17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard The U.S. Role in the New World Order, Boston: South End
Press, 1991, p.121.
18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942).,
part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press,
Macmillan, 1978, p.93.
19. R. Jeffrey Smith, "Study of A-Plant Neighbors' Health Urged", Washington Post, July 13, 1990, p.A6.
20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend Price Tag Mounts to Clean Up Nuclear
Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992, p.1K.
21. "The Nuclear Industry's Secret PR Strategy", EXTRA!, March 1992, p.15.
22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need for PublicPolicy Reform",
Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.E947-9.
22b. Samuel S. Epstein, "The Cancer Establishment", Washington Post, March 10, 1992.
23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL Scandal", Congressional
Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.
23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq Policy", Congressional
Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.
23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal Adviser, Memorandum to Jeanne S.
Archibald et al, "Meeting on congressional requests for information and documents", April 8, 1991;
Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285.
24a. Michio Kaku, "Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses", The
Guardian, March11, 1992, p.4.
24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case", Variety Magazine, March
4, 1991, p.25.
25. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991 Letter to"Friends", p.1.
26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian
Project", Washington Post, November 18, 1991, p.Bus.8.
27. Hans Koning, "Teach the Truth About Columbus", Washington Post, September 3,1991, p.A19.
28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St. Louis Post/Dispatch, March 18,
1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A High-Tech Watergate", New York Times, October 21,1991.
29. "BCCI NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared by Burrelle's Information
Services. The quote is from New York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his own
independent investigation of BCCI.
30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from an interview with Mark
Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.
31. Jack Colhoun, "BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush's Closet", The Guardian, September 18, 1991, p.9.
32. Robert Morgenthau. See note 29, p.10.
33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback
edition, p.227.
34. See note 33, p.136-7.
35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon Shield, NewYork: Pantheon,
1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33, p.157.
36. See note 33, p.164-171.
37. See note 33, p.172-180.
38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House, 1990. The quote is from
Ralph Nader's Introduction, p.iii.
39. See note 33, p.217.
40. See note 33, p.235.
41. See note 33, p.277-288.
42. See note 33, p.323.
43. Katherine Hoyt Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund Newsletter, March1992, p.1.
44. William Blum, The CIA A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books Ltd., 1986,p.232-243.
45a. John Stockwell, In Search of Enemies, New York: Norton, 1978.
45b. See note 44, p.284-291.
46. See note 17, p.18.
47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama (James Abourezk et al).,
January 10, 1990; published in The Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163.
47b. Philip E. Wheaton, Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press, 1992, p.145-7.
48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam Books, 1977,p.521.
48b. "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission, December 2, 1949. Cited in 48a, p.521.
49a. See note 44, p.67-76.
49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.
50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square Publications, 1983,p.60.
51. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections in Nicaragua". Passed the U.S.
House of Representatives on October 4, 1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a
vote of 64 to 35.
52. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post", The Guardian,November 20, 1991,
p.6.
53. Carl Bernstein, Time, February 24, 1992, Cover Story p.28-35.
54. "The U.S. and the Vatican on Birth Control", Time, February 24, 1992, p.35.
55. "Time's Missing Link: Poland to Latin America", National Catholic Reporter,February 28, 1992, p.24.
56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission", Benning Patriot, February
21, 1992, p.12.
56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion", News Release from S.O.A.
Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903.
57. 60 MINUTES, CBS, March 8, 1992.
58. Jack Colhoun, "Tricky Dick's Quick Election Fix", The Guardian, January 29,1992, p.18.
59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against Police", Boston Globe, July
28, 1991, p.1.
59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case", Washington Post, July 12,
1991, p.A3.
59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video", WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991,
p.A20.
59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide", Washington Post, May 18,
1991, p.B1.
59e. Jay Mathews, "L.A. Police Laughed at Beating", Washington Post, March 19, 1991, p.A1.
59f. David Maraniss, "One Cop's View of Police Violence", Washington Post, April 12,1991, p.A1.
59g. From News Services, "Police Abuse Detailed", Washington Post, February 8, 1992,p.A8.
60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions", Washington Post, March 1,
1992, p.A1.
61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback", Washington Post, March 14,
1992, p.D1.
62a. See notes 48 and 49.
62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.
62c. "Fairness In Broadcasting Act of 1987", U.S. Senate Bill S742.
62d. "Now Let That 'Fairness' Bill Die", Editorial, Washington Post,
June 24, 1987. The Post opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting Act.
63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America The Mafia Murder of President John F.Kennedy, New York:
Shapolsky Publishers, 1988, p.viii.
64. See note 63, p.28.
65a. Chuck Conconi, "Out and About", Washington Post, February 26, 1991, p.B3.
65b. George Lardner Jr., "On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland", Washington Post, May19, 1991, p.D1.
65c. George Lardner, "...Or Just a Sloppy Mess", Washington Post, June 2, 1991,p.D3.
65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories When Do We Dig Up BillCasey?",
65e. Eric Brace, "Personalities", Washington Post, October 31, 1991, p.C3.
65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned Warren Commission Attorney Calls Stone Film 'A Big
Lie'", Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14.
65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How About the Truth?", Washington
Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.
65h. Rita Kemply, "'JFK': History Through A Prism", Washington Post, December 20,1991, p.D1.
65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't In 'JFK', Stone Assassinates the Truth", Washington Post,
December 20, 1991, p.D2.
65j. Desson Howe, "Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?", Washington Post, December 20,1991, p.55.
65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire In Defending His 'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the
Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1.
65l. George F. Will, "'JFK': Paranoid History", Washington Post, December 26, 1991,p.A23.
65m. "On Screen", 'JFK' movie review, Washington Post, Weekend, December 27, 1991.
65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Shadow Play", Washington Post, December 27, 1991, p.A21.
65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The Paranoid Style", Washington Post, December 29,1991, p.C7.
65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! Why Did Oliver Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role
of Johnny Carson?", Washington Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.
65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts Moviegoers Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts
That Oswald Acted Alone", Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.
65r. Michael R. Beschloss, "Assassination and Obsession", Washington Post, January 5, 1992, p.C1.
65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington Post, January 10,1992, p.A19.
65t. Art Buchwald, "Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy", Washington Post, January 14, 1992,p.E1.
65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories Good on Film, But the Motivation Is All Wrong",
Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.G1.
65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie America's Resort to Conspiracy Thinking", Washington
Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1.
65w. Richard Cohen, "Oliver's Twist", Washington Post Magazine, January 19, 1992, p.5.
65. Michael Isikoff, "Seeking JFK's Missing Brain", Washington Post, January 21,1992, p.A17.
65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere", Washington Post,
January 28, 1992, p.E5.
65z. Joel Achenbach, "JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts", Washington Post, February 28, 1992, p.C5.
65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is characterized as "conspiracy
plot theories", Washington Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12
66. See notes 65n, 65w, 65l, 65b, 65c, and 65i.
67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers". Published in The Senator
Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume V,p.211-247.
67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy The Secret Road to the Second Indochina War,
Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p. 215-224.
67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for
Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416.
67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.
67e. John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam, New York: Warner Books, 1992.
67f. Peter Dale Scott, Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9, 1992, p.290.
68a. See note 65b.
68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK Assassination", Washington
Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.
69. See note 65b.
70. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner Books, 1988, 315/318.
71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery Charge", Washington Post,
September 28, 1973, p.A3.
72. See note 65c.
73. See note 65i.
74. See note 67e, p.438-450.
75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington Post, Bookworld, January 26, 1992,
p.8.
76a. Tad Szulc, "New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe", Washington Star,September 19, 1975,
p.A1.
76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day 'This Bullet Business Leaves Me
Confused'", Washington Star, September
20, 1975, p.A1.
76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission Dulles Proposed that the Minutes
be Destroyed", Washington Star, September 21, 1975,p.A1.
77. "Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report", New York Times, December 26, 1977, p.A37.
78. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1979,p.141-2.
79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship Killing 'Katharine The Great'", The Nation, November 12, 1983.
79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press, 1987. Davis says, "...corporate
documents that became available during my subsequent lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich
chairman, William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great] had been "processed
and converted into waste paper"".
79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men A Suppressed Book About Washington Post Publisher
Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again" National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.
79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991. "...publishers who
don't give a shit", p.iv-v; bullying HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..
80. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See note 79d, p.304.
81. See note 79d, p.119-132.
82. Carl Bernstein, "The CIA and the Media How America's Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand
in Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up", Rolling
Stone, October 20, 1977, p.63.
83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington Post, September 15, 1988. The
letter asks for the Post's rationale for its policy of protecting government covert actions, and whether this
policy is still in effect.
83b. Daniel Brandt, "Little Magazines May Come and Go", The National Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes
the Post's protection of the identity of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, "America needs to
confront its own recent history as well as protect the interests of its citizens, and both can be
accomplished by outlawing peacetime covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity of
Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike forces that ever found their way onto
Pentagon wish-lists."
83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988. Harwood's two- sentence letter
reads, "We have a long-standing policy of not naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual
circumstances. We applied that policy to Fernandez."
84. See note 79d, p.131.
85. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist Acts", Washington Post,
April 20, 1986, p.C1.
86. "conspire", ß4ßRandom House Dictionary of the English Language, Second Edition Unabridged,
1987.
87. Howard Kurtz, "Media Notes", Washington Post, June 18, 1991, p.D1.
88. See note 65y.
89. See note 65n.
90. See note 65d.
91. William Casey, Private Communications with JCH, March 1992.
Richard Harwood, "What Conspiracy?", Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.C6.
93. p. 29-32.
94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services Inc., April 25, 1992. In 1991
and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared in 878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials;
"Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In those 28, Agran's name appeared
76 times, Clinton's 151, and Brown 105. In only 1 of those 28 did Agran's name appear in a headline.
94b. Colman McCarthy, "What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?", Washington Post, February 1, 1992.
Washington Post columnist McCarthy tells how television and party officials have kept presidential
candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's own daily news-blackout of Agran is not discussed.
94c. Scot Lehigh, "Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little Chance For the Big Prize", Boston Globe,
February 25, 1992.
94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, "The Press Rejects a Candidate", Columbia Journalism Review,March/April,
1992.
95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The Press, NewYork: Harper and
Row, 1972, p.36-7.
96a. 28 USC Section 455. "Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the United States shall disqualify himself
in any proceeding in which his impartiality might reasonably be questioned." [emphasis added]
96b. Alpo Petfoods, Inc. v. Ralston Purina Co., 913 F2d 958 (CA DC 1990)..
96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court Nominee 'Unfit to Sit' For Failing to Recuse In
Ralston Purina Case", Legal Times, August 26, 1991.
96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge Clarence Thomas to become a Justice on
the U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to U.S. Senator
Joseph R. Biden, October 15, 1991.
97. Al Kamen and Michael Isikoff, "'A Distressing Turn', Activists
Decry What Process Has Become", Washington Post, October 12, 1991, p.A1.
98. January 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 1992, p.A1 each day.
99. See note 86.
100. Thomas W. Lippman, "Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers'", Washington Post,April 1, 1992,
p.A21. This article explains that "representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National
Association of Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore drilling and nuclear power industries,
whose interests often conflict, pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil
drilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be offered by key House members".
101. "cartel", Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, 1977.

http://integratingdarkandlight.com/cia-propaganda-and-disinformation/
CIA Propaganda and Disinformation integratingdarkandlight.com
Known Sources of Disinformation
These are tricky, because they give a lot

of information that is true and accurate,
and the underground news sites even
publish stories that line up with what
you’re finding on other trusted
underground news sites, and lead you to
believe you’ve found a good source of
information, but then the disinformation is
inserted, and it takes some determined
digging to figure out which parts are truth
CIA Operation Mockingbird - American Media Agent Smith Offers 2 Blue Pills and which are red herrings.
Disinfo
Wikipedia Replaces
Paper
Encyclopedias: A
Generation Loses
Access to
Less-Filtered
History
Wikipedia is a
Cabal-controlled
website peppered
with censorship,
No Law Against TV News Lying to 15 Million People Bernays - Propaganda - True Ruling Power of misinformation and
Our Country disinformation.
You can verify this for yourself by searching for
information on any Cabal pet projects for which they try
to discredit critics and actively publish disinformation.
Here are a few examples:
Their page on the hazards of Aspartame is labelled “

Aspartame Controversy” and minimizes the hazards,
reports a sanitized version of the FDA approval process,
court challenges and investigations, and arrives at the
conclusion that Aspartame is safe. Aspartame is
probably the most hazardous toxin allowed into
our food supply. See here, here, and here for
NY Times - It Only Takes 20 Mins to Shift the Blame
accurate information.
Wikipedia refers to the life-saving benefits of
the excellent drug Low-Dose Naltrexone as “
pseudo-scientific claims” and refuses all
efforts by leading researchers to update that
page with accurate information. Here is
accurate information on Low-Dose Naltrexone.
Page 1 of 6 This particular drug replacesApr
outrageously
27, 2015 12:52:06PM MDT
http://integratingdarkandlight.com/cia-propaganda-and-disinformation/ accurate information on Low-Dose Naltrexone.
This particular drug replaces outrageously
expensive and ineffective drugs for cancer, MS,
and many other diseases, and would cost Big
Pharma a lot of money and save a lot of lives if it
were more widely publicized and mainstream
medical doctors learned about it in medical
school.
Their List of Journalists Killed in the
United States doesn’t include Gary Webb or
others who were actively speaking and writing
against the Cabal.
The CIA Owns Everyone of Any Significance in the Major Media
Quackbusters, Quackwatch, National Council Against Health Fraud, Campaign Against Health
Fraud, CSICOP
These are the AMA’s propaganda department. Whale on Medical and Pharma Shills.
Gordon Duff and Veterans Today
This is a disinformation news outlet associated with PressTV but controlled by U.S. Military
Intelligence, so this is one of the sites you seriously have to take with a grain of salt. Gordon Duff and
Veterans Today publishes a lot of good and accurate news not seen elsewhere, and then there is total
bullshit mixed in, and it’s up to you to figure out which parts are which. There was one Gordon Duff story I
posted on Facebbook, and several people challenged me, so I wrote to Gordon Duff asking him for some
sort of validation or backup for the story, twice, and he never wrote back to me. Here is American Kabuki
also confirming that Veteran’s Today is operated by U.S. Military Intelligence.
Sorcha Faal on WhatDoesItMean.com and EUTimes.com
Some comments about Sorcha Faal (possibly David Booth?) are here, here, and here.
Attempts to Silence Dissent and Deter Whistleblowers
The brutal police response to the Occupy Wall Street protests

violated our rights to free speech, freedom of assembly, and freedom
to petition our government for a redress of grievances. In addition to
the torture and abuse of arrested protesters, the FBI likely targeted
leaders of the Occupy movement for assassination.
Bradley Manning is not a traitor, he is a whistleblower who revealed

US war crimes.
Page 2 of 6 Apr 27, 2015 12:52:06PM MDT
US war crimes.
Julian Assange is a publisher of information many governments

would rather keep hidden, so his website is actually online journalism
covered under “freedom of the press.”
NSA Whistleblower Thomas Drake tried to report through proper

channels, and was prosecuted for his efforts.
CIA Whistleblower Susan Lindauer also tried to testify to congress

through proper channels, and was arrested under the Patriot Act,
incarcerated without trial, and even held in a mental hospital, at risk of
forced medication. Lindauer is brilliant here in explaining the
MSM Brainwashing Better Than the Nazis Nuremberg principles, morality, war crimes, and the criminalization of
dissent and whistleblowing.
Assassination of Journalists
There are many more who should be listed

here….
Gary Webb
Andrew Breitbart (story on murder of
his coroner technician)
Michael Hastings
Bill Cooper predicted 9-11 Assassinatd 11-2001

Engineering of Public Opinion

Through False Flag Events
Your False Flags Don’t Work Any

More ~ We Are Awake!

Michael Hastings - Journalist killed
just before exposing CIA Director

Our Government Wouldn't Do That To Us -
They Would Tell Us on TV
Mind-Con
Projects
of
the
Page 3 of 6 Military-I
Apr 27, 2015 12:52:06PM MDT
Military-I
Complex
CIA
Project
MK
Ultra
There
were
140
sub-proje
Top 5 Signs of a False Flag Terror Attack Hoover - Human Mind Cannot Believe Conspiracies So Monstrous Exist listed
under
Project MK Ultra. Project Monarch is the most well-known.
Colin A Ross, M.D., Mark Phillips and Cathy O’Brien on MK Ultra and other CIA Mind Control
Projects
Trance-Formation of America ~ official website
Cathy O’Brien and Mark Phillips ~ TRANCE: Formation of America

TRANCE Formation of America was originally written, in graphic detail, for the U.S. House of
Representatives Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence Oversight in 1995, seven years after Mark
Phillips rescued my daughter Kelly and I from our White House/Pentagon level MK-Ultra mind control
victimization. We had previously been stopped from presenting our compiled eyewitness testimonies,
supporting medical documents and hard evidence to all local, state, and federal legal bodies for so-called
“reasons of National Security”. Once it became clear that we would not be able to address the
Congressional Committee, TRANCE was released en masse in the form of a self-published book. It is now
in its 14th printing, and is rapidly spanning the globe.
Ted Gundersom, Chip Tatum, Brice Taylor and Barbara Hartwell
The Kay Griggs Interviews ~ Part 1 Part 2 Part 3 Part 4
MK Ultra Project Monarch
Monarch Slaves ~ Tiger Woods, Michael Jackson and Nicki Minaj
Michael Jackson, Monarch Child ~ Part 2 ~ Part 3
Michael Jackson Speaks Out Against Illuminati, Media Manipulation, and Suppression of Black
Contributions to Music and Dance
Monarch Mind Control and the Music Industry ~ Britney Spears
Tila Tequila Speaks Out Against Her Monarch Mind Controllers
Dave Chappelle Breaks His Illuminati Spell ~ Part 1 ~ Part 2

Page 4 of 6 Apr 27, 2015 12:52:06PM MDT
The Montauk Project
What is the Montauk Project?
Al Bielek ~ The Montauk Project
Al Bielek ~ Montauk Mind Control ~ Archive Footage
Preston Nichols ~ The Montauk Project
Preston Nichols and Duncan Cameron ~ The Philadelphia Experiment

Mastermind Behind MK-Ultra
Was Nazi Scientist
and the Montauk Project
Al Bielek, Duncan Cameron and Preston Nichols ~ The Montauk Survivors, the Phoenix Project,
and the Philadelphia Experiment
Al Bielek ~ The Philadelphia Teleportation and Time Travel Experiments
Al Bielek ~ The Alternative Future Time Lines and Time Travel
Al Bielek/Ed Cameron ~ Complete Video Autobiography
More Mind Control Projects
A wide range of Mind Control Projects run by the CIA,

NSA, Air Force, and other agencies, most as black ops
projects.
Colin A. Ross ~ The CIA Doctors: Human Rights

Violations by American Psychiatrists
The C.I.A. Doctors, (Manitou Communications, 2006),
uncovers the truth about violations of human rights by
The More We Do To You - The Less You Seem To Believe American Psychiatrists in the twentieth century.
We Are Doing It -- J Mengele Documents obtained through the Freedom of Information
Act and cross-referenced research published in leading medical journals expose the existence of mind
altering experiments on unwitting human subjects, paid for by the U.S. government, the U.S. Military and
the C.I.A. These experiments which inlcude LSD experiments, sensory deprivation, electroconvulsive
treatment, brain electrode implants, radiation experiments and prostitution rings were perpetrated not by a
few renegage doctors but by leading psychiatrists, psychologists, neurosurgeons, universities, medical
schools and maximum security prisons on American soil. Dr. Ross takes you on a mind-blowing fact finding
adventure into the secret world of espionage and Manchurian Candidates. Given our situations in
Guantanamo
Page 5 of 6 and Abu Graib the only question left unanswered is what are the U.S. Government,
Apr 27, 2015 12:52:06PM MDT
Guantanamo and Abu Graib the only question left unanswered is what are the U.S. Government,
psychiatrists and medical schools doing today? The C.I.A. Doctors was originally published as BLUEBIRD:
Deliberate Creation of Multiple Personality by Psychiatrists in 2000.
Colin A. Ross ~ Military Mind Control: A Story of Trauma and Recovery

Military Mind Control provides a single case history written by Dr. Ross. Terese, a woman treated in Dr.
Ross’ private practice, is a survivor of childhood trauma that included paternal incest, ritual abuse and
military mind control. The case history describes the therapeutic goals, tasks, strategies and principles that
have contributed to her recovery, including the principle of therapeutic neutrality. It is a documented fact
that victims of CIA and military mind control experimentation have been hypnotized, given hallucinogens,
held in sensory deprivation chambers, given massive amounts of electroshock and subjected to unethical,
inhumane treatment by psychiatrists. Therefore, although Terese’s participation in a military mind control
program is unproven, it could very well be real.
Resources for Survivors of Trauma and Mind Control
Cathy O’Brien and Mark Phillips ~ Access Denied: For Reasons of

National Security
ACCESS DENIED provides pertinent facts on mind control in a
comprehensive manner that inspires positive action through conscious
awareness. This book was written for all people who have endured
trauma; from childhood abuse to the horrors of war. It offers the detailed
healing methods and coping skills Mark taught Cathy in order for her to
heal from MK Ultra mind control and PTSD. This book is a monument to
I am not what happened to me. I am the power of love and truth, and inspires positive action through conscious
what I choose to become. ~ Carl Jung awareness. ACCESS DENIED is a book of logical answers, solutions, and
positive hope for all of u.s. and our allies around the world.
Healing Doesn't Mean the Damage Never

Existed. It Means the Damage No Longer
Controls Our Lives.
Page 6 of 6 Apr 27, 2015 12:52:06PM MDT

The Central Intelligence Agency’s “Family Jewels”:
Legal Then? Legal Now?
DANIEL L. PINES∗
Congress and the media recently have claimed that various activities of the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA)—from rendition operations, to the destruction of
videotapes, to the maintenance of secret detention facilities overseas—are illegal.
Critics levied similar charges against the CIA thirty-five years ago, with regard to
activities contained in the “Family Jewels”—the 1973 compilation of the CIA’s
darkest secrets. The recent release of the Family Jewels provides the opportunity to try
to put today’s concerns in perspective. This Article evaluates the key activities
conducted by the CIA as described in the Family Jewels—experimentation on
unconsenting individuals, attempted targeted killings of foreign leaders, electronic
surveillance of Americans, examination of U.S. mail, and collection of information on
American dissident movements. Contrary to widely held beliefs both then and now, all
but one of these activities (experimentation on unconsenting individuals) were legal
when they were committed, suggesting that other allegedly “illegal” activities,
engaged in by the CIA now, may similarly prove to be lawful.
INTRODUCTION
Congress and the media often accuse the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA or “the
Agency”) of engaging in “illegal” activities. Current allegations have focused on the
use of secret terrorist detention facilities overseas, the treatment of those detained in
such facilities, and the destruction of videotapes of a few of those detainees.1 Yet
rigorous and definitive analysis of the legality of such CIA activities is often
precluded—or at least seriously undermined—by the politics and hype of the
immediate period, and the secret and classified status of the operations at issue.
The recent allegations are hardly the first time the Agency has been accused of
engaging in illegal activities. The 1970s brought one of the first deluges of accusations
levied against the CIA. This Article will evaluate the CIA’s activities during that era,
now that such operations have been generally declassified and enough time has passed
to be able to consider them in context. In concluding that those activities were
generally legal then, the Article suggests that allegations of other “illegal” CIA
∗ Assistant General Counsel, Office of General Counsel, Central Intelligence Agency. All
statements of fact, opinion, or analysis expressed are those of the author and do not reflect the
official positions or views of the Central Intelligence Agency or any other U.S. Government
agency. Nothing in the contents should be construed as asserting or implying U.S. Government
authentication of information or CIA endorsement of the author’s views. This material has been
reviewed by the CIA to prevent the disclosure of classified information. The author wishes to
thank Robert M. Chesney for his assistance with this Article.
1. See, e.g., Editorial, Looking at America, N.Y. TIMES, Dec. 31, 2007, at A16 (describing
the “lawless behavior” of the CIA in “plott[ing] to cover up the torture of prisoners by Central
Intelligence Agency interrogators by destroying videotapes of their sickening behavior”);
Editorial, The Torture Mystery, L.A. TIMES, July 26, 2007, at A20 (noting that the Senate has
raised questions about the legality of the techniques used in the CIA’s detention program).
638 INDIANA LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 84:637
operations may also prove erroneous when the hype dissipates, the secrecy surrounding
the activity lifts, and the benefit of perspective emerges.
In May 1973, James R. Schlesinger, then director of the CIA, ordered all CIA
employees to inform him personally of any current or past activities that could be
construed as having violated the CIA’s Charter.2 The responses, totaling 702 pages and
highly classified, were considered so sensitive that they were known as the CIA’s
“Family Jewels.”3 In June 2007, almost thirty-five years later, the Agency declassified
the Family Jewels with some redactions.4
The Family Jewels describe acts ranging from the attempted killings of Fidel Castro
and Patrice Lumumba to providing LSD to unconsenting Americans.5 The documents
also reveal operations to electronically monitor U.S. reporters, gather intelligence on
protest movements in the United States, and open U.S. mail going to and from
communist countries.6 All of these activities were highly controversial in 1973, and
remain so now.7 Indeed, when the Family Jewels were declassified in June 2007, the
media described the documents as depicting the Agency’s “dirtiest secrets,”8 “rogue
operations,”9 and “unsavory activities.”10 More importantly, however, these media
outlets portrayed the Family Jewels as documenting the many “illegal activities”
engaged in by the CIA in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s.11
This Article seeks to challenge that last assertion. It will evaluate each of the main
types of activities discussed in the 702 pages of the Family Jewels to determine if those
activities were indeed illegal when the Family Jewels were compiled in 1973. Thus,
what follows is an assessment of whether each given activity violated the United States
Constitution, any U.S. statute, or any judicially created law as existed in 1973, and if
so, whether such violation would have been actionable in a U.S. court. My conclusion
is that the vast majority of the activities described in the Family Jewels were indeed
2. CIA, FAMILY JEWELS 00418 (1973), available at http://www.foia.cia.gov/ [hereinafter

FAMILY JEWELS] (type “Family Jewels” in the Search Declassified Docs browser; then click on
“Family Jewels” in the results).
3. Mark Mazzetti & Tim Weiner, Files on Illegal Spying Show C.I.A. Skeletons from Cold
War, N.Y. TIMES, June 27, 2007, at A1.
4. Mary Louise Kelly, Some Fear CIA ‘Family Jewels’ Could Hurt Agency, NAT’L PUB.
RADIO, June 27, 2007, http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyld=11417938.
5. See FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00418–18a, 00425.
6. Id. at 00021, 00182, 00331.
7. See Kelly, supra note 4.
8. Id.
9. Richard Willing, CIA Discloses Past Abuses, USA TODAY, June 27, 2007, at A1.
10. Karen DeYoung & Walter Pincus, CIA Releases Files on Past Misdeeds, WASH. POST,
June 27, 2007, at A1.
11. DeYoung & Pincus, supra note 10 (noting the depiction of “illegal wiretaps” in the
Family Jewels); Mazzetti & Weiner, supra note 3 (asserting the Family Jewels describe “illegal
activities of the past” including “illegal spying operations in the 1960s and 1970s”); Willing,
supra note 9 (describing the Family Jewels as CIA’s acknowledgement of its “past illegal
activities” and how “the agency repeatedly violated its own charter”); CIA Releases 700 Pages
of ‘Family Jewels’, NAT’L PUB. RADIO, June 26, 2007,
http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=11433256 (“The CIA on Tuesday
released hundreds of pages of classified reports describing illegal activities by the agency in the
1950s, ‘60s and ‘70s.”).
2009] THE CIA’S “FAMILY JEWELS”: LEGAL THEN? LEGAL NOW? 639
legal when undertaken. While some specific operations might not have complied with
the letter of the law, every type of activity—with the exception of unconsenting human
experimentation—was legally permissible.
I will also evaluate the status of the law related to these activities as it currently
exists. The CIA is precluding me from offering an assessment as to whether these
activities would be legal today, as such an assessment could interfere with the
authorized functions of the Agency. Therefore, I will provide a description of the
current law in these areas, and permit the reader to draw his or her own conclusion as
to the present-day legality of these activities.
Part I of this Article will provide background on the Family Jewels. This Part will
first provide a history of the CIA, in order to place the documents in context. It will
then discuss the events that led to the compilation of the Family Jewels, as well as their
recent declassification and release.
Parts II through VI will describe and analyze the five main activities depicted in the
Family Jewels: unconsenting human experimentation, attempted targeted killings of
foreign leaders, electronic surveillance of Americans, examination of U.S. mail, and
the collection of information on American dissident movements. These Parts will
evaluate the legality of each of those activities in 1973—when the Family Jewels were
compiled—and describe the law governing such activities today. I will conclude that
while many critics and commentators might automatically assume that the activities in
the Family Jewels were illegal when committed, such a presumption is in fact
erroneous.
I. BACKGROUND ON THE CIA AND ITS FAMILY JEWELS
Until 1945, intelligence collection in this country had been an uncoordinated,

disparate affair.12 Numerous, mostly military, units acquired information for their own
purposes, without coordinating and collaborating amongst themselves.13 The advent of
World War II required a change to that formula; the attack on Pearl Harbor exposed
the need for a better intelligence-gathering mechanism, while the rising power of the
Soviet Union demanded a coordinated intelligence effort to counter the growing threat
of communism.14
What emerged was the Central Intelligence Agency, created by the National
Security Act of 1947 (“National Security Act” or “Act”).15 The Act, which is
considered the CIA’s Charter, originally allocated five main functions to the CIA:
(1) provide advice on matters concerning intelligence activities related to national
security; (2) make recommendations for coordinating such intelligence activities
amongst U.S. government agencies; (3) correlate, evaluate, and disseminate that
intelligence, as well as protect intelligence sources and methods from unauthorized
12. SENATE SELECT COMM. TO STUDY GOVERNMENTAL OPERATIONS WITH RESPECT TO

INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES, FOREIGN AND MILITARY INTELLIGENCE: BOOK I: FINAL REPORT, S.
REP. NO. 94-755, at 20 (1976), available at
http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/contents/church/contents_church_reports_book1.htm
[hereinafter CHURCH REPORT: BOOK I].
13. See id.
14. See id.
15. Id. at 21.
disclosure; (4) perform services of common concern to the intelligence community;

and (5) maintain the broad authority to “perform such other functions and duties
related to intelligence affecting the national security” as the President may direct
(known as the “Fifth Function”).16 While the list of functions did not explicitly include
the “collection” of intelligence, Congress fully expected that the Agency would engage
in such activities.17 Though amended several times, the core functions of the CIA—
collection, evaluation, and dissemination of intelligence, as well as the “Fifth
Function”—remain in effect today.18
The Act has always precluded the CIA from maintaining any “police, subpoena, or
law enforcement powers or internal security functions.”19 Congress did not wish to
have the Agency interfere with the authorities of the Federal Bureau of Investigation
(FBI), nor become a secret police unit akin to the Gestapo in Nazi Germany.20 The Act
also limits the expanse of CIA activities to foreign intelligence and counterintelligence,
as opposed to domestic intelligence.21 However, neither these provisions, nor any other
portion of the Act, restrict the Agency’s intelligence collection activities solely to
overseas endeavors. Indeed, the Act’s legislative history indicates that Congress
expected the CIA to collect intelligence inside the United States.22
16. National Security Act of 1947, Pub. L. No. 80-253, § 102(d), 61 Stat. 495, 498
(codified as amended at 50 U.S.C. § 403-4a(d) (Supp. V 2005)). The Act explicitly gave the
National Security Council (NSC) the authority to direct the Agency under this Fifth Function;
however, it is clear that this authority really vested in the President, given that the NSC performs
such functions “as the President may direct.” Id. at 496–97.
17. REPORT TO THE PRESIDENT BY THE COMMISSION ON CIA ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE UNITED
STATES 48 (1975) [hereinafter ROCKEFELLER REPORT] (noting that, in enacting the National
Security Act of 1947, “Congress contemplated that the CIA would be involved in all aspects of
foreign intelligence, including collection”); id. at 51 (discussing the CIA’s authority to collect
intelligence since its inception).
18. See 50 U.S.C. § 403-4a(d) (Supp. V 2005). The current version of the Act retained
these key roles with some modifications. Specifically, it now explicitly authorizes the CIA to
“collect intelligence” (amending the first function); eliminates the CIA’s role to protect sources
and methods (part of the second function); no longer includes the CIA’s authority to perform
services of common concern to the intelligence community (the fourth function); and changes
the Fifth Function to authorize the CIA to engage in such other functions and duties as directed
by the President and the Director of National Intelligence (as opposed to the NSC). See id.
19. Id. § 403-4a(d)(1).
20. See Weissman v. Cent. Intelligence Agency, 565 F.2d 692, 695 (D.C. Cir. 1977)
(discussing the creation of the National Security Act and noting “[w]hile the 80th Congress
obviously, and for good reason, wished to protect America’s security, it had no intention of
making the mistake of creating an American ‘Gestapo’”); ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17,
at 54.
21. 50 U.S.C. §§ 401a(1), 403-4a(d). The original Act merely limited the CIA to activities
involving “intelligence,” without defining the term. See 61 Stat. 495, 495–99 (1947). However,
it was always understood that this meant foreign intelligence and counterintelligence. See
ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 51–53. The congressional amendment of the Act in
1992 made this meaning explicit. Intelligence Organization Act of 1992, Pub. L. No. 102-496,
106 Stat. 3188, 3188 (1992).
22. ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 52–53; see also infra text accompanying notes
430–42.
During the first twenty-five years of its existence, the CIA maintained great
autonomy as Congress generally sought and received few details of the Agency’s
activities.23 As one Senator stated in an attitude considered typical:
It is not a question of reluctance on the part of CIA officials to speak to us. Instead
it is a question of our reluctance, if you will, to seek information and knowledge
on subjects which I personally, as a Member of Congress and as a citizen, would
rather not have.24
Such deference evaporated in the 1970s. The notable lack of success in the Vietnam
War raised questions about the CIA’s operations and its intelligence gathering
capabilities.25 The Watergate scandal, meanwhile, reduced trust in the executive
branch, and increased the need and desire for aggressive investigative reporting about
U.S. government activities.26 All of this led to greater scrutiny of the CIA and its
activities, which increased exponentially with public revelations of some of the
aggressive activities the CIA had engaged in during the decades since its creation.27
The CIA’s Family Jewels emerged from this period of change. In 1973, then-CIA
Director28 James R. Schlesinger became appalled by press reports of Agency
involvement in Watergate.29 Though it turned out that the Agency had virtually no role
in the scandal,30 Schlesinger sought to ensure that all Agency activities going forward
fell “within a strict interpretation” of the Agency’s “legislative charter,” or the National
Security Act.31 Therefore, on May 9, 1973, Schlesinger issued a memorandum to the
entire Agency populace, ordering every Agency employee (and inviting any former
23. See United States v. Lopez-Lima, 738 F. Supp. 1404, 1410 (S.D. Fla. 1990) (noting that
prior to 1974 “[c]ongressional oversight of intelligence activities . . . was extremely limited”);
William C. Banks & Peter Raven-Hansen, Targeted Killing and Assassination: The U.S. Legal
Framework, 37 U. RICH. L. REV. 667, 709 (2003).
24. JOHN PRADOS, PRESIDENTS’ SECRET WARS: CIA AND PENTAGON COVERT OPERATIONS
FROM WORLD WAR II THROUGH IRANSCAM 329 (1986) (quoting Senator Leverett Saltonstall);
see also Ray S. Cline, Covert Action as Presidential Prerogative, 12 HARV. J.L. & PUB. POL’Y
357, 366 (1989) (“Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, a small number of senior congressional
leaders monitored intelligence activities in minimal fashion.”).
25. See CHURCH REPORT: BOOK I, supra note 12, at 27.
26. Lori Fisler Damrosch, Covert Operations, 83 AM. J. INT’L L. 795, 795 (1989) (“The era
of congressional noninvolvement [in CIA covert operations] came to an end with the Watergate
disclosures of intelligence activities that many Americans found reprehensible [and] the ensuing
investigations into assassination attempts and other controversial covert actions . . . .”).
27. See id.
28. The Act originally referred to the head of the CIA as the “Director of Central
Intelligence” (DCI). National Security Act of 1947, Pub. L. No. 80-253, § 102(a), 61 Stat. 495,
497 (codified as amended at 50 U.S.C. § 403(a) (2000)). Currently, the head of the CIA is
known as the “Director of the Central Intelligence Agency” (DCIA). 50 U.S.C. § 403(a) (2000).
Throughout this Article, I will be using the term “CIA Director” to refer to the head of the CIA
whether technically a DCI or a DCIA.
29. Mazzetti & Weiner, supra note 3.
30. See ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 32–33 (noting that the CIA’s role was
nominal and that there was “no evidence that the CIA participated in the Watergate break-in or
in the Post-Watergate cover-up by the White House”).
31. FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00418–18a.
employee) to report to him directly “on any activities now going on, or that have gone
on in the past, which might be construed to be outside the legislative charter of this
Agency.”32 He further demanded to be informed if any employee received an
instruction or order that appeared “in any way inconsistent with the CIA legislative
charter . . . .”33
The compendium of documents responsive to Schlesinger’s edict were originally
called the “skeletons,”34 but quickly became referred to as the “Family Jewels.”35 The
CIA kept the Family Jewels classified because it feared that exposing the various acts
contained therein would cause extraordinary damage to the Agency’s reputation, and
possibly lead to its demise.36 As later CIA Director Colby stated: “The shock effect of
an exposure of the ‘family jewels,’ I urged, could, in the climate of 1973, inflict mortal
wounds on the C.I.A. and deprive the nation of all the good the agency could do in the
future.”37
Congress and the White House, concerned about the Agency’s activities, established
three separate commissions to investigate.38 Vice President Nelson Rockefeller headed
the White House commission (“Rockefeller Commission”), while Senator Frank
Church and Congressman Otis Pike led the Senate and House of Representatives
inquiries, respectively (“Church Commission” and “Pike Commission”).39 The CIA
eventually provided copies of the Family Jewels to each commission.40 Based on those
documents, as well as information gained through hearings and other mechanisms, each
commission assessed the CIA’s activities and released reports (“Rockefeller Report,”
“Church Report,” and “Pike Report”).41 The Church Commission also issued a separate
32. Id. at 00418.

33. Id. at 00418a; see JOHN PRADOS, LOST CRUSADER: THE SECRET WARS OF CIA DIRECTOR
WILLIAM COLBY 260 (2003) (noting that, after hearing about CIA connections to Watergate,
CIA Director Schlesinger “wanted information on any action in the CIA’s past, especially
domestic activities, that might have flap potential” (emphasis in original)).
34. See Memorandum from James A. Wilderotter on CIA Matters to the File 1 (Jan. 3,
1975), available at
http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/NSAEBB/NSAEBB222/family_jewels_wilderotter.pdf.
35. See Mazzetti & Weiner, supra note 3.
36. Id.
37. Id.
38. See PRADOS, supra note 33, at 300.
39. Id. at 300, 308, 315.
40. See PRADOS, supra note 33, at 300, 308, 315; DeYoung & Pincus, supra note 10
(noting that CIA Director Colby “later turned the entire ‘family jewels’ file over to Congress, an
act some agency veterans still consider a betrayal”); Press Release, Central Intelligence Agency,
CIA Releases Two Collections of Historical Documents (June 26, 2007), available at
https://www.cia.gov/news-information/press-releases-statements/press-release-archive-2007/cia-
releases-two-collections-of-historical-documents.html [hereinafter CIA Press Release].
41. See SENATE SELECT COMM. TO STUDY GOVERNMENTAL OPERATIONS WITH RESPECT TO
INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES, FINAL REPORT, S. REP. NO. 94-755 (1976), available at
http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/contents/church/contents_church_reports.htm [hereinafter
CHURCH REPORT]; ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17. As noted below, all facets of the Pike
Report remain classified. See infra note 45. None of these reports, of course, themselves created
law, and their “views would not be controlling on a court . . . .” Marks v. Cent. Intelligence
Agency, 590 F.2d 997, 1002 (D.C. Cir. 1978) (referring explicitly to the Church Report).
report regarding CIA’s assassination plots of foreign leaders (“Assassinations

Report”).42 Of the reports, the Rockefeller Report, conducted by the executive branch,
understandably was the least scathing.43 The Rockefeller, Church, and Assassinations
Reports were all released to the public.44 The Pike Report was not officially released,
but was reportedly leaked to the press and published in its entirety just days after its
completion.45
Almost thirty-five years later, current CIA Director Michael Hayden ordered the
release of the Family Jewels, though with some redactions.46 As Director Hayden
stated:
The CIA fully understands that it has an obligation to protect the nation’s secrets,
but it also has a responsibility to be as open as possible. I’ve often spoke about our
social contract with the American people, and the declassification of historical
documents is an important part of that effort.47
The 702 pages of the Family Jewels depict numerous activities conducted by the
Agency in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. All of these activities could not possibly be
addressed within the space limitations of this Article. I have therefore declined to
assess the considerable number of activities in the Family Jewels that appear clearly
legal on their face, including the CIA’s counterintelligence activities in the United
States,48 as well as its use of physical surveillance, undercover agents, alias documents,
and overhead imagery.49 I have also declined to evaluate operations that the Family
Jewels mention only in passing, without sufficient detail to permit proper consideration
of their legality.50 Instead, I have focused on the five types of activities that were of
significant concern to the Rockefeller and Church Commissions,51 and more
42. SENATE SELECT COMM. TO STUDY GOVERNMENTAL OPERATIONS WITH RESPECT TO

INTELLIGENCE OPERATIONS, INTERIM REPORT: ALLEGED ASSASSINATION PLOTS INVOLVING
FOREIGN LEADERS, S. REP. NO. 94-465 (1975) [hereinafter ASSASSINATIONS REPORT].
43. See PRADOS, supra note 33, at 303–04.
44. See ASSASSINATIONS REPORT, supra note 42; CHURCH REPORT, supra note 41;
ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17; see also PRADOS, supra note 33, at 303–04, 327.
45. See PRADOS, supra note 33, at 329. Because the Pike Report was never officially
released and remains classified, even though allegedly published in the media, I am precluded
from referring to its contents in this Article.
46. CIA Press Release, supra note 40.
47. Id.
48. Such activities, such as surveillance in the United States of a former CIA employee who
had become “professionally and emotionally involved” with a Cuban national, FAMILY JEWELS,
supra note 2, at 00026, 00059–61, are permitted by statute. See 50 U.S.C. § 403-4a(d) (Supp. V
2005) (authorizing the Agency to engage in counterintelligence activities).
49. See ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 63–64, 229–31 (discussing the legality of
such activities).
50. Examples include the testing of various equipment in the United States, see FAMILY
JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00238–40, 00331, 00544, and the confinement of a defector in a
safehouse in Maryland. See id. at 00023–24, 00522. Both of these are mentioned in the Family
Jewels, but not in extensive detail.
51. See CHURCH REPORT, supra note 41; ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17. The Church
Report focused extensively on covert action, an area I will not address because it is only
importantly, which appear to be the most controversial and the most critical both in
1973 and in today’s world.52
II. UNCONSENTING HUMAN EXPERIMENTATION
Beginning in the early 1950s, the CIA operated a program known as MKULTRA,
which mostly involved the administering of LSD and other drugs to unconsenting
adults, including Americans.53 The program stemmed from an Agency fear that the
Soviet Union and other communist countries were developing chemical and biological
agents for the purposes of interrogating, brainwashing, and possibly even attacking
Westerners.54 As the Church Report described:
The CIA had received reports that the Soviet Union was engaged in intensive
efforts to produce LSD; and that the Soviet Union had attempted to purchase the
world’s supply of the chemical. As one CIA officer who was deeply involved in
the work with this drug described the climate of the times: “[It] is awfully hard in
this day and age to reproduce how frightening all of this was to us at the time,
particularly after the drug scene has become as widespread and as knowledgeable
in this country as it did. But we were literally terrified, because this was the one
material that we had ever been able to locate that really had potential fantastic
possibilities if used wrongly.”55
The MKULTRA program sought to administer LSD and other drugs to individuals
in order to determine the threat of such drugs, and to design means to thwart that
threat.56 In most cases, the subjects were unwitting nonvolunteers, who were slipped
the drugs in their drinks at parties or at bars.57 The MKULTRA program eventually
became quite extensive such that, by the time the CIA terminated the project in 1963, it
contained 149 subprojects that the CIA contracted out to more than eighty universities,
nominally mentioned in the Family Jewels.

52. In the end, I am confined by space to focus on what appear to me to be the most
significant activities contained in the Family Jewels. As with any top ten (or in this case top
five) list, there will undoubtedly be other facets of the Family Jewels that the reader might have
preferred had been given consideration.
53. See FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00402–04, 00433; CHURCH REPORT: BOOK I, supra
note 12, at 389–92. Throughout this Part, I will use the term “unconsenting human
experimentation,” rather than the often-used phrase “unwitting human experimentation,”
because the key query, as discussed below, is whether the alleged subject consented to the
experimentation, not whether the subject knew that some form of experimentation was
occurring. It is not a crime if the individual consents to experimentation, but is not told whether
such experimentation actually occurred, such as when individuals who consent to being part of a
drug experiment are provided a placebo rather than the experimental drug. Illegal activity occurs
only when the subject has not consented to being part of the experiment in the first place. See
infra notes 62–68 and accompanying text.
54. CHURCH REPORT: BOOK I, supra note 12, at 392.
55. Id. at 392–93 (alteration in original).
56. See id. at 389–93. The CIA also tested drugs on monkeys and mice as part of a separate
program. FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00413.
57. Kronisch v. United States, 150 F.3d 112, 118 (2d Cir. 1998); CHURCH REPORT: BOOK I,
supra note 12, at 391–92.
hospitals, pharmaceutical companies, and other institutions.58 However, the full range
and extent of the program, as well the number of individuals affected by it, is
impossible to determine because the chief of the program ordered all MKULTRA
records destroyed in January 1973.59
There is no doubt that the MKULTRA project was illegal from its inception. This
may be why the CIA’s Office of General Counsel was not informed of the project until
years after it had been terminated.60 Upon learning of the project, the CIA’s General
Counsel immediately condemned it,61 and with good reason.
Government experimentation on unconsenting individuals, such as occurred in the
MKULTRA program, was a clear violation of the Constitution. The courts have long
held that the Fifth Amendment’s protection of liberty interests includes protection from
nonconsensual experiments on a person’s body. Usually described as the right to
bodily integrity, this is “a right which has been recognized throughout this nation’s
history.”62 Unconsenting human experimentation also constituted a tort for which the
United States could be held liable under the Federal Tort Claims Act (FTCA).63
Indeed, courts have upheld FTCA claims specifically made by alleged victims of
MKULTRA.64 A federal statute also prohibits unconsenting human experimentation,65
as does a policy regulation issued by the Department of Health and Human Services,
58. CHURCH REPORT: BOOK I, supra note 12, at 389–91, 403–04.

59. Id. at 389, 391, 404.
60. See id. at 408.
61. Joseph L. Rauh, Jr. & James C. Turner, Anatomy of a Public Interest Case Against the
CIA, 11 HAMLINE J. PUB. L. & POL’Y 307, 314–15 (1990).
62. Stadt v. Univ. of Rochester, 921 F. Supp. 1023, 1027 (W.D.N.Y. 1996); see also
Ammend v. Bioport, Inc., 322 F. Supp. 2d 848, 870 (W.D. Mich. 2004) (“The right to bodily
integrity is a fundamental right protected by the Constitution.”); Heinrich v. Sweet, 62 F. Supp.
2d 282, 290, 312–15 (D. Mass. 1999) (recognizing that unconsenting experimentation
constitutes a “violation of the constitutionally protected liberty interest in bodily integrity”),
aff’d, 308 F.3d 48 (1st Cir. 2002); Stadt, 921 F. Supp. at 1027−28 (“The Constitution, and
more specifically, the Due Process Clause of the Fifth Amendment clearly established a right to
be free from non-consensual, governmental experimentation on one’s body—a right which had
been in existence well before 1946.”).
63. See 28 U.S.C. § 1346(b) (2000); see also Stadt, 921 F. Supp. at 1023 (refusing to
dismiss an FTCA claim by a woman claiming that the federal government had injected her with
plutonium without her knowledge or consent).
64. See, e.g., Ritchie v. United States, 210 F. Supp. 2d 1120 (N.D. Cal. 2002) (same);
Orlikow v. United States, 682 F. Supp. 77 (D.D.C. 1988) (upholding the ability of plaintiff to
bring an FTCA claim based on alleged MKULTRA activities). The court eventually dismissed
the Ritchie case for lack of evidence. Ritchie v. United States, 451 F.3d 1019 (9th Cir. 2006)
(upholding dismissal of plaintiff’s claim that the CIA administered him LSD at a Christmas
party, which plaintiff believed led him to commit a bank robbery). Failure to comply with the
applicable statute of limitations has also led to the dismissal of FTCA claims based upon the
MKULTRA program. See, e.g., Kronisch v. United States, 150 F.3d 112, 123−31 (2d Cir. 1998)
(dismissing all of plaintiff’s FTCA claims as untimely).
65. See 42 U.S.C. § 3515b (2000) (prohibiting funds appropriated to the Departments of
Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, or related agencies from being used on research
programs involving unconsenting human experimentation).
applicable to all U.S. government agencies.66 Finally, a presidential directive

specifically prohibits the practice by U.S. intelligence agencies.67
It is therefore unequivocal that unconsenting human experimentation, such as that
conducted by the CIA in its MKULTRA program, was illegal in the 1950s and 1960s.68
The law has not changed in any significant manner since that time. As will be seen
below, however, this is the only type of activity contained in the Family Jewels that
was actually illegal.
III. TARGETED KILLINGS OF FOREIGN LEADERS
Media reports consistently portray the Family Jewels as containing multiple illegal
attempts by the CIA to kill several foreign leaders.69 Yet, despite the general belief that
the Agency was rampantly trying to terminate numerous heads of state, the Church
Commission in its Assassinations Report concluded that the CIA, since its inception
forty years earlier, had only initiated plans to kill two foreign leaders: Fidel Castro of
Cuba in 1960−65 and Patrice Lumumba of the Congo in 1960−61.70 Further, the CIA
66. See 45 C.F.R. §§ 46.101−.119 (2007) (requiring informed consent before conducting
experiments on human subjects except in very limited circumstances not applicable here). Some
commentators assert that unconsenting human experimentation also violates the Nuremberg
Code, which is an international code of ethical standards for medical experiments that requires,
among other things, informed consent. See Rauh & Turner, supra note 61, at 312. See generally
Samuel B. Casey & Nathan A. Adams, IV, Specially Respecting the Living Human Embryo by
Adhering to Standard Human Subject Experimentation Rules, 2 YALE J. HEALTH POL’Y L. &
ETHICS 111, 114 (2001) (describing the genesis of the Nuremberg Code). However, the United
States has never recognized the Nuremburg Code as binding U.S. law. See Ammend, 322 F.
Supp. at 872.
67. Exec. Order No. 12,333 § 2.10, 3 C.F.R. 200, 213 (1982) (requiring written informed
consent for any human experimentation by an agency within the Intelligence Community).
Similar prohibitions have existed since the mid-1970s. See Exec. Order No. 12,036 § 2-302, 3
C.F.R. 112, 129 (1979); Exec. Order No. 11,905 § 5(d), 3 C.F.R. 90, 101 (1977). Executive
Orders are discussed in more detail infra text accompanying notes 131−55.
68. Both the Church Commission Report and the Rockefeller Report found that the project
violated U.S. law. See CHURCH REPORT: BOOK I, supra note 12, at 403; ROCKEFELLER REPORT,
supra note 17, at 37.
69. See Kelly, supra note 4 (describing illegal “assassination plots” in the Family Jewels);
Mazzetti & Weiner, supra note 3 (discussing illegal “failed assassination plots” in the Family
Jewels); Willing, supra note 9 (listing three assassination attempts as part of the illegal activities
depicted in the Family Jewels).
70. ASSASSINATIONS REPORT, supra note 42, at 4–5; see also FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2,
at 00012−16, 00038−50, 00425 (describing attempts against Castro); id. at 00425 (describing
attempts against Lumumba); Robert F. Turner, It’s Not Really “Assassination”: Legal and
Moral Implications of Intentionally Targeting Terrorists and Aggressor-State Regime Elites, 37
U. RICH. L. REV. 787, 791 (2003) (noting that the Assassinations Report connected the CIA to
attempts to kill only two foreign leaders). The CIA sought to kill Castro through numerous
devices that “ran the gamut from high-powered rifles or poison pills, poison pens, deadly
bacterial powders, and other devices which strain the imagination.” ASSASSINATIONS REPORT,
supra note 42, at 71. The CIA’s plot to kill Lumumba involved attempting to induce a member
of his inner circle to place poison in Lumumba’s food or toothpaste. Id. at 28. The Church
Commission also investigated the role of the CIA in the deaths of three other foreign leaders—
plots against both Castro and Lumumba proved unsuccessful. Castro evaded the CIA’s
attempts, while Lumumba ended up being killed in 1961 by individuals not supported
by or affiliated with the United States, before the CIA could carry out its plan.71
Finally, and most critically, as intimated by the Assassinations Report,72 the attempted
targeted killing of such foreign leaders was entirely legal in 1973.
Attempted killings of foreign leaders are not new. Nations have attempted targeted
killings of political leaders for millennia. The Greeks and the Romans engaged in such
activities, and “it was common practice during the Middle Ages.”73 The practice is
even described in the Bible.74 Such killings, however, are usually referred to as
“assassinations,” which creates much of the difficulty in assessing their legality.
The main problem with the term “assassination” is that it has no consensus
definition.75 No statute, presidential edict, or international document defines the term.76
Some scholars consider “assassinations” to be a form of murder and therefore illegal
by definition.77 Others take a more neutral stance.78 Some focus on the victim’s status,
others on whether the act has a political purpose, and still others on whether the act is
“treacherous.”79 This lack of consensus makes evaluating the legality of
“assassinations” virtually impossible. Therefore, rather than get immersed in a
semantic debate, I will instead focus on the act itself, that is, the attempted targeted
Rafael Trujillo (Dominican Republic), Ngo Dinh Diem (South Vietnam), and General Rene
Schneider (Chile)—but determined that there was no valid evidence that the CIA planned,
supported, or effectuated their deaths. Id. at 5.
71. ASSASSINATIONS REPORT, supra note 42, at 4, 256.
72. Id. at 281.
73. Michael N. Schmitt, State-Sponsored Assassination in International and Domestic Law,
17 YALE J. INT’L L. 609, 613 (1992).
74. See, e.g., Esther 2:21 (mentioning a conspiracy by royal officers to kill King Xerxes);
Jeremiah 41:3–5 (discussing the “assassination” of Gedaliah); 1 Kings 16:16 (describing
Zimri’s murder of the king); 2 Kings 15:10–14 (depicting the targeted killing of Zechariah, king
of Israel, by Shallum, who in turn was killed a month later).
75. Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 669; see also W. Hays Parks, Memorandum
of Law: Executive Order 12333 and Assassination, ARMY LAW., Dec. 1989, at 4, 8 (providing
ten different definitions of the term “assassination,” none of which is “entirely satisfactory”);
Schmitt, supra note 73, at 611 (“[S]cholars and practitioners have struggled to craft a working
definition to serve as a guide to states . . . .”).
76. Schmitt, supra note 73, at 611.
77. See, e.g., Jeffrey F. Addicott, Proposal for a New Executive Order on Assassination, 37
U. RICH. L. REV. 751, 762 (2003) (“Assassination, then, is clearly identified and properly
classified as a type of killing that is unlawful, i.e. a form of murder . . . .”); Major Tyler J.
Harder, Time to Repeal the Assassination Ban of Executive Order 12,333: A Small Step in
Clarifying Current Law, 172 MIL. L. REV. 1, 5 (2002) (defining “assassination” during
peacetime as “(1) a murder, (2) of a specifically targeted figure, (3) for a political purpose”);
Elizabeth R. Parker & Timothy E. Naccarato, Targeting Saddam and Sons: U.S. Policy Against
Assassination, 1 IDF L. REV. 39, 53 (2003) (“Thus, it is clear that murder is a key element of
assassination . . . .”); Parks, supra note 75, at 8 (“Assassination constitutes an act of murder that
is prohibited . . . .”); Turner, supra note 70, at 790 (“By definition, assassination is a form of
murder.”); id. at 807 (“True assassination is murder, and murder is wrong.”).
78. See Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 670 (discussing scholars who believe
“assassination” is not necessarily murder).
79. Schmitt, supra note 73, at 611–12.
killing of foreign leaders.80 This use of a more “neutral” term in no way makes the
subject matter less serious, but at least allows us to consider the legality of these
attempted targeted killings without the red herring of definitional uncertainty.
Perhaps surprisingly, there is no statute prohibiting the CIA, or any other U.S.
government agency for that matter, from conducting targeted killings of foreign
leaders, at least within that leader’s own country.81 The only legislative restriction of
any sort on the killing of foreign leaders is contained in 18 U.S.C. § 1116, which
Congress enacted in 1972.82 Section 1116 imposes criminal sanctions on anyone who
“kills or attempts to kill a foreign official, official guest, or internationally protected
person.”83 However, the statute defines “foreign official” as a current or former Chief
of State or other enumerated senior government official or their family “while in the
United States.”84 An “official guest” refers to anyone “present in the United States” as
an official guest of the U.S. government.85 An “internationally protected person” is
defined as a Chief of State or Foreign Minister and his or her family “whenever such
person is in a country other than his own.”86 Therefore, the statute precludes the
targeted killing of a foreign leader who is in the United States or outside the leader’s
own country. It does not preclude the targeted killing of a leader inside his or her own
country.87 The CIA sought to kill both Castro and Lumumba in their home countries.88
80. See Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 671; Daniel B. Pickard, Legalizing
Assassination?: Terrorism, the Central Intelligence Agency, and International Law, 30 GA. J.
INT’L & COMP. L. 1, 9 (2001) (defining “assassination” as the “targeted killing of an individual,
by an official agent of a nation, regardless of whether a state of war exists” (footnotes omitted)).
81. Addicott, supra note 77, at 757 (“Congress never enacted legislation to legally ban the
use of assassination as an instrument of foreign policy . . . .”); Parker & Naccarato, supra note
77, at 48 (“[A]s of the present time, Congress has not enacted any legislation [prohibiting
assassinations].”).
82. See 18 U.S.C. (2006). The federal murder statute does not apply extraterritorially except
in limited circumstances not applicable here. See 18 U.S.C. §§ 7, 1111; United States v. Bin
Laden, 92 F. Supp. 2d 189, 204 (S.D.N.Y. 2000) (noting that Congress limited “the reach of
Section 1111 to murders committed ‘[w]ithin the special maritime and territorial jurisdiction of
the United States’” (alteration in original)).
83. 18 U.S.C. § 1116.
84. Id. § 1116(b)(3) (emphasis added).
85. Id. § 1116(b)(6) (emphasis added).
86. Id. § 1116(b)(4)(A) (emphasis added). This subsection also defines an “internationally
protected person” as an official “of the United States Government, a foreign government, or
international organization who at the time and place concerned is entitled pursuant to
international law to special protection against attack.” Id. § 1116(b)(4)(B). This provision
protects “‘resident diplomats, consular and other foreign government personnel and their
families.’” United States v. Marcano Garcia, 456 F. Supp. 1358, 1360 (D.P.R. 1978) (quoting S.
REP. NO. 92-1105 (1972)). It therefore does not apply to foreign leaders, who are described in
the first part of the definition of “internationally protected person” (discussed in the text
accompanying this note), and in any case would only protect such persons “resident” in the
United States.
87. Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 730–31; Patrick Cole, The Relevance of
Human Rights Provisions to American Intelligence Activities, 6 LOY. L.A. INT’L & COMP. L.J.
37, 57 (1983) (noting that while § 1116 prohibits killing a foreign official in the United States,
“there was no law making it a crime to assassinate or conspire to assassinate a foreign official
while the individual was outside the United States”). One set of commentators argues that even
Thus, even had § 1116 existed at the time of such attempts, it would not have
prohibited them.
Congress has attempted to prohibit targeted killings of foreign leaders in their home
countries on several occasions, but each attempt has failed.89 Some scholars have
interpreted this lack of success as implicit acknowledgement that Congress wishes to
have the United States retain such activities as a policy option, at least under certain
restricted circumstances.90 The so-called Fifth Function of the National Security Act of
1947 bolsters this argument. As noted above, the Fifth Function authorizes the CIA to
“perform such other functions and duties related to intelligence affecting the national
security” as the President may direct.91 Such unfettered language would appear to
constitute implicit congressional approval for the Agency to engage in any
presidentially authorized activity not explicitly prohibited by law, including targeted
killings.92 Indeed, one court has gone so far as to assert that the Fifth Function granted
the Agency such wide authority that, pursuant to it, the CIA could engage in any
presidentially authorized activity it wished, even if the activity did violate U.S. law!93
No other court, however, has championed this position.
Moving beyond statutory authority, the United States Constitution also does not
forbid targeted killings of foreign leaders.94 The Supreme Court has held that the
Constitution protects persons in the United States and Americans abroad, but does not
protect non-Americans overseas.95 The only exception to this rule that has been carved
out by the Court relates to detainees held at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba,96 due to the
these restrictions of § 1116 have been superseded at least to some degree by subsequent acts of
Congress that appear to permit targeted killings of terrorists and Saddam Hussein. Banks &
Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 731–37.
88. Schmitt, supra note 73, at 619 n.45; see also ASSASSINATIONS REPORT, supra note 42, at
255.
89. Parker & Naccarato, supra note 77, at 48; Schmitt, supra note 73, at 662 (describing the
various unsuccessful legislative attempts to ban targeted killings); see also Pickard, supra note
80, at 23.
90. Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 723; Pickard, supra note 80, at 26.
91. National Security Act of 1947, Pub. L.No. 80-253, § 102(a), 61 Stat. 495, 497 (codified
as amended at 50 U.S.C. §403-4a(d) (Supp. V 2005)).
92. See Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 698, 729.
93. United States v. Lopez-Lima, 738 F. Supp. 1404, 1409 (S.D. Fla. 1990) (stating that,
pursuant to the Fifth Function, “the CIA was under no limitation that its activities could not
violate U.S. law”). Though the Lopez-Lima decision involved the Agency’s theoretical ability to
authorize the hijacking of a plane, the argument would also apply to targeted killings. Banks &
Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 714.
94. See Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 675–79.
95. United States v. Verdugo-Urquidez, 494 U.S. 259, 269 (1990) (noting that the Supreme
Court has consistently “rejected the claim that aliens are entitled to Fifth Amendment rights
outside the sovereign territory of the United States”); id. at 271 (stating that the Fourth
Amendment does not protect aliens outside the United States who lack “substantial connections
with this country”); see also Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 675–77 (discussing the
inapplicability of the Constitution to aliens overseas).
96. Boumediene v. Bush, 128 S. Ct. 2229, 2270 (2008) (granting habeas rights under
Article 1 of the Constitution to detainees held at the U.S. military base in Guantanamo Bay,
Cuba, given the “complete and total control” the U.S. government exercises over that facility);
Rasul v. Bush, 542 U.S. 466, 478 (2004) (suggesting constitutional habeas protections could
possibly extend to detainees held at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba). However, the Supreme Court in
“complete and total control” the U.S. government exercises over that facility. As the
United States does not maintain such “complete and total control” over foreign
countries, our constitutional protections—to include the Fifth Amendment prohibition
against deprivation of “life, liberty, or property, without due process of law”97—would
not extend to foreign leaders outside the United States, such as Fidel Castro and Patrice
Lumumba, and thus would not protect foreign leaders from targeted killings.
Some scholars have argued that targeted killings of foreign leaders are illegal under
international law.98 Only two international treaties specifically address the topic of
targeted killings/assassinations.99 The Charter of the Organization of African Unity
urges its members to adhere to “unreserved condemnation, in all its forms, of political
assassination.”100 While forceful, such a statement is hardly international law. It
applies only to a limited region of the world, and there is no indication that it is
followed or enforced even in that region.101 The second treaty, the Convention on the
Prevention and Punishment of Crimes Against Internationally Protected Persons,
Including Diplomatic Agents (“New York Convention”), only prohibits targeted
killings when the targets are outside of their home country (akin to 18 U.S.C. §
1116).102
With a lack of explicit international law prohibiting targeted killings of foreign
leaders, some scholars have pointed to international treaties that have broader scopes in
an attempt to argue the illegality of such killings.103 One scholar has pointed to
statements in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and in the Charter of the
Organization of American States that a country’s leaders are to be made by the will of
the people.104 The scholar asserts that the targeted killing of a nation’s leader undercuts
the will of that nation’s people and, therefore, violates those treaties.105 Yet such an
argument contains numerous flaws. If adopted, it would preclude nations from
removing leaders through legitimate war, such as what happened to Adolph Hitler and
Saddam Hussein, since that would be perceived as violating the will of the people of
those nations. Furthermore, many leaders came to power through nondemocratic means
and therefore have not been chosen by the people. Would they, but only they, then be
legitimate targets under this theory?
Boumediene acknowledged that “[i]t is true before today the Court has never held that
noncitizens detained by our Government in territory over which another country maintains de
jure sovereignty have any rights under our Constitution.” Boumediene, 128 S. Ct. at 2270.
97. U.S. CONST. amend. V.
98. See Addicott, supra note 77, at 769–70; Cole, supra note 87, at 49, 53; Harder, supra
note 77, at 6−11. Please note that the discussion below focuses solely on the ability of the CIA
to engage in targeted killings during peacetime, since that was the scenario for the targets in the
Family Jewels. There are different rules and limitations for targeted killings of foreign leaders
during armed conflict. See Parks, supra note 75; Schmitt, supra note 73, at 628−45.
99. Pickard, supra note 80, at 19 n.56; Schmitt, supra note 73, at 618.
100. Charter of the Organization of African Unity art. III, May 25, 1963, 2 I.L.M. 766.
102. Id. at 619.
103. For an extensive discussion of purported international restrictions on targeted killings of
foreign leaders, and why such international conventions do not actually prohibit such killings,
see id. at 618−28.
104. See Cole, supra note 87, at 49, 53.
105. Id. at 49.
A vastly more persuasive argument is made by scholars who point to Article 2(4) of
the United Nations Charter.106 That article states: “All Members shall refrain in their
international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or
political independence of any state, or in any other matter inconsistent with the
Purposes of the United Nations.”107 The first “Purpose” listed in the U.N. Charter is
“[t]o maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective
collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the
suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace.”108 A clear argument
can be made that killing or attempting to kill a foreign leader is a threat or use of force,
as well as a breach of the peace.109
However, Article 51 of the United Nations Charter provides an exception to this
general prohibition.110 That article states: “Nothing in the present Charter shall impair
the inherent right of individual or collective self-defense if an armed attack occurs
against a Member of the United Nations.”111 This reflects the long-standing, customary
international law principle of the right to self-defense.112
Scholars are divided as to whether an armed attack must actually have occurred
before a nation can deploy this right to self-defense.113 Those arguing that an armed
attack must have actually occurred generally point to the above-mentioned specific
language of article 51 of the Charter that allows self-defense “if an armed attack
occurs.” They note that this accords with the overall purpose of the United Nations
Charter—to create mechanisms for keeping the peace and reducing the overall use of
force. Allowing a broad interpretation of self-defense, especially one that permitted
anticipatory action, would undermine this base premise of the Charter.114
However, the more widely accepted, and I believe better, view is that an attack need
not have occurred before a state may use force (to include a targeted killing of a
foreign leader) in self-defense.115 Known as anticipatory or preemptive self-defense,
this view is justified on a number of premises. First, the United Nations Charter “does
not preclude unilateral action against an immediate [perceived] threat,” and therefore
such action is considered permitted.116 Second, anticipatory self-defense often serves to
prevent and reduce more extensive acts of violence.117 Killing a foreign leader before
he or she can launch an attack may prevent that attack from ever occurring, and even
106. Harder, supra note 77, at 10; Pickard, supra note 80, at 11–13; Schmitt, supra note 73,
at 619−20.
107. U.N. Charter art. 2, para. 4.
108. Id. art. 1, para. 1.
109. See Harder, supra note 77, at 10; Pickard, supra note 80, at 11–13; Schmitt, supra note
73, at 619–621.
111. U.N. Charter art. 51.
112. Pickard, supra note 80, at 18.
113. See Harder, supra note 77, at 20; Schmitt, supra note 73, at 646.
114. See Schmitt, supra note 73, at 646 (describing the argument for restricting the
interpretation of self-defense in Article 51 of the U.N. Charter).
115. See Addicott, supra note 77, at 773−79; Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 746;
Schmitt, supra note 73, at 646; Turner, supra note 70, at 799−804.
116. Parks, supra note 75, at 7.
117. See Pickard, supra note 80, at 20−21.
preclude all-out war, thus saving a considerable number of lives that would have been
lost through a conventional war and upholding the core principle of the U.N. Charter—
the preservation of peace among nations.118 Third, anticipatory self-defense deters
leaders from even threatening aggressive action.119 Finally, there is the concept of self-
preservation. As one scholar has described it, “international law cannot compel a state
to wait until it absorbs a devastating, or even lethal, first strike before it acts to protect
itself.”120
The United States has long recognized this principle of anticipatory self-defense.121
Pursuant to it, the United States is permitted, under international law, to attempt the
targeted killing of foreign leaders if those leaders constitute “legitimate threats to the
national security of the United States or individual U.S. citizens.”122 As with all
applications of self-defense, the nation’s action would need to be necessary (i.e.,
alternative means to resolve the threat are ineffective) and proportional (i.e., the level
of coercion is the minimum necessary to end the aggression).123 This last requirement,
proportionality, actually bolsters the argument for targeted killings over other military
options since targeted killings seek to resolve a legitimate threat through the death of a
single individual.124
It is also worth noting that even if international law could be construed as
precluding targeted killings, such policies are likely unenforceable in a U.S. court of
law. In Schneider v. Kissinger, the sons of killed Chilean army commander René
Schneider alleged that the CIA was culpable for Schneider’s death as part of a botched
kidnapping attempt.125 The Schneider incident had been one of the five main cases
examined by the Church Commission in the Assassinations Report.126 The Commission
found the CIA had no plans to have Schneider killed and played no role in the
kidnapping attempt.127 Schneider’s sons, clearly not accepting that conclusion, brought
suit in U.S. federal court in the District of Columbia, alleging the United States
violated the “law of nations,” as well as numerous U.S. laws and treaties, including the
United Nations Charter, with regard to their father’s death.128 The district court
dismissed the case for several reasons, the primary one being the political question
118. See Turner, supra note 70, at 800.

119. See Schmitt, supra note 73, at 646.
120. Louis Rene Beres, On Assassination as Anticipatory Self-Defense: The Case of Israel,
20 HOFSTRA L. REV. 321, 336 (1991).
121. See Parks, supra note 75, at 7 (listing American uses of anticipatory self-defense in the
attempted killing of foreign leaders dating back to 1804).
122. Id. at 8; see also Schmitt, supra note 73, at 646−50 (arguing that preemptive self-
defense is permitted if a threat to a country is imminent or likely).
123. See Turner, supra note 70, at 800 (stating that necessity and proportionality are
prerequisites to any form of self-defense); see also Robert J. Beck & Anthony C. Arend, “Don’t
Tread on US”: International Law and Forcible State Responses to Terrorism, 12 WIS. INT’L
L.J. 153, 213 (1994) (summarizing scholarly opinion on use of self-defense as requiring
proportionality, timeliness, and discrimination).
125. Schneider v. Kissinger, 310 F. Supp. 2d 251, 253−56 (D.D.C. 2004), aff’d, 412 F.3d
190 (D.C. Cir. 2005).
126. See ASSASSINATIONS REPORT, supra note 42, at 4−5.
127. Id. at 5.
128. Schneider, 310 F. Supp. 2d at 257.
doctrine; that is, that the case was non-justiciable because executive branch decisions
on whether to attempt to change the leadership of foreign governments “implicate
policy decisions in the murky realm of foreign affairs and national security best left to
the political branches.”129 The D.C. Circuit agreed.130 It is reasonable to believe that
other courts would come to the same conclusion with regard to other claims of
attempted targeted killings of foreign leaders.
Overall then, there is no statutory, constitutional, or international law prohibiting the
CIA from attempting the targeted killing of foreign leaders, at least under certain
circumstances. There is, however, an explicit presidential directive that prohibits such
actions. Section 2.11 of Executive Order 12,333 (“EO 12,333”), issued by President
Reagan in 1981 and in effect today,131 states: “No person employed by or acting on
behalf of the United States Government shall engage in or conspire to engage in
assassination.”132 This section reflects a prohibition on “assassinations” first
promulgated by President Ford in 1976133 and later adopted by President Carter in
1978.134 The term “assassination,” though, is not defined in the executive order,135
rendering the prohibition “replete with uncertainty.”136
In addition, executive orders are not law. Rather, they are published presidential
directives to personnel of the executive branch, intended to effect action by those
personnel.137 “The executive branch . . . simply has no power to make the law; that
129. Id. at 258.

130. Schneider v. Kissinger, 412 F.3d 190, 198 (D.C. Cir. 2005) (“[T]his case raises political
questions committed to the political branches and therefore is beyond the jurisdiction of the
courts.”).
131. Parker & Naccarato, supra note 77, at 42; Schmitt, supra note 73, at 652.
132. Exec. Order No. 12,333 § 2.11, 3 C.F.R. 200, 213 (1982). EO 12,333 also precludes the
Agency from hiring someone else to engage in a targeted killing, even if that person is unaware
of the Agency’s involvement. See id. § 2.12 (“No element of the Intelligence Community shall
participate in or request any person to undertake activities forbidden by this Order.”).
133. Exec. Order 11,905 § 5(g), 3 C.F.R. 90, 101 (1977) (“No employee of the United States
Government shall engage in, or conspire to engage in, political assassination.”). President Ford
issued such a prohibition in reaction to the Church Report’s statement that assassinations
conflicted with American morals and principles. Addicott, supra note 77, at 756. It is the first
time that a President had ever enacted such a prohibition. Id.; Parks, supra note 75, at 4.
However, CIA directors had issued memoranda to Agency personnel in 1972 and 1973 stating
that Agency personnel were not to engage in assassinations. Schmitt, supra note 73, at 661.
134. Exec. Order 12,036 § 2-305, 3 C.F.R. 112, 129 (1979) (“No person employed by or
acting on behalf of the Untied [sic] States Government shall engage in, or conspire to engage in,
assassination.”).
135. See Exec. Order No. 12,333, 3 C.F.R. 200 (1982); Harder, supra note 77, at 38 (noting
that EO 12,333 fails to define the term “assassination”); Parks, supra note 75, at 4 (“Neither
Executive Order 12333 nor its predecessors defines the term ‘assassination.’”).
136. Schmitt, supra note 73, at 652; see also Harder, supra note 77, at 38 (noting that the
failure of EO 12,333 to define the term assassination “prevented the United States from
following legal policy [of killing Saddam Hussein] that could have saved American lives”
during the Gulf War); Schmitt, supra note 73, at 679 (describing EO 12,333 and stating that
“[s]etting forth a prohibition without clearly delineating what it means is arguably more
damaging than having no order at all” since it opens up the possibility of abuse or “has the
potential to inhibit valid operations out of fear that the ban might be violated”).
137. KENNETH R. MAYER, WITH THE STROKE OF A PEN: EXECUTIVE ORDERS AND
power rests exclusively with Congress.”138 Based on this, courts generally find
executive orders to be unenforceable.139 Courts will enforce executive orders only if
two criteria are met. First, the executive order must have been issued “pursuant to a
statutory mandate or delegation of authority from Congress.”140 Second, the order must
indicate a clear intention by the President to create a private right of action.141
Based on these requirements, section 2.11 of EO 12,333, which prohibits
“assassinations,” is clearly unenforceable in a court of law. Section 2.11’s prohibition
on “assassinations” does not stem from a congressional mandate or delegation of
authority since Congress has never passed a law precluding such targeted killings.142
Rather, section 2.11 reflects a congressional abdication on the subject, which
Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan took upon themselves to address pursuant to their
own presidential authority.143 Further, EO 12,333 does not contemplate a private right
of action. Indeed, the executive order expressly states that it “is not intended to, and
does not, create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law or in
equity, by any party against the United States, its departments, agencies or entities, its
officers, employees, or agents, or any other person.”144 EO 12,333 therefore clearly did
PRESIDENTIAL POWER 4, 34 (2001); see also Exec. Order No. 13,470 § 3.7(c), 73 Fed. Reg.
45,325, 45,341 (stating that “[t]his order is intended only to improve the internal management of
the executive branch”). Executive orders have been issued by every President since the founding
of this country. MAYER, supra, at 4, 34; Parker & Naccarato, supra note 77, at 55. By statute, all
executive orders are published in the Federal Register “except those not having general
applicability and legal effect or effective only against Federal agencies or persons in their
capacity as officers, agents, or employees thereof.” 44 U.S.C. § 1505(a)(1) (2000).
138. U.S. Dep’t of Health & Human Servs. v. Fed. Labor Relations Auth., 844 F.2d 1087,
1095 (4th Cir. 1988); see also Addicott, supra note 77, at 757 (noting that “executive orders are
policy and not law”).
139. Facchiano Constr. Co. v. U.S. Dep’t of Labor, 987 F.2d 206, 210 (3d Cir. 1993)
(“Generally, there is no private right of action to enforce obligations imposed on executive
branch officials by executive orders.”).
140. Indep. Meat Packers Ass’n v. Butz, 526 F.2d 228, 234 (8th Cir. 1975); see also U.S.
Dep’t of Health & Human Servs., 844 F.2d at 1096 (stating that an executive order has the effect
of a statute when the order is issued “pursuant to statutory mandate or a delegation from
Congress of lawmaking authority”); In re Surface Mining Regulation Litig., 627 F.2d 1346,
1357 (D.C. Cir. 1980) (noting that executive orders are enforceable only when they have a
“specific foundation in Congressional action”).
141. MAYER, supra note 137, at 59; Chen Zhou Chai v. Carroll, 48 F.3d 1331, 1339 (4th Cir.
1995) (“An executive order issued as part of a statutory delegation of power, or as part of the
process of carrying out a statute, may create enforceable private rights, but only if the statute or
the order clearly intended to create such a right.”), superseded by statute as recognized in Yong
Hao Chen v. INS, 195 F.3d 198 (4th Cir. 1999); Acevedo v. Nassau County, 500 F.2d 1078,
1084 n.7 (2d Cir. 1974) (declining to find a private right of action to enforce an executive order
when such a right is not explicit in the order).
142. See supra note 88 and accompanying text.
143. See supra notes 131−34 and accompanying text.
144. Exec. Order No. 13,470 § 3.7(c), 73 Fed. Reg. 45,325, 45,341. This reflects amended
language issued by President Bush in 2008. Id. However, the original language of EO 12,333
contained similar limitations. See Exec. Order No. 12,333 § 3.5, 3 C.F.R. 200, 216 (1982)
(providing that nothing contained in the Order “or in any procedures promulgated hereunder is
intended to confer any substantive or procedural right or privilege on any person or
organization”).
not intend to create a private right of action.145 Having failed both requirements for
enforceability in a court of law, EO 12,333 is not judicially enforceable.146
Most importantly, however, to paraphrase the Bible: what the President giveth, the
President can taketh away; or more accurately, what the President taketh away, the
President can giveth back. It is a presidential directive (EO 12,333) which precludes
the CIA from engaging in targeted killings. Therefore, a subsequent presidential
directive can amend that restriction and authorize targeted killings, either entirely or in
limited circumstances.147 This would not only permit such actions, but as a practical
matter would immunize the killer from criminal or civil liability (assuming the targeted
killing did not violate any other U.S. law, such as section 1116).148 Further, even
though EO 12,333’s prohibition on targeted killings was publicly announced, any
change or rescission of that prohibition could be done in secret.149 It is likely, though,
145. See Michigan v. Thomas, 805 F.2d 176, 187 (6th Cir. 1986) (holding that no private
right of action exists for an executive order that expressly states that the order “is not intended to
create any right or benefit, substantive or procedural, enforceable at law by a party against the
United States, its agencies, its officers or any person”).
146. See Zhang v. Slattery, 55 F.3d 732, 748 (2d Cir. 1995) (holding that Executive Order
12,711 did not create a private right of action as it stemmed from no specific Congressional
authority and contained no indication of an intention to create a private right of action),
superseded by statute as recognized in Yong Hao Chen, 195 F.3d at 201; Haitian Refugee Ctr.,
Inc. v. Baker, 953 F.2d 1498, 1510–11 (11th Cir. 1992) (finding no private right of action for
Executive Order 12,324, when the language of that order indicated that no private civil action
was contemplated); Farkas v. Texas Instruments Inc., 375 F.2d 629, 632−33 (5th Cir. 1967)
(finding no private right of action where the history and language of the executive order
indicated that private civil action was not contemplated). The D.C. Circuit case of United
Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. v. Reagan, 738 F.2d 1375 (D.C. Cir. 1984) is inapposite.
Though the D.C. Circuit did consider whether plaintiffs there had sufficient injury in fact to
raise a claim based on EO 12,333, deciding in the end that they did not, the court never
considered the question of whether EO 12,333 permits a private right of action. See id.
147. Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 719−20 (“[An executive order] can be
changed or revoked by the President, unlike a statute. Thus, if the President could prohibit
political assassination, he could also allow it—by lifting that ban—unless other legal authorities
or political considerations forbid him from doing so.” (footnotes omitted)); Pickard, supra note
80, at 27 (noting that EO 12,333 “is not law and can be unilaterally revoked by the President”);
see also Addicott, supra note 77, at 784 (“Those who think that the United States is somehow
restricted by Executive Order 12,333 from targeting terrorists or rogue nations that threaten to
conduct terrorist acts are mistaken.”); Turner, supra note 70, at 809. This concept is further
enforced by the Fifth Function of the National Security Act, which permits the CIA to engage in
any activity authorized by the President so long as it does not violate the Constitution or any
statute. See discussion supra note 16.
148. Turner, supra note 70, at 809. An executive order cannot authorize an action that
violates a statute or the Constitution. Marks v. Cent. Intelligence Agency, 590 F.2d 997, 1003
(D.C. Cir. 1978) (“Of course, an executive order cannot supersede a statute.”); MAYER, supra
note 137, at 35−36.
149. Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 720 n.377, 725−26. Given the sensitivity of
the topic, it is unlikely that any President would publicly announce a revocation of, or exception
to, the ban. This is especially true if the exception to the ban was limited to particular
individuals or categories of people, since any public announcement would alert those potential
targets, and would preclude the United States from any future plausible deniability.
that the President would notify the congressional intelligence oversight committees of
such activities, at least in a classified setting.150 Indeed, any attempted targeted killing
by the CIA would almost certainly be considered a “covert action,” and therefore
trigger congressional notification as a matter of law.151
Applying all of the above analysis to the CIA’s attempted targeted killings of Fidel
Castro and Patrice Lumumba in the early 1960s, a compelling argument can be made
that the plots against both leaders were entirely legal. Constitutional protections did not
and do not extend to such foreigners overseas.152 Section 1116 did not exist in the early
1960s, but would have been inapplicable anyway, as the targeted killings were to take
place within each leader’s home country.153 EO 12,333 and its predecessor executive
orders also did not exist in the 1960s,154 and, in any case, could have been revoked by
presidential directive and congressional notice.155
The only legal limit, then, to the attempted killings of Fidel Castro and Patrice
Lumumba could possibly stem from the international law concepts of the use of force
and anticipatory self-defense, which were well in place in the 1960s.156 As the
Schneider case indicates, courts would probably preclude such claims under the
political question doctrine.157 However, if a court chose to consider such a claim, the
CIA’s plots would pass this international law hurdle if, as noted above, a showing
could be made that each leader posed a legitimate threat to U.S. national security or
U.S. citizens, and if the targeted killing of the leader was necessary and proportional.158
Fidel Castro fulfilled these requirements in the early 1960s. Soon after seizing
power in Cuba in January 1959,159 Castro began advocating armed struggle in Latin
America, seeking to export revolution throughout the continent and the Caribbean.160
The United States believed that Cuba was encouraging and assisting violent revolution
in virtually every country in Latin America, including assisting revolutionaries in
Argentina, smuggling guerillas into Bolivia, plotting targeted killings in Colombia,
shipping weapons to Venezuela, and initiating student riots in Puerto Rico.161 Castro’s
150. See Banks & Raven-Hansen, supra note 23, at 726−29; Pickard, supra note 80, at 34.
151. See 50 U.S.C. § 413b (Supp. V 2005). A “covert action” is defined as “an activity or
activities of the United States Government to influence political, economic, or military
conditions abroad, where it is intended that the role of the United States Government will not be
apparent or acknowledged publicly. . . .” Id. § 413b(e). A targeted killing would almost certainly
fall in this category. The executive branch is required to keep the Congressional intelligence
oversight committees “fully and currently informed” of covert action operations. Id. § 413b(b).
152. See supra notes 94−96 and accompanying text. Again, the only exception is with regard
to detainees held at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, where the United States maintains “complete and
total control.” See supra note 96.
154. See supra note 132.
155. See supra note 147 and accompanying text. As an aside, the Assassinations Report did
not find that any President authorized any of the attempted killings. ASSASSINATIONS REPORT,
supra note 42, at 7.
159. Turner, supra note 70, at 796 n.55.
160. See CARLA ANNE ROBBINS, THE CUBAN THREAT 27, 57, 90, 131 (1983).
161. Id. at 3, 57.
Cuba was also viewed as a launching point for Soviet intervention in the Western
Hemisphere.162 By the early 1960s, thousands of Soviet specialists and advisors had
entered Cuba, Soviet ships carrying military weapons were arriving almost daily at
Cuban ports, and Cuban military sites were undergoing extensive construction.163 As
President John F. Kennedy stated: “The American people are not complacent about
Iron Curtain tanks and planes less than ninety miles from their shore.”164 Castro’s
willingness to allow the Soviet Union to place nuclear missiles on the Cuban island
represented the apex of this threat to the United States.165 Castro was seen as such a
threat that the United States sent 23,000 troops to the Dominican Republic to stop that
country from being taken over by what the United States government called “Castro
Communists;”166 trained, supported, and equipped an invasion of Cuba in April 1961
via the Bay of Pigs;167 and risked nuclear war with the Soviet Union during the Cuban
Missile Crisis.168 The Assassinations Report stated that Castro only posed physical
danger to the United States during the Cuban Missile Crisis.169 However, it seems
abundantly clear that he constituted a considerable threat to the national security of the
United States throughout the early 1960s, and that his death was viewed as necessary
and proportional to the threat. Thus, Castro’s activities warranted acts of self-defense
by the United States, including an attempted targeted killing.170
The CIA’s attempt to end the life of Patrice Lumumba is admittedly more difficult
to justify legally. Nonetheless, an argument can still be made that he too posed a
legitimate threat to the national security of the United States, even though the
Assassinations Report found that he never posed any physical danger to the United
States.171 Lumumba rose to power in the summer of 1960, when Congo was declaring
its independence from Belgium.172 He briefly served as Premier of the new country
before being ousted and joining the opposition party, where he continuously posed a
threat to return to power.173 He was killed in early 1961 by forces not affiliated with the
United States.174
162. See id. at 103−04; Adlai Stevenson, U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, Speech to
the United Nations Security Council (Oct. 23, 1962), in 8 THE PAPERS OF ADLAI E. STEVENSON
309, 319 (Walter Johnson ed., 1979) [hereinafter Stevenson Speech] (“The crucial fact is that
Cuba has given the Soviet Union a bridgehead and staging area in this hemisphere—that it has
invited an extra-continental, anti-democratic and expansionist power into the bosom of the
American family—that it has made itself an accomplice in the communist enterprise of world
domination.”).
163. ROBBINS, supra note 160, at 105.
164. Id. at 103.
165. Stevenson Speech, supra note 162, at 309 (noting that the placing of nuclear missiles on
Cuba “constitutes a threat to the peace of this hemisphere” and “to the peace of the world”).
166. ROBBINS, supra note 160, at 1.
167. Id. at 101−02.
168. Id. at 105−10; Stevenson Speech, supra note 162 (urging the United Nations Security
Council to take action against Cuba during the Cuban Missile crisis).
169. ASSASSINATIONS REPORT, supra note 42, at 258.
172. Id. at 13.
173. Id. at 13−14, 16, 18.
174. Id. at 4.
The CIA initiated plans to kill Lumumba soon after he became Premier.175 The
concern arose from Lumumba’s perceived strong affiliation with the Soviet Union,
which provided him advisors as well as considerable military aid and equipment.176 At
the time, “American officials believed the basic premise of Cold War ideology: the
threat of aggressive, monolithic international communism . . . . They knew the Congo
would be a valuable prize for the communists due to its size, central location in Africa,
and vast mineral wealth.”177 There was fear that “a Communist victory in this large,
centrally located state could create a base for the subversion of Central Africa.”178
Based on this, Acting Secretary of State C. Douglas Dillon considered Lumumba
“dangerous to the peace and safety of the world,”179 while CIA Director Allen Dulles
regarded Lumumba as “a grave danger.”180 Numerous members of Congress agreed.181
So concerned was the United States about Lumumba that it positioned an attack carrier
off the coast of Congo, and drew up contingency plans for a limited war.182
While the United States’ perception of Lumumba may have been excessive and
even misguided,183 the fact remained that he threatened to lead the largest country in
Africa into the Soviet fold. Such fears might seem overly alarmist now with the
collapse of the Soviet Union, and may have seemed exaggerated to the Church
Committee examining the CIA’s attempted killing of Lumumba more than a decade
after the fact. The truth, however, is that the communist threat in Africa in the early
1960s was both real and considerable. The United States fervently believed that its way
of life was under attack and that the only way to prevent a communist takeover of the
world was to control Soviet influence anywhere it appeared. The Congo was not any
African country–due to its size and location, it represented a critical area to prevent the
communist infiltration of Africa that could spread beyond that continent and threaten
175. See id. at 4, 13−14.

176. See id. at 14, 62; CENT. INTELLIGENCE AGENCY, CURRENT INTELLIGENCE STAFF STUDY:
SOVIET POLICY TOWARD THE UNDERDEVELOPED COUNTRIES 102 (1961), available at
http://www.foia.cia.gov (type “Soviet Policy Toward the Undeveloped Countries” in the Search
Declassified Docs browser; then click on “SOVIET POLICY TOWARD THE
UNDERDEVELOPED COUNTRIES (XIII–61*) in the results) (noting that the Soviet Union
provided Lumumba with “relief supplies, technicians, and advisers” and promised “almost
unlimited economic aid”); STEPHEN R. WEISSMAN, AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN THE CONGO
1960–1964, at 81, 262 (1974).
177. WEISSMAN, supra note 176, at 52; see also ASSASSINATIONS REPORT, supra note 42, at
256 (discussing how the CIA’s assassination plots were planned in the depths of the Cold War,
when “our country faced a monolithic enemy in Communism”).
178. WEISSMAN, supra note 176, at 53; see also ASSASSINATIONS REPORT, supra note 42, at
18 n.4 (noting the fear expressed by the Chief of CIA’s Africa division that Soviet control of the
Congo would create a domino effect in Africa).
180. Id. at 62. Even after being ousted from power, Lumumba was considered extremely
dangerous due to his ability to influence the Congolese people. As Secretary Dillon noted, were
Lumumba given the chance to talk to the Congolese Army, “he probably would have had them
in the palm of his hand in five minutes.” Id. at 63.
181. WEISSMAN, supra note 176, at 140.
182. Id. at 279.
183. See generally id. at 257−90 (discussing how the United States misunderstood Lumumba
and his politics).
the national security of the United States. And Lumumba was not any African leader—
his affiliation with the Soviet Union, as well as his magnetic personality,184 led the
United States to believe that his leadership of the Congo threatened the United States’
security concerns for the entire African continent. Just as many scholars have argued
that a targeted killing of Saddam Hussein before the invasion of Iraq was justified due
to his threat to the Middle East,185 so too could the United States have deemed an
attempted killing of Lumumba as necessary and proportional in order to prevent a
perceived Soviet take-over of Africa.
Thus, in 1973, the CIA could engage in targeted killings of foreign leaders so long
as the target posed a threat to U.S. citizens or U.S. national security, the action was
proportional and necessary (per international law), and the attempt took place within
the leader’s own country (section 1116). The only change since 1973 has been the
proscription contained in EO 12,333, which could be amended or reversed if the
President issued a specific directive and provided notice to the congressional
intelligence oversight committees.186
IV. ELECTRONIC SURVEILLANCE OF AMERICANS
The Family Jewels describe two CIA operations involving the electronic
surveillance of Americans in the United States. In neither operation did the CIA seek
or acquire a warrant. In one operation, the CIA listened to radio telephone calls
between alleged drug traffickers in the United States and South America.187 The
surveillance ended after four months, when the CIA’s General Counsel rendered an
opinion that the activity was illegal.188 A more notorious CIA electronic surveillance
operation was Project Mockingbird, which involved tapping the Washington, D.C.
telephones of two U.S. newspaper reporters in 1963.189 The operation was done with
the support of the telephone company,190 and with the apparent knowledge and consent
of the Attorney General.191 The reporters had published extensive news articles that
contained highly classified CIA information.192 The CIA tapped the reporters’ phones
to identify the sources of that classified information, in order to prevent such leaks
from continuing.193 The operation culminated in the identification of dozens and
dozens of the reporters’ sources, including a White House staffer, an Assistant

185. See, e.g., Turner, supra note 70, at 789 n.12, 807 (noting Professor Turner’s own views
as well as that of “Pentagon ‘super-lawyer’” W. Hays Parks that killing Saddam Hussein would
have been justified).
186. For additional discussion on the legality of targeted killings today, see Banks & Raven-
Hansen, supra note 23, at 749; Parks, supra note 75; Pickard, supra note 80, at 34–35; Schmitt,
supra note 73, at 675; Turner, supra note 70, at 807–08.
187. See FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00537.
188. See id. at 00331, 00534–35, 00537–39.
189. See id. at 00021, 00457.
190. See id. at 00021.
191. See id. at 00021; ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 164.
192. FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00021.
193. See id.
Attorney General, twenty-one congressional staffers, six Members of Congress, and

twelve Senators.194
The question of whether the United States government is permitted to conduct this
type of warrantless electronic surveillance of Americans has been an on-going debate
for forty years, and remains unresolved.195 The tension stems from two competing
facets of the United States Constitution. The Fourth Amendment prohibits the United
States government from searching the property of an American absent a warrant.196 In
juxtaposition is what is referred to as the inherent constitutional authority of the
President to engage in foreign affairs.197 This tension is aided by the fact that the
Framers of the Constitution did not, and could not, foresee the concept of electronic
surveillance (as there were no telephones in 1776, much less a means to tap them), and
therefore could not even contemplate the problems such surveillance would place on
the Fourth Amendment in the area of national security.198
The Supreme Court first addressed the constitutionality of electronic surveillance in
1967 when it held that warrantless searches in a domestic criminal context generally
were “per se unreasonable under the Fourth Amendment . . . .”199 However, the Court
explicitly demurred as to whether a warrant would be required for electronic
surveillance “in a situation involving the national security. . . .”200 The Court addressed
that latter issue in 1972, in analyzing a warrantless wiretap of three individuals accused
of conspiring to destroy a CIA office in Michigan.201 Though the Court found that the
actions of the government there violated the Fourth Amendment’s requirement of a
warrant, it was cautious to indicate that its opinion “involves only the domestic aspects
of national security. We have not addressed, and express no opinion as to, the issues
which may be involved with respect to activities of foreign powers or their agents.”202
194. Id.
195. See Warrantless Surveillance and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance: The Role of
Checks and Balances in Protecting Americans’ Privacy Rights (Part I): Hearing Before the H.
Comm. of the Judiciary, 110th Cong. 25 (2007) [hereinafter Warrantless Surveillance]
(prepared statement of Robert F. Turner) (describing the decades-long debate over warrantless
electronic surveillance).
196. U.S. CONST. amend. IV.
197. See Constitutional Limitations on Domestic Surveillance: Hearing on Warrantless
Surveillance and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act Before the H. Comm. of the
Judiciary, 110th Cong. 76 (2007) [hereinafter Constitutional Limitations] (prepared statement
of Louis Fisher) (explaining the “inherent authority” concept); Warrantless Surveillance, supra
note 195, at 37–43 (noting that this inherent authority stems from the powers provided the
president by Article II of the Constitution).
198. William C. Banks, The Death of FISA, 91 MINN. L. REV. 1209, 1221 (2007).
199. Katz v. United States, 389 U.S. 347, 357 (1967) (footnotes omitted); see also
Warrantless Surveillance, supra note 195, at 40 (noting that Katz was the first Supreme Court
case to consider the issue of electronic surveillance).
200. Katz, 389 U.S. at 358 n.23.
201. See United States v. U.S. Dist. Court for the E. Dist. of Mich. (Keith), 407 U.S. 297
(1972).
202. Id. at 321–22 (footnote omitted); see also id. at 308–09 (emphasizing that the opinion
applied only to domestic matters and “requires no judgment on the scope of the President’s
surveillance power with respect to the activities of foreign powers, within or without this
country”).
The Supreme Court has yet to address this last issue regarding foreign national
security concerns. The Fourth Circuit, however, considered this issue in the well-
known case of United States v. Truong Dinh Hung, an espionage case in which Truong
and others stood accused of transmitting classified information to representatives of the
Socialist Republic of Vietnam.203 In investigating the case, and seeking to discover the
scope and sources of the espionage, the United States government placed a tap on
Truong’s phone, and bugged his apartment, with Attorney General approval but
without seeking a warrant from a court.204
The Fourth Circuit upheld the warrantless tap and bug under the Fourth
Amendment, noting that thwarting overseas threats requires speed and secrecy;
requiring a warrant “would add a procedural hurdle” that would reduce the President’s
ability to act quickly and would risk exposure.205 The court also recognized that the
executive branch possesses “unparalleled expertise” in the arena of foreign affairs,
which the courts do not have and should not second-guess.206 Finally, and most
importantly, the court recognized that the executive branch is “constitutionally
designated as the pre-eminent authority in foreign affairs” and therefore separation of
powers requires the courts “to acknowledge the principal responsibility of the President
for foreign affairs and concomitantly for foreign intelligence surveillance.”207 The
Truong court, however, placed some limits on warrantless foreign intelligence
surveillance. The target of the surveillance must be a foreign power, or an agent or
collaborator of a foreign power; the surveillance must be primarily for foreign
intelligence purposes; and the surveillance must be reasonable.208
Every other lower court that considered the matter has come to the same conclusion
and has upheld the executive branch’s ability to conduct warrantless electronic
searches in the United States so long as there is Attorney General approval and the
purpose of the surveillance is to acquire foreign intelligence information.209 The
203. 629 F.2d 908 (4th Cir. 1980).

204. Id. at 912.
205. Id. at 913.
206. Id. at 913–14.
207. Id. at 914.
208. Id. at 915–16.
209. See United States v. Buck, 548 F.2d 871, 875 (9th Cir. 1977) (“Foreign security
wiretaps are a recognized exception to the general warrant requirement . . . .”); United States v.
Butenko, 494 F.2d 593, 605 (3d Cir. 1974) (upholding a warrantless tap as reasonable under the
Fourth Amendment since the tap was “‘solely for the purpose of gathering foreign intelligence
information’”); United States v. Brown, 484 F.2d 418, 426 (5th Cir. 1973) (permitting the use of
evidence obtained from a warrantless wiretap, where the wiretap was for the purpose of
gathering foreign intelligence, due to “the President’s constitutional duty to act for the United
States in the field of foreign relations, and his inherent power to protect national security in the
context of foreign affairs”); United States v. Clay, 430 F.2d 165, 171–72 (5th Cir. 1970) , rev’d
on other grounds, 403 U.S. 698 (1971) (allowing information from a warrantless tap of a former
boxing champion since the purpose of the tap was for “foreign intelligence surveillance”); see
also In re Sealed Case, 310 F.3d 717, 742 (FISA Ct. Rev. 2002) (“The Truong court, as did all
the other courts to have decided the issue, held that the President did have inherent authority to
conduct warrantless searches to obtain foreign intelligence information.”); Warrantless
Surveillance, supra note 195, at 24 (“Since Keith, every single Federal court of appeals to
decide the issue has agreed the President has independent constitutional power to [collect
conduct of such warrantless electronic surveillance for this purpose not only precludes
any allegation of constitutional violation, but, being based on the constitutional power
of the President, also would appear to vitiate any claim that such activities violate
federal statutes that prohibit warrantless electronic surveillance.210
The law in this area changed in 1978 with passage of the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act (FISA),211 which was meant to place the constitutional debate on
hold.212 FISA represented a contentious and difficult compromise regarding the
collection of foreign intelligence.213 The Supreme Court had left the door open
regarding warrantless wiretaps for foreign intelligence purposes, and the lower courts
had uniformly permitted the government to go through that door. However, the
executive branch worried that the Supreme Court might decide to take up the matter
and issue a less favorable ruling.214 Furthermore, numerous lawsuits had been filed
challenging warrantless electronic surveillance, and most telephone companies and
government agencies were becoming reluctant to engage in such surveillance without a
court order.215
FISA thus sought to balance the public’s concern about an unfettered government
with the executive branch’s need to collect foreign intelligence quickly and in secret.216
One of FISA’s main tenets was the creation of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Court (FISC), which is a special tribunal comprised of eleven district court judges.217
FISA authorizes judges on the FISC to issue foreign intelligence warrants if certain
foreign intelligence information without a warrant].”).

210. See Butenko, 494 F.2d at 598–602 (stating that the President’s authority to gather
foreign intelligence trumps section 605 of the Communications Act of 1934, which prohibits the
warrantless interception of communications); Clay, 430 F.2d at 171–72 (same). The basis for
this stems from the President’s constitutional power, not any “exemption” language in section
605 of the Communications Act of 1934. Admittedly, in the 1970s, section 605 did contain a
provision that nothing contained in that act “shall limit the constitutional power of the President
to take such measures as he deems necessary . . . to obtain foreign intelligence information
deemed essential to the security of the United States.” 18 U.S.C. § 2511(3) (1974). However,
the Supreme Court expressly refused to interpret this language as exempting any presidential
action, but rather considered it a “clear[] expression of congressional neutrality. . . . [N]othing in
§ 2511(3) was intended to expand or to contract or to define whatever presidential surveillance
powers existed in matters affecting the national security.” United States v. U.S. Dist. Court for
the E. Dist. of Mich. (Keith), 407 U.S. 297, 308 (1972) (emphasis in original). As the Court
held, “the statute is not the measure of the executive authority asserted in this case. Rather, we
must look to the constitutional powers of the President.” Id. As noted in the text, the President’s
constitutional powers permit warrantless electronic surveillance for foreign intelligence
purposes.
211. 50 U.S.C. §§ 1801–62 (2000).
212. Ellsberg v. Mitchell, 709 F.2d 51, 66 n.66 (D.C. Cir. 1983) (noting that the enactment
of FISA “seems likely to result in indefinite postponement of definitive resolution of the
constitutional minima” in the area of foreign intelligence surveillance).
213. Banks, supra note 198, at 1225; Diane Carraway Piette & Jesselyn Radack, Piercing the
“Historical Mists”: The People and Events Behind the Passage of FISA and the Creation of the
“Wall”, 17 STAN. L. & POL’Y REV. 437, 441 (2006).
214. Piette & Radack, supra note 213, at 442–43.
215. See id. at 441–42, 448; Banks, supra note 198, at 1225.
216. ACLU v. Barr, 952 F.2d 457, 461 (D.C. Cir. 1991); Banks, supra note 198, at 1228;
Piette & Radack, supra note 213, at 486.
217. See 50 U.S.C. § 1803(a) (2000).
criteria are met.218 Requests to the FISC must be in writing and under oath, and must be
approved by the Attorney General after personal review.219 For a warrant to issue, the
FISC judge must find probable cause to believe that the target is a foreign power or an
agent of a foreign power, and that foreign intelligence information is being sought.220
FISC judges hold hearings in secret and ex parte, and their decisions are usually not
published.221 The Attorney General may still authorize warrantless electronic
surveillance, but only in very limited circumstances.222 Criminal and civil liabilities
attach to violations of FISA, and a private right of action exists.223
Per its terms, FISA is considered the “exclusive means” of engaging in electronic
surveillance for foreign intelligence purposes.224 Nonetheless, a recent argument has
been made that the restrictions of FISA can be superseded in certain circumstances.
Supporters of this position note that portions of FISA contain the provision “unless
authorized by statute.”225 Therefore, it has been argued that a statute authorizing the
President to engage in wide-ranging activities designed to protect the nation in time of
emergency, such as the Authorization for Use of Military Force Resolution (AUMF)
enacted in the wake of 9/11,226 can serve to overcome the restrictions of FISA,
including the preclusion of electronic surveillance absent a FISC-ordered warrant.227
Indeed, this was the legal argument employed by the Bush Administration to validate
the National Security Agency’s “Terrorist Surveillance Program.”228 Critics of this
218. See id. § 1804.

219. Id. § 1804(a), (e).
220. Id. §§ 1804(a)(4), 1805.
221. Banks, supra note 198, at 1231; see § 1803(c).
222. This includes when there is an emergency during the fifteen days following a
congressional declaration of war, or if the surveillance is directed solely at communications
between or amongst foreign powers and “there is no substantial likelihood that the surveillance
will acquire the contents of any communications to which a United States person is a party.” §§
1802(a)(1), 1805(f), 1811. Recent amendments to FISA also authorize the Attorney General and
the Director of National Intelligence to conduct warrantless electronic surveillance of persons
“reasonably believed to be located outside the United States,” under certain criteria. Foreign
Intelligence Act of 1978 Amendments Act of 2008, Pub. L. No. 110-261, § 101, 122 Stat.
2436(to be codified at 50 U.S.C. § 1881).
223. §§ 1809–10.
224. 18 U.S.C. § 2511(2)(f) (2006); Constitutional Limitations, supra note 197, at 74;
Banks, supra note 198, at 1232 (quoting § 2511(2)(f)).
225. See, e.g., 50 U.S.C. § 1809 (providing for criminal sanctions for engaging “in electronic
surveillance under color of law except as authorized by statute”).
226. S.J. Res. 23, 115 Stat. 224 (2001).
227. See An Examination of the Call to Censure the President: Hearing Before the S. Comm.
on the Judiciary, 109th Cong. 122 (2006) (statement of Robert Turner) (noting that the AUMF
trumps FISA and “clearly empowers [the President] to exercise the intelligence-gathering
component of his Commander in Chief power”).
228. See Constitutional Limitations, supra note 197, at 74–75; see also Press Briefing,
Attorney General Alberto Gonzales (Dec. 19, 2005). The program authorized the NSA to
monitor—without prior FISC or other court approval—phone calls and other communications
where the NSA believed one party to the communication was affiliated with Al Qaeda and
outside the United States, even if it was possible that the other party resided in the United
States. Id.
argument, who are numerous, assert that the specific restrictions contained in FISA
cannot be overcome by a much broader and less specific statute such as the AUMF.229
An additional, and more fundamental, argument in favor of Presidential primacy in
this area asserts that FISA cannot usurp the aforementioned inherent presidential
authority over foreign affairs. As Professor Robert Turner, one of the most forceful
advocates of this position describes:
At the core of exclusive presidential constitutional powers are the conduct of

diplomacy, the collection of foreign intelligence, and the supreme command of
military forces and conduct of military operations. Into these areas, Congress was
not intended by the Founding Fathers to interfere. This was the consistent view of
the Federalist Papers and the courts have repeatedly affirmed these principles.230
Per Professor Turner and others, including the Bush Administration, this authority
provides the President with power to engage in warrantless searches, a power that
cannot be taken away by Congress through FISA or any other mechanism, as a matter
of constitutional law.231 The FISC Court of Review, in the only opinion it has ever
issued, appears to confirm this position. The court, in discussing whether the President
has the inherent authority to conduct warrantless searches to obtain foreign intelligence
information, stated: “We take for granted that the President does have that authority
and, assuming that is so, FISA could not encroach on the President’s constitutional
power.”232
However, this assertion is hotly contested. Critics have asserted that the Constitution
is not as clear cut as Professor Turner suggests; that the executive branch has acceded
to the exclusivity of FISA when President Carter signed FISA into law in 1978; that
such accession is further evidenced by the executive branch’s continued use of the
FISC; and that the proper mechanism for concerns about FISA is to seek a legislative
amendment.233 Congress apparently sought to resolve this issue when it amended FISA
in 2008 to, inter alia, expressly provide that FISA “shall be the exclusive means by
which electronic surveillance and the interception of domestic wire, oral, or electronic
communications may be conducted.”234 However, such legislation does not resolve the
underlying constitutional argument.
229. See, e.g., Constitutional Limitations, supra note 197, at 75 (statement of Louis Fisher)
(asserting that the broad language in the AUMF does not allow the President to have unfettered
power: “If Congress after 9/11 wanted to modify [the FISA] procedures and permit the President
to engage in national security surveillance without a judicial check, it knows how to amend a
statute”); Piette & Radack, supra note 213, at 443 n.26 (citing numerous critics of the
Administration’s argument).
230. Warrantless Surveillance, supra note 195, at 29.
231. Id. at 36 (“[T]he foundation of FISA from the start was not a lawful and binding Act of
Congress at all but rather a usurpation of presidential constitutional power that as a matter of
U.S. constitutional law was void . . . .”); Press Briefing, supra note 228.
232. In re Sealed Case, 310 F.2d 717, 742 (FISA Ct. Rev. 2002).
233. Constitutional Limitations, supra note 197, at 76–79; see also Warrantless
Surveillance, supra note 195, at 58–59 (summarizing the critics’ argument); Piette & Radack,
supra note 213, at 443 n.26 (citing numerous critics of the program).
234. Foreign Intelligence Act of 1978 Amendments Act of 2008, Pub. L. No. 110-261, §
102(a), 122 Stat. 2436(to be codified at 50 U.S.C. § 1812 (2000)).
Finally, it should be noted that EO 12,333 also precludes the CIA from “engag[ing]
in electronic surveillance within the United States except for the purpose of training,
testing, or conducting countermeasures to hostile electronic surveillance.”235 However,
as noted previously, the limitations of EO 12,333 can be countermanded by
presidential directive.236
Overall then, it seems clear that at the time of the Family Jewels in 1973 the CIA
could engage in electronic surveillance in the United States without a warrant but with
Attorney General approval, so long as the purpose was to collect foreign
intelligence.237 It is also possible that the target of the surveillance needed to be a
foreign power or an agent of a foreign power, as mandated by some courts.238 These
requirements continue today, with the additional requirement that the Agency likely
would need to acquire a warrant from the FISC or at least a presidential directive.239
Applying the above requirements to the circumstances described in the Family
Jewels is not simple, especially given the lack of factual information surrounding those
electronic surveillance activities and the current legal uncertainty in this area.
However, Project Mockingbird—the CIA’s warrantless telephone tap of the phones of
U.S. reporters to determine their sources of information—does not appear to have been
legal in 1973. Though the Agency had Attorney General approval to conduct the
taps,240 the surveillance does not appear to have been done to collect foreign
intelligence, but rather to assess the source of leaks,241 and therefore would not comply
with the basic requirements of the foreign intelligence exception. It is possible that the
project could have complied with that exception, and been legal, if the CIA originally
believed that the leaks were being made by or to agents of a foreign power, or that the
reporters were acting as agents of a foreign power. However, there is no indication that
the CIA ever held such a belief or acted for such a purpose, and therefore the project
would appear to have been illegal.242
The CIA’s practice of tapping telephone conversations between alleged narcotics
traffickers in the United States and in South America would seem on its face to be a
more legal endeavor because such information has clear foreign intelligence value.243
The CIA’s General Counsel, however, determined the telephone taps were not done for
foreign intelligence purposes. Instead, the General Counsel determined that since the
“ultimate destination” of the information from the taps was to the then predecessor of
235. Exec. Order No. 12,333 § 2.4, 3 C.F.R. 200, 212 (1982).
238. See supra text accompanying note 208.
239. See supra text accompanying notes 211–35.
242. The Rockefeller Commission agreed, noting that the Agency has authority to conduct
investigations of present or former employees, but “has no authority to investigate newsmen
simply because they have published leaked classified information.” ROCKEFELLER REPORT,
supra note 17, at 165–66.
243. See, e.g., 21 U.S.C. § 801 (2006) (reciting Congressional concerns regarding
international narcotics trafficking, including a finding that the “illegal importation . . . of
controlled substances [has] a substantial and detrimental effect on the health and general welfare
of the American people”).
the Drug Enforcement Administration, “it appears to be collection for law-enforcement

purposes, which . . . is barred to this Agency by statute.”244 It should be noted,
however, that the mere fact that the information was provided to a law enforcement
agency does not in itself preclude collection from being done for foreign intelligence
purposes. Indeed, Truong involved a joint collection operation by the FBI and the CIA,
where information acquired from warrantless electronic surveillance was eventually
used in a criminal prosecution.245 Nonetheless, there are insufficient facts in the Family
Jewels to assess the true purpose of the telephone taps of the narcotics traffickers. It is
also unclear whether the CIA acquired Attorney General approval to engage in this
electronic surveillance, and whether the traffickers were acting as agents of a foreign
power. The CIA did end the operation because of the General Counsel’s opinion.246
V. EXAMINATION OF U.S. MAIL
From the early 1950s until 1973, the CIA, with the general knowledge and consent
of the United States Postal Service, engaged in a systematic operation to examine
extensive amounts of mail sent between Americans and individuals in communist
countries, most particularly the Soviet Union.247 The purpose of the operation was to
“give United States intelligence agencies insight into Soviet intelligence activities and
interests.”248 The operation took place mostly in the main post office in New York,
though short-lived mail examination programs also occurred in post offices in San
Francisco, Hawaii, and New Orleans.249
The mail program, known by the cryptonym SRPOINTER-HTLINGUAL,250 began
with CIA engaging purely in a “mail cover” operation, in which CIA officers examined
just the outside or “cover” of mail mostly received from, but also sent to, communist
countries.251 The program soon progressed to opening certain select envelopes and
reviewing their contents.252 If the contents were of interest, the cover of the envelope
and its contents were photographed, with the copies sent to CIA headquarters and often
to the FBI for review.253 The original letters would then be resealed and reinserted into
the mail system for delivery.254 Generally, the evaluation of the covers and letters, to
include the opening and resealing of envelopes, took place at the actual postal facilities
located at the intercept points, for example New York and San Francisco, with the

245. See United States v. Truong Dinh Hung, 629 F.2d 908, 912 (4th Cir. 1980).
247. ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 101; see also FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at
00331 (discussing the CIA’s reading of Russian and other mail).
248. ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 101 (quoting a report from the CIA Chief of
Counterintelligence to DCIA Schlesinger).
249. Id. (noting that the San Francisco program operated during four separate periods of time
of a month or less between 1969 and 1971; the Hawaii program ran from late 1954 to early
1955; the New Orleans program existed only during a three-week stretch in 1957).
250. See FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00644.
251. ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 103.
252. Id.
253. Id. at 105.
254. See id.
analysis occurring at CIA headquarters, in Langley, Virginia.255 Much of the

determination as to which envelopes were to be opened stemmed from watch lists,
created by the CIA or FBI, of individuals or organizations of particular interest.256
During its inception in the early 1950s, the operation involved examination of only
a few letters.257 By 1959, the number had grown to 13,000 letters per year.258 The
project ballooned from there. In 1972, the last full year of operation, the New York
intercept facility, which was the only program in operation at the time, examined the
covers of over 2.3 million items of mail coming into and going out of the United
States, photographed the exterior of approximately 33,000 items, opened and analyzed
8700 items of mail, and sent 1400 items of information from the mail intercept
program to the FBI.259
The CIA notified, and acquired permission from, the Chief Postal Inspector of the
Postal Service, as well as other Postal Inspectors, regarding the “mail cover” portion of
the project (though not the “mail opening” portion) both in writing and verbally before
the operation commenced.260 Moreover, the Chief Postal Inspector who served from
1969 through the end of the Agency’s program in 1973, having been a former Agency
officer, was aware of both the mail cover and mail opening portions of the Agency’s
program.261 The CIA also briefed, and received approval from, many of the other
Postmasters General, and at least one other Chief Postal Inspector, throughout the
duration of the program, though it is unclear whether such briefings included
discussion of the mail opening portion of the program.262 The CIA also briefed
Attorney General John Mitchell on the program in 1971; Attorney General Mitchell
fully concurred with continuing the operation.263 There is no indication that the CIA
ever briefed any other high-level official in the executive branch (to include any
President) on the program during its operation.264 Nor is there any indication that
Congress or the courts were aware of the program, much less had a chance to evaluate
255. FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00644; ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 105,
112–15. The Church Report indicates that at least some of the mail opening operations took
place at a CIA “laboratory” located at Kennedy Airport. SENATE SELECT COMM. TO STUDY
GOVERNMENTAL OPERATIONS WITH RESPECT TO INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES, SUPPLEMENTARY
DETAILED STAFF REPORTS ON INTELLIGENCE AND THE RIGHTS OF AMERICANS: BOOK III: FINAL
REPORT, S. REP. NO. 94-755, at 572 (1976), available at,
http://www.aarclibrary.org/publib/contents/church/contents_church_reports_book3.htm
[hereinafter CHURCH REPORT: BOOK III]. It is unclear whether that laboratory was affixed to, or
part of, the U.S. Postal facility at that airport.
00644–45 (discussing the CIA’s maintenance of the watch list).
258. Id.
259. Id. at 111–12.
260. Id. at 103.
261. Id. at 108–09.
262. See id. at 104–10 (discussing several Postmasters General who were briefed during the
program). But see CHURCH REPORT: BOOK III, supra note 255, at 585 (stating that the CIA
provided no information on the program to several of the Postmasters General who served while
the program was in place).
264. Id. at 111.
its legality, until after the program had been terminated.265 The CIA never acquired a
warrant for the program.266
The CIA ended the program in 1973 when the postal service refused to allow the
program to continue without high-level approval, presumably from the President.267 By
then, much of the take from the operation involved matters of greater interest to the
FBI than to the CIA.268 With the risk of exposure high, the CIA determined the
operation should be completely turned over to the FBI.269 Nonetheless, both the CIA
and FBI believed that the project had provided valuable strategic and technical
intelligence, as well as numerous counterintelligence leads.270
The Rockefeller Commission, without much analysis, concluded that the Agency’s
mail intercept program was “unlawful,” as it had violated unspecified “United States
statutes” and the National Security Act of 1947, and “raise[d] Constitutional
questions.”271 A more extensive analysis of the program, however, indicates that the
mail cover portion of the program was legal throughout its duration, while the mail
opening portion was legal during its peak years, and may have been since its inception.
A. Mail Cover Portion
Three statutes impose criminal sanctions for interference with U.S. mail—18 U.S.C.
§§ 1701, 1702, and 1703. Section 1701, in relevant part, imposes criminal penalties on
anyone who “knowingly and willfully obstructs or retards the passage of the mail.”272
Section 1702 prohibits the opening of mail, or the taking of letters out of a post facility
or out of the custody of a mail carrier “with design to obstruct the correspondence, or
to pry into the business or secrets of another.”273 Section 1703 prohibits postal
employees from “unlawfully” opening or delaying any correspondence, and prohibits
anyone (postal employees or otherwise) from opening or destroying any mail “without
authority.”274 These statutes apply to all mail in the United States, even if originating
overseas.275 All of these statutory provisions have remained the same in relevant part
since they were enacted in 1948.276
265. See Avery v. United States, 434 F. Supp. 937, 940 (D. Conn. 1977) (noting that the CIA
never sought or obtained judicial approval for its mail operation). See generally ROCKEFELLER
REPORT, supra note 17, at 101–15 (discussing interaction of CIA officials with other
government officials but notably never mentioning Congress or the courts).
266. Avery, 434 F. Supp. at 940.
267. ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 20, 111.
268. FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00028 (noting that by the end of the operation it
appeared that the “bulk of the take involved matters of internal security interest which was [sic]
disseminated to the Federal Bureau of Investigation”).
270. Id. at 112.
271. Id. at 115.
272. 18 U.S.C. § 1701 (2006).
273. Id. § 1702.
274. Id. § 1703.
275. Id. § 1692.
276. See 18 U.S.C.A. §§ 1701–1703 notes (West 2000) (indicating only nominal changes
since each provision’s inception).
Courts have consistently held that mail cover operations do not violate §§ 1701,
1702, or 1703 as long as there is a legitimate government purpose to the operation and
there is “only an insubstantial delay of the mail as the result of an authorized ‘mail
cover’ or ‘mail watch.’”277 In United States v. Costello, postal authorities, at the
request of law enforcement officers and without seeking a warrant from a judge,
recorded the names and return addresses that appeared on mail addressed to the
defendant, who was believed to be engaged in tax evasion.278 The Second Circuit held
that this mail cover operation in Costello did not violate §§ 1701, 1702, or 1703, as
any delay in delivery of the defendant’s mail was minimal (§ 1701), the defendant’s
letters were never removed from the post office (§ 1702), and any delay had a lawful
purpose (§ 1703).279
The same should be true for the CIA’s mail cover program. There is no indication
that the CIA’s review of the cover of mail coming in from, and going out to, the Soviet
Union and other communist countries resulted in anything more than minimal delay of
that mail.280 When only the covers of letters were analyzed, the letters never left the
post office, as the CIA ran this operation in the postal facilities.281 It is also clear that
there was a lawful government purpose to the review of the mail covers. The National
Security Act authorizes the CIA to collect foreign intelligence information,282 which
would clearly include information on suspected communist intelligence operations.283
Thus, there is no basis to find any criminal violation from the CIA’s mail cover
program.284
There is also no basis for civil liability. There is no civil statute precluding mail
cover operations, and courts are uniform in holding that §§ 1701–1703 do not contain
a private right of action, and therefore are unenforceable in a civil context.285 Courts
277. United States v. Upshaw, 895 F.2d 109, 110–111 (3d Cir. 1990) (summarizing the case
law of mail cover).
278. 255 F.2d 876, 881 (2d Cir. 1958).
279. Id. at 881–82.
280. See ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 101–15 (discussing the mail cover program
without suggesting that anything more than a minimal delay was caused). The Church
Commission noted that even the mail opening portion of the operation resulted in an average
delay of only one day. CHURCH REPORT: BOOK III, supra note 255, at 572.
281. See ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 105.
283. See infra text accompanying notes 329–30 for additional discussion of the lawful
government purpose of the Agency’s mail operation.
284. See Lustiger v. United States, 386 F.2d 132, 139 (9th Cir. 1968) (stating that the
government does not violate § 1703 when it places a “mail watch” on incoming mail to an
individual believed to be involved in an illegal scheme to sell land in Arizona through
misleading brochures sent through the mail); Cohen v. United States, 378 F.2d 751, 759 (9th
Cir. 1967) (finding no violation of §§ 1701–1703 where the government placed a mail cover on
the incoming mail of an individual suspected of conducting an illegal gambling business);
United States v. Costello, 255 F.2d 876, 881 (2d Cir. 1958) (finding no violation of §§ 1701–
1703 for a mail cover operation).
285. See Woods v. McGuire, 954 F.2d 388, 391 (6th Cir. 1992) (“[F]ederal courts uniformly
have held that there is no private right of action under [§ 1703].”); Contemporary Mission, Inc.
v. U.S. Postal Serv., 648 F.2d 97, 103 n.7 (2d Cir. 1981) (holding that there is no private cause
of action for §§ 1701–1703); United States ex rel. Pope v. Bruckno, 330 F. Supp. 793, 795
have also consistently found that mail cover operations do not violate the
Constitution.286 Anyone who uses the United States postal service is clearly aware that
the outside of their mail will be seen by others, and in particular by government
officials. At the very least, “persons who sent or received mail knew or ought to have
known that postal employees must examine the outside of the mail in order to deliver
it.”287 Furthermore, there is knowledge that at least incoming international mail is
subject to inspection by United States law enforcement. As Justice Friendly has stated:
“it is difficult to see how there can be any [reasonable expectation of privacy] with
respect to the outsides of incoming international mails which are subject to inspection
and even in some cases to opening in aid of the enforcement of the customs laws.”288
Indeed, the courts have analogized the issue to telephone calls:
Just as courts have held that a person’s expectations of privacy concerning

telephone communication attach only to the Contents of the conversation and not
to the fact the communication was made, so also the courts have held that a person
may reasonably expect privacy only with respect to the contents of an envelope
and Not with respect to information knowingly exposed to third parties on the
envelope’s exterior.289
Nonetheless, the Rockefeller Commission found the CIA’s cover operation to be

illegal, stating that mail cover operations “are legal when carried out in compliance
with postal regulations on a limited and selective basis involving matters of national
security. The [CIA’s mail cover program] did not meet these criteria.”290 However,
there is no statutory requirement that mail cover operations be “limited and selective”
or that they involve “national security.” Sections 1701, 1702, and 1703 do not contain
such requirements, no court has placed such restrictions on mail cover operations, and
courts have certainly upheld mail cover operations that do not contain such limitations
(especially the requirement of a national security facet).291
(E.D. Pa. 1971) (finding no private right of action under § 1702).

286. See United States v. Mayer, 490 F.3d 1129, 1137 (9th Cir. 2007) (finding “no
constitutional violation” in a mail cover operation “[b]ecause a person has no legitimate
expectation of privacy in the outside of his mail . . .”); United States v. Huie, 593 F.2d 14, 14–
15 (5th Cir. 1979) (“[T]he courts uniformly have upheld the constitutionality of mail covers.”);
United States v. Choate, 576 F.2d 165, 173–83 (9th Cir. 1978) (determining that a mail
operation undertaken for legitimate government purposes does not violate the First, Fourth, or
Ninth Amendments to the Constitution); United States v. Bianco, 534 F.2d 501, 508 (2d Cir.
1976) (“[T]he reading of the outside of an envelope does not violate any constitutional
principles.”).
287. Vreeken v. Davis, 718 F.2d 343, 348 (10th Cir. 1983), overruled on other grounds by
Grantham v. Ohio Cas. Co., 97 F.3d 434, 435 (10th Cir. 1996).
288. United States v. Leonard, 524 F.2d 1076, 1087 (2d Cir. 1975).
289. Reporters Comm. for Freedom of the Press v. Am. Tel. & Tel. Co., 593 F.2d 1030,
1056–57 (D.C. Cir. 1978) (capitalization in original).
290. ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 115; see also id. at 64 (stating that courts had
held that examination of envelopes is legal if conducted within the regulations of the postal
office and the mail is not unreasonably delayed).
291. See 18 U.S.C. §§ 1701–1703 (2006); supra notes 284–87 (citing cases containing no
such restrictions).
The Rockefeller Report did not provide any specifics regarding how the Agency’s
mail cover operation purportedly violated postal regulations. However, other than
perhaps a minor technical violation, the operation appears to have complied with the
regulations then in place. In 1973, a Chief Postal Inspector could order a mail cover if
he or she received a written request from a “law enforcement agency” articulating
reasonable grounds as to why a mail cover “is necessary to . . . protect the national
security . . . .”292 The regulations define a “law enforcement agency” as a federal, state,
or local government authority “one of whose functions is to investigate the commission
or attempted commission of acts constituting a crime.”293 The Chief Postal Inspector
must approve any mail cover in effect for more than 120 days,294 but there is no
restriction on the breadth of the operation.295 There is also no requirement that the mail
cover be conducted by postal employees.296
The CIA’s mail cover operation generally complied with all of these postal
regulations. As noted above, the CIA sent a written request to the Chief Postal
Inspector for the mail cover operation before its initiation.297 Though that request does
not appear available for public view, given the concerns about the Soviet and
communist threat at the time, it is easy to believe that the CIA request demonstrated
reasonable grounds to believe that the mail cover operation was needed to protect
national security. The CIA request was approved.298 The CIA then continued to brief
subsequent Chief Postal Inspectors, as well as Postmasters General, who outrank Chief
Postal Inspectors, on at least the mail cover operation throughout the duration of the
program.299 All of these individuals consistently approved the program.300
The main problem, of course, is that the CIA is not now, and was not then, a “law
enforcement agency” as that term was defined by the postal regulations; that is, an
entity “one of whose functions is to investigate the commission or attempted
commission of acts constituting a crime.”301 Indeed, as discussed above, the CIA’s
292. 39 C.F.R. § 233.2(d)(2)(ii) (1975). On March 11, 1975, the Postal Service outlined new
regulations for mail covers. See Inspection Service Authority, 39 Fed. Reg. 11,579 (Mar. 11,
1975). These new regulations effectively combined portions of the Postal Service Manual and
the Postal Manual that had dealt with mail covers. Id. at 11,579. However, the new regulations
made “no substantial changes” to the prior regulations, which had been in place since 1965. Id.;
see also United States v. Choate, 422 F. Supp. 261, 263 (C.D. Cal. 1976), rev’d on other
grounds, 576 F.2d 165 (9th Cir. 1978) (en banc) (noting that the postal regulations outlining
mail covers “were first promulgated on June 17, 1965; they were republished without substantial
change in March 1975” as 39 C.F.R. § 233.2 (footnote omitted)). The regulations note that they
constitute the “sole authority and procedure for initiating, processing, placing and using mail
covers.” 39 C.F.R. § 233.2(b).
293. 39 C.F.R. § 233.2(c)(4).
294. Id. § 233.2(f)(5).
295. See generally 39 C.F.R. § 233.2 (outlining restrictions and requirements for mail cover
operations, but providing no limit on the number of individuals who could fall within a mail
cover).
296. See generally id.
298. See id.
301. 39 C.F.R. § 233.2(c)(4) (1975).
charter expressly precludes it from operating as a law enforcement entity.302

Nonetheless, it is possible that the Postmasters General and the Chief Postal Inspectors
deemed the CIA to fall within the definition of the term. The regulations expressly state
that “[t]he Chief Postal Inspector’s determination in all matters concerning mail covers
shall be final and conclusive . . . .”303 Further, the Postal Service’s interpretation of its
own regulations “becomes of controlling weight unless it is plainly erroneous or
inconsistent . . . .”304 Given the initial and then continuous approval of the CIA’s cover
program by Chief Postal Inspectors and Postmasters General,305 it would appear that
they made a “final and conclusive” determination that the CIA’s cover program filled
the requirements of the postal regulations.
In addition, the Postmaster General appears to have the authority to waive any
substantive provision of the postal regulations.306 Thus, to the extent that the CIA’s
mail cover program could be interpreted as marginally inconsistent with the postal
service’s regulations, the Postmasters General waived such regulations by consistently
and continuously approving the Agency’s program.307
Current postal regulations have resolved any uncertainty in this area by explicitly
expanding the definition of “law enforcement agency” to include any federal, state or
local government authority, “one of whose functions is to . . . [p]rotect the national
security.”308 The phrase “protection of the national security” is then defined as
protecting the United States from “actual or potential threats to its security by a foreign
power or its agents” via an attack, sabotage, international terrorism, or clandestine
intelligence activities.309 It seems clear that the CIA would fall within this definition.

303. 39 C.F.R. § 233.2(h)(2).
304. Bowles v. Seminole Rock Co., 325 U.S. 410, 413–14 (1945); see also 1 RICHARD J.
PIERCE, JR., ADMINISTRATIVE LAW TREATISE § 6.11 (4th ed. 2002) (noting that, in non-penalty
situations such as the instant case, courts give “substantial deference” to an agency’s
interpretation of its own regulations).
306. 39 U.S.C. § 402 (2000); 39 C.F.R. §§ 1.2, 2.6, 3.3 (2007). While these regulations do
not explicitly authorize the Postmaster General to waive substantive provisions of postal
regulations, such power is implied from the broad powers provided to the Postmaster General to
“issue regulations.” See Pent-R-Books, Inc. v. U.S. Postal Serv., 328 F. Supp. 297, 312–13
(E.D.N.Y. 1971) (describing the extensive powers given to the Postmaster General); Ex Parte
Willman, 277 F. 819, 821 (S.D. Ohio 1921) (“[The Postmaster General] has power to
promulgate regulations generally as to the conduct of the department, and such regulations are
controlling, have the force of law, and are judicially noticed.”). Since the Postmaster General
has the ability to issue regulations, logic would dictate that the Postmaster General also has the
power to waive substantive regulations, which is effectively “issuing” an exception regulation.
Of course, the Postmaster General does not have the ability to waive Postal Service regulations
applying to procedural rights, especially when such rights are required by statute or the
Constitution. See Myers & Myers, Inc. v. U.S. Postal Serv., 527 F.2d 1252, 1259–62 (2d Cir.
1975) (noting that the Postmaster General may not ignore procedural requirements for a
hearing).
308. 39 C.F.R. § 233.3(c)(8)(ii) (2007).
309. Id. § 233.3(c)(9).
Finally, it should be noted that the Agency’s mail cover program complied with the
National Security Act. As noted above, the purpose of the program was to gather
information about Soviet intelligence interests and activities. It therefore clearly falls
within the Agency’s function of collecting and coordinating foreign intelligence.310 The
Rockefeller Report, however, assessed that the “nature and assistance given by the CIA
to the FBI in the New York mail project indicate that the primary purpose eventually
became participation with the FBI in internal security functions,”311 which is expressly
precluded by the National Security Act.312 It is difficult to understand how the
Rockefeller Commission came to that determination, however. The vast majority of the
mail that the CIA reviewed (approximately seventy percent) was mail coming into the
United States from communist countries.313 This suggests a focus on foreign
intelligence as opposed to internal domestic interests. Further, while the CIA did send
copies of some of the opened letters to the FBI, the vast majority went to CIA
headquarters for evaluation,314 again indicating the program focused on foreign affairs
of interest to the CIA as opposed to issues of interest to the FBI.
Thus, it would appear that the CIA’s mail cover program was legal during its
operation. It did not violate any criminal or civil statute, constitutional provision, or the
National Security Act. In addition, contrary to the unspecified claims made by the
Rockefeller Commission, the CIA’s mail cover operation did not violate postal service
regulations. The law regarding mail cover operations has not changed since 1973,
except for the increased breadth of the Postal Regulations in this area. Indeed, EO
12,333 expressly permits the CIA to engage in “mail surveillance” operations so long
as they comply with procedures established by the CIA Director and approved by the
Attorney General.315
B. Mail Opening Portion
From the beginning, the CIA had suspicions that the mail opening portion of the
operation was illegal.316 The Rockefeller Report was more definitive: “While in
operation, the CIA’s domestic mail opening programs were unlawful. United States
statutes specifically forbid opening the mail.” 317 This was undoubtedly a reference to
310. See supra notes 16–17 and accompanying text.

314. See id. (stating that, in the last year of operation, 3800 disseminations of intelligence
from the mail program were sent to CIA headquarters and 1400 were sent to the FBI).
315. Exec. Order No. 12,333 § 2.4, 3 C.F.R. 200, 212 (1982).
316. CHURCH REPORT: BOOK III, supra note 255, at 566; ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note
17, at 107–08, 114. It should be noted that nobody ever requested an opinion on the legality of
the mail opening operation from the CIA’s General Counsel. CHURCH REPORT III, supra note
255, at 607. Indeed, the evidence suggests that the CIA’s General Counsel was never even made
aware of the operation until after its conclusion. Id.
317. ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 115. The Department of Justice eventually
decided not to prosecute any individuals for their roles in the CIA’s mail program. Avery v.
United States, 434 F. Supp. 937, 940 n.4 (D. Conn. 1977).
the express language of §§ 1702 and 1703.318 The relevant parts of those provisions
prohibit the opening of mail “to pry into the business or secrets of another”319 and the
opening of mail “without authority,”320 respectively. The Rockefeller Commission
concluded that the Agency had violated such provisions as “[t]he statutes set forth no
exception for national security matters.”321
The Rockefeller Commission’s overarching conclusion, however, was incorrect. It
is true that neither § 1702 nor §1703 contains an express provision exempting CIA
activities from their reach. However, neither section expressly exempts customs and
prison officials from opening mail pursuant to their authorities, or U.S. law
enforcement officials from doing so pursuant to a valid warrant. Yet these are clearly
legal activities that do not violate §§ 1702 or 1703.322
The same applies for the CIA’s opening of mail for national security matters, or
more specifically, for foreign intelligence purposes. As noted in Part IV above, prior to
the enactment of FISA, the courts recognized a foreign intelligence exception to the
warrant requirement for electronic surveillance.323 The courts have recognized a similar
exception for physical searches, including the opening of mail, based upon the
constitutional power of the President.324 Just as the federal government did not violate
318. Section 1701 would not bar the CIA’s mail opening operation. Section 1701 prohibits
the obstruction or retardation of United States mail. 18 U.S.C. § 1701 (2006). Courts have
acknowledged that minimal delay, with “proper considerations,” does not violate § 1701. United
States v. Austin, 492 F. Supp. 502, 504 (N.D. Ill. 1980); see also United States v. Wooden, 61
F.3d 3, 5 (2d Cir. 1995) (finding no violation of § 1701 unless the defendant has an “illegitimate
or improper intent”). The minimal delay incurred as part of the CIA’s mail opening operation
would likely be deemed a “proper consideration” as it was for governmental purposes. See
United States v. Beckley, 335 F.2d 86, 89–90 (6th Cir. 1964) (providing that delay from
customs officials opening a package pursuant to their government authority does not violate §
1701); United States v. Costello, 255 F.2d 876, 881 (2d Cir. 1958) (stating that minimal delay
from valid mail cover operation does not violate § 1701).
319. 18 U.S.C. § 1702.
320. Id. § 1703.
321. ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 64. The Church Commission came to a similar
conclusion. CHURCH REPORT: BOOK III, supra note 255, at 564 (citing to §§ 1701–1703 and
concluding “[t]he only persons who can lawfully open first class mail without a warrant, in
short, are employees of the Postal Service for a very limited purpose [e.g., to determine the
address for delivery]—not agents of the CIA or FBI”).
322. See United States v. Beckley, 335 F.2d 86, 88–90 (6th Cir. 1964) (holding that customs
agents who open packages coming into the United States “violated no statute or regulation,”
including §§ 1701–1703, nor the Fourth Amendment); Adams v. Ellis, 197 F.2d 483, 485 (5th
Cir. 1952) (holding that prison officials who open prisoner mail do not violate § 1702 or any
other criminal statute).
324. See United States v. Truong Dinh Hung, 629 F.2d 908, 917 & n.8 (4th Cir. 1980)
(holding that, without a warrant but with executive authorization, searches of a letter and a
package sent via U.S. mail did not violate the Fourth Amendment); United States v. Marzook,
435 F. Supp. 2d 778, 793 (N.D. Ill. 2006) (“[B]efore Congress expanded FISA to include
physical searches the Executive Branch maintained the authority to conduct warrantless foreign
intelligence investigation, which would include physical searches.” (footnote omitted)); see also
United States v. Bin Laden, 126 F. Supp. 2d 264, 285 (S.D.N.Y. 2000) (“[T]he Court finds that
the foreign intelligence exception to the warrant requirement applies with equal force to
federal criminal statutes when it conducted warrantless electronic surveillance pursuant

to the foreign intelligence exception,325 the CIA did not violate §§ 1702–1703 when it
conducted warrantless mail opening operations pursuant to the same exception.326
The requirements of the foreign intelligence exception for warrantless physical
searches are similar to those for electronic surveillance. Courts have allowed such
searches if the activity was conducted primarily for foreign intelligence reasons, the
target was a foreign power or an agent of a foreign power, and the Attorney General
approved such activity.327 The Agency’s mail opening program appears to have
fulfilled the first requirement, since, as noted above, the purpose of the program was to
“give United States intelligence agencies insight into Soviet intelligence activities and
interests.”328 As stated above, while the program may have collected information of
interest to the FBI, the primary purpose of the program remained foreign intelligence
collection until its termination.329 The program also appears to have fulfilled the
second requirement, as the target of the operation was a foreign power (the Soviet
Union and other communist countries) or its purported agents. Though we lack facts
regarding every letter that the CIA opened, the CIA seemed to believe that the letters it
was opening belonged to or were in transit to or from a foreign power or an agent of a
foreign power, given the purpose and focus of the program.330
The last requirement—approval by the Attorney General—proves the most
problematic. The CIA did brief Attorney General Mitchell in June 1971 about the
program, and that briefing appears to have included both the mail opening and mail
cover portions of the program.331 The Attorney General approved the program and had
no “hang ups” about it.332 However, his approval came near the end of the program
(though at its high point). There is no indication that the CIA previously briefed the
program to either Attorney General Mitchell or his predecessor Attorneys General.
Courts have not accepted after-the-fact Attorney General approval for the foreign
intelligence exception, at least for purposes of use of the information in criminal
prosecutions.333 Thus, while it is unclear whether the initial portions of the program
received Attorney General approval and thus are valid, at the very least any mail
openings between June 1971 (when the Attorney General gave his approval) and
residential searches.”).
326. One district court has posited the more radical assertion that, prior to the issuance of EO
12,333, “the CIA was under no limitation that its activities could not violate U.S. law” due to
the Fifth Function. United States v. Lopez-Lima, 738 F. Supp. 1404, 1410 (S.D. Fla. 1990)
(emphasis added).
327. Truong, 629 F.2d at 917 & n.8.
329. See supra text accompanying notes 313–14. As noted above, the CIA terminated the
program in 1973 due in part to the fact that the program began generating more internal security
information than foreign intelligence. See supra text accompanying notes 268–69.
330. ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 101–03.
331. Id. at 110 (noting that the mail cover portion of the operation was certainly briefed at
the meeting, but expressing some uncertainty amongst the parties as to whether the mail opening
portion was also discussed).
332. Id.
333. See United States v. Bin Laden, 126 F. Supp. 2d 264, 279 (S.D.N.Y. 2000) (holding
that approval by Attorney General for warrantless surveillance pursuant to the foreign
intelligence exception in April 1997 does not apply to surveillance conducted prior to that date).
February 1973 (when the program was terminated) appear to have complied with the
requirements of the foreign intelligence exception for physical searches.
An argument, however, can be made that Attorney General approval was not in fact
required for the CIA’s mail opening operation, because there was no reasonable
expectation of privacy in mail going to or from communist countries. In Truong,
discussed above,334 one portion of the opinion discussed the fact that the named
defendant had sent a poorly wrapped package from the United States to Paris.335 The
FBI and CIA searched the package without obtaining either Attorney General approval
or a search warrant.336 The Fourth Circuit nonetheless upheld the warrantless search of
the package: “[B]ecause the package was poorly wrapped and because it was destined
for foreign delivery, Truong could not have harbored a reasonable expectation that the
contents of the package would remain undisclosed; and consequently neither a search
warrant nor executive authorization was necessary for this search.”337 While there is no
suggestion that the letters opened as part of the CIA’s mail operation were poorly
wrapped, such letters likely enjoyed an even lesser expectation of privacy than in
Truong. While Truong’s package was sent to France, which may or may not routinely
open such packages, the letters opened as part of the CIA’s program were all going to
or coming from the Soviet Union or other communist countries.338 As the Rockefeller
Report notes: “Presumably all mail to and from the USSR is censored by the
Soviets.”339 Based on this statement, an argument could be raised that such letters
enjoyed no expectation of privacy, were therefore not protected by the Fourth
Amendment at all,340 and thus, as in Truong, could be searched without either a warrant
or Attorney General approval.
Beyond constitutional and criminal considerations, a civil provision existed in 1973
that also precluded the opening of U.S. mail. Specifically, 39 U.S.C. § 3623(d)
precluded the opening of any mail of domestic origin, except in cases where either a
search warrant had been authorized, the addressee authorized the letter opening, or a
postal employee needed to open the letter to determine the address for delivery.341
However, the foreign intelligence exception that applied to §§ 1701–1703 would also
apply to this civil provision. Indeed, when the postal service statutes were revised in
2006, and 39 U.S.C. § 3623(d) was reconstituted as 39 U.S.C. § 404(c) with the same
general restrictions,342 President Bush explicitly stated that the executive branch would

335. United States v. Truong Dinh Hung, 629 F.2d 908, 917 (4th Cir. 1980).
336. Id.
337. Id.
339. ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 101 n.2.
340. See Kimmelman v. Morrison, 477 U.S. 365, 374 (1986) (holding that to prevail on a
Fourth Amendment claim, the complainant must not only prove that the search or seizure was
illegal, but also “that it violated his reasonable expectation of privacy in the item or place at
issue”); Couch v. United States, 409 U.S. 322, 336 n.19 (1973) (noting that there is a “necessary
expectation of privacy to launch a valid Fourth Amendment claim”).
341. 39 U.S.C. § 3623(d) (1970), repealed by Postal Accountability and Enhancement Act,
Pub. L. No. 109-435, § 201(b), 120 Stat. 3198, 3205 (2006) (codified at 39 U.S.C.A. § 404(c)
(West 2007)).
342. See 39 U.S.C.A. § 404(c) (West 2007).
construe § 404(c) “in a manner consistent [with] . . . the need for physical searches
specifically authorized by law for foreign intelligence collection.”343
Subsequent to 1973, of course, Congress passed FISA to contend with foreign
intelligence collection. FISA, when originally enacted in 1978, did not provide
guidelines for physical searches to obtain foreign intelligence.344 Congress amended
FISA in 1994 to include such guidelines.345 The amended provisions, which remain in
effect today, mirror the main requirements for electronic surveillance.346 Thus, requests
must be submitted to the FISC after personal approval by the Attorney General, who
certifies that the target of the search is a foreign power or an agent of a foreign power,
that the property to be searched contains foreign intelligence, and that the property to
be searched is owned, used by or in transit to or from a foreign power or an agent of a
foreign power.347 As noted in the above section on electronic surveillance, the
exclusivity of FISA remains an open question, and therefore these FISA procedures
may not always be necessary to conduct physical searches for foreign intelligence.348
Finally, postal regulations in effect both in 1973 and now do prohibit postal
employees from opening, or permitting the opening, of any first class mail without a
search warrant, except in limited circumstances not relevant here.349 However, as noted
above, the Postal Service Regulations in effect both then and now appear to grant the
Postmaster General the authority to waive any substantive provision of the regulations,
such as the preclusion of a mail opening operation absent a search warrant.350 As
discussed, the CIA briefed Postmasters General on the CIA’s program.351 To the extent
that such briefings included the mail opening portion of the operation, which is
343. Statement by President George W. Bush upon Signing H.R. 6407 (Dec. 20, 2006),
reprinted in 2006 U.S.C.C.A.N. S76, S77.
344. United States v. Marzook, 435 F. Supp. 2d 778, 785 (N.D. Ill. 2006); see also Global
Relief Found., Inc. v. O’Neill, 207 F. Supp. 2d 779, 789 (N.D. Ill. 2002) (explaining that FISA
was amended in 1994 to address physical searches), aff’d, 315 F.3d 748 (7th Cir. 2002).
345. Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 1995, Pub. L. No. 103-359, § 807, 108
Stat. 3243, 3443–53 (codified as amended at 50 U.S.C. §§ 1820–1829 (2000 & Supp. V 2005)
(amending Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, §§ 301–309); Global Relief Found., Inc., 207
F. Supp. 2d at 789 (explaining that FISA was amended in 1994 to address physical searches),
aff’d 315 F.3d 748 (7th Cir. 2002). As with electronic surveillance, there are limited exceptions
not relevant to the instant discussion. See, e.g., 50 U.S.C. § 1824(e) (allowing the Attorney
General to authorize a warrantless physical search in an emergency).
346. Marzook, 435 F. Supp. 2d at 785. Compare 50 U.S.C. §§ 1801–1811 (outlining
procedures regarding electronic surveillance), with id. §§ 1821–1829 (outlining procedures
regarding physical searches).
347. 50 U.S.C. § 1823(a).
349. The exceptions are for situations where postal employees need to open mail to
determine payment of proper postage or to assess mailability. See 39 C.F.R. § 233.3(g)(1)–(2)
(2007); 39 C.F.R. § 233.2(f)(1) (1975). As noted in note 292, supra, the postal regulations
regarding postal covers and openings, implemented in 1975, merely reflected a formal
culmination of standard postal practice in effect since the mid 1960s without any “substantive
changes.” 40 Fed. Reg. 11,579 (Mar. 12, 1975) (noting that implementation of the 1975
regulations was merely a “republication” of existing rules).
uncertain, the continuous approval of the program by those senior postal officers would
constitute a waiver of the postal regulations requiring a warrant to conduct a mail
opening.352 Even if the Postmasters General did not waive these postal regulations, the
Supreme Court, in analyzing the authority of customs agents, has held that postal
regulations, which preclude the opening of mail absent a search warrant, are trumped if
the Constitution or a statute authorizes a warrantless search.353 As noted above, that is
precisely the situation here.354
The above analysis should preclude most lawsuits based on the CIA’s mail opening
program in the 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. The Supreme Court case of Bivens v. Six
Unknown Named Federal Narcotics Agents authorizes claims against federal
employees for constitutional and statutory violations. 355 However, federal employees
are immune from such Bivens claims if “their conduct does not violate clearly
established statutory or constitutional rights of which a reasonable person would have
known.”356 This so-called “qualified immunity” should attach here. Certainly by June
1971, having believed they had secured Attorney General approval for the mail
opening portion of the operation,357 CIA employees would have had reasonable basis
to believe that they were in full compliance with the foreign intelligence exception and
thus not in violation of the Constitution or any civil statute.358 For the period prior to
June 1971, a reasonable person could believe that, pursuant to Truong, individuals
sending mail to the Soviet Union had no reasonable expectation of privacy and thus no
Fourth Amendment protection.359
In today’s world, the enactment of FISA obviously changes the situation, especially
as FISA authorizes a civil penalty for violations and contains a private right of
action.360 However, as noted above, it is unclear whether the President’s constitutional
powers trump the FISA statute. A successful Bivens claim would need to show that, in
such a legal climate, the employee’s conduct violated a clearly established statutory or
constitutional right of which a reasonable person should have known.
Though no plaintiff has brought a Bivens claim based on the CIA’s mail opening
program, at least one plaintiff has filed a claim pursuant to the Administrative
Procedures Act (APA) and the Tucker Act.361 The claim proved unsuccessful on both
352. See supra text accompanying notes 260–66. Indeed, the Church Commission noted that
two of the Postmasters General briefed on the program appeared to believe that the mail opening
program was legal, or at least that the program’s illegality was less than clear. CHURCH REPORT:
BOOK III, supra note 12, at 606. As one of those Postmasters General stated: “If the CIA lawyers
concluded that the CIA could not open mail to and from Communist countries in the early
1960’s without violating the law, I think the CIA needs better lawyers.” Id. at 606 n.208
353. United States v. Ramsey, 431 U.S. 606, 623–25 (1977) (upholding warrantless searches
by customs agents despite the explicit postal regulation precluding the opening of mail absent a
search warrant).
355. 403 U.S. 388 (1971).
356. Harlow v. Fitzgerald, 457 U.S. 800, 818 (1981).
358. See Harlow, 457 U.S. at 818.
360. 50 U.S.C.A. § 1828 (West 2003).
361. Kipperman v. McCone, 422 F. Supp. 860 (N.D. Cal. 1976) (dismissing plaintiff’s
claims that the CIA’s mail opening program violated the Tucker Act and the APA).
counts.362 The APA permits “relief other than money damages” when an agency action
is “arbitrary, capricious, an abuse of discretion, or otherwise not in accordance with
law,” or violates a statute or the United States Constitution.363 As noted above,
certainly by June 1971, and possibly throughout its operation, the CIA’s mail opening
program complied with statutory and constitutional law.364 This may well bar any APA
claim for the same reasons as with a Bivens claim. Further, the bases for relief under
the APA (and Bivens) are discretionary.365 Courts have declined to employ that
discretion for matters concerning sensitive areas within the executive branch’s
particular expertise, such as foreign affairs.366 Such discretion might well be used with
regard to a foreign intelligence matter such as the CIA’s mail opening operation.367
The relevant portion of the Tucker Act grants district courts jurisdiction over claims
against the United States, not in excess of $10,000, which are based upon the
Constitution, an act of Congress, or any regulation of an executive department.368
However, the Tucker Act is “merely jurisdictional.”369 It does not create a “substantive
right enforceable against the Government.”370 Rather, it permits suit based on violation
of an underlying constitutional provision, statute, or regulation and only if that
provision “‘can fairly be interpreted as mandating compensation by the Federal
Government for the damage sustained.’”371 Thus, for a provision to create a right of
action under the Tucker Act, it must be “reasonably amenable to the reading that it
mandates a right of recovery in damages.”372 The one court to consider a Tucker Act
claim in the context of the CIA’s mail opening program properly found no such
provision existed at the time of the CIA’s mail opening operation.373 Today, of course,
such a penalty does exist under FISA.374
The only basis under which plaintiffs have successfully challenged the Agency’s
mail opening operation has come pursuant to the Federal Tort Claims Act (FTCA).375
The FTCA authorizes a civil claim against the federal government for the negligent or
wrongful activities by a government employee acting within the scope of his or her
362. Id. at 867.

363. 5 U.S.C.A. §§ 702, 706(2)(A)–(C) (West 2007).
365. See Sanchez-Espinoza v. Reagan, 770 F.2d 202, 207–08 (D.C. Cir. 1985).
366. Id. at 208 (dismissing a claim where the plaintiffs sought injunctive relief to preclude
the United States from supporting the Contras in Nicaragua). The D.C. Circuit applied this same
discretion in refusing to grant relief under Bivens. Id. at 208–09.
367. See, e.g., Webster v. Doe, 486 U.S. 592, 600–01 (1988) (determining that the CIA
Director’s discretion to discharge individual Agency employees precluded an APA claim).
368. 28 U.S.C. § 1346(a) (2000). The relevant portions of the Tucker Act were the same in
1973 as they are now. Compare Kipperman v. McCone, 422 F. Supp. 860, 868 (N.D. Cal. 1976)
(quoting relevant portions of the Tucker Act as existed in 1973), with 28 U.S.C. § 1346(a).
369. United States v. Testan, 424 U.S. 392, 400 (1976).
370. United States v. White Mountain Apache Tribe, 537 U.S. 465, 472 (2003).
371. Id. (quoting Testan, 424 U.S. at 400).
372. Id. at 473.
373. Kipperman, 422 F. Supp. at 868.
375. See generally Avery v. United States, 434 F. Supp. 937, 940 n.5 (D. Conn. 1977)
(noting that at least eight cases challenging the CIA’s mail opening operation have been made
pursuant to the FTCA).
employment if a private person would have been held liable for such activities under
the law of the state where the activity took place.376 The CIA has raised numerous
defenses to these claims, which have been uniformly rejected by the courts.377
However, these courts appear to have wrongly determined that one of those
defenses—the discretionary function exception to the FTCA—fails to shield the CIA’s
operation. The discretionary function exception provides that the government is not
liable for actions or omissions “in the execution of a statute or regulation . . . or based
upon the exercise or performance or the failure to exercise or perform a discretionary
function or duty . . . whether or not the discretion involved be abused.”378 As the
Supreme Court has consistently stated, the act must “involv[e] an element of judgment
or choice, and it is the nature of the conduct, rather than the status of the actor, that
governs whether the exception applies.”379 Based on this, the Supreme Court has held:
“Where Congress has delegated the authority to an independent agency or to the
Executive Branch to implement the general provisions of a regulatory statute and to
issue regulations to that end, there is no doubt that planning-level decisions
establishing programs are protected by the discretionary function exception . . . .”380
The CIA’s mail opening operation falls squarely within this description. Congress,
in enacting the National Security Act of 1947, clearly delegated foreign intelligence
collection to the executive branch, and specifically the CIA. The very functions of the
CIA, as set out in the Act and later amended, definitively authorize the CIA to acquire,
protect, and disseminate such intelligence.381 The only limit on such functions is that
the CIA must comply with the law and the United States Constitution, as well as not
engage in police, subpoena, law enforcement, or internal security matters.382 This area
already falls within the President’s inherent authority, as discussed above.383 The
Supreme Court has long recognized the executive branch’s primacy in such matters.384
Applied here, the Agency’s mail opening operation fell completely within the CIA’s
foreign intelligence function, and represented a “planning-level decision[] establishing
programs” to fulfill that function.385 Indeed, the CIA’s program is akin to other
programs established by other federal agencies which the Supreme Court has found fall
within the discretionary function exception, such as the regulation and oversight of
376. 28 U.S.C. § 1346(b)(1) (2000).

377. See, e.g., Avery, 434 F. Supp. at 941–45 (declining to dismiss the case pursuant to the
scope of employment, discretionary function, postal matter, or intentional tort exceptions to the
FTCA); Cruikshank v. United States, 431 F. Supp. 1355, 1356–60 (D. Haw. 1977) (same).
378. 28 U.S.C. § 2680(a).
379. United States v. Gaubert, 499 U.S. 315, 322 (1991) (internal citations and quotations
omitted).
380. Id. at 323.
381. National Security Act of 1947, Pub. L. No. 80-253, § 103(d), 61 Stat. 495, 499
(codified as amended at 50 U.S.C. § 403–4a(d) (Supp. V 2005)).
382. 50 U.S.C. § 403–4a(d).
384. See Regan v. Wald, 468 U.S. 222, 242 (1984) (“Matters relating ‘to the conduct of
foreign relations . . . are so exclusively entrusted to the political branches of government as to be
largely immune from judicial inquiry or interference.’” (quoting Harisiades v. Shaughnessy, 342
U.S. 580, 589 (1952))).
385. Gaubert, 499 U.S. at 323.
savings and loans by the Federal Home Loan Bank Board,386 the release of vaccine lots
by the Food and Drug Administration,387 and the implementation of airline safety
standards by the Federal Aviation Administration.388
Courts have found that there is no discretionary act, however, if a “federal statute,
regulation, or policy specifically prescribes a course of action for an employee to
follow [because] the employee has no rightful option but to adhere to the directive.”389
The two district courts that have reviewed the discretionary function exception with
regard to the CIA’s mail opening operation have focused on this in holding the
exception did not apply, asserting that the program “trespasses in violation of
constitutional guarantees”390 or involves “illegal acts committed by government
officials.”391 Yet, this interpretation would appear erroneous. As noted above, certainly
by June 1971, and possibly from its inception, the CIA’s mail opening program did not
violate the United States Constitution or statutory law.392 Thus, the discretionary
function exception should apply to the CIA’s mail opening operation, and preclude any
FTCA claim made pursuant to that operation.
Yet, even if a plaintiff could overcome the discretionary function exception and
pursue an FTCA claim, the claimant would need to show that the CIA’s mail opening
program constituted an actual tort, that is, that “the United States, if a private person,
would be liable to the claimant in accordance with the law of the place where the act or
omission occurred.”393 This requires the plaintiff to establish that, under the law of the
state where the alleged act took place, “a private actor could be found liable in tort for
the unauthorized opening of another’s mail,” that is, an invasion of the right to
privacy.394
However, not all states recognize an invasion of the right to privacy as a tort.395
Most critically for the CIA’s mail program, the state of New York, where most of the
mail opening operations occurred, does not recognize such a tort.396 Indeed, in 1989,
the Second Circuit dismissed an FTCA claim based upon the CIA’s mail opening
program because the law of New York confers no cause of action “to right the wrongs
complained of in this case.”397 The Commonwealth of Virginia also does not recognize
such a tort.398 This is most critical because the Commonwealth of Virginia is the home
to the CIA’s headquarters in Langley, where opened mail was usually analyzed.399
386. Id. at 332–34.

387. Berkovitz v. United States, 486 U.S. 531, 545–48 (1988).
388. United States v. S.A. Empresa de Viacao Aerea Rio Grandense (Varig Airlines), 467
U.S. 797, 814–20 (1984); see also Stables v. United States, 366 F. Supp. 2d 559, 567 (S.D.
Ohio 2004) (summarizing the three decisions discussed in the text).
389. Berkovitz, 486 U.S. at 536.
390. Avery v. United States, 434 F. Supp. 937, 944 (D. Conn. 1977).
391. Cruikshank v. United States, 431 F. Supp. 1355, 1359 (D. Haw. 1977).
393. 28 U.S.C. § 1346(b)(1) (2000).
394. Hurwitz v. United States, 884 F.2d 684, 686 (2d Cir. 1989).
395. See DAVID A. ELDER, PRIVACY TORTS, § 2:19, at 2-205 n.10 (2002).
396. Hurwitz, 884 F.2d at 685.
397. Id. at 686.
398. ELDER, supra note 395, § 2:3, at 2-36–2-39 & 2-39 n.37. Other states that do not
recognize this tort are Illinois and North Dakota. Id. at 2-36–2-39.
Whether this precludes all FTCA claims against the CIA for its mail opening
program depends on determining where the alleged act took place, that is, the venue.
The Supreme Court has ruled, in a case involving the CIA’s mail program, that in
actions for money damages, such as FTCA claims, the only proper venue would be in
the district where all federal employee defendants reside; where a substantial part of
the event or omissions giving rise to the claim occurred; or where any defendant may
be found, but only if the action cannot be brought in any other district.400 The Supreme
Court then noted in dicta that, for cases seeking money damages stemming from the
CIA’s New York mail operation, venue “would have been the Eastern District of New
York where the alleged claim rose, or perhaps the Eastern District of Virginia, where
some acts may have occurred at the headquarters of the CIA.”401 If all the defendants
“resided” in the same state, that too could be a possible venue;402 however, that venue
would likely be either New York or Virginia where the employees’ official duties took
place—“[i]n determining the residence of a public official sued in his official capacity,
the test of residence is where official duties are performed.”403 As noted above, given
the lack of a right to privacy cause of action in New York and Virginia, it would appear
likely that plaintiffs would be unable to bring FTCA claims against the CIA for its mail
operations.404
Finally, EO 12,333 also prohibits the CIA from engaging in mail opening
operations.405 However, as noted previously, the President has the authority to amend
or retract this restriction with a presidential directive.406
Thus, in the end, it would appear that the CIA’s mail cover program was legal
throughout its operation. The CIA’s mail opening operation certainly appears to have
been legal after June 1971 and may have been before then. Further, plaintiffs face
considerable barriers to bringing a claim based upon the mail opening operation. Since
1973, Congress has enacted FISA, which may or may not be the exclusive method for
engaging in physical searches, and the president has issued EO 12,333, which can be
revoked through presidential directive.
400. Stafford v. Briggs, 444 U.S. 527, 544 (1980); see also 28 U.S.C. § 1391(b) (2000).
401. Stafford, 444 U.S. at 544 n.11; see also Kipperman v. McCone, 422 F. Supp. 860, 879
(N.D. Cal. 1976) (concluding, though published prior to Stafford, that the Northern District of
California was the improper venue for a claim based on the CIA’s mail opening operation, and
that the court “believes venue would lie in the Southern District of New York where the East
Coast Mail Intercept operated during its twenty-year life”).
402. 28 U.S.C. § 1391(b).
403. Doe v. Casey, 601 F. Supp. 581, 585 (D.D.C. 1985), remanded on other grounds, 796
F.2d 1508 (D.C. Cir. 1986). The Doe court noted, however, that proper venue for at least the
Director of the Central Intelligence Agency could be either Virginia or the District of Columbia.
Id.
404. However, this might not preclude claims based on the small portion of the CIA’s mail
opening operations that took place in San Francisco, Hawaii, and New Orleans. See supra note
249 and accompanying text.
405. Exec. Order No. 12,333 § 2.4(b), 3 C.F.R. 200, 212 (1982) (stating that only the FBI
can engage in “unconsented physical searches in the United States” except under circumstances
not relevant here).
VI. COLLECTING ON AMERICAN DISSIDENT MOVEMENTS
From 1967 to 1974, the Agency operated a program known as Operation CHAOS to
collect information and produce studies regarding various dissident movements in the
United States.407 Initiated pursuant to a presidential request, the purpose of the program
was to assess whether these groups had been penetrated by, or were being used by,
foreign intelligence services.408 At first, the Agency merely culled through information
already in its possession.409 The operation quickly evolved to where the CIA
maintained agents in the field for the sole purpose of gathering information on various
dissident groups.410 These agents generally were not directed to collect information
about United States domestic affairs.411 However, the Rockefeller Report found that
several of these agents ended up acquiring such information while they were in the
United States bolstering their dissident credentials, and on three occasions agents were
specifically directed to collect information on domestic U.S. matters.412 The operation
also resulted in the accumulation of large amounts of information on U.S. citizens.413
There is no indication, however, that anyone connected to Operation CHAOS utilized
clandestine means, such as electronic surveillance, wiretaps, or break-ins, to acquire
any of this information.414 The CIA terminated the program in 1974,415 after the New
York Times published a front-page story about the operation.416
The Family Jewels describe the three foci of Operation CHAOS—student groups,
the anti-Vietnam War protestors, and the “black power” movement. The CIA initiated
collection on worldwide student dissidence in 1968 at the request of Walt Rostow, then
Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.417 According to an
Agency document, the purpose of the study was to assess whether the various
international student dissident groups were interconnected, whether they bred from the
same causes worldwide, and whether they were “financed and hence manipulated by
forces or influences hostile to the interests of the US and its allies; or likely to come
under inimical sway to the detriment of US interests.”418 The resulting paper was given
the whimsical title “Restless Youth.”419 The CIA created two versions of the
document—the highly sensitive version, which included a chapter on radical students
in the United States, was distributed to only nine individuals, including the President
407. See FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00180–82; ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17,
at 130, 132, 148–49.
408. See FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00184, 00591–93; CHURCH REPORT: BOOK III,
supra note 255, at 688; ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 130.
409. See ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 133–36.
410. See id. at 137–42.
411. See id. at 131.
412. Id.
413. Id. at 130.
414. Id. at 24.
415. Id. at 148 (“On March 15, 1974, the Agency terminated operation CHAOS.”).
416. See Seymour M. Hersh, Huge C.I.A. Operation Reported in U.S. Against Antiwar
Forces, Other Dissidents in Nixon Years, N.Y. TIMES, Dec. 22, 1974, at A1.
418. Id.
419. Id. at 00171.
and Mr. Rostow;420 the other version, which excluded that chapter, was provided to
approximately twenty people outside the CIA.421
The CIA’s collection on the anti-Vietnam War movement emerged from a 1967
order from President Lyndon B. Johnson for the CIA to gather evidence supporting the
President’s conviction that communist governments led and financed the movement.422
When then CIA Director Richard Helms informed President Johnson that the Agency
could not spy on Americans, President Johnson stated: “I’m quite aware of that. What I
want for you is to pursue this matter, and to do what is necessary to track down the
foreign communists who are behind this intolerable interference in our domestic
affairs.”423 It appears that the Agency did just that—focusing not on the domestic facets
of the movement, but rather on the connection of foreign entities to it.424 The result was
several short memoranda prepared in 1967 and 1968 that analyzed foreign connections
to the movement in the United States.425 In the end, the CIA assessed that while some
informal connections existed, there was “no evidence of direction or formal
coordination” by any foreign entity.426
The CIA also conducted limited analysis of the “black power” movement.427 Two
papers on the topic were produced, one in 1969 and the other in 1970.428 In each paper,
one paragraph considered the ties between the black power movement and various
Caribbean movements, focusing mostly on contacts and visits between U.S. activists,
including Stokely Carmichael, and the Caribbean activists.429 The CIA produced other
memoranda regarding the connections between the two entities.430
CIA Director Helms stated that, through these programs, “we’re not trying to do
espionage on American citizens in the United States.”431 However, many both inside
and outside the Agency believed that the CIA was doing just that, and that such
activities violated the Agency’s Charter, the National Security Act.432 Indeed, on the
cover memo of the more restricted report on student dissident movements, Director
Helms stated that the section on American students “is an area not within the charter of
this Agency, so I need not emphasize how extremely sensitive this makes the paper.
420. Id. at 00171, 00191.

421. Id. at 00171.
422. See Mazzetti & Weiner, supra note 3.
423. Id. (quoting from President Johnson’s memoirs).
424. FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00193 (providing that the purpose of gathering
information about the antiwar movement was to “determine whether any links existed between
international Communist elements or foreign governments and the American peace movement”).
425. See id. at 00193–94.
426. Id. at 00193.
427. See id. at 00188.
428. Id.
429. Id.
430. See id. at 00188–89, 00330.
431. Id. at 00442.
432. See id. at 00173, 00443; see also ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 131, 134;
DeYoung & Pincus, supra note 10 (noting that Agency officials became nervous about
collecting on certain domestic dissidents because “[u]nder its charter, the CIA is not allowed to
conduct domestic intelligence-gathering”); Mazzetti & Weiner, supra note 3 (discussing how
the CIA “illegally spied on Americans decades ago”). This may be why many CIA officers
disliked working on Operation CHAOS matters. FAMILY JEWELS, supra note 2, at 00326.
Should anyone learn of its existence it would prove most embarrassing for all
concerned.”433
Whether the Agency violated the National Security Act in collecting information on
these dissident groups hinges on whether the Act permitted the Agency to collect
intelligence on Americans within the United States, and, if so, under what
conditions.434 As of 1973, the Act vaguely permitted the Agency to collect
“intelligence,” but did not define the term, and did not indicate the limits to such
collection.435 The Church Commission, after evaluating the legislative history of the
Act, concluded that “in establishing the CIA Congress contemplated an agency which
not only would be limited to foreign intelligence operations but one which would
conduct very few of its operations within the United States.”436 Those U.S. operations
were restricted to training in the United States, protecting the Agency’s physical
headquarters, and gathering information from willing Americans who had traveled
abroad and had information of interest to the Agency.437
The Rockefeller Commission took a more expansive view. It noted that though the
Act does not expressly limit the CIA’s intelligence activities to “foreign intelligence,”
that was nonetheless the intention of Congress.438 The Commission then stated that the
term “foreign intelligence” had no settled meaning, but that the legislative history of
the National Security Act indicated that the CIA was expected to collect foreign
intelligence from inside the United States,439 and that in 1948 the National Security
Council, pursuant to the Fifth Function, had expressly given the CIA responsibility for
collecting foreign intelligence in the United States by overt means.440 As the only
restriction in the Act on the CIA’s collection capability precluded the use of police
powers or internal security functions,441 the Commission concluded that the Agency
could collect on Americans in the United States, so long as the purpose was to gather
information on foreign countries, individuals, or organizations, and not on domestic
matters.442 As the Report stated: “[T]he subject matter of the information and not the
location of its source is the principal factor that determines whether it is within the
purview of the CIA.”443
The Rockefeller Report has the better argument. If Congress wished to preclude the
Agency from engaging in intelligence collection in the United States, Congress clearly
00040 (noting the “risk and impact of revelation” should these domestic collection operations
become public knowledge).
434. See ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 59.
435. See id.
436. CHURCH REPORT: BOOK I, supra note 12, at 136.
437. See id. at 136–38.
439. Id. at 52–53.
440. See id. at 55.
441. See id. at 59.
442. Id.
443. Id. The report, however, remained uncertain whether the Act permitted the CIA to
acquire foreign intelligence in this country by covert means, id., though this does not appear to
have been an issue in Operation CHAOS, which did not collect via covert methods, see supra
text accompanying note 414.
had the ability to so state in 1947, when it passed the Act, or in any of the decades
subsequent. As Congress never took such action, the Agency had to follow the actual
authorities and restrictions contained in the Act. That Act permitted the Agency to
collect intelligence so long as the CIA did not engage in “police, subpoena, or law
enforcement powers or internal security functions.”444 Collection of foreign
intelligence information in the United States does not, in and of itself, fall within that
latter restriction. Therefore, the collection of foreign intelligence information was
permissible under the Agency’s charter, as it existed in 1973 when the Agency
compiled the Family Jewels.445
Applying this to Operation CHAOS under the Act as it existed in 1973, most of the
activities undertaken by the Agency were entirely legal. The stated purpose of the
Agency’s activities in tracking dissident movements was to determine the foreign
influences, if any, on those movements.446 Thus, the purpose was not to collect
domestic information, nor to collect information for the purpose of prosecution (i.e.,
law enforcement), but rather for foreign intelligence purposes. The collection therefore
fell within the confines of the Act and was entirely permissible. The Rockefeller
Commission came to the same conclusion, though it did note that some of the collected
information contained no foreign or counterintelligence and should be purged from the
Agency’s files.447 The Commission also properly found that the sporadic use of Agency
recruits to collect purely domestic information within the United States “was beyond
the CIA’s authority” and that the dissemination of the portion of the Restless Youth
report that concerned only domestic affairs was “improper.”448
It is worth noting, however, that there may be limited mechanisms for enforcing
even these minimal violations of the Act. The Act does not provide for a criminal
sanction.449 Courts have also concluded that the Act does not permit a private right of
action and therefore is “singularly inappropriate for the implication of private damage
actions.”450 A plaintiff may still be able to bring a claim under the APA, but could have
difficulty showing standing, and courts still possess discretion to dismiss such claims
when they concern sensitive areas within the executive branch’s particular expertise.451
444. National Security Act of 1947, Pub. L. No. 80-253, § 103(d)(1), 61 Stat. 495, 498
(current version at 50 U.S.C. § 403-4a(d)(1) (Supp. V 2005)).
445. Weissman v. Cent. Intelligence Agency, 565 F.2d 692 (D.C. Cir. 1977), is not to the
contrary. The D.C. Circuit, based on the “sketchy” legislative history of the National Security
Act, did make the overarching assertion that the CIA did not have the authority “to place United
States citizens living at home under surveillance and scrutiny.” Id. at 695. However, the case
concerned the collection of purely domestic information about an American for possible
recruitment, not the instant situation of collection for foreign intelligence purposes. See id. at
693–94.
447. See ROCKEFELLER REPORT, supra note 17, at 24–25, 42, 149. The Rockefeller Report
acknowledged that the Agency probably needed to evaluate the information when it was first
collected to determine if there was a foreign connection (since the FBI refused to do so), but
once done, the purely domestic information needed to be purged. See id. at 25.
448. Id. at 25.
449. See generally National Security Act of 1947, Pub. L. No. 80-253, § 103(d)(1), 61 Stat.
495, 498 (current version at 50 U.S.C. §§ 401–422 (2000 & Supp. V 2005)).
450. Sanchez-Espinoza v. Reagan, 770 F.2d 202, 209 (D.C. Cir. 1985).
Subsequent to 1973 and the compilation of the Family Jewels, Congress amended
the Act to define “intelligence” as including “foreign intelligence,” which is then
denoted as “information relating to the capabilities, intentions, or activities of foreign
governments or elements thereof, foreign organizations, or foreign persons, or
international terrorist activities.”452 This clearly does not restrict the Agency’s
intelligence collection activities solely to overseas endeavors, though Congress
certainly had the ability to impose such a restriction had it so desired.
However, section 2.3 of EO 12,333, issued in 1981, does create such a limitation.
That section explicitly authorizes the CIA to engage in the collection, retention, and
dissemination of information concerning Americans, including foreign intelligence and
counterintelligence information.453 However, the section provides that the FBI, not the
CIA, is to engage in such collection in the United States.454 The CIA may engage in
such collection in the United States only if it concerns “significant foreign intelligence”
(not defined) that does not involve “the domestic activities of United States
persons.”455 Further, collection techniques in the United States cannot include
electronic surveillance, unconsenting physical searches, mail surveillance, physical
surveillance, or monitoring devices absent a FISA warrant, or Attorney General
approval.456 As stated previously, however, executive orders can be amended or
negated by presidential directive.457
Thus, the Act permits the Agency to collect intelligence within the United States so
long as it is for foreign intelligence purposes, and not for domestic purposes or law
enforcement actions. EO 12,333 would allow the CIA to engage in this collection so
long as it consists of “significant foreign intelligence,” though the CIA could engage in
any foreign intelligence collection in the United States with a presidential directive.
CONCLUSION
The Family Jewels contain what are purportedly the “worst of the worst” of the first
thirty-plus years of the CIA’s existence—a complete compilation of the Agency’s
supposedly illegal activities. Admittedly, several of the operations mounted during that
period failed to comply fully with the laws then in place. Yet, the vast majority of those
operations did. Further, except for unconsenting human experimentation, each of the
main types of activities depicted in the Family Jewels—targeted killings of foreign
leaders, electronic surveillance of Americans, examination of U.S. mail, and collecting
information on American dissident movements—was legal in the 1950s, 1960s, and
1970s.
Beyond the issue of the legality of these activities, of course, lies the question of
whether the CIA should have engaged in such activities as a practical matter. In
452. Intelligence Organization Act of 1992, Pub. L. No. 102-496, § 702, 106 Stat. 3188,
3188 (current version at 50 U.S.C. § 401a (2000)).
453. Exec. Order No. 12,333 § 2.3(b), 3 C.F.R. 200, 211 (1982).
454. Id.
455. Id.
456. Id. § 2.4. All of these require Attorney General approval. Id. All but physical
surveillance may also require a FISA warrant. See supra notes 225–36, 340–48 and
accompanying text.
hindsight, many of these activities appear to have had little utility. None of the
Agency’s targeted killings actually materialized. The CIA’s mail cover and mail
opening operations yielded only modest foreign intelligence information. The
collection on American dissident groups failed to reveal the expected connection
between such groups and the nation’s external enemies. Further, the eventual revelation
of the activities in the Family Jewels led to critical review of the Agency’s actions by
three separate commissions and diminished the CIA’s overall image.
Yet hindsight is, as always, 20/20. At the time, the CIA was battling a perceived
life-threatening enemy in the Soviet Union, akin to the current threat to the United
States posed by terrorist organizations. The Agency’s actions—from engaging in
electronic surveillance aimed at determining the sources of leaks of sensitive
information to attempting to kill leaders connected to the Soviet threat—as flawed and
misguided as some might believe, were directed solely towards combating that Soviet
threat. Given the primary task of collecting, evaluating, and disseminating foreign
intelligence, an argument can be made that the CIA needed a multiplicity of methods to
locate, track, and defuse those threats, especially where a perception existed that Soviet
spies were infiltrating the United States. Under this viewpoint, it would have been
inimical to our country’s interests to have had the Agency’s attempts to acquire critical
foreign intelligence information turn off at the precise moment that the potential enemy
became the greatest threat, that it when that enemy actually crossed into, or resided in,
the United States.
A further argument could be made that the CIA needed to have the ability to take
even drastic action to protect this country, including the targeted killing of threatening
foreign leaders. As horrific as such an act might have been, it would have paled in
comparison to the bloodshed that could have occurred to this country if, for example,
Castro had launched a nuclear attack against the United States. In addition, had the
attempted targeted killing of Castro been successful, the United States might have been
less inclined to engage in more drastic measures with regard to Cuba, such as the ill-
fated Bay of Pigs invasion. Merely having the option available, even if never utilized,
might have served as a deterrent to the nation’s enemies, who become aware of the
extent of our capabilities and uncertain as to their limits.
Obviously, the benefit of the activities undertaken by the CIA in the Family Jewels
is a matter of debate, and certainly additional oversight and approvals would have
benefited the Agency’s operations. Nonetheless, those types of activities (with the
exception of unconsenting human experimentation) were in fact legal when undertaken,
despite widespread beliefs, both then and now, to the contrary. The actual legality of
these supposedly “illegal” types of activities raises the question of the lawfulness of
many of the purportedly ultra vires operations allegedly conducted by the CIA today.
Only time, perspective, and eventually declassification will reveal whether today’s
activities are indeed unlawful. However, it is dangerous to leap to the conclusion that
these various activities violate U.S. law. It may some day come to be revealed that, like
the vast majority of the activities in the Family Jewels, many of the suspected “illegal”
activities engaged in by the CIA are, in the end, entirely lawful.
10/10/2016 The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation MOCKINGBIRD by Alex Constantine
[back] Mockingbird
The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation

MOCKINGBIRD
by Alex Constantine
Who Controls the Media?

Soulless corporations do, of course. Corporations with grinning, double-breasted executives, interlocking
directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. Coca-Cola. Disney. Newspapers should
have mastheads that mirror the world: The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser
. It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that the public print reports news from a
parallel universe - one that has never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking thefts,
mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales - a place
overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their best behavior. In this idyllic land, the
most serious infraction an official can commit is the employment of a domestic servant with (shudder) no
residency status.
This unlikely land of enchantment is the creation of MOCKINGBIRD.
It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold war, when the CIA began a systematic
infiltration of the corporate media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news outlets.
In this period, the American intelligence services competed with communist activists abroad to influence
European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an undercover State
Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war
underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip Graham, a graduate of
the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under
Wisner's wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
"By the early 1950s," writes former Village Voice reporter Deborah Davis in Katharine the Great, "Wisner
'owned' respected members of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles, plus
stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a former CIA analyst." The network was overseen by Allen
Dulles, a templar for German and American corporations who wanted their points of view represented in the
public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of
CIA propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary views, among them William Paley
(CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times).
Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled to find in FOIA documents
that agents boasting in CIA office memos of their pride in having placed "important assets" inside every major
news publication in the country. It was not until 1982 that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA
payroll have acted as case officers to agents in the field.
"World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March, 1947. "It is in the opening skirmish stage
already." The issue featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who called for the creation of an
"American Empire," "world-dominating in political power, set up at least in part through coercion (probably
including war, but certainly the threat of war) and in which one group of people ... would hold more than its
equal share of power."
George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947, explaining that "although
avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world and ruling it,
http://whale.to/b/depraved_spies.html 1/4
began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine
inevitably leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the American flag."
On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the CIA and William Paley, a wartime colonel
and the founder of CBS. A firm believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the Pentagon, Paley
hired CIA agents to work undercover at the behest of his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation's
media, Allen Dulles. Paley's designated go-between in his dealings with the CIA was Sig Mickelson, president of
CBS News from 1954 to 1961.
The CIA's assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the Operations Coordination Board, directed by
C.D. Jackson, formerly an executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold War
Strategy. In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who quit a year later, disgusted at the
administration's political infighting. Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war strategist.
"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations, took
"a small boy's delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft - the hidden microphones, the 'black'
propaganda." Nixon especially enjoyed his visit to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis in the "special
forces" drilling at covert operations.
One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence underground was heroin smuggler Hubert von
Blücher, the son of a German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained by the Abwehr, the
German military intelligence division, while still a civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit of the
German Army until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his wartime records. He worked briefly
as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on a movie entitled One Day ..., and finished out the war flying with the
Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling of Nazi loot out of the country. His
exploits were, in part, the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the knockover of the
Reichsbank at the end of the war.
In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named Huberto von Bleucher Corell, he
immediately paid court to Eva Peron, presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from the
wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?). Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the
Hotel Plaza to deliver German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the birth of the National Socialist
Party in Argentina, among other forms of Nazi revival.
In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color Corporation of America in Hollywood. He eked
out a living writing scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can be heard on a film set in the Amazon,
produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Düsseldorf, West Germany, and
established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical warfare agents for the government. At the
Industrie Club in Düsseldorf in 1982, von Blücher boasted to journalists, "I am chief shareholder of Pan
American Airways. I am the best friend of Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed
by me. I am thus the biggest financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by these people over
their second bottle of brandy."
Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken dreams of world-moving affluence were, in
their time, Moses Annenberg, publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the CIA/mob-anchored
publisher of the TV Guide. Like most American high-rollers, Annenberg lived a double life. Moses, his father,
was a scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter were indicted in 1939 for tax evasions totalling many
millions of dollars - the biggest case in the history of the Justice Department. Moses pled guilty and agreed to
pay the government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims, penalties and interest debts. Moses
received a three-year sentence. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.
Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. On the campaign trail in April, 1988, George
Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet. "This is the topping on the cake," Bush's regional
campaign director told the Los Angeles Times. The Bush team met at Annenberg's plush Rancho Mirage estate
at Sunnylands, California. It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the state's
social and contributor registers built over a quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan,
whose acting career was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a CIA
front, presented the intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even prying in
the age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient video surveillance
technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace.
Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program that turned any
television set with tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual images
with the equipment as far as 25 miles away.
Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his disappearance in the midst of the Watergate
probe.
In 1952, at MCA, Actors' Guild president Ronald Reagan - a screen idol recruited by MOCKINGBIRD's
Crusade for Freedom to raise funds for the resettlement of Nazis in the U.S., according to Loftus - signed a secret
waiver of the conflict-of-interest rule with the mob-controlled studio, in effect granting it a labor monopoly on
early television programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner. Furthermore, historian C. Vann
Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan had "fed the names of suspect people
in his organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned 'an informer's code number, T-10.' His
FBI file indicates intense collaboration with producers to 'purge' the industry of subversives."
No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former intelligence officer and in the immediate
postwar period UPI's Moscow correspondent. Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's Phil
Graham, according to Deborah Davis.
Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film simian from CIA and Mafia heroin
operations. Among other organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell Thomas threw
in to launch the infamous Resorts International, the corporate front for Lansky's branch of the federally-
sponsored mob family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities. Another of the investors was James Crosby, a
Cap Cities executive who donated $100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This was the year that
Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the
issuance of a gambling license to the company, citing Mafia ties.
In 1954, this same circle of investors, all Catholics, founded the broadcasting company notorious for overt
propagandizing and general spookiness. The company's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey, who
clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after he was appointed CIA director by Ronald
Reagan in 1981.
"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The Invisible Government to describe the agency's
intertwining interests in the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who took to the airwaves.
"Daily, East and West beam hundreds of propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of
competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-price transistor has given the hidden war a new
importance," enthused one foreign correspondent.
A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda push. One of them, Operations and Policy
Research, Inc. (OPR), received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the CIA through private foundations and
trusts. OPR research was the basis of a television series that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964,
Of People and Politics, a "study" of the American political system in 21 weekly installments.
In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia combination that formed Cap Cities sank its
claws into the film studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army during the war by a
criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by
the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in
1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled his office after the dictator's. The only honest job Rosselli
ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion Productions, run by Bryan Foy, a
former producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative on the West Coast, passed a small
fortune in mafia investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson,
publisher of the Hollywood Reporter.
In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of the CIA's covert operations budget. Some
3, 000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. The cost of
disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year by 1978, a budget larger than
the combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely with the intelligence services - in fact, 23
employees were full-time employees of the Agency.
Most consumers of the corporate media were - and are - unaware of the effect that the salting of public opinion
has on their own beliefs. A network anchorman in time of national crisis is an instrument of psychological
warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. He is a creature from the national security sector's chamber of horrors.
For this reason consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic beliefs about government
and life in the parallel universe of these United States.
http://sianews.com/modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=2553
Friends of Liberty - Pipeline News disagrees w/ Fahey on Bob

Novak/Operation MOCKINGBIRD sianews.com
Pipeline News disagrees w/ Fahey on Bob Novak/Operation MOCKINGBIRD
William (ed/pub, PipelineNews.org),
Buckley has not 'fessed up to being--past his OSS days at a very tender age--a longtime CIA conduit
in Operation MOCKINGBIRD. The first time you heard of this might have been last night, when I told
you that I had worked with his CIA station-partner Theodore L. Humes/Huminski (Buckley and Humes
being both stationed in Japan, 1951-54).
Ted had a loose tongue, was going senile (not a jab at the dear man: he died of Alzheimer's) when I
knew him, and he told me quite a lot of things; was still 85% "there" when I knew him, but people could
tell he was experiencing the symptoms of onset-Alzheimer's. He was very clear, though, about his and
Buckley's days together, and spoke often of Buckley and MOCKINGBIRD. He and Buckley had
remained friends throughout Ted's life, and I waited long past the man's passing to state this, out of
respect.
I ain't no fan of Karl Rove (I'm a Ron Paul--Republican, w/ fondness for Tom Tancredo on immigration
issues). But if Novak burned Valerie Plame/Wilson, we're likely not going to know about it, as CIA
covers up for its own. I'd like to see a few squirm, though.
Such was my interest in raising the MOCKINGBIRD issue, as Novak is very likely a CIA agent himself.
Regards,
TBF
...
[to Fahey]
Well I was referring only to Buckley and the OSS, the mockingbird stuff is where the conspiracy buff
skeptic kicks in.
I admire Rove for his ability and I am very disappointed in the missteps that the Bush admin has made
since November, Tancredo is one of the few members of the House who is worth his salary, Ron Paul
and the libertarians have it wrong on many important issues including the war on terror imho.
Regardless, Bill Buckley is the father of modern conservatism and I couldnt hold him in higher regard if
he actually lived on Mt. Olympus.
What Rich Lowrey, Jonah Goldberg and the rest have done to NR is a crime.
...
Page 1 of 3 Oct 10, 2016 04:45:16AM MDT

...
http://"pipelinenews.org" wrote:
[to Fahey]
With all due respect Todd, the entire premise is tinfoil hat.
Buckley was in the OSS 60 years ago...that is not a secret, its on the inside flap of half of his fiction
books.
:-)
I really don't have inclination right now to engage in a debate over a conspiracy theory because I have
found in the past that adherents to such implausible explanations seldom if ever see past that type of
reasoning.
I hope you understand that this is not a personal criticism, before you sent this I was unaware of your
writing.
btw as you might be aware spy vs spy was a former staple in MAD magazine, I thought from the title of
your piece that it was a takeoff on that but as applicable to the Rove "affair."
Again I suggest you familiarize yourself with the facts of the case, irrespective of the conspiracy
angles so you can understand the viewpoint of many, that Rove is guilty of nothing even assuming that
he did mention something regarding Liar Joe Wilson's idiot wifey.
You may want to consult the most recent entry in the following which is something I penned for a new
blog on my local newspaper.
http://cctimeswatch.blogspot.com/
One last thingie, I always suggest Umberto Eco's Foucault's Pendulum to conspiracy buffs, just to
give them an inside out view of where that type of "secret society" type thing can lead, if you aren't
familiar with it I suggest you pick up a copy, I guarantee you will love it.
regards & good luck,
...
----- Original Message -----

From: Todd Fahey To: http://pipelinenews.org Sent: Sunday, July 17, 2005 5:56 PM Subject: Re:
Spy versus Spy: Robert Novak, the CIA's MOCKINGBIRD program, and the Plame/Wilson
Scandal
William,
What, of my article, in your opinion, begets the "tinfoil"-label?
Do you know of Operation MOCKINGBIRD? &, if so--and knowing that Phil Graham, the
Page 2then-publisher
of 3 of the Washington Post who committed suicide (?)--was, in fact, theOct
lead
10, media agent MDT
2016 04:45:16AM
Do you know of Operation MOCKINGBIRD? &, if so--and knowing that Phil Graham, the
then-publisher of the Washington Post who committed suicide (?)--was, in fact, the lead media agent
withing MOCKINGBIRD. ...Bob Woodward is also a CIA MOCKINGBIRD operative. This ain't tinfoil.
Is it such a stretch to think that Robert Novak may have been recruited by CIA through the same
project? That's what I'm positing.
I know from William F. Buckley's CIA partner Ted Humes (my former boss in Arizona, 1986-87) during
their stationing in Japan, that Buckley is CIA and was part of MOCKINGBIRD. Having worked with
and around such types for 20 years, I can smell it.
So, again, is it simply that my stating that I believe Bob Novak to be CIA/MOCKINGBIRD strikes you
as "tinfoil"; or are you questioning other aspects of the piece to which you commented? I'm interested
in your specific questions.
All best wishes,
TBF
...
http://"pipelinenews.org" wrote:
Mr Fahey
The most plausible explanation is that Mr. Rove indeed told the truth to the grand jury, that he merely
made reference to Liar Joe Wilson's wife getting him sent to Niger, and that Matt Cooper, whose wife
afterall is Mandy Grunwald the Dems most powerful political consultant, shouldn't hang it out there too
far with Liar Joe's lying report on Niger.
Have you actually read the operative section of the 1982 law which sets the backdrop for this
controversy?
I suggest you do, to me your theory is pure tinfoil hat stuff.
Assuming the worst about Rove, what he did doesn't even come close to violating the law, I don't think
you know much about how this admin works, we on the right wish it played as tough as the left is
claiming, but it ain't true.
Thanks anyway for the input & regards,
William
E&P
http://www.pipelinenews.org
The article in question.
Copyright (c) 2002 by Friends of Liberty
Page 3 of 3 Oct 10, 2016 04:45:16AM MDT

10/10/2016 How the Washington Post Censors the News. A Letter to the Washington Post by Julian C. Holmes
[back] Operation Mockingbird

[back] Conspiracy
How the Washington Post Censors the News. A Letter to the Washington Post
by Julian C. Holmes
_________________________________________________________________

April 25, 1992
The Washington Post
1150 15th Street NW

Dear Mr. Harwood,

Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit of hard news, just let drop the faintest
rumor of a government "conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room. Aroused
from apathy in the daily routine of reporting assignations and various
other political and social sports events, editors and reporters
scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning: the greatest
single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government
stability -- the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!

It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted
by any of these frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to
Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs


Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule
the idea that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had
conspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack
Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the
Post sprang to protect its readers, and the conspirators, by censoring
the Anderson column before printing it (*2).

But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra
conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith center for
law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S.
arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the
CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets
(*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work
on our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post
contributed to this discovery process by disparaging the charges of
conspiracy and by publishing false information about the
drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on
Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman
Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only
a partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from
Rangel (*5).

Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry's Subcommittee on Terrorism,
http://whale.to/b/holmes.html 1/23
Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government

complicity in the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the arms/drug
conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and
retained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a newly emerging threat
to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise" conspiracy (*7). But
close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and
then Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books with
the same title, "October Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a member of the
Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick,
professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the
staff of the National Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter,
and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick published
their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to
Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages
until after the November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal was
to quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October
surprise). which would have bolstered the reelection prospects for
President Carter.

Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In
October 1988, Playboy Magazine ran an expose "An Election Held
Hostage"; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a
conference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former
hostages, challenged the Congress to "make a full, impartial
investigation" of the election/hostage allegations. The Post reported
the statement of the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself
which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10).
On February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives
begrudgingly authorized an "October Surprise" investigation by a task
force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired
the House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named
as chief team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI
when the Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11).

Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing
the U.S. arms-for-drugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver
North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he
derailed House Resolution 485 which had asked President Reagan to
answer questions about Contra support activities of government
officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John

Hull (from Hamilton's home state). was charged in Costa Rica with
"international drug trafficking and hostile acts against the nation's
security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to
intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling
Hull's case "in a manner that will not complicate U.S.-Costa Rican
relations" (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the
Costa Rican response that declared Hull's case to be "in as good hands
as our 100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all
citizens" (*15).

Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy
theories, it is difficult to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves
government or corporate conspiracies:

In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery,
surveillance, false arrests, and violence to illegally harass
U.S.citizens in the 60's (*16).

The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by "destroying
crops, brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and
conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other
leaders" (*17).

"Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of
the Department of Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben...of
Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the
United States was effectively prevented from developing or
producing [fo rWorld War-II] any substantial amount of
synthetic rubber," said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin
(*18).

U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about
dosages of radiation "almost certain to produce thyroid
abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing near
the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford, Washington (*19).

Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in
getting around to cleaning up the Nation's dangerous nuclear
weapons sites (*20). State and local governments back the
nuclear industry's secret public relations strategy (*21).

"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some
twenty comprehensive cancer centers, have misled and confused
the public and Congress by repeated claims that we are winning
the war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment has
continually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates
which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat,
while discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable
eposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and
the workplace." (*22).

The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq
"is yet another example of the President's people conspiring to
keep both Congress and the American people in the dark" (*23).

If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of
doing business in this country.

Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf
War by the Pentagon and much of the news media (*24).

Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend
$100 million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated
history of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the
Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26).
rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish

Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from
the INSLAW company of sophisticated, law-enforcement computer
software which "now point to a widespread conspiracy
implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of
INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot
Richardson (*28).

Or Watergate.

Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where
the White House knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of
Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S.
intelligence agencies did their secret banking (*31), and where
bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way of
doing business" (*32).

Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of
California, Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for
criminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with
gas- and diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of
buses and related products to transportation companies
throughout the country" [in, among others, the cities of New
York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake
City, and Los Angeles] (*33).

Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT).
and the U.S. Department of Transportation to overlook safety
defects in the 1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by
General Motors in the early 60's (*34).

Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield
intrauterine contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings
of the Shield's hazards and which "stonewalled, deceived,
covered up, and

covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a
worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections." (*35).

Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and
the FAA resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding
the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all
364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974
(*36).

Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug
Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold by manufacturers who
ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who
acted "in concert with each other in the testing and marketing
of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).

Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the
cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of
their savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White House,
Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of
the American people" will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of
billions of dollars (*38).

Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General
Electric executives who met surreptitiously in hotel rooms to
fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial
equipment (*39).

Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT).
officers for fabricating safety tests on prescription drugs
(*40).

Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of
medical problemsrelating to asbestos (*41).

Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies "agreed
not to engage in any effective price competition" (*42).

Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to
cover up the nature of our decades-old war against the people
of Nicaragua

a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government
applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into
a more repressive force (*43).

Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in
the Chilean election process with military aid, covert actions,
and an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of
the legitimately elected government and the assassination of
President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).

Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State
Henry Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance
terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's
plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about
these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA
Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this
U.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46).

Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade
Panama in 1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the
United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the
Panama Canal Treaties (*47).

Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of
American oil companies and the British and U.S. governments to
strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the
British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the
subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime

Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice
Lumumba (*50).

Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush,
Senator Robert Dole, Senator George Mitchell, various U.S.
Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the Congress
to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the
presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).

Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to
head the CIA, in the face of "unmistakable evidence that Gates
lied about his role in the Iran-Contra scandal" (*52).

Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's Solidarity
Movement and Hasten the Demise of Communism" (*53).

Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban
the use of USAID funds by any country "for the promotion of
birth control or abortion" (*54).

Or "the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common
purpose in Central America" (*55).

Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer
Hector Gramajo with the U.S. Army to design "programs to build
civilian-military cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of the
Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine
soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are
graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel
(*56).

Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration
to harass and cause bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter
who uncovered dangerous working conditions at the facility
(*57).

Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of
South Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the
1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).



Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The
Satanic Verses in paperback (*61).

Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post
offers little comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a
really important conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big business or big
government.

Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of
the Iranian government to help out U.S. oil companies; or like our
illegal war against Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and the
Canal; or like monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates

corporate censorship on issues of public importance (*62). When the
camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in
the conspiring officials can erode -- depending on how seriously the
citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public trust.
Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to
see as a real threat to its corporate security.

Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on
Oliver Stone's movie "JFK", which reexamines the U.S. Government's
official (Warren Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting
alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story
of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's unsuccessful
prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection
with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy
assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not
be served by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us
from our war against Vietnam.

The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along
lines suggested by "JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles
Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael
Isikoff, have been called up to man the bulwarks against public
sentiment which has never supported the government's
non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that
the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both
the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63)
and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on
Assassinations found that President Kennedy was probably killed "as a
result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number of Post
stories have been used as vehicles to discredit "JFK" as just another
conspiracy (*65).

Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen
Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George
Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had
second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that
there is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned
journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L.
Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have
each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not
enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just
continues ranting against the possibility of a high-level
assassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its
arguments.

An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable
behavior is George Lardner Jr's contribution to the Post's campaign
against the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie
was completed, and the third upon its release. In May, six months
before the movie came out, Lardner obtained a copy of the first draft
of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the
Post the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this
article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile
statements from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner

does not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a
U.S. Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government
witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted
under oath that in a May 1972 interview with a New Orleans television
reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S. Government's case
against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of the
Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I recently
asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he remembered
it (*71).

Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his way
through a justification for his unauthorized possession of the early
draft ofthe movie (*72). He also defended his reference to Pershing
Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".

When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73).
He again ridiculed the film's thesis that following the Kennedy
assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to
de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by
Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was
written before the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of
Kennedy's policy". In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before
the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National
Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it.
Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version
provided for escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) -- facts that
Lardner avoided.


The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for
the most part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post
(*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find meaningful
discussion of the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both the FBI
and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing
co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the "new wave of books
and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and]
conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on our
organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison and
friendly elite contacts, especially politicians and editors "and to
"employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the
critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are particularly
appropriate for this purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to
provide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the
conspiracy theorists..." (*77).

In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great,
the story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties
with Washington's powerful elite, a number of whom were with the CIA.

Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim
that Bradlee had "produced CIA material" (*78). Understandably
sensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,"Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced

CIA material ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a fool and to
put your company in that special little group of publishers who don't
give a shit for the truth". The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the
book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of
contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis
published her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated
Bradlee to have been deeply involved with producing cold-war/CIA
propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his
association with people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently
taken no action to contest the xetensive documentation presented by
Deborah Davis in the second and third editions of her book (*80).


Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the
function of the press was more often than not to mobilize consent for
the policies of the government, was one of the architects of what
became a widespread practice:the use and manipulation of journalists
by the CIA" (*81). This scandal was known by its code name Operation
MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a
former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was widely known that Phil
Graham was someone you could get help from" (*82). More recently the
Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing
to print his name for over a year up until the day his indictmen twas
announced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA
station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).
Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the
availability and prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA
man recalls, "You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call
girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One may wish to
consider Philip Graham's philosophy along with a more recent statement
from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the
Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs.
Graham said: "A second challenge facing the media is how to prevent
terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The
point is that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and
we've learned better how and where to draw the line, though the
decisions are often difficult" (*85).

Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified
that our elite and our high-level public officials may be exposed as
conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the
assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in
that, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post runs its
business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs -- a conspiracy
"to act or work together toward the same result or goal" (*86). But
where the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it
pretends that conspiracies associated with big business or government
are "coincidence". Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration
inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver
Stone and suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post's
opposition to Stone's movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that
Stone's complaints are "groundless and paranoid and smack of

McCarthyism" (*87).

So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those who
investigate conspiracies?

The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because
they need something "neat and tidy" (*88) that "plugs a gap no other
generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always
the safest and most likely explanation for any conjunction of curious
circumstances ..." (*90).

And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory"
is what the Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a
conspiracy. In other words, some things just "happen". And, besides,
conspiracy to do certain things would be a crime; "coincidence" is a
safer bet.

Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as
Executive Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence
Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about presidential
candidates "who have begun to mutter about a press conspiracy".
Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these charges as "symptoms of
the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American
political class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers;
they used the "C" word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his
off-the-cuff comment into an entire column -- ending it with:"We are
the new journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing
waters of political conformity. But conspirators we ain't".

Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran
of the Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative
Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A
Reporter Looks Back in Anger -- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate
Crime". Therein he discussed the difficulties in convincing editors to
accept important news stories. He illustrated the article with his own
experiences at the Post, where he says he was known as "the biggest
pain in the ass in the office" (*93).

Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors
is a matter of random coincidence?

And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by
editors without influence from fellow editors or from management?
Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless office "meetings"
in which news people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of
which stories will run and which ones will find inadequate space? That
there is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no
cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a
Post journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran
equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let's face it:
these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining
guests at a soup kitchen.

Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post
Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account
of wire-service control over news: "The largely anonymous men who
control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire
photo machines determine at a single decision what millions will see
and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers
preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press
agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches
untouched out the front door as 'news'" (*95).

When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge
Clarence Thomas violated U.S. law when he failed to remove himself
from a case in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million
judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the
animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator
John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance
to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97). Would
Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this
matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of
coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston
Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?

Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's
Public Citizen. Titled All the Vice President's Men, it documents "How
the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health,
Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post
journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published "The President's
Understudy", a seven-part series on Vice President Quayle. Although
this series does address Quayle's role with the Competitiveness
Council, its handling of the Council's disastrous impact on America is
inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle
memorabilia: youth, family, college record, Christianity, political
aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends, government
associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth -- revealing
little about Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's
problems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and never
mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle's record in the
Bush Administration (*98).

Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did
both of them forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to
mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever
discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to
publish such a barren set of articles because it would enhance their
reputations? How did management feel about the use of precious news
space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages were
dedicated to this twaddle without people "acting or working together
toward the same result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?

On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New
York Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:


WITH BUSH



This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions
of whether the news media collective mindset is really different from
that of any other cartel -- like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or
manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a combination of independent
commercial enterprises designed to limit competition" (*101).



Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post
"conspire" to keep its staff and its newspaper from wandering too far
from the safety of mediocrity? The Post would respond that the
question is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post's telephone
conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite
must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes
a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are "safe",
and that experienced reporters don't have to ask.

What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post
communicates within its own corporate structure and with other members
of the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in
public, namely, how it shapes and censors the news.

Sincerely,

Julian C. Holmes

Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news
media, And - maybe a few others.
_________________________________________________________________


1. Mark Hosenball, "The Ultimate Conspiracy", Washington Post,
September 11, 1988, p.C1

2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard
Harwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the Post censored, from the
Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to
Robert Gates.

2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "Iran-Contra Figure Dodges
Extradition", Washington Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May
26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post (see note 2a)..

2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Want
to Extradite", Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note
2b). as it appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..

3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy,
etc., United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony
Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.

3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs
to U.S.", Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.

3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews
with Robert Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April
5, 1990.

4. Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press,
1987.

5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics,
University ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181.

5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras
to Drug Smuggling", Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.

5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington
Post, July 24,1987, p.A3.

5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman
Rangel's Letter- to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the
Congressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7.

6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug
Trail", Boston Globe, April 10, 1988.

6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10,
1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs?
Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's
Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.

6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra -- The Coverup Continues", The
Progressive, November 1988, p.24.

6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by
the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations
of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December
1988.

7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian
Conspiracy Theory", Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1.

7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of
the 1980 'Hostage- Deal' Story Is Still Full of Holes", Washington
Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2.


8b. Gary Sick, October Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random House,
1991.

9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage",
Playboy, October 1988, p.73.

9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, "The Election Held Hostage",
FRONTLINE, WGBH-TV,April 16, 1991.

10a. Reuter, "Ex-Hostages Seek Probe By Congress", Washington Post,
June 14,1991,p.A4.

10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office
Building Auditorium, Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The
Fund For New Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New York, NY,
10016.

11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into
'OctoberSurprise'", Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11.

11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The
Guardian, December 11, 1991, p.7.

11c. Jack Colhoun, "October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer", The
Guardian, February 26, 1992, p.3.

12. See note 5a, p.180-1.

13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.

13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the
Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No.
100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.

14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the
Republic of Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress David
Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim
Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates,
Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike
Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob
McEwen; January 26, 1989.

14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in
U.S. -- Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in
Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990.

14c. "Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer", Scripps-Howard
News Service,April 25, 1991.

15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the
Case of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February
6, 1989.


17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard-- The U.S. Role in the New
World Order, Boston: South End Press, 1991, p.121.

18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate,
77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin,
The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press,

19. R. Jeffrey Smith, "Study of A-Plant Neighbors' Health Urged",

20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend -- Price Tag
Mounts to Clean Up Nuclear Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23,
1992, p.1K.

21. "The Nuclear Industry's Secret PR Strategy", EXTRA!, March 1992,
p.15.

22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need
for PublicPolicy Reform", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,
p.E947-9.

22b. Samuel S. Epstein, "The Cancer Establishment", Washington Post,
March 10, 1992.

23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the
BNL Scandal", Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.

23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War
Iraq Policy", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.

23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal
Adviser, Memorandum to Jeanne S. Archibald et al, "Meeting on
congressional requests for information and documents", April 8, 1991;



24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White
Case", Variety Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25.

25. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991
Letter to"Friends", p.1.

26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus -- Luis Vasquez-Ajmac
Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian Project", Washington Post, November
18, 1991, p.Bus.8.

27. Hans Koning, "Teach the Truth About Columbus", Washington Post,
September 3,1991, p.A19.

28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St.
Louis Post/Dispatch, March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A
High-Tech Watergate", New York Times, October 21,1991.

29. "BCCI -- NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript
prepared by Burrelle's Information Services. The quote is from New
York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his own

30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst;
from an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.

31. Jack Colhoun, "BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush's Closet", The
Guardian, September 18, 1991, p.9.


33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco:
Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback edition, p.227.

34. See note 33, p.136-7.

35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon
Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33,
p.157.

36. See note 33, p.164-171.

37. See note 33, p.172-180.

38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House,
1990. The quote is from Ralph Nader's Introduction, p.iii.

39. See note 33, p.217.

40. See note 33, p.235.

41. See note 33, p.277-288.

42. See note 33, p.323.

43. Katherine Hoyt Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund
Newsletter, March1992, p.1.

44. William Blum, The CIA -- A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books
Ltd., 1986,p.232-243.


45b. See note 44, p.284-291.

46. See note 17, p.18.

47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for
Panama (James Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published in The
Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163.

47b. Philip E. Wheaton, Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press, 1992,
p.145-7.

48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam
Books, 1977,p.521.

48b. "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission,
December 2, 1949. Cited in 48a, p.521.

49a. See note 44, p.67-76.

49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.

50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square
Publications, 1983,p.60.

51. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections
in Nicaragua". Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4,
1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of
64 to 35.

52. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post", The
Guardian,November 20, 1991, p.6.


54. "The U.S. and the Vatican on Birth Control", Time, February 24,
1992, p.35.

55. "Time's Missing Link: Poland to Latin America", National Catholic
Reporter,February 28, 1992, p.24.

56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission",
Benning Patriot, February 21, 1992, p.12.

56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans
Expansion", News Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus,
Georgia 31903.


58. Jack Colhoun, "Tricky Dick's Quick Election Fix", The Guardian,
January 29,1992, p.18.

59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against
Police", Boston Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1.

59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston
Case", Washington Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3.

59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest
Video", WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20.

59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called
Homicide", Washington Post, May 18, 1991, p.B1.

59e. Jay Mathews, "L.A. Police Laughed at Beating", Washington Post,
March 19, 1991, p.A1.

59f. David Maraniss, "One Cop's View of Police Violence", Washington
Post, April 12,1991, p.A1.

59g. From News Services, "Police Abuse Detailed", Washington Post,
February 8, 1992,p.A8.

60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got
Millions", Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.A1.

61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In
Paperback", Washington Post, March 14, 1992, p.D1.


62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.




63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America -- The Mafia Murder of
President John F.Kennedy, New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988,
p.viii.

64. See note 63, p.28.

65a. Chuck Conconi, "Out and About", Washington Post, February 26,
1991, p.B3.

65b. George Lardner Jr., "On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland",
Washington Post, May19, 1991, p.D1.

65c. George Lardner, "...Or Just a Sloppy Mess", Washington Post, June
2, 1991,p.D3.

65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories -- When Do We
Dig Up BillCasey?", Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19.

65e. Eric Brace, "Personalities", Washington Post, October 31, 1991,
p.C3.

65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned -- Warren Commission
Attorney Calls Stone Film 'A Big Lie'", Washington Post, December 16,
1991, p.D14.

65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How
About the Truth?", Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.

65h. Rita Kemply, "'JFK': History Through A Prism", Washington Post,
December 20,1991, p.D1.

65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't -- In 'JFK', Stone
Assassinates the Truth", Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2.

65j. Desson Howe, "Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?", Washington Post,
December 20,1991, p.55.

65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire -- In Defending
His 'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and
Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1.

65l. George F. Will, "'JFK': Paranoid History", Washington Post,
December 26, 1991,p.A23.

65m. "On Screen", 'JFK' movie review, Washington Post, Weekend,
December 27, 1991.

65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Shadow Play", Washington Post, December
27, 1991, p.A21.

65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The Paranoid Style", Washington Post,
December 29,1991, p.C7.

65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! -- Why Did Oliver
Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?", Washington
Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.

65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts --
Moviegoers Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone",
Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.

65r. Michael R. Beschloss, "Assassination and Obsession", Washington

65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington
Post, January 10,1992, p.A19.

65t. Art Buchwald, "Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy", Washington Post,
January 14, 1992,p.E1.

65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories -- Good on Film,
But the Motivation Is All Wrong", Washington Post, January 19, 1992,
p.G1.

65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie -- America's Resort to
Conspiracy Thinking", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1.

65w. Richard Cohen, "Oliver's Twist", Washington Post Magazine,
January 19, 1992, p.5.

65. Michael Isikoff, "Seeking JFK's Missing Brain", Washington Post,
January 21,1992, p.A17.

65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken -- Conspiracy Theorists Are
Everywhere", Washington Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5.

65z. Joel Achenbach, "JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts", Washington
Post, February 28, 1992, p.C5.

65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the
Assassins is characterized as "conspiracy plot theories", Washington
Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12


67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon
Papers". Published in The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon
Papers, Volume V,p.211-247.

67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy -- The Secret Road to the
Second Indochina War, Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p.
215-224.

67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New
printing, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1990,
p.402-416.

67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.


67f. Peter Dale Scott, Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9,
1992, p.290.

68a. See note 65b.

68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the
JFK Assassination", Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.

69. See note 65b.

70. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner
Books, 1988, 315/318.

71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery
Charge", Washington Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3.

72. See note 65c.

73. See note 65i.

74. See note 67e, p.438-450.

75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington
Post, Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8.

76a. Tad Szulc, "New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe",
Washington Star,September 19, 1975, p.A1.

76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day --
'This Bullet Business Leaves Me Confused'", Washington Star, September

20, 1975, p.A1.

76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission --
Dulles Proposed that the Minutes be Destroyed", Washington Star,
September 21, 1975,p.A1.

77. "Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report", New York
Times, December 26, 1977, p.A37.

78. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich, 1979,p.141-2.

79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship -- Killing 'Katharine The Great'",
The Nation, November 12, 1983.

79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press,
1987. Davis says, "...corporate documents that became available during
my subsequent lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman,
William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great]
had been "processed and converted into waste paper"".

79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men -- A Suppressed Book
About Washington Post Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again"
National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.

79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square
Press, 1991. "...publishers who don't give a shit", p.iv-v; bullying
HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..

80. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See
note 79d, p.304.

81. See note 79d, p.119-132.

82. Carl Bernstein, "The CIA and the Media -- How America's Most
Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence
Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up", Rolling Stone,
October 20, 1977, p.63.

83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington
Post, September 15, 1988. The letter asks for the Post's rationale for
its policy of protecting government covert actions, and whether this

83b. Daniel Brandt, "Little Magazines May Come and Go", The National
Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the Post's protection of the identity
of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, "America needs to
confront its own recent history as well as protect the interests of
its citizens, and both can be accomplished by outlawing peacetime
covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity of
Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike
forces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists."

83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988.
Harwood's two- sentence letter reads, "We have a long-standing policy
of not naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual

84. See note 79d, p.131.

85. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist
Acts", Washington Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.

86. "conspire", ß4ßRandom House Dictionary of the English Language,
Second Edition Unabridged, 1987.


88. See note 65y.

89. See note 65n.

90. See note 65d.


Richard Harwood, "What Conspiracy?", Washington Post, March 1, 1992,
p.C6.

93. p. 29-32.

94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services
Inc., April 25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared
in 878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials;
"Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In
those 28, Agran's name appeared 76 times, Clinton's 151, and Brown
105. In only 1 of those 28 did Agran's name appear in a headline.

94b. Colman McCarthy, "What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?",
Washington Post, February 1, 1992. Washington Post columnist McCarthy
tells how television and party officials have kept presidential
candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's own daily news-blackout
of Agran is not discussed.

94c. Scot Lehigh, "Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little Chance
For the Big Prize", Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.

94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, "The Press Rejects a Candidate", Columbia
Journalism Review,March/April, 1992.

95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The
Press, NewYork: Harper and Row, 1972, p.36-7.

96a. 28 USC Section 455. "Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the
United States shall disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his
impartiality might reasonably be questioned." [emphasis added]

96b. Alpo Petfoods, Inc. v. Ralston Purina Co., 913 F2d 958 (CA DC
1990)..

96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court -- Nominee 'Unfit
to Sit' For Failing to Recuse In Ralston Purina Case", Legal Times,
August 26, 1991.

96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge
Clarence Thomas to become a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court on the
grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to U.S. Senator Joseph R.
Biden, October 15, 1991.


Decry What Process Has Become", Washington Post, October 12, 1991,
p.A1.


99. See note 86.

100. Thomas W. Lippman, "Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers'",
Washington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21. This article explains that
"representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National
Association of Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore
drilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict,
pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil
drilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be
offered by key House members".


http://www.theforbiddenknowledge.com/hardtruth/subversion_of_the_free_press.htm
MOCKINGBIRD The Subversion Of The Free Press By The

CIA theforbiddenknowledge.com
The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA
http://www.whatreallyhappened.com
"You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month."
CIA operative discussing with Philip Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and
prices of journalists willing to peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories. "Katherine The Great,"
by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991)
As terrible as it is to live in a nation where the press in known to be controlled by the government, at least
one has the advantage of knowing the bias is present, and to adjust for it. In the United States of America,
we are taught from birth that our press is free from such government meddling. This is an insideous lie
about the very nature of the news institution in this country. One that allows the government to lie to us
while denying the very fact of the lie itself.
The Alex Constantine Article
Tales from the Crypt
The Depraved Spies and Moguls
of the CIA's Operation MOCKINGBIRD
by Alex Constantine
Soulless corporations do, of course. Corporations with grinning,

double-breasted executives, interlocking directorates, labor squabbles
and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. Coca-Cola. Disney.
Newspapers should have mastheads that mirror the world: The
Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser .
It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that
the public print reports news from a parallel universe - one that has
never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking
thefts, mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with
secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales - a place overrun by lone
gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their best behavior. In
this idyllic land, the most serious infraction an official can commit
__is a the employment of a domestic servant with (shudder) no
residency status.
It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold
Page 1 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
war, when the CIA began a systematic infiltration of the corporate

media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news
outlets.
In this period, the American intelligence services competed with

communist activists abroad to influence European labor unions. With or
without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an
undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service,
rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war underground of covert
operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip
Graham, __a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg,
PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under Wisner's
wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
"By the early 1950s," writes formerVillage Voice reporter Deborah

Davis in Katharine the Great, "Wisner 'owned' respected members of the
New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles, plus
stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a former CIA
analyst." The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a templar for
German and American corporations who wanted their points of view
represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25
newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of CIA
propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary
views, among them William Paley (CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry
Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times).
Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been

appalled to f__ind in FOIA documents that agents boasting in CIA
office memos of their pride in having placed "important assets" inside
every major news publication in the country. It was not until 1982
that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have
acted as case officers to agents in the field.
"World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March,
1947. "It is in the opening skirmish stage already." The issue
featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who called for the
creation of an "American Empire," "world-dominating in political
power, set up at least in part through coercion (probably including
war, but certainly the threat of war) and in which one group of people
... would hold more than its equal share of power."
George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce
in 1947, explaining tha__t "although avoiding typical Hitlerian
phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world
and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of
Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably
leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the
American flag."
On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the

Page 2 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
CIA and William Paley, a wartime colonel and the founder of CBS. A
firm believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the
Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to work undercover at the behest of
his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation's media, Allen
Dulles. Paley's designated go-between in his dealings with the CIA was
Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961.
The CIA's assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the

Operations Coordination Board, directed by C.D. Jackson, formerly an
executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold
War Strategy. In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who quit
a year later, disgusted at the administration's political infighting.
Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war
strategist.
"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice

Department's Office of Special Investigations, took "a small boy's
delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft - the hidden
microphones, the 'black' propaganda." Nixon especially enjoyed his
visit to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis in the "special
One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence

underground was heroin smuggler Hubert von Blücher, the son of A
German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained by
the Abwehr, the German military intelligence division, while still a
civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit of the German Army
until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his wartime
records. He worked briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on
a movie entitled One Day ..., and finished out the war flying with the
Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling
of Nazi loot out of the country. His exploits were, in part, the
subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the knockover
of the Reichsbank at the end of the war.
In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named

Huberto von Bleucher Corell, he immediately paid court to Eva Peron,
presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from
the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?).
Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the Hotel Plaza to deliver
German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the birth of the
National Socialist Party in Argentina, among other forms of Nazi
revival.
In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color

Corporation of America in Hollywood. He eked out a living writing
scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can be heard on a
film set in the Amazon, produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he
returned to Buenos Aires, then Düsseldorf, West Germany, and
established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical
Page 3 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
warfare agents for the government. At the Industrie Club in Düsseldorf

in 1982, von Blücher boasted to journalists, "I am chief shareholder
of Pan American Airways. I am the best friend of Howard Hughes. The
Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I am thus the
biggest financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed
up by these people over their second bottle of brandy."
Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken
dreams of world-moving affluence were, in their time, Moses Annenberg,
publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the
CIA/mob-anchored publisher of the TV Guide. Like most American
high-rollers, Annenberg lived a double life. Moses, his father, was a
scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter were indicted in 1939
for tax evasions totalling many millions of dollars - the biggest case
in the history of the Justice Department. Moses pled guilty and agreed
to pay the government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax
claims, penalties and interest debts. Moses received a three-year
sentence. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.
Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. On the

campaign trail in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to
woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet. "This is the topping on the cake,"
Bush's regional campaign director told the Los Angeles Times. The Bush
team met at Annenberg's plush Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands,
California. It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was
chosen, and the state's social and contributor registers built over a
quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose
acting career was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's

recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a CIA front, presented the
intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda
and even prying in the age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the
possibilities when he installed omniscient video surveillance
technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition
published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according
to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program
that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast
transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual images
Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his

disappearance in the midst of the Watergate probe.
In 1952, at MCA, Actors' Guild president Ronald Reagan - a screen idol

recruited by MOCKINGBIRD's Crusade for Freedom to raise funds for the
resettlement of Nazis in the U.S., according to Loftus - signed a
secret waiver of the conflict-of-interest rule with the mob-controlled
studio, in effect granting it a labor monopoly on early television
programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner. Furthermore,
Page 4 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987,

reported that Reagan had "fed the names of suspect people in his
organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned
'an informer's code number, T-10.' His FBI file indicates intense
collaboration with producers to 'purge' the industry of subversives."
No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former

intelligence officer and in the immediate postwar period UPI's Moscow
correspondent. Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's
Phil Graham, according to Deborah Davis.
Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film

simian from CIA and Mafia heroin operations. Among other
organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell
Thomas threw in to launch the infamous Resorts International, the
corporate front for Lansky's branch of the federally-sponsored mob
family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities. Another of the
investors was James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated
$100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This was the year that
Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New
jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the issuance of a gambling
license to the company, citing Mafia ties.
In 1954, this same circle of investors, all Catholics, founded the

broadcasting company notorious for overt propagandizing and general
spookiness. The company's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey,
who clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after
he was appointed CIA director by Ronald Reagan in 1981.
"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The
Invisible Government to describe the agency's intertwining interests
in the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who
took to the airwaves. "Daily, East and West beam hundreds of
propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of
competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-price transistor
has given the hidden war a new importance," enthused one foreign
correspondent.
A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda

push. One of them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR),
received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the CIA through private
foundations and trusts. OPR research was the basis of a television
series that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People
and Politics, a "study" of the American political system in 21 weekly
installments.
In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia

combination that formed Cap Cities sank its claws into the film
studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army
during the war by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the
Page 5 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by the CIA,

played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited
Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood
remodeled his office after the dictator's. The only honest job
Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret
investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former
producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative on
the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn.
Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson,
In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of

the CIA's covert operations budget. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract
CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. The cost
of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265
million a year by 1978, a budget larger than the combined expenditures
of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely with
the intelligence services - in fact, 23 employees were full-time
employees of the Agency.
Most consumers of the corporate media were - and are - unaware of the
effect that the salting of public opinion has on their own beliefs. A
network anchorman in time of national crisis is an instrument of
psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. He is a creature from
the national security sector's chamber of horrors. For this reason
consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic
beliefs about government and life in the parallel universe of these
United States.
How the Washington Post Censors the News
[Note: Look for the paragraph indicated by asterisks]
A Letter to the Washington Post

by Julian C. Holmes
_________________________________________________________________
April 25, 1992

The Washington Post
1150 15th Street NW
Dear Mr. Harwood,
Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit
Page 6 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT

of hard news, just let drop the faintest rumor of a government

"conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room. Aroused
single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government
It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted

by any of these frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to
Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs
Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule

the idea that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had
conspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack
Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the
Post sprang to protect its readers, and the conspirators, by censoring
the Anderson column before printing it (*2).
But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra
conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith center for
law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S.
arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the
CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets
(*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work
on our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post
contributed to this discovery process by disparaging the charges of
conspiracy and by publishing false information about the
drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on
Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman
Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only
a partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from
Rangel (*5).

Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government
complicity in the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the arms/drug
conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and
retained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a newly emerging threat
to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise" conspiracy (*7). But
close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and
then Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books with
the same title, "October Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a member of the
Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick,
professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the
staff of the National Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter,
and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick published
Page 7 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to

Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages
until after the November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal was
to quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October
surprise). which would have bolstered the reelection prospects for
President Carter.
Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In

Hostage"; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a
conference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former
the statement of the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself
which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10).
On February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives
begrudgingly authorized an "October Surprise" investigation by a task
force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired
the House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named
as chief team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI
when the Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11).
Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing
the U.S. arms-for-drugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver
North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he
derailed House Resolution 485 which had asked President Reagan to
answer questions about Contra support activities of government
officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John
"international drug trafficking and hostile acts against the nation's
security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to
intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling
Hull's case "in a manner that will not complicate U.S.-Costa Rican
relations" (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the
Costa Rican response that declared Hull's case to be "in as good hands
as our 100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all
citizens" (*15).
theories, it is difficult to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing
involves

The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by "destroying

crops, brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and
Page 8 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other

leaders" (*17).

Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the
United States was effectively prevented from developing or
producing [fo rWorld War-II] any substantial amount of
synthetic rubber," said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin
(*18).

dosages of radiation "almost certain to produce thyroid
abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing near
the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford, Washington (*19).

weapons sites (*20). State and local governments back the
"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some
twenty comprehensive cancer centers, have misled and confused
the public and Congress by repeated claims that we are winning
the war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment has
continually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates
which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat,
while discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable
eposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and
the workplace." (*22).
The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq

"is yet another example of the President's people conspiring to
keep both Congress and the American people in the dark" (*23).
If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of

doing business in this country.

Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend

$100 million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated
Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26).
rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish
Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from

the INSLAW company of sophisticated, law-enforcement computer
Page 9 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
software which "now point to a widespread conspiracy

implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of
INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot
Richardson (*28).
Or Watergate.
Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where

the White House knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of
Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S.
intelligence agencies did their secret banking (*31), and where
bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way of
doing business" (*32).

criminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with
gas- and diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of
buses and related products to transportation companies
throughout the country" [in, among others, the cities of New
York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake
City, and Los Angeles] (*33).
Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT).

Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield

intrauterine contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings
of the Shield's hazards and which "stonewalled, deceived,
covered up, and
covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a

Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and

the FAA resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding
the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all
364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974
(*36).

ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who
acted "in concert with each other in the testing and marketing
of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).

cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of
Page 10 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
their savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White House,

Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of
the American people" will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of
Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General

Electric executives who met surreptitiously in hotel rooms to
fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial
equipment (*39).
Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT).

officers for fabricating safety tests on prescription drugs
(*40).
Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of

medical problemsrelating to asbestos (*41).
Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies "agreed

not to engage in any effective price competition" (*42).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to

cover up the nature of our decades-old war against the people
of Nicaragua

applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into
a more repressive force (*43).
Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in

the Chilean election process with military aid, covert actions,
and an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of
the legitimately elected government and the assassination of
President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State

Henry Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance
terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's
plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about
these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA
Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this

Panama in 1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the
United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the
Panama Canal Treaties (*47).

strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the
Page 11 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the

subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime
Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice

Lumumba (*50).

Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the Congress
to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the

head the CIA, in the face of "unmistakable evidence that Gates
lied about his role in the Iran-Contra scandal" (*52).
Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's Solidarity

Movement and Hasten the Demise of Communism" (*53).

the use of USAID funds by any country "for the promotion of
birth control or abortion" (*54).
Or "the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common

purpose in Central America" (*55).
Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer

civilian-military cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of the
Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine
soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are
graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel
(*56).
Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration

to harass and cause bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter
who uncovered dangerous working conditions at the facility
(*57).
Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of

South Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the
1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).

Page 12 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington
Post
really important conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big business or big
government.
Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of

the Iranian government to help out U.S. oil companies; or like our
illegal war against Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and the
Canal; or like monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates
corporate censorship on issues of public importance (*62). When the
camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in
the conspiring officials can erode -- depending on how seriously the
citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public trust.
Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to

Oliver Stone's movie "JFK", which reexamines the U.S. Government's
official (Warren Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting
alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story
of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's unsuccessful
prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection
with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy
assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not
be served by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us
from our war against Vietnam.
The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along

lines suggested by "JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles
Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael
Isikoff, have been called up to man the bulwarks against public
sentiment which has never supported the government's
non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that
the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both
the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63)
and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on
Assassinations found that President Kennedy was probably killed "as a
result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number of Post
conspiracy (*65).
Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen
Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George
Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had
second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that
there is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned
journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L.
Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have
Page 13 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not
enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just
continues ranting against the possibility of a high-level
assassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its
arguments.

against the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie
was completed, and the third upon its release. In May, six months
before the movie came out, Lardner obtained a copy of the first draft
of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the
Post the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this
article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile
statements from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner
does not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a
U.S. Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government
witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted
under oath that in a May 1972 interview with a New Orleans television
reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S. Government's case
against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of the
Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I recently
asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he remembered
it (*71).
Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his way
through a justification for his unauthorized possession of the early
Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".
When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73).

He again ridiculed the film's thesis that following the Kennedy
assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to
de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by
Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was
written before the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of
Kennedy's policy". In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before
the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National
Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it.
Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version
provided for escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) -- facts that
Lardner avoided.
The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for
the most part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post
(*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find meaningful
discussion of the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both the FBI
Page 14 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the "new wave of books

and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and]
conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on our
organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison and
friendly elite contacts, especially politicians and editors "and to
"employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the
critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are particularly
appropriate for this purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to
provide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the
In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The

Great,
the story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close
ties
Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim

that Bradlee had "produced CIA material" (*78). Understandably
sensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher
Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,"Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced
CIA material ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a fool and to
put your company in that special little group of publishers who don't
give a shit for the truth". The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the
book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of
contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis
published her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated
Bradlee to have been deeply involved with producing cold-war/CIA
propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his
association with people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently
taken no action to contest the xetensive documentation presented by
****************************************************************************

became a widespread practice:the use and manipulation of journalists
by the CIA" (*81). This scandal was known by its code name Operation
MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a
^^^^^^^^^^^^
^^^^^^^^^^^^
^^^^^^^^^^^^
former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was widely known that Phil
Graham was someone you could get help from" (*82). More recently the
Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing
to print his name for over a year up until the day his indictmen twas
Page 15 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
announced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA

***************************************************************************
availability and prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA
man recalls, "You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call
girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One may wish to
consider Philip Graham's philosophy along with a more recent statement
from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the
Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs.
Graham said: "A second challenge facing the media is how to prevent
terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The
point is that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and
we've learned better how and where to draw the line, though the
decisions are often difficult" (*85).
Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified
that our elite and our high-level public officials may be exposed as
conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the
assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in
that, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post runs its
business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs -- a conspiracy
"to act or work together toward the same result or goal" (*86). But
where the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it
pretends that conspiracies associated with big business or government
are "coincidence". Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration
inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver
Stone and suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post's
opposition to Stone's movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that
Stone's complaints are "groundless and paranoid and smack of
McCarthyism" (*87).
So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those
who

generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always
And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory"
is what the Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a
conspiracy. In other words, some things just "happen". And, besides,
conspiracy to do certain things would be a crime; "coincidence" is a
safer bet.

Page 16 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
Executive Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence

Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about presidential
candidates "who have begun to mutter about a press conspiracy".
Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these charges as "symptoms of
the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American
political class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers;
they used the "C" word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his
off-the-cuff comment into an entire column -- ending it with:"We are
the new journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing
Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran

of the Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative
Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A
Reporter Looks Back in Anger -- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate
Crime". Therein he discussed the difficulties in convincing editors to
experiences at the Post, where he says he was known as "the biggest
pain in the ass in the office" (*93).
Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of

editors

editors without influence from fellow editors or from management?
Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless office "meetings"
in which news people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of
which stories will run and which ones will find inadequate space? That
there is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no
cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a
Post journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran
equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let's face it:
these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining
guests at a soup kitchen.
Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account
of wire-service control over news: "The largely anonymous men who
control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire
photo machines determine at a single decision what millions will see
and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers
preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press
agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches

Clarence Thomas violated U.S. law when he failed to remove himself
from a case in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million
Page 17 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the
animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator
John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance
to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97). Would
Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this
matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of
coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston
Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?
Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's

Public Citizen. Titled All the Vice President's Men, it documents "How
the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health,
Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post
journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published "The President's
Understudy", a seven-part series on Vice President Quayle. Although
this series does address Quayle's role with the Competitiveness
associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth -- revealing
little about Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's
problems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and never
mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle's record in the
Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did
both of them forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to
mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever
discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to
publish such a barren set of articles because it would enhance their
reputations? How did management feel about the use of precious news
space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages were
dedicated to this twaddle without people "acting or working together
toward the same result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?
On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New
York Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:

WITH BUSH
This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions

of whether the news media collective mindset is really different from
Page 18 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
that of any other cartel -- like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or

manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a combination of independent
must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes
a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are "safe",
and that experienced reporters don't have to ask.
communicates within its own corporate structure and with other members
of the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in
public, namely, how it shapes and censors the news.
Sincerely,
Julian C. Holmes
Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news
media, And - maybe a few others.
_________________________________________________________________


Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to
Robert Gates.
to Extradite", Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note
2b). as it appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..
3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy,

etc., United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony
Page 19 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.
3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs
to U.S.", Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.
3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews
with Robert Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April
5, 1990.

1987.
5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics,

University ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181.
5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras

to Drug Smuggling", Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.
5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington

Post, July 24,1987, p.A3.


6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10,
1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs?
Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's
Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.

6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by

the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations
of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December
1988.
7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian
7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of

the 1980 'Hostage- Deal' Story Is Still Full of Holes", Washington
Page 20 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT

1991.
9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage",

June 14,1991,p.A4.
10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office

10016.

12. See note 5a, p.180-1.
13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.

Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No.
100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.

Republic of Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress David
Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim
Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates,
Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike
Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob
McEwen; January 26, 1989.
14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in

U.S. -- Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in

Page 21 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
Case of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February

6, 1989.

The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press,

1992, p.1K.

p.15.
22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need
for PublicPolicy Reform", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,
p.E947-9.

March 10, 1992.
23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the

BNL Scandal", Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.

congressional requests for information and documents", April 8, 1991;
Page 22 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus -- Luis Vasquez-Ajmac

Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian Project", Washington Post, November
18, 1991, p.Bus.8.

30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst;

from an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.


34. See note 33, p.136-7.
Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33,
p.157.
36. See note 33, p.164-171.
37. See note 33, p.172-180.
39. See note 33, p.217.
40. See note 33, p.235.
41. See note 33, p.277-288.
42. See note 33, p.323.

Page 23 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
44. William Blum, The CIA -- A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books
Ltd., 1986,p.232-243.
45b. See note 44, p.284-291.
46. See note 17, p.18.
p.145-7.
Books, 1977,p.521.

49a. See note 44, p.67-76.
49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.
50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square

51. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections
in Nicaragua". Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4,
1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of
64 to 35.
1992, p.35.


Page 24 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT


Expansion", News Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus,
Georgia 31903.
January 29,1992, p.18.


59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called


March 19, 1991, p.A1.



62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.
63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America -- The Mafia Murder of

p.viii.
Page 25 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT

64. See note 63, p.28.
1991, p.B3.

65c. George Lardner, "...Or Just a Sloppy Mess", Washington Post, June
2, 1991,p.D3.
65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories -- When Do We

Dig Up BillCasey?", Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19.
65e. Eric Brace, "Personalities", Washington Post, October 31, 1991,

p.C3.
65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned -- Warren Commission

1991, p.D14.


65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't -- In 'JFK', Stone

Assassinates the Truth", Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2.
December 20,1991, p.55.
65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire -- In Defending

His 'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and
Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1.


December 27, 1991.

27, 1991, p.A21.

65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! -- Why Did Oliver

Page 26 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?", Washington

Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.
65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts --

Moviegoers Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone",
Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.

65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington

Post, January 10,1992, p.A19.

65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories -- Good on Film,

But the Motivation Is All Wrong", Washington Post, January 19, 1992,
p.G1.
65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie -- America's Resort to


January 19, 1992, p.5.

January 21,1992, p.A17.

65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the

Assassins is characterized as "conspiracy plot theories", Washington
Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12
Papers". Published in The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon
Papers, Volume V,p.211-247.
215-224.

Page 27 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT

p.402-416.
67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.
1992, p.290.
68a. See note 65b.
68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the
JFK Assassination", Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.
69. See note 65b.
Books, 1988, 315/318.

72. See note 65c.
73. See note 65i.
74. See note 67e, p.438-450.



20, 1975, p.A1.

Page 28 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT

79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship -- Killing 'Katharine The Great'",

my subsequent lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman,
William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great]
had been "processed and converted into waste paper"".
79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men -- A Suppressed Book

About Washington Post Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again"
National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.
Press, 1991. "...publishers who don't give a shit", p.iv-v; bullying
HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..

note 79d, p.304.
81. See note 79d, p.119-132.
October 20, 1977, p.63.
83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington

Post, September 15, 1988. The letter asks for the Post's rationale for
its policy of protecting government covert actions, and whether this
Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the Post's protection of the identity
of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, "America needs to
confront its own recent history as well as protect the interests of
its citizens, and both can be accomplished by outlawing peacetime
covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity of
Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike
forces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists."

Harwood's two- sentence letter reads, "We have a long-standing policy
of not naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual
84. See note 79d, p.131.
85. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist

Acts", Washington Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.
Page 29 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
86. "conspire", ß4ßRandom House Dictionary of the English Language,

88. See note 65y.
89. See note 65n.
90. See note 65d.

p.C6.
93. p. 29-32.

Inc., April 25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared
in 878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials;
"Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In
those 28, Agran's name appeared 76 times, Clinton's 151, and Brown
94b. Colman McCarthy, "What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?",

Washington Post, February 1, 1992. Washington Post columnist McCarthy
tells how television and party officials have kept presidential
candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's own daily news-blackout
of Agran is not discussed.
94c. Scot Lehigh, "Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little Chance
For the Big Prize", Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.


96b. Alpo Petfoods, Inc. v. Ralston Purina Co., 913 F2d 958 (CA DC
1990)..
96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court -- Nominee 'Unfit
to Sit' For Failing to Recuse In Ralston Purina Case", Legal Times,
Page 30 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT
August 26, 1991.
96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge

Clarence Thomas to become a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court on the
grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to U.S. Senator Joseph R.
Biden, October 15, 1991.
p.A1.
99. See note 86.

drilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict,
pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil
drilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be
NOTES
A good source on the Washington Post and Katharine Graham's attempt to suppress the Davis
book,"Katherine The Great,", which was largely successful, is Carol Felsenthal's, "Power and Privilege at
the Post, the Katharine Graham Story."
For more information on Johnny Rosselli and Moses and Walter Annenberg, an excellent source is "All
American Mafioso, the Johnny Rosselli Story," by Ed Becker and Charles Rappelye.
An additional good short reference is "The CIA's Greatest Hits" by Mark Zepezauer. There you will find the
reference to Carl Bernstein's classic "The CIA and the Media" which appeared in Rolling Stone on Oct. 20,
1977.
Still another recent example of the CIA's control of the media is the spiking of Sally Denton's & Roger
Morris' story,"THE CRIMES OF MENA" by Washington Post managing editor Bob Kaiser even though the
story had been legally vetted and cleared for publication. Indeed the story, which details the CIA's
involvement in drug trafficing, was already typeset and ready to go when it was killed withouty explanation.
A recent example of media lies can be found in this example of a faked newspaper photograph.
Page 31 of 31 Sep 12, 2016 05:16:40AM MDT

MOCKINGBIRD: The Subversion
Of The Free Press By The CIA
WhatReallyHappened.com
"You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month." - CIA
operative discussing with Philip Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and prices of
journalists willing to peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories. "Katherine The Great," by Deborah
Davis (New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991)
"The Central Intelligence Agency owns everyone of any significance in the major media." -- William Colby,
former CIA Director, cited by Dave Mcgowan, Derailing Democracy
"There is quite an incredible spread of relationships. You don't need to manipulate Time magazine, for
example, because there are [Central Intelligence] Agency people at the management level." -- William B.
Bader, former CIA intelligence officer, briefing members of the Senate Intelligence Committee, The CIA
and the Media, by Carl Bernstein
"The Agency's relationship with [The New York] Times was by far its most valuable among newspapers,
according to CIA officials. [It was] general Times policy ... to provide assistance to the CIA whenever
possible." -- The CIA and the Media, by Carl Bernstein
"Senator William Proxmire has pegged the number of employees of the federal intelligence community at
148,000 ... though Proxmire's number is itself a conservative one. The "intelligence community" is officially
defined as including only those organizations that are members of the U.S. Intelligence Board (USIB); a
dozen other agencies, charged with both foreign and domestic intelligence chores, are not encompassed
by the term.... The number of intelligence workers employed by the federal government is not 148,000, but
some undetermined multiple of that number." -- Jim Hougan, Spooks
"For some time I have been disturbed by the way the CIA has been diverted from its original assignment. It
has become an operational and at times a policy-making arm of the government.... I never had any thought
that when I set up the CIA that it would be injected into peacetime cloak and dagger operations." --former
President Harry Truman, 22 December 1963, one month after the JFK assassination, op-ed section of the
Washington Post, early edition
The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation MOCKINGBIRD
by Alex Constantine
directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. Coca-Cola. Disney. Newspapers
should have mastheads that mirror the world: The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield
Intelligentser . It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that the public print
reports news from a parallel universe - one that has never heard of politically-motivated assassinations,
CIA-Mafia banking thefts, mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets
fattened by cocaine sales - a place overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their
best behavior. In this idyllic land, the most serious infraction an official can commit __is a the employment
of a domestic servant with (shudder) no residency status.
infiltration of the corporate media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news outlets.
In this period, the American intelligence services competed with communist activists abroad to influence
European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an
undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter
the cold war underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip
Graham, __a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington
Post., was taken under Wisner's wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
"By the early 1950s," writes formerVillage Voice reporter Deborah Davis in Katharine the Great, "Wisner
'owned' respected members of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles,
plus stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a former CIA analyst." The network was overseen by
Allen Dulles, a templar for German and American corporations who wanted their points of view
represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and wire agencies
consenting to act as organs of CIA propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary
views, among them William Paley (CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays
Sulzberger (N.Y. Times).
Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled to f__ind in FOIA
documents that agents boasting in CIA office memos of their pride in having placed "important assets"
inside every major news publication in the country. It was not until 1982 that the Agency openly admitted
that reporters on the CIA payroll have acted as case officers to agents in the field.
George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947, explaining tha__t
"although avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world
and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of Wall Street were much more honest in
favoring a doctrine inevitably leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the American
flag."
On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the CIA and William Paley, a wartime
colonel and the founder of CBS. A firm believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the
Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to work undercover at the behest of his close friend, the busy grey
eminence of the nation's media, Allen Dulles. Paley's designated go-between in his dealings with the CIA
was Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961.
The CIA's assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the Operations Coordination Board, directed
by C.D. Jackson, formerly an executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold
War Strategy. In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who quit a year later, disgusted at the
administration's political infighting. Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war
strategist.
"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations,
took "a small boy's delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft - the hidden microphones, the 'black'
Bl�cher, the son of A German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained by the Abwehr,
the German military intelligence division, while still a civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit of the
German Army until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his wartime records. He worked
briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on a movie entitled One Day ..., and finished out the war
flying with the Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling of Nazi loot out of
the country. His exploits were, in part, the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the
knockover of the Reichsbank at the end of the war.
In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named Huberto von Bleucher Corell, he
immediately paid court to Eva Peron, presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from
the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?). Hubert then met with Martin Bormann
at the Hotel Plaza to deliver German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the birth of the National
Socialist Party in Argentina, among other forms of Nazi revival.
In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color Corporation of America in Hollywood. He
eked out a living writing scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can be heard on a film set in the
Amazon, produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then D�sseldorf, West
Germany, and established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical warfare agents for the
government. At the Industrie Club in D�sseldorf in 1982, von Bl�cher boasted to journalists, "I am chief
shareholder of Pan American Airways. I am the best friend of Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las
Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I am thus the biggest financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights
tales dreamed up by these people over their second bottle of brandy."
Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken dreams of world-moving affluence were,
in their time, Moses Annenberg, publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the
CIA/mob-anchored publisher of the TV Guide. Like most American high-rollers, Annenberg lived a double
life. Moses, his father, was a scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter were indicted in 1939 for
tax evasions totalling many millions of dollars - the biggest case in the history of the Justice Department.
Moses pled guilty and agreed to pay the government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims,
penalties and interest debts. Moses received a three-year sentence. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.
Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. On the campaign trail in April, 1988,
George Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet. "This is the topping on the cake,"
Bush's regional campaign director told the Los Angeles Times. The Bush team met at Annenberg's plush
Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands, California. It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet
was chosen, and the state's social and contributor registers built over a quarter-century of state political
dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose acting career was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a
CIA front, presented the intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even
prying in the age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient
video surveillance technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition published in the U.S.
by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance
program that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could
pick up audio and visual images with the equipment as far as 25 miles away.
Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his disappearance in the midst of the
Watergate probe.
Crusade for Freedom to raise funds for the resettlement of Nazis in the U.S., according to Loftus - signed a
secret waiver of the conflict-of-interest rule with the mob-controlled studio, in effect granting it a labor
monopoly on early television programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner. Furthermore,
historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan had "fed the
names of suspect people in his organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned 'an
informer's code number, T-10.' His FBI file indicates intense collaboration with producers to 'purge' the
industry of subversives."
No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former intelligence officer and in the immediate
postwar period UPI's Moscow correspondent. Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's
Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film simian from CIA and Mafia heroin
operations. Among other organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell Thomas
threw in to launch the infamous Resorts International, the corporate front for Lansky's branch of the
federally-sponsored mob family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities. Another of the investors was
James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated $100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This
was the year that Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New jersey attempted, with
no success, to spike the issuance of a gambling license to the company, citing Mafia ties.
propagandizing and general spookiness. The company's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey,
who clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after he was appointed CIA director by
Ronald Reagan in 1981.
"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The Invisible Government to describe the
agency's intertwining interests in the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who took to
the airwaves. "Daily, East and West beam hundreds of propaganda broadcasts at each other in an
unrelenting babble of competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-price transistor has given the
hidden war a new importance," enthused one foreign correspondent.
A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda push. One of them, Operations and
Policy Research, Inc. (OPR), received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the CIA through private
foundations and trusts. OPR research was the basis of a television series that aired in New York and
Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People and Politics, a "study" of the American political system in 21 weekly
installments.
In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia combination that formed Cap Cities sank
its claws into the film studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army during the war
by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably
assassinated by the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited Italy's
Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled his office after the dictator's. The
only honest job Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion
productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative
on the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling
investments with Billy Wilkerson, publisher of the Hollywood Reporter.
In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of the CIA's covert operations budget.
Some 3, 000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. The
cost of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year by 1978, a budget
larger than the combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
Most consumers of the corporate media were - and are - unaware of the effect that the salting of public
opinion has on their own beliefs. A network anchorman in time of national crisis is an instrument of
psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. He is a creature from the national security sector's
chamber of horrors. For this reason consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic
beliefs about government and life in the parallel universe of these United States.

[Note the highlighted paragraph]
by Julian C. Holmes
_____________________________________________________
April 25, 1992
The Washington Post
1150 15th Street NW
Dear Mr. Harwood,
Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit of hard
news, just let drop the faintest rumor of a government "conspiracy", and a
klaxon horn goes off in the news room. Aroused from apathy in the daily
routine of reporting assignations and various other political and social
sports events, editors and reporters scramble to the phones. The klaxon
screams its warning: the greatest
single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government stability

-- the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!
It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any of
these frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to Post readers with
a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs spun by the wacko
"CONSPIRACY THEORISTS".
Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the idea
that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had conspired to do wrong
(*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta
discussed some of the conspirators, the Post sprang to protect its readers,
and the conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column before printing it
(*2).
But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In
1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith center for law and public policy,
had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S. arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep
weapons flowing to the CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to
U.S. markets (*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal
work on our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed
to this discovery process by disparaging the charges of conspiracy and by
publishing false information about the drug-smuggling evidence presented to
the House Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by
Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post
printed only a partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint
from Rangel (*5).

Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity
in the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the arms/drug conspiracy
evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball
to exorcise from our minds a newly emerging threat to domestic tranquility,
the "October Surprise" conspiracy (*7). But close on the heels of Hosenball
and the Post came Barbara Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored
independently, two years apart, books with the same title, "October Surprise"
(*8). Honegger was a member of the Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams
in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University,
was on the staff of the National Security Council under Presidents Ford,
Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick published
their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to Iran if
Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages until after the
November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal was to quash the possibility
of a pre-election release(an October surprise). which would have bolstered the
reelection prospects for President Carter.
Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October

1988, Playboy Magazine ran an expose "An Election Held Hostage"; FRONTLINE did
another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a conference of distinguished
journalists, joined by 8 of the former
hostages, challenged the Congress to "make a full, impartial investigation" of

the election/hostage allegations. The Post reported the statement of the
hostages, but not a word of the conference itself
which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10). On
February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly
authorized an "October Surprise" investigation by a task
force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired the
House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named as chief
team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank was
indicted in 1988 (*11).
Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing the U.S.
arms-for-drugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver North's lies,and as
Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he derailed House Resolution 485
which had asked President Reagan to answer questions about Contra support
activities of government officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John
"international drug trafficking and hostile acts against the nation's
security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to intimidate
Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling Hull's case "in a
manner that will not complicate U.S.-Costa Rican
relations" (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the Costa
Rican response that declared Hull's case to be "in as good hands as our 100
year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all citizens" (*15).
theories, it is difficult to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves

surveillance, false arrests, and violence to illegally harass U.S.citizens in
the 60's (*16).
The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by "destroying crops,

brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia
to assassinate Fidel Castro and other leaders" (*17).
"Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the
Department of Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben...of Germany. ...By its
cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the United States was effectively
prevented from developing or producing [fo rWorld War-II] any substantial
amount of synthetic rubber," said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin
(*18).
U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about dosages of

radiation "almost certain to produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that
contaminated people residing near the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford,
Washington (*19).
Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in getting around

to cleaning up the Nation's dangerous nuclear weapons sites (*20). State and
local governments back the nuclear industry's secret public relations strategy
(*21).
"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty
comprehensive cancer centers, have misled and confused the public and Congress
by repeated claims that we are winning the war against cancer. In fact, the
cancer establishment has continually minimized the evidence for increasing
cancer rates which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while
discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable
eposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and the

workplace." (*22).
The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq "is yet
another example of the President's people conspiring to keep both Congress and
the American people in the dark" (*23).
If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of doing business in

this country.
Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the
Pentagon and much of the news media (*24).
Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend $100
million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated history of Columbus in
America (*25). along the lines of the Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the
two worlds", (*26). rather than examining more realistic aspects of the
Spanish invasion, like "anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death" (*27).
Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from the INSLAW
company of sophisticated, law-enforcement computer software which "now point
to a widespread conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials in the
theft of INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot
Richardson (*28).
Or Watergate.
Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where the White
House knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of Crooks and Criminals
International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence agencies did their secret
banking (*31), and where
bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way of doing business"

(*32).
Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of California,

Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to
replace electric transportation with gas- and diesel-powered buses and to
monopolize the sale of buses and related products to transportation companies
throughout the country" [in, among others, the cities of New York,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles]
(*33).
Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). and the U.S.
Department of Transportation to overlook safety defects in the 1.2 million
Corvair automobiles manufactured by General Motors in the early 60's (*34).
Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield intrauterine
contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings of the Shield's hazards and
which "stonewalled, deceived, covered up, and
Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA
resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo
door which failed in flight killing all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines
Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 (*36).
Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold by manufacturers who ignored tests

which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted "in concert with each other
in the testing and marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).
Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a

corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of their savings. This "arrogant
disregard from the White House, Congress and corporate world for the interests
and rights of the American people" will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of
Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General Electric

executives who met surreptitiously in hotel rooms to fix prices and eliminate
competition on heavy industrial equipment (*39).
Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for

fabricating safety tests on prescription drugs (*40).
Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of medical

problemsrelating to asbestos (*41).
Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies "agreed not to
engage in any effective price competition" (*42).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover up
the nature of our decades-old war against the people of Nicaragua
a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure
for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a more repressive force (*43).
Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the
Chilean election process with military aid, covert actions, and an economic
boycott which culminated in the overthrow of the legitimately elected
government and the assassination of President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry

Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for
the purpose of disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful elections in October
1975, and to lie about these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45).
And CIA Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored
terrorism (*46).
Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in

1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N.
Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).
Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil
companies and the British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically
after Iran nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951.
And the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister
Muhammed Mossadegh (*49).
Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert
Dole, Senator George Mitchell, various U.S. Government agencies, and members
of both Houses of the Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections
for the presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).
Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the
CIA, in the face of "unmistakable evidence that Gates lied about his role in
the Iran-Contra scandal" (*52).
Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's Solidarity Movement
and Hasten the Demise of Communism" (*53).
Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of
USAID funds by any country "for the promotion of birth control or abortion"
(*54).
Or "the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common purpose in
Central America" (*55).
Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector Gramajo

with the U.S. Army to design "programs to build civilian-military cooperation"
at the U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five
of the nine soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are
graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel (*56).
Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration to harass

and cause bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter who uncovered dangerous
working conditions at the facility (*57).
Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of South

Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential
election (*58).

Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The Satanic
Verses in paperback (*61).
really important conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big business or big
government.
Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of the
Iranian government to help out U.S. oil companies; or like our illegal war
against Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and the Canal; or like
monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates corporate censorship on
issues of public importance (*62). When the camouflage of such conspiracies is
stripped away, public confidence in the conspiring officials can erode --
depending on how seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have
violated the public trust. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what
the Post seems to
Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver

Stone's movie "JFK", which reexamines the U.S. Government's official (Warren
Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting alone, killed President John
F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story of New Orleans District Attorney Jim
Garrison's unsuccessful prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried
in connection
with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy assassination
was the work of conspirators whose interests would not be served by a
president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us from our war against
Vietnam.
The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along lines

suggested by "JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken
Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael Isikoff, have been called up to
man the bulwarks against public sentiment which has never supported the
government's non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts
that the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both the
FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63) and that the
1979 Report of the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that
President Kennedy was probably killed "as a result of a conspiracy" (*64), a
truly astounding number of Post stories have been used as vehicles to
discredit "JFK" as just another conspiracy (*65).
Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen Rosenfeld,
and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They
ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had second thoughts about escalating
the Vietnam War and declaim that there is no historical justification for this
idea. Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief
L. Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have each
authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic about
staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just continues ranting against the
possibility of a high-level assassination conspiracy while offering little
justification for its arguments.
An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable behavior is

George Lardner Jr's contribution to the Post's campaign against the movie.
Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie was completed, and the
third upon its release. In May, six months before the movie came out, Lardner
obtained a copy of the first draft
of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the Post the
contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this article, (*69). Lardner
discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a former Garrison
associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner
does not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S.
Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government witness
Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted under oath that
in a May 1972 interview with a New Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais,
had said that the U.S. Government's case against Garrison was a fraud (*70).
The Post's 1973 account of thebr> Garrison acquittal mentions this
controversy, but when I recently asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as
to whether he remembered
it (*71).
Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his way through a
justification for his unauthorized possession of the early draft ofthe movie
(*72). He also defended his reference to Pershing Gervais by lashing out at
Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".
When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73). He again
ridiculed the film's thesis that following the Kennedy assassination,
President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to de-escalate the Vietnam War.
Lardner cited a memorandum issued by
Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was written
before the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of Kennedy's
policy". In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before the assassination
by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National Security Affairs) Kennedy
was in Texas, and may never have seen it.
Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version provided
for escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) -- facts that Lardner avoided.
The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for the most
part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do
current readers of this newspaper find meaningful discussion of the Warren
Commission's secret doubts about both the FBI

co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the "new wave of books and
articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and] conspiracy
theories ...[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on our organization" and
to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison and friendly elite contacts,
especially politicians and editors "and to"employ propaganda assets to answer
and refute the attacks of the critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles
are particularly
appropriate for this purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to provide

material for countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy
theorists..." (*77).
In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great,

the story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties
Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim that
Bradlee had "produced CIA material" (*78). Understandably sensitive about this
kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich
,"Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced
CIA material ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a fool and to put your
company in that special little group of publishers who don't give a shit for
the truth". The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000
copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of contract and damage to reputation; HBJ
settled out of court; and Davis
published her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to

have been deeply involved with producing cold-war/CIA propaganda (*79).
Bradlee still says the allegations about his association with people in the
CIA are false, but he has apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive
documentation presented by
Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that

the function of the press was more often than not to mobilize
consent for the policies of the government, was one of the
architects of what became a widespread practice: the use and
manipulation of journalists by the CIA" (*81). This scandal was
known by its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington
Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director
as saying, "It was widely known that Phil Graham was someone you
could get help from" (*82). More recently the Post provided
cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to print
his name for over a year up until the day his indictment was
announced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as
CIA station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).
availability and prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA man
recalls, "You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a
couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One may wish to
consider Philip Graham's philosophy along with a more recent statement from
his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the Washington
Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs. Graham said: "A
second challenge facing the media is how to prevent
terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The point is
that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and we've learned better
how and where to draw the line, though the decisions are often difficult"
(*85).
Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified that
our elite and our high-level public officials may be exposed as conspirators
behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the
assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in that,

like most of us and like most institutions, the Post runs its business as a
conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs -- a conspiracy
"to act or work together toward the same result or goal" (*86). But where the
Post really parts company from just plain people is when it pretends that
conspiracies associated with big business or government are "coincidence".
Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration
inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver Stone

and suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post's opposition to
Stone's movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that Stone's complaints
are "groundless and paranoid and smack of McCarthyism" (*87).
The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because they need
something "neat and tidy" (*88) that "plugs a gap no other generally accepted
theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always the safest and most likely
explanation for any conjunction of curious
And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory" is what
the Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a conspiracy. In other
words, some things just "happen". And, besides, conspiracy to do certain
things would be a crime; "coincidence" is a
safer bet.
Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as Executive

Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91)
recently issued a warning about presidential candidates "who have begun to
mutter about a press conspiracy". Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss
these charges as "symptoms of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs
members of the American political class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was made
by the mutterers; they used the "C" word against the PRESS! And Harwood
exploded his off-the-cuff comment into an entire column -- ending it with:"We
are the new journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing
Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the

Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the
December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger
-- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime". Therein he discussed the
difficulties in convincing editors to
experiences at the Post, where he says he was known as "the biggest pain in
the ass in the office" (*93).
Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors
And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by editors

without influence from fellow editors or from management? Would Harwood have
us believe that at the countless office "meetings" in which news people are
ever in attendance, there is no discussion of
which stories will run and which ones will find inadequate space? That there
is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no cooperative efforts
among the staff? Or that in the face of our news-media "grayout" of
presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a Post journalist would be free to
give news space to candidate Agran equal to that the Post lavishes on
candidate Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about as likely as
Barbara Bush entertaining guests at a soup kitchen.
Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben
Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account of wire-service
control over news: "The largely anonymous men who control the syndicate and
wire service copy desks and the central wire photo machines determine at a
single decision what millions will see and hear. ...there seems to be little
doubt that these gatekeepers preside over an operation in which an appalling
amount of press agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and
marches untouched out the front door as 'news'" (*95).

Clarence Thomas violated U.S. law when he failed to remove himself from a case
in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million judgment against the
Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the
animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator John
Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance to 56 words
buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97). Would
Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this matter by
the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of coincidence? Could a
Post reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if she had wanted to?
Can a brick swim?
Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's Public
Citizen. Titled All the Vice President's Men, it documents "How the Quayle
Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health,
Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post journalists

David Broder and Bob Woodward published "The President's Understudy", a
seven-part series on Vice President Quayle. Although this series does address
Quayle's role with the Competitiveness

associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth -- revealing little
about Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's problems, or his
thoughts about justice and freedom, and never mentioning the comprehensive
Nader study of Quayle's record in the

Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did both of
them forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to mention it? Did
these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever discuss together their
jointly authored stories? Did they decide to publish such a barren set of
articles because it would enhance their reputations? How did management feel
about the use of precious news space for such frivolity? Is it possible that
so many pages were dedicated to this twaddle without people "acting or working
together toward the same result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?
On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New York
Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:
WITH BUSH
This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions of

whether the news media collective mindset is really different from that of any
other cartel -- like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or manufacturing cartels, a
cartel being "a combination of independent
Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post"conspire"
to keep its staff and its newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of
mediocrity? The Post would respond that the question is absurd. In that I am
not privy to the Post's telephone
conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite must
monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes a new
reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are "safe", and that
experienced reporters don't have to ask.
communicates within its own corporate structure and with other members of the
cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in public, namely, how
it shapes and censors the news.
Sincerely,
Julian C. Holmes
Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news media,
And - maybe a few others.
Notes to Letter of
April 25, 1992:
1. Mark Hosenball,
"The Ultimate
Conspiracy",
Washington Post,
September 11, 1988,
p.C1
2a. Julian Holmes,

Letter to Washington
Post Ombudsman
Richard Harwood,
June 4,1991. Notes
that the Post
censored, from the
Anderson/Van Atta
column, references
to the Christic
Institute and to
Robert Gates.
2b. Jack Anderson

and Dale Van Atta,
"Iran-Contra Figure
Dodges Extradition",
Washington
Merry-Go-Round,
United Feature
Syndicate, May 26,
1991. This is the
column submitted to
the Post (see note
2a)..
2c. Jack Anderson

and Dale Van Atta,
"The Man Washington
Doesn't Want to
Extradite",
Washington Post, May
26, 1991. The column
(see note 2b). as it
appeared in the Post
(see note 2a)..
3a. Case No.

86-1146-CIV-KING,
Amended Complaint
for RICO Conspiracy,
etc., United States
District Court,
Southern District of
Florida, Tony
Avirgan and Martha
Honey v. John Hull
et al., October 3,
1986.
3b. Vince Bielski

and Dennis
Bernstein, "Reports:
Contras Send Drugs
to U.S.", Cleveland
Plain Dealer,
November 16, 1986.
3c. Neal Matthews,

"I Ran Drugs for
Uncle Sam" (based on
interviews with
Robert Plumlee,
contra resupply
pilot)., San Diego
Reader, April 5,
1990.
4. Leslie Cockburn,
Out of Control. New
York: Atlantic
Monthly Press, 1987.
5a. Peter Dale Scott
and Jonathan
Marshall, Cocaine
Politics, University
ofCalifornia Press,
1991, p.179-181.
5b. David S.
Hilzenrath, "Hill
Panel Finds No
Evidence Linking
Contras to Drug
Smuggling",
Washington Post,
July 22, 1987,
p.A07.
5c. Partial
correction to the
Washington Post of
July 22, Washington
Post, July 24,1987,
p.A3.
5d. The Washington

Post declined to
publish SubCommittee
Chairman Rangel's
Letter-
to-the-Editor of
July 22, 1987. It
was printed in the
Congressional Record
on August 6, 1987,
p.E3296-7.
6a. Michael Kranish,
"Kerry Says US
Turned Blind Eye to
Contra-Drug Trail",
Boston Globe, April
10, 1988.
6b. Mary McGrory,

"The Contra-Drug
Stink", Washington
Post, April 10,
1988, p.B1. 6c.
Robert Parry with
Rod Nordland, "Guns
for Drugs? Senate
Probers Trace an Old
Contra Connection to
George Bush's
Office", Newsweek,
May 23, 1988, p.22.
6d. Dennis
Bernstein,
"Iran-Contra -- The
Coverup Continues",
The Progressive,
November 1988, p.24.
6e. "Drugs, Law

Enforcement and
Foreign Policy", A
Report Prepared by
the Subcommittee on
Terrorism,
Narcotics, and
International
Operations of the
Committee on Foreign
Relations, United
States Senate,
December 1988.
7a. Mark Hosenball,

"If It's October ...
Then It's Time for
an Iranian
Conspiracy Theory",
Washington Post,
October 9, 1988,
p.D1.
7b. Mark Hosenball,

"October Surprise!
Redux! The Latest
Version of the 1980
'Hostage- Deal'
Story Is Still Full
of Holes",
Washington Post,
April 21, 1991,p.B2.
8a. Barbara
Honegger, October
Surprise, New York:
Tudor, 1989.
8b. Gary Sick,

October Surprise,
New York: Times
Books, Random House,
1991.
9a. Abbie Hoffman

and Jonathan
Silvers, "An
Election Held
Hostage", Playboy,
October 1988, p.73.
9b. Robert Parry and

Robert Ross, "The
Election Held
Hostage", FRONTLINE,
WGBH-TV,April 16,
1991.
10a. Reuter,
"Ex-Hostages Seek
Probe By Congress",
Washington Post,
June 14,1991,p.A4.
10b. "An Election

Held Hostage?",
Conference, Dirksen
Senate Office
Building Auditorium,
Washington DC, June
13, 1991; Sponsored
by The Fund For New
Priorities in
America, 171 Madison
Avenue, New York,
NY, 10016.
11a. David Brown and

Guy Gugliotta,
"House Approves
Inquiry Into
'OctoberSurprise'",
Washington Post,
February 6, 1992,
p.A11.
11b. Jack Colhoun,

"Lawmakers Lose
Nerve on October
Surprise", The
Guardian, December
11, 1991, p.7.
11c. Jack Colhoun,

"October Surprise
Probe Taps BCCI
Lawyer", The
Guardian, February
26, 1992, p.3.
12. See note 5a,

p.180-1.
13a. See note 4,
p.229, 240-1.
13b. Report of the

Congressional
Committees
Investigating the
Iran-Contra Affair,
Senate Report No.
100-216, House
Report No. 100-433,
November 1987,
p.139-141.
14a. Letter to His

Excellency Oscar
Arias Sanchez,
President of the
Republic of Costa
Rica; from Members
of the U.S. Congress
David Dreier, Lee
Hamilton, Dave
McCurdy, Dan Burton,
Mary Rose Oakar, Jim
Bunning, Frank
McCloskey, Cass
Ballenger, Peter
Kostmayer, Jim
Bates, Douglas
Bosco, James Inhofe,
Thomas Foglietta,
Rod Chandler, Ike
Skelton, Howard
Wolpe, Gary
Ackerman, Robert
Lagomarsino, and Bob
McEwen; January 26,
1989.
14b. Peter Brennan,
"Costa Rica
Considers Seeking
Contra Backer in
U.S. -- Indiana
Native Wanted on
Murder Charge in
1984 Bomb Attack in
Nicaragua",
WashingtonPost,
February 1, 1990.
14c. "Costa Rica

Seeks Extradition of
Indiana Farmer",
Scripps-Howard News
Service,April 25,
1991.
15. Press Release

from the Costa Rican
Embassy, Washington
DC, On the Case of
the Imprisonment of
Costa Rican Citizen
John Hull", February
6, 1989.
16. Brian Glick, War

at Home, Boston:
South End Press,
1989.
17. John Stockwell,
The Praetorian
Guard-- The U.S.
Role in the New
World Order, Boston:
South End Press,
1991, p.121.
18. Hearings Before

the Committee on
Patents, United
States Senate, 77th
Cong., 2nd Session
(1942)., part I, as
cited in Joseph
Borkin, The Crime
and Punishment of
I.G. Farben, New
York: The Free
Press, Macmillan,
1978, p.93.
19. R. Jeffrey
Smith, "Study of
A-Plant Neighbors'
Health Urged",
Washington Post,
July 13, 1990, p.A6.
20. Tom Horton, "A

Cost Higher Than the
Peace Dividend --
Price Tag Mounts to
Clean Up Nuclear
Weapons Sites",
Baltimore Sun,
February 23, 1992,
p.1K.
21. "The Nuclear

Industry's Secret PR
Strategy", EXTRA!,
March 1992, p.15.
22a. Samuel S.
Epstein, MD et al,
Losing the War
Against Cancer: Need
for PublicPolicy
Reform",
Congressional
Record, April 2,
1992, p.E947-9.
22b. Samuel S.
Epstein, "The Cancer
Establishment",
Washington Post,
March 10, 1992.
23a. Hon. Henry B.

Gonzalez, "Efforts
to Thwart
Investigation of the
BNL Scandal",
Congressional
Record, March 30,
1992, p.H2005-2014.
23b. Hon. David E.
Skaggs (CO)., White
House Spin Control
on Pre-War Iraq
Policy",
Congressional
Record, April 2,
1992, p.H2285.
23c. Nicholas
Rostow, Special
Assistant to the
President and Legal
Adviser, Memorandum
to Jeanne S.
Archibald et al,
"Meeting on
congressional
requests for
information and
documents", April 8,
1991; Congressional
Record, April 2,
1992,p.H2285.
24a. Michio Kaku,

"Operation Desert
Lie: Pentagon
Confesses", The
Guardian, March11,
1992, p.4.
24b. J. Max Robins,
"NBC's Unaired Iraq
Tapes Not a Black
and White Case",
Variety Magazine,
March 4, 1991, p.25.
25. Emory R. Searcy

Jr., Clergy and
Laity Concerned,
Spring 1991 Letter
to"Friends", p.1.
26. Jean Dimeo,

"Selling Hispanics
on Columbus -- Luis
Vasquez-Ajmac Is
Hired to Promote
Smithsonian
Project", Washington
Post, November 18,
1991, p.Bus.8.
27. Hans Koning,

"Teach the Truth
About Columbus",
Washington Post,
September 3,1991,
p.A19.
28a. James
Kilpatrick,
"Software-Piracy
Case Emitting Big
Stench", St. Louis
Post/Dispatch, March
18, 1991, p.3B.
Elliot L.
Richardson, "A
High-Tech
Watergate", New York
Times, October
21,1991.
29. "BCCI -- NBC

Sunday Today",
February 23, 1992,
p.12; transcript
prepared by
Burrelle's
Information
Services. The quote
is from New York
District Attorney
Robert Morgenthau
who is running his
own independent
investigation of
BCCI.
30. Norman Bailey,

former Reagan White
House intelligence
analyst; from an
interview with Mark
Rosenthal of NBC
News. See note 29,
p.5.
31. Jack Colhoun,
"BCCI Skeletons
Haunting Bush's
Closet", The
Guardian, September
18, 1991, p.9.
32. Robert
Morgenthau. See note
29, p.10.
33. Russell
Mokhiber, Corporate
Crime and Violence,
San Francisco:
Sierra ClubBooks,
1989 paperback
edition, p.227.
34. See note 33,

p.136-7.
35. Morton Mintz, At

Any Cost: Corporate
Greed, Women, and
the Dalkon Shield,
NewYork: Pantheon,
1985. As cited in
Mokhiber, see note
33, p.157.
36. See note 33,
p.164-171.
37. See note 33,

p.172-180.
38. Michael Waldman,

Who Robbed America?,
New York: Random
House, 1990. The
quote is from Ralph
Nader's
Introduction, p.iii.
39. See note 33,

p.217.
40. See note 33,

p.235.
41. See note 33,

p.277-288.
42. See note 33,

p.323.
43. Katherine Hoyt
Gonzalez, Nicaragua
Network Education
Fund Newsletter,
March1992, p.1.
44. William Blum,

The CIA -- A
Forgotten History,
London: Zed Books
Ltd.,
1986,p.232-243.
45a. John Stockwell,

In Search of
Enemies, New York:
Norton, 1978.
45b. See note 44,

p.284-291.
46. See note 17,

p.18.
47a. Letter to
President George
Bush from The Ad Hoc
Committee for Panama
(James Abourezk et
al)., January 10,
1990; published in
The Nation, February
5, 1990, p.163.
47b. Philip E.
Wheaton, Panama,
Trenton NJ: Red Sea
Press, 1992,
p.145-7.
48a. Morton Mintz

and Jerry S. Cohen,
Power, Inc., New
York: Bantam Books,
1977,p.521.
48b. "The
International Oil
Cartel", Federal
Trade Commission,
December 2, 1949.
Cited in 48a, p.521.
49a. See note 44,

p.67-76.
49b. See note 48a,

p.530-1.
50. Ralph W.
McGehee, Deadly
Deceits, New York:
Sheridan Square
Publications,
1983,p.60.
51. HR-3385, "An Act

to Provide
Assistance for Free
and Fair Elections
in Nicaragua".
Passed the U.S.
House of
Representatives on
October 4, 1989 by
avote of 263 to 136,
and the Senate on
October 17 by a vote
of 64 to 35.
52. Jack Colhoun,

"Gates Oozing Trail
of Lies, Gets Top
CIA Post", The
Guardian,November
20, 1991, p.6.
53. Carl Bernstein,

Time, February 24,
1992, Cover Story
p.28-35.
54. "The U.S. and
the Vatican on Birth
Control", Time,
February 24, 1992,
p.35.
55. "Time's Missing

Link: Poland to
Latin America",
National Catholic
Reporter,February
28, 1992, p.24.
56a. Jim Lynn,

"School of Americas
Commander Hopes to
Expand Mission",
Benning Patriot,
February 21, 1992,
p.12.
56b. Vicky Imerman,

"U.S. Army School of
the Americas Plans
Expansion", News
Release from S.O.A.
Watch, P.O. Bo 3330,
Columbus, Georgia
31903.
57. 60 MINUTES, CBS,
March 8, 1992.
58. Jack Colhoun,

"Tricky Dick's Quick
Election Fix", The
Guardian, January
29,1992, p.18.
59a. Sean P. Murphy,

"Several Probes May
Have Ignored
Evidence Against
Police", Boston
Globe, July 28,
1991, p.1.
59b. Christopher B.
Daly, "Pattern of
Police Abuses
Reported in Boston
Case", Washington
Post, July 12, 1991,
p.A3.
59c. Associated
Press, "Dayton
Police Probing
Erasure of Arrest
Video",
WashingtonPost, May
26, 1991, p.A20.
59d. Gabriel
Escobar, "Deaf Man's
Death In Police
Scuffle Called
Homicide",
Washington Post, May
18, 1991, p.B1.
59e. Jay Mathews,

"L.A. Police Laughed
at Beating",
Washington Post,
March 19, 1991,
p.A1.
59f. David Maraniss,

"One Cop's View of
Police Violence",
Washington Post,
April 12,1991, p.A1.
59g. From News

Services, "Police
Abuse Detailed",
Washington Post,
February 8,
1992,p.A8.
60. Michael Dobbs,

"Panhandling the
Kremlin: How Gus
Hall Got Millions",
Washington Post,
March 1, 1992, p.A1.
61. David
Streitfeld, "Secret
Consortium To
Publish Rushdie In
Paperback",
Washington Post,
March 14, 1992,
p.D1.
62a. See notes 48

and 49.
62b. See note 47b,

p.63-76.
62c. "Fairness In
Broadcasting Act of
1987", U.S. Senate
Bill S742.
62d. "Now Let That

'Fairness' Bill
Die", Editorial,
Washington Post,
June 24, 1987. The
Post opposed the
Fairness in
Broadcasting Act.
63. David E. Scheim,

Contract on America
-- The Mafia Murder
of President John
F.Kennedy, New York:
Shapolsky
Publishers, 1988,
p.viii.
64. See note 63,

p.28.
65a. Chuck Conconi,

"Out and About",
Washington Post,
February 26, 1991,
p.B3.
65b. George Lardner

Jr., "On the Set:
Dallas in
Wonderland",
Washington Post,
May19, 1991, p.D1.
65c. George Lardner,
"...Or Just a Sloppy
Mess", Washington
Post, June 2,
1991,p.D3.
65d. Charles
Krauthammer, "A Rash
of Conspiracy
Theories -- When Do
We Dig Up
BillCasey?",
Washington Post,
July 5, 1991, p.A19.
65e. Eric Brace,

"Personalities",
Washington Post,
October 31, 1991,
p.C3.
65f. Associated
Press, "'JFK'
Director Condemned
-- Warren Commission
Attorney Calls Stone
Film 'A Big Lie'",
Washington Post,
December 16, 1991,
p.D14.
65g. Gerald R. Ford

and David W. Belin,
"Kennedy
Assassination: How
About the Truth?",
Washington Post,
December 17, 1991,
p.A21.
65h. Rita Kemply,

"'JFK': History
Through A Prism",
Washington Post,
December 20,1991,
p.D1.
65i. George Lardner

Jr., "The Way it
Wasn't -- In 'JFK',
Stone Assassinates
the Truth",
Washington Post,
December 20, 1991,
p.D2.
65j. Desson Howe,

"Dallas Mystery: Who
Shot JFK?",
Washington Post,
December 20,1991,
p.55.
65k. Phil McCombs,

"Oliver Stone,
Returning the Fire
-- In Defending His
'JFK' Conspiracy
Film, the Director
Reveals His Rage and
Reasoning",
Washington Post,
December 21, 1991,
p.F1.
65l. George F. Will,

"'JFK': Paranoid
History", Washington
Post, December 26,
1991,p.A23.
65m. "On Screen",

'JFK' movie review,
Washington Post,
Weekend, December
27, 1991.
65n. Stephen S.
Rosenfeld, "Shadow
Play", Washington
Post, December 27,
1991, p.A21.
65o. Daniel Patrick

Moynihan, "The
Paranoid Style",
Washington Post,
December 29,1991,
p.C7.
65p. Michael
Isikoff,
"H-e-e-e-e-r-e's
Conspiracy! -- Why
Did Oliver Stone
Omit (Or Suppress!).
the Role of Johnny
Carson?", Washington
Post, December 29,
1991,p.C2.
65q. Robert O'Harrow

Jr., "Conspiracy
Theory Wins Converts
-- Moviegoers Say
'JFK' Nourishes
Doubts That Oswald
Acted Alone",
Washington Post,
January 2, 1992,
p.B1.
65r. Michael R.
Beschloss,
"Assassination and
Obsession",
Washington Post,
January 5, 1992,
p.C1.
65s. Charles
Krauthammer, "'JFK':
A Lie, But
Harmless",
Washington Post,
January 10,1992,
p.A19.
65t. Art Buchwald,

"Bugged: The Flu
Conspiracy",
Washington Post,
January 14,
1992,p.E1.
65u. Ken Ringle,

"The Fallacy of
Conspiracy Theories
-- Good on Film, But
the Motivation Is
All Wrong",
Washington Post,
January 19, 1992,
p.G1.
65v. Charles Paul

Freund, "If History
Is a Lie --
America's Resort to
Conspiracy
Thinking",
Washington Post,
January 19, 1992,
p.C1.
65w. Richard Cohen,

"Oliver's Twist",
Washington Post
Magazine, January
19, 1992, p.5.
65. Michael Isikoff,

"Seeking JFK's
Missing Brain",
Washington Post,
January 21,1992,
p.A17.
65y. Don Oldenburg,

"The Plots Thicken
-- Conspiracy
Theorists Are
Everywhere",
Washington Post,
January 28, 1992,
p.E5.
65z. Joel Achenbach,

"JFK Conspiracy:
Myth vs. the Facts",
Washington Post,
February 28, 1992,
p.C5.
65A. List of books

on the best-seller
list: On the Trail
of the Assassins is
characterized as
"conspiracy plot
theories",
Washington Post,
March 8,
1992,Bookworld, p.12
66. See notes 65n,

65w, 65l, 65b, 65c,
and 65i.
67a. Peter Dale

Scott,
"Vietnamization and
the Drama of the
Pentagon Papers".
Published in The
Senator Gravel
Edition of The
Pentagon Papers,
Volume V,p.211-247.
67b. Peter Dale

Scott, The War
Conspiracy -- The
Secret Road to the
Second Indochina
War,
Indianapolis/New
York: Bobbs-Merrill,
1972, p. 215-224.
67c. L. Fletcher
Prouty, The Secret
Team, Copyright
1973. New printing,
Costa Mesa CA:
Institute for
Historical Review,
1990, p.402-416.
67d. See note 63,

p.58, 183, 187, 194,
273-4.
67e. John M. Newman,

JFK and Vietnam, New
York: Warner Books,
1992.
67f. Peter Dale

Scott, Letter to the
Editor, The Nation,
March 9, 1992,
p.290.
68a. See note 65b.
68b. Oliver Stone,

"The Post, George
Lardner, and My
Version of the JFK
Assassination",
Washington Post,
June 2, 1991, p.D3.
69. See note 65b.
70. Jim Garrison, On

the Trail of The
Assassins, New York:
Warner Books, 1988,
315/318.
71. Associated
Press, "Garrison, 2
Others, Found Not
Guilty Of Bribery
Charge", Washington
Post, September 28,
1973, p.A3.
72. See note 65c.
73. See note 65i.
74. See note 67e,

p.438-450.
75. John G. Leyden,

"Historians, Buffs,
and Crackpots",
Washington Post,
Bookworld, January
26, 1992, p.8.
76a. Tad Szulc, "New

Doubts, Fears in JFK
Assassination
Probe", Washington
Star,September 19,
1975, p.A1.
76b. Tad Szulc,

"Warren Commission's
Self-Doubts Grew Day
by Day -- 'This
Bullet Business
Leaves Me
Confused'",
Washington Star,
September
20, 1975, p.A1.
76c. Tad Szulc,

"Urgent and Secret
Meeting of the
Warren Commission --
Dulles Proposed that
the Minutes be
Destroyed",
Washington Star,
September 21,
1975,p.A1.
77. "Cable Sought to
Discredit Critics of
Warren Report", New
York Times, December
26, 1977, p.A37.
78. Deborah Davis,

Katharine The Great,
New York: Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich,
1979,p.141-2.
79a. Eve Pell,

"Private Censorship
-- Killing
'Katharine The
Great'", The Nation,
November 12, 1983.
79b. Deborah Davis,

Bethesda MD:
National Press,
1987. Davis says,
"...corporate
documents that
became available
during my subsequent
lawsuit against him
[Harcourt Brace
Jovanovich chairman,
William Jovanovich]
showed that 20,000
copies [of Katharine
the Great] had been
"processed and
converted into waste
paper"".
79c. Daniel Brandt,

"All the Publisher's
Men -- A Suppressed
Book About
Washington Post
Publisher Katharine
Graham Is On Sale
Again" National
Reporter, Fall 1987,
p.60.
79d. Deborah Davis,

New York: Sheridan
Square Press, 1991.
"...publishers who
don't give a shit",
p.iv-v; bullying HBJ
into recalling the
book, p.iv-vi;
lawsuit and
settlement, p..
80. Benjamin C.
Bradlee, Letter to
Deborah Davis, April
1, 1987. See note
79d, p.304.
81. See note 79d,
p.119-132.
82. Carl Bernstein,

"The CIA and the
Media -- How
America's Most
Powerful News Media
Worked Hand in Glove
with the Central
Intelligence Agency
and Why the Church
Committee Covered It
Up", Rolling Stone,
October 20, 1977,

p.63.
83a. Daniel Brandt,

Letter to Richard L.
Harwood of The
Washington Post,
September 15, 1988.
The letter asks for
the Post's rationale
for its policy of
protecting
government covert
actions, and whether
this policy is still
in effect.
83b. Daniel Brandt,

"Little Magazines
May Come and Go",
The National
Reporter, Fall 1988,
p.4. Notes the
Post's protection of
the identity of CIA
agent Joseph
F.Fernandez. Brandt
says, "America needs
to confront its own
recent history as
well as protect the
interests of its
citizens, and both
can be accomplished
by outlawing
peacetime covert
activity. This would
contribute more to
thesecurity of
Americans than all
the counterterrorist
proposals and elite
strike
forces that ever

found their way onto
Pentagon
wish-lists."
83c. Richard L.
Harwood, Letter to
Daniel Brandt,
September 28, 1988.
Harwood's two-
sentence letter
reads, "We have a
long-standing policy
of not naming covert
agents of the
C.I.A., except in
unusual
circumstances. We
applied that policy
to Fernandez."
84. See note 79d,

p.131.
85. Katharine
Graham,
"Safeguarding Our
Freedoms As We Cover
Terrorist Acts",
Washington Post,
April 20, 1986,
p.C1.
86. "conspire",
�4�Random House
Dictionary of the
English Language,
Second Edition
Unabridged, 1987.
87. Howard Kurtz,

"Media Notes",
Washington Post,
June 18, 1991, p.D1.
88. See note 65y.

89. See note 65n.
90. See note 65d.
91. William Casey,

Private
Communications with
JCH, March 1992.
Richard Harwood,
"What Conspiracy?",
Washington Post,
March 1, 1992, p.C6.
93. p. 29-32.
94a. Washington Post

Electronic Data
Base, Dialog
Information Services
Inc., April 25,
1992. In 1991 and
1992, the name Bill
Clinton appeared in
878 Washington Post
stories, columns,
letters, or
editorials;
"Jerry" Brown in
485, Pat Buchanan in
303, and Larry Agran
in 28. In those 28,
Agran's name
appeared 76 times,
Clinton's 151, and
Brown 105. In only 1
of those 28 did
Agran's name appear
in a headline.
94b. Colman
McCarthy, "What's
'Minor' About This
Candidate?",
Washington Post,
February 1, 1992.
Washington Post
columnist McCarthy
tells how television
and party officials
have kept
presidential
candidate Larry
Agran out of sight.
The Post's own daily
news-blackout of
Agran is not
discussed.
94c. Scot Lehigh,

"Larry Agran:
'Winner' in Debate
With Little Chance
For the Big Prize",
Boston Globe,
February 25, 1992.
94d. Joshua
Meyrowitz, "The
Press Rejects a
Candidate", Columbia
Journalism
Review,March/April,
1992.
95. Ben H.
Bagdikian, The
Effete Conspiracy
And Other Crimes By
The Press, NewYork:
Harper and Row,
1972, p.36-7.
96a. 28 USC Section

455. "Any justice,
judge, or magistrate
of the United States
shall disqualify
himself in any
proceeding in which
his impartiality
might reasonably be
questioned."
[emphasis added]
96b. Alpo Petfoods,

Inc. v. Ralston
Purina Co., 913 F2d
958 (CA DC 1990)..
96c. Monroe
Freedman, "Thomas'
Ethics and the Court
-- Nominee 'Unfit to
Sit' For Failing to
Recuse In Ralston
Purina Case", Legal
Times, August 26,
1991.
96d. Paul D.
Wilcher, "Opposition
to the Confirmation
of Judge Clarence
Thomas to become a
Justice on the U.S.
Supreme Court on the
grounds of his
JUDICIAL
MISCONDUCT", Letter
to U.S. Senator
Joseph R.
Biden, October 15,

1991.
97. Al Kamen and

Michael Isikoff, "'A
Distressing Turn',
Activists
Decry What Process
Has Become",
Washington Post,
October 12, 1991,
p.A1.
98. January 5, 6, 7,
8, 9, 10, 12, 1992,
p.A1 each day.
99. See note 86.
100. Thomas W.
Lippman, "Energy
Lobby Fights Unseen
'Killers'",
Washington
Post,April 1, 1992,
p.A21. This article
explains that
"representatives of
the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce, the
National Association
of Manufacturers and
the coal, oil,
natural gas,
offshore
drilling and nuclear

power industries,
whose interests
often conflict,
pledged to work
together to oppose
amendments limiting
offshore oil
drilling, nuclear
power and carbon
dioxide emissions
soon to be
offered by key House

members".
101. "cartel",
Webster's New
Collegiate
Dictionary, 1977.
NOTES
1977.
An example of media lies can be found in this example of a faked newspaper photograph.
Read more: MOCKINGBIRD: The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA | WHAT REALLY HAPPENED
http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/POLITICS/MOCK/mockingbird.php#ixzz4Mg7p4c5Y
MOCKINGBIRD: The Subversion Of The
Free Press By The CIA

"You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred
dollars a month." CIA operative discussing with Philip Graham, editor
Washington Post, on the availability and prices of journalists willing to peddle
CIA propaganda and cover stories. "Katherine The Great," by Deborah Davis
(New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991)
"The Central Intelligence Agency owns everyone of any significance in the major
media." William Colby, former CIA Director, cited by Dave Mcgowan, Derailing
Democracy
"There is quite an incredible spread of relationships. You don't need to manipulate
Time magazine, for example, because there are [Central Intelligence] Agency people
at the management level." William B. Bader, former CIA intelligence officer, briefing
members of the Senate Intelligence Committee, The CIA and the Media, by Carl
Bernstein
"The Agency's relationship with [The New York] Times was by far its most valuable
among newspapers, according to CIA officials. [It was] general Times policy ... to
provide assistance to the CIA whenever possible." The CIA and the Media, by Carl
Bernstein
"Senator William Proxmire has pegged the number of employees of the federal
intelligence community at 148,000 ... though Proxmire's number is itself a
conservative one. The "intelligence community" is officially defined as including only
those organizations that are members of the U.S. Intelligence Board (USIB); a dozen
other agencies, charged with both foreign and domestic intelligence chores, are not
encompassed by the term.... The number of intelligence workers employed by the
federal government is not 148,000, but some undetermined multiple of that number."
Jim Hougan, Spooks
"For some time I have been disturbed by the way the CIA has been diverted from its
original assignment. It has become an operational and at times a policymaking arm
of the government.... I never had any thought that when I set up the CIA that it would
be injected into peacetime cloak and dagger operations." former President Harry
Truman, 22 December 1963, one month after the JFK assassination, oped section of
the Washington Post, early edition

As terrible as it is to live in a nation where the press in known to be controlled by the
government, at least one has the advantage of knowing the bias is present, and to
adjust for it. In the United States of America, we are taught from birth that our press is
free from such government meddling. This is an insideous lie about the very nature of
the news institution in this country. One that allows the government to lie to us while
denying the very fact of the lie itself.

by Alex Constantine
Soulless corporations do, of course. Corporations with grinning, doublebreasted
executives, interlocking directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital. Dow. General
Electric. CocaCola. Disney. Newspapers should have mastheads that mirror the
world: The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The AtlanticRichfield Intelligentser . It is
beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that the public print
reports news from a parallel universe one that has never heard of
politicallymotivated assassinations, CIAMafia banking thefts, mind control, death
squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales a
place overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their best
behavior. In this idyllic land, the most serious infraction an official can commit __is a
the employment of a domestic servant with (shudder) no residency status.
It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold war, when the
CIA began a systematic infiltration of the corporate media, a process that often
included direct takeover of major news outlets.
In this period, the American intelligence services competed with communist activists
abroad to influence European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of local
governments, Frank Wisner, an undercover State Department official assigned to the
Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war underground of
covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip Graham, __a
graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the
Washington Post., was taken under Wisner's wing to direct the program codenamed
Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
"By the early 1950s," writes formerVillage Voice reporter Deborah Davis in Katharine
the Great, "Wisner 'owned' respected members of the New York Times, Newsweek,
CBS and other communications vehicles, plus stringers, four to six hundred in all,
according to a former CIA analyst." The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a
templar for German and American corporations who wanted their points of view
represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and
wire agencies consenting to act as organs of CIA propaganda. Many of these were
already run by men with reactionary views, among them William Paley (CBS), C.D.
Jackson (Fortune), Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times).
Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled to
f__ind in FOIA documents that agents boasting in CIA office memos of their pride in
having placed "important assets" inside every major news publication in the country. It
was not until 1982 that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll
have acted as case officers to agents in the field.
"World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March, 1947. "It is in the
opening skirmish stage already." The issue featured an excerpt of a book by James
Burnham, who called for the creation of an "American Empire," "worlddominating in
political power, set up at least in part through coercion (probably including war, but
certainly the threat of war) and in which one group of people ... would hold more than
its equal share of power."
George Seldes, the famed antifascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947,
explaining tha__t "although avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a
superior people taking over the world and ruling it, began to appear in the press,
whereas the organs of Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine
inevitably leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the American
flag."
On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the CIA and
William Paley, a wartime colonel and the founder of CBS. A firm believer in "all forms
of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to work
undercover at the behest of his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation's
media, Allen Dulles. Paley's designated gobetween in his dealings with the CIA was
Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961.
The CIA's assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the Operations
Coordination Board, directed by C.D. Jackson, formerly an executive of Time
magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold War Strategy. In 1954 he was
succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who quit a year later, disgusted at the
administration's political infighting. Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the
key cold war strategist.
"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice Department's Office of
Special Investigations, took "a small boy's delight in the arcane tools of the
intelligence craft the hidden microphones, the 'black' propaganda." Nixon especially
enjoyed his visit to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis in the "special forces"
drilling at covert operations.
One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence underground was heroin
smuggler Hubert von Blcher, the son of A German ambassador. Hubert often bragged
that that he was trained by the Abwehr, the German military intelligence division, while
still a civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit of the German Army until
forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his wartime records. He worked
briefly as an assistant director for BerlinFilm on a movie entitled One Day ..., and
finished out the war flying with the Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy his
mission was the smuggling of Nazi loot out of the country. His exploits were, in part,
the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the knockover of the
In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named Huberto von
Bleucher Corell, he immediately paid court to Eva Peron, presenting her with an
invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the
SS from Europe's Jews?). Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the Hotel Plaza to
deliver German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the birth of the National
In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color Corporation of
America in Hollywood. He eked out a living writing scripts for the booming movie
industry. His voice can be heard on a film set in the Amazon, produced by Walt
Disney. Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Dsseldorf, West Germany,
and established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but antichemical warfare
agents for the government. At the Industrie Club in Dsseldorf in 1982, von Blcher
boasted to journalists, "I am chief shareholder of Pan American Airways. I am the best
friend of Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by
me. I am thus the biggest financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights tales
dreamed up by these people over their second bottle of brandy."
Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken dreams of
worldmoving affluence were, in their time, Moses Annenberg, publisher of The
Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the CIA/mobanchored publisher of the TV
Guide. Like most American highrollers, Annenberg lived a double life. Moses, his
father, was a scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter were indicted in 1939
for tax evasions totalling many millions of dollars the biggest case in the history of
the Justice Department. Moses pled guilty and agreed to pay the government $8
million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims, penalties and interest debts.
Moses received a threeyear sentence. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.
Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. On the campaign
trail in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen
cabinet. "This is the topping on the cake," Bush's regional campaign director told the
Los Angeles Times. The Bush team met at Annenberg's plush Rancho Mirage estate
at Sunnylands, California. It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was
chosen, and the state's social and contributor registers built over a quartercentury of
state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose acting career was launched by
The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's recruitment by the
Crusade for Freedom, a CIA front, presented the intelligence world with
unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even prying in the age of Big
Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient video
surveillance technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition
published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according to federal
files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program that turned any television set
with tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and
visual images with the equipment as far as 25 miles away.
Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his disappearance in
the midst of the Watergate probe.
In 1952, at MCA, Actors' Guild president Ronald Reagan a screen idol recruited by
MOCKINGBIRD's Crusade for Freedom to raise funds for the resettlement of Nazis in
the U.S., according to Loftus signed a secret waiver of the conflictofinterest rule
with the mobcontrolled studio, in effect granting it a labor monopoly on early
television programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner. Furthermore,
historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987, reported that
Reagan had "fed the names of suspect people in his organization to the FBI secretly
and regularly enough to be assigned 'an informer's code number, T10.' His FBI file
indicates intense collaboration with producers to 'purge' the industry of subversives."
No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former intelligence officer
and in the immediate postwar period UPI's Moscow correspondent. Cronkite was
lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's Phil Graham, according to Deborah
Davis.
Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horrorfilm simian from CIA
and Mafia heroin operations. Among other organizedcrime Republicans, Thomas
Dewey and his neighbor Lowell Thomas threw in to launch the infamous Resorts
International, the corporate front for Lansky's branch of the federallysponsored mob
family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities. Another of the investors was James
Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated $100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential
campaign. This was the year that Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests.
Police in New jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the issuance of a gambling
license to the company, citing Mafia ties.
In 1954, this same circle of investors, all Catholics, founded the broadcasting
company notorious for overt propagandizing and general spookiness. The company's
chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey, who clung to his shares by concealing
them in a blind trust even after he was appointed CIA director by Ronald Reagan in
1981.
"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The Invisible
Government to describe the agency's intertwining interests in the emergence of the
transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who took to the airwaves. "Daily, East and
West beam hundreds of propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting
babble of competition for the minds of their listeners. The lowprice transistor has
given the hidden war a new importance," enthused one foreign correspondent.
A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda push. One of
them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR), received hundreds of thousands
of dollars from the CIA through private foundations and trusts. OPR research was the
basis of a television series that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of
People and Politics, a "study" of the American political system in 21 weekly
installments.
In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia combination that
formed Cap Cities sank its claws into the film studios and labor unions. Johnny
Rosselli was pulled out of the Army during the war by a criminal investigation of
Chicago mobsters in the film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by
the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited
Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled his office
after the dictator's. The only honest job Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing
agent (and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former
producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative on the West Coast,
passed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling
In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of the CIA's covert
operations budget. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually
engaged in propaganda efforts. The cost of disinforming the world cost American
taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year by 1978, a budget larger than the
combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely with the intelligence
services in fact, 23 employees were fulltime employees of the Agency.
Most consumers of the corporate media were and are unaware of the effect that
the salting of public opinion has on their own beliefs. A network anchorman in time of
national crisis is an instrument of psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media.
He is a creature from the national security sector's chamber of horrors. For this
reason consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic beliefs
about government and life in the parallel universe of these United States.

[Note the highlighted paragraph]

by Julian C. Holmes
_____________________________________________________
April 25, 1992
The Washington Post
1150 15th Street NW
Dear Mr. Harwood,

Though the Washington Post does not overextend itself in the pursuit of hard news,
just let drop the faintest rumor of a government "conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes
off in the news room. Aroused from apathy in the daily routine of reporting
assignations and various other political and social sports events, editors and reporters
single threat to herdjournalism, corporate profits, and government stability the
dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!

It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any of these
frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to Post readers with a salvo of
warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs spun by the wacko "CONSPIRACY
THEORISTS".

Recall how the Post saved us from the truth about IranContra.

Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the idea that
Oliver North and his CIAassociated gangsters had conspired to do wrong (*1). And
when, in their syndicated column, Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some
of the conspirators, the Post sprang to protect its readers, and the conspirators, by
censoring the Anderson column before printing it (*2).

But for some time the lid had been coming off the IranContra conspiracy. In 1986, the
Christic Institute, an interfaith center for law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit
alleging a U.S. armsfordrugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the
CIAContra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets (*3). In 1988
Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work on our bizarre, illegal war
against Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this discovery process by disparaging
the charges of conspiracy and by publishing false information about the
drugsmuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse
and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (DNY). of
misleading reporting, the Post printed only a partial correction and declined to print a
letter of complaint from Rangel (*5).

Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics,
and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity in the drug trade
(*6). With its coverup of the arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the
everaccommodating Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball to exorcise from our
minds a newly emerging threat to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise"
conspiracy (*7). But close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara
Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books
with the same title, "October Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a member of the
Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of Middle
East Politics at Columbia University, was on the staff of the National Security Council
under Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger
and Sick published their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply
arms to Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages until after the
November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal was to quash the possibility of a
preelection release(an October surprise). which would have bolstered the reelection
prospects for President Carter.

Others published details of this alleged ReaganBush conspiracy. In October 1988,
Playboy Magazine ran an expose "An Election Held Hostage"; FRONTLINE did
another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a conference of distinguished journalists,
joined by 8 of the former
hostages, challenged the Congress to "make a full, impartial investigation" of the
election/hostage allegations. The Post reported the statement of the hostages, but not
a word of the conference itself
which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10). On February
5, 1992 a gunshy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly authorized an
"October Surprise" investigation by a task
force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (DIN). who had chaired the House
of Representatives IranContra Committee. Hamilton has named as chief team
counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank was indicted
in 1988 (*11).

armsfordrugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver North's lies,and as Chairman
of the House Intelligence Committee he derailed House Resolution 485 which had
asked President Reagan to answer questions about Contra support activities of
government officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John

Hull (from Hamilton's home state). was charged in Costa Rica with "international drug
trafficking and hostile acts against the nation's security", Hamilton and 18 fellow
members of Congress tried to intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez
into handling Hull's case "in a manner that will not complicate U.S.Costa Rican
relations" (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the Costa Rican
response that declared Hull's case to be "in as good hands as our 100 year old
uninterrupted democracy can provide to all citizens" (*15).

Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy theories, it
is difficult to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves government or corporate
conspiracies:

In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery, surveillance,
false arrests, and violence to illegally harass U.S.citizens in the 60's (*16).

brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to
assassinate Fidel Castro and other leaders" (*17).

"Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department of
Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben...of Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with
Standard Oil, the United States was effectively prevented from developing or
producing [fo rWorld WarII] any substantial amount of synthetic rubber," said Senator
Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin (*18).

U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about dosages of radiation
"almost certain to produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people
residing near the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford, Washington (*19).

Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in getting around to
cleaning up the Nation's dangerous nuclear weapons sites (*20). State and local
governments back the nuclear industry's secret public relations strategy (*21).

by repeated claims that we are winning the war against cancer. In fact, the cancer
establishment has continually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates
which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while discounting or ignoring
the causal role of avoidable
eposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and the workplace." (*22).

The Bush Administration coverup of its preGulfWar support of Iraq "is yet another
example of the President's people conspiring to keep both Congress and the
American people in the dark" (*23).

If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of doing business in this
country.


Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend $100 million in
taxes to promote a distorted and truncated history of Columbus in America (*25).
along the lines of the Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26). rather
than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish invasion, like "anger, cruelty,
gold, terror, and death" (*27).

company of sophisticated, lawenforcement computer software which "now point to a
widespread conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of
INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson (*28).

Or Watergate.

Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where the White House
knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of Crooks and Criminals International"
(BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence agencies did their secret banking (*31), and
where
bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way of doing business" (*32).

Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of California, Firestone,
and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to replace electric
transportation with gas and dieselpowered buses and to monopolize the sale of
buses and related products to transportation companies throughout the country" [in,
among others, the cities of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland,
Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33).

Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (DCT). and the U.S.
Department of Transportation to overlook safety defects in the 1.2 million Corvair
automobiles manufactured by General Motors in the early 60's (*34).



resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC10 cargo door which
failed in flight killing all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3,
1974 (*36).
Or the nowbanned, cancerproducing pregnancy drug
Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold by manufacturers who ignored tests which
showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted "in concert with each other in the
testing and marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).

corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of their savings. This "arrogant disregard
from the White House, Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of
the American people" will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of billions of dollars
(*38).

Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General Electric executives
who met surreptitiously in hotel rooms to fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy
industrial equipment (*39).
Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for fabricating
safety tests on prescription drugs (*40).



the nature of our decadesold war against the people of Nicaragua

a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure for
the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a more repressive force (*43).

Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the Chilean
election process with military aid, covert actions, and an economic boycott which
culminated in the overthrow of the legitimately elected government and the
assassination of President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).

Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger
and CIA Director William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of
disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about
these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA Director George
Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.sponsored terrorism (*46).

Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in 1989
and thereby violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S.
Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).

Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil companies
and the British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically after Iran
nationalized the Britishowned AngloIranian Oil Company in 1951. And the
subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed
Mossadegh (*49).

Or the CIAplanned assassination of Congo headofstate Patrice Lumumba (*50).

Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole,
Senator George Mitchell, various U.S. Government agencies, and members of both
Houses of the Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the

Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the CIA, in the
face of "unmistakable evidence that Gates lied about his role in the IranContra
scandal" (*52).

Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's Solidarity Movement and
Hasten the Demise of Communism" (*53).

Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of USAID
funds by any country "for the promotion of birth control or abortion" (*54).


Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strongman and mass murderer Hector Gramajo
with the U.S. Army to design "programs to build civilianmilitary cooperation" at the
U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine
soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are graduates of SOA
which trains Latin/American military personnel (*56).

Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration to harass and
cause bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter who uncovered dangerous working
conditions at the facility (*57).

Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of South Vietnam
to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).


Or the always safetocite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60).

Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The Satanic Verses in
paperback (*61).

Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post offers
little comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a really important
conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big business or big government.

Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of the Iranian
government to help out U.S. oil companies; or like our illegal war against Panama to
tighten U.S. control over Panama and the Canal; or like monopoly control of
broadcasting that facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public importance
(*62). When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence
in the conspiring officials can erode depending on how seriously the citizenry
perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public trust. Erosion of public trust in the
status quo is what the Post seems to

Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver Stone's movie
"JFK", which reexamines the U.S. Government's official (Warren Commission. finding
that a single gunman, acting alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also
is the story of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's unsuccessful prosecution
of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection
with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy assassination was
the work of conspirators whose interests would not be served by a president who, had
he lived, might have disengaged us from our war against Vietnam.

suggested by "JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken Ringle,
George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael Isikoff, have been called up to man the
bulwarks against public sentiment which has never supported the government's
nonconspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that the Senate
Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both the FBI and CIA had
repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63) and that the 1979 Report of the
House Select Committee on Assassinations found that President Kennedy was
probably killed "as a result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number of Post
stories have been used as vehicles to discredit "JFK" as just another conspiracy (*65).

Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen Rosenfeld, and
journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule
the idea that Kennedy could have had second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam
War and declaim that there is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned
journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and
investigators David Scheim and John Newman have each authored defense of the
"JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But
the Post team just continues ranting against the possibility of a highlevel
assassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its arguments.

An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable behavior is George
Lardner Jr's contribution to the Post's campaign against the movie. Lardner wrote
three articles, two before the movie was completed, and the third upon its release. In
May, six months before the movie came out, Lardner obtained a copy of the first draft
of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the Post the contents of
this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison
with hostile statements from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner
does not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government
criminal action brought against Garrison, Government witness Gervais, who helped
set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted under oath that in a May 1972 interview with
a New Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S. Government's
case against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of thebr> Garrison
acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I recently asked Lardner about this, he
was not clear as to whether he remembered
it (*71).

justification for his unauthorized possession of the early draft ofthe movie (*72). He
also defended his reference to Pershing Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer
"of gothic fiction".

ridiculed the film's thesis that following the Kennedy assassination, President Johnson
reversed Kennedy's plans to deescalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a
memorandum issued by
Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was written
before the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of Kennedy's policy". In fact,
the memorandum was drafted the day before the assassination by McGeorge Bundy
(Kennedy's Assistant for National Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may
never have seen it.
Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version provided for
escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) facts that Lardner avoided.


part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current readers
of this newspaper find meaningful discussion of the Warren Commission's secret
doubts about both the FBI
and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing coconspirators
at field stations to counteract the "new wave of books and articles criticizing the
[Warren] Commission's findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently
thrown suspicion on our organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with
liaison and friendly elite contacts, especially politicians and editors "and to"employ
propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the critics. ...Book reviews and
feature articles are particularly
appropriate for this purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to provide material for
countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists..." (*77).

In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great, the
story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties with
Washington's powerful elite, a number of whom were with the CIA.

Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim that Bradlee
had "produced CIA material" (*78). Understandably sensitive about this kind of
publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,"Miss Davis is
lying ...I never produced
CIA material ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a fool and to put your company
in that special little group of publishers who don't give a shit for the truth". The Post
bullied HBJ into recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for
breach of contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis
published her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have
been deeply involved with producing coldwar/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still
says the allegations about his association with people in the CIA are false, but he has
apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive documentation presented by


Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the function
of the press was more often than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the
government, was one of the architects of what became a widespread practice:
the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA" (*81). This scandal was
known by its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post
reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was
widely known that Phil Graham was someone you could get help from" (*82).
More recently the Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by
"refusing to print his name for over a year up until the day his indictment was
announced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in
Costa Rica" (*83).

Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the availability
and prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA man recalls, "You could get a
journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84).
One may wish to
consider Philip Graham's philosophy along with a more recent statement from his wife
Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the Washington Post. In a
lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs. Graham said: "A second challenge
facing the media is how to prevent
terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The point is that we
generally know when we are being manipulated, and we've learned better how and
where to draw the line, though the decisions are often difficult" (*85).

Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified that our elite and
our highlevel public officials may be exposed as conspirators behind Contra
drugsmuggling, October Surprise, or the
assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in that, like most of
us and like most institutions, the Post runs its business as a conspiracy of likeminded
entrepreneurs a conspiracy
"to act or work together toward the same result or goal" (*86). But where the Post
really parts company from just plain people is when it pretends that conspiracies
associated with big business or government are "coincidence". Post reporter Lardner
vents the frustration
inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver Stone and
suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post's opposition to Stone's movie
is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that Stone's complaints are "groundless and
paranoid and smack of McCarthyism" (*87).


The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because they need
something "neat and tidy" (*88) that "plugs a gap no other generally accepted theory
fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always the safest and most likely explanation for any
conjunction of curious

And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory" is what the
Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a conspiracy. In other words,
some things just "happen". And, besides, conspiracy to do certain things would be a
crime; "coincidence" is a
safer bet.

Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as Executive Director
of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91) recently issued a
warning about presidential candidates "who have begun to mutter about a press
conspiracy". Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these charges as "symptoms
of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American political
class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers; they used the "C" word
against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his offthecuff comment into an entire
column ending it with:"We are the new journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in
the cleansing

Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29year veteran of the
Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the December
issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger Why the
Media Cover Up Corporate Crime". Therein he discussed the difficulties in convincing
editors to
accept important news stories. He illustrated the article with his own experiences at
the Post, where he says he was known as "the biggest pain in the ass in the office"
(*93).

Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors is a
matter of random coincidence?

And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by editors without
influence from fellow editors or from management? Would Harwood have us believe
that at the countless office "meetings" in which news people are ever in attendance,
there is no discussion of
which stories will run and which ones will find inadequate space? That there is no
advanced planning for stories or that there are no cooperative efforts among the staff?
Or that in the face of our newsmedia "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran,
(*94) a Post journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to
that the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about
as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining guests at a soup kitchen.

Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben
Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account of wireservice control over news:
"The largely anonymous men who control the syndicate and wire service copy desks
and the central wire photo machines determine at a single decision what millions will
see and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers preside over an
operation in which an appalling amount of press agentry sneaks in the back door of

When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge Clarence
Thomas violated U.S. law when he failed to remove himself from a case in which he
then proceeded to reverse a $10 million judgment against the Ralston Purina
Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the
animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator John Danforth.
The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance to 56 words buried in the
middle of a 1200word article (*97). Would
Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this matter by the
major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of coincidence? Could a Post
reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick
swim?

Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's Public Citizen.
Titled All the Vice President's Men, it documents "How the Quayle Council on
Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health,
Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post journalists David
Broder and Bob Woodward published "The President's Understudy", a sevenpart
series on Vice President Quayle. Although this series does address Quayle's role with
the Competitiveness
Council, its handling of the Council's disastrous impact on America is inadequate. It is
40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle memorabilia: youth, family,
college record, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy
friends, government
associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth revealing little about Quayle's
abilities, his understanding of society's problems, or his thoughts about justice and
freedom, and never mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle's record in
the

Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did both of them
forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to mention it? Did these two
celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever discuss together their jointly authored
stories? Did they decide to publish such a barren set of articles because it would
enhance their reputations? How did management feel about the use of precious news
space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages were dedicated to this
twaddle without people "acting or working together toward the same result or goal"?
(*99) Do crocodiles fly?

On March 20, frontpage headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times,
USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:

TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE CLEARING CLINTON'S
PATH

TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH TOWARD
SHOWDOWN
WITH BUSH



This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions of whether the
news media collective mindset is really different from that of any other cartel like oil,
diamond, energy, (*100) or manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a combination of
independent



Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post"conspire" to keep
its staff and its newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of mediocrity? The
Post would respond that the question is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post's
telephone
conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite must monitor the
staff. But we all know how few microseconds it takes a new reporter to learn what
subjects are taboo and what are "safe", and that experienced reporters don't have to
ask.

What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post communicates
within its own corporate structure and with other members of the cartel, is to
document and publicize what the Post does in public, namely, how it shapes and
censors the news.

Sincerely,

Julian C. Holmes

Copies to: Publicspirited citizens, both inside and outside the news media, And
maybe a few others.
Notes to Letter of April
25, 1992:

1. Mark Hosenball,
"The Ultimate
Conspiracy",
Washington Post,
September 11, 1988,
p.C1

2a. Julian Holmes,
Letter to Washington
Post Ombudsman
Richard Harwood,
June 4,1991. Notes
that the Post
censored, from the
Anderson/Van Atta
column, references to
the Christic Institute
and to Robert Gates.

2b. Jack Anderson
and Dale Van Atta,
"IranContra Figure
Dodges Extradition",
Washington
MerryGoRound,
United Feature
Syndicate, May 26,
1991. This is the
column submitted to
the Post (see note
2a)..

2c. Jack Anderson and
Dale Van Atta, "The
Man Washington
Doesn't Want to
Extradite", Washington
Post, May 26, 1991.
The column (see note
2b). as it appeared in
the Post (see note
2a)..

3a. Case No.
861146CIVKING,
Amended Complaint
for RICO Conspiracy,
etc., United States
District Court,
Southern District of
Florida, Tony Avirgan
and Martha Honey v.
John Hull et al.,
October 3, 1986.

3b. Vince Bielski and
Dennis Bernstein,
"Reports: Contras
Send Drugs to U.S.",
Cleveland Plain
Dealer, November 16,
1986.

3c. Neal Matthews, "I
Ran Drugs for Uncle
Sam" (based on
interviews with Robert
Plumlee, contra
resupply pilot)., San
Diego Reader, April 5,
1990.

4. Leslie Cockburn,
Out of Control. New
York: Atlantic Monthly
Press, 1987.

5a. Peter Dale Scott
and Jonathan
Marshall, Cocaine
Politics, University
ofCalifornia Press,
1991, p.179181.

5b. David S.
Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel
Finds No Evidence
Linking Contras to
Drug Smuggling",
Washington Post, July
22, 1987, p.A07.

5c. Partial correction
to the Washington
Post of July 22,
Washington Post, July
24,1987, p.A3.

5d. The Washington
Post declined to
publish SubCommittee
Chairman Rangel's
Letter totheEditor of
July 22, 1987. It was
printed in the
Congressional Record
on August 6, 1987,
p.E32967.

6a. Michael Kranish,
"Kerry Says US
Turned Blind Eye to
ContraDrug Trail",
Boston Globe, April
10, 1988.

6b. Mary McGrory,
"The ContraDrug
Stink", Washington
Post, April 10, 1988,
p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry
with Rod Nordland,
"Guns for Drugs?
Senate Probers Trace
an Old Contra
Connection to George
Bush's Office",
Newsweek, May 23,
1988, p.22.

6d. Dennis Bernstein,
"IranContra The
Coverup Continues",
The Progressive,

Read more:
whatreallyhappened.com
http://whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/POLITICS/MOCK/mockingbird.php#ixzz3f5V
mnPrZ

10/10/2016 [1999] Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of the U.S. Government in the assassination of Martin Luther King
[back] Mockingbird CHAOS COINTELPRO
Testimony of Mr. William Schaap, attorney, military and intelligence specialization, co-publisher Covert
Action Quarterly, on the role of the U.S. Government in the assassination of Martin Luther King MLK
Conspiracy Trial Transcript - Volume 9 November 30, 1999
THE CIRCUIT COURT OF SHELBY COUNTY, TENNESSEE

THIRTIETH JUDICIAL DISTRICT AT MEMPHIS
_______________________________________________
CORETTA SCOTT KING, MARTIN
LUTHER KING, III, BERNICE KING,
DEXTER SCOTT KING and YOLANDA KING,
Plaintiffs,
Vs. Case No. 97242-4 T.D.
LOYD JOWERS and OTHER
UNKNOWN CO-CONSPIRATORS,
Defendants.
_______________________________________________
PROCEEDINGS
November 30th, 1999
VOLUME IX
_______________________________________________
Before the Honorable James E. Swearengen,
Division 4, Judge presiding.
_______________________________________________
DANIEL, DILLINGER, DOMINSKI,
RICHBERGER, WEATHERFORD
COURT REPORTERS
Suite 2200, One Commerce Square
Memphis, Tennessee 38103
(901) 529-1999
DANIEL, DILLINGER, DOMINSKI, RICHBERGER, WEATHERFORD
(901) 529-1999
1185
- APPEARANCES -
For the Plaintiffs:
MR. WILLIAM PEPPER
Attorney at Law
575 Madison Avenue, Suite 1006
New York, New York 10022
(212) 605-0515
For the Defendant:
MR. LEWIS K. GARRISON, Sr.
Attorney at Law
100 North Main Street, Suite 1025
(901) 527-6445
Reported by:
MS. MARGIE J. ROUTHEAUX
Registered Professional Reporter
Daniel, Dillinger, Dominski,
Richberger & Weatherford
2200 One Commerce Square
http://whale.to/b/schaap.html 1/18

DANIEL, DILLINGER, DOMINSKI, RICHBERGER, WEATHERFORD
(901) 529-1999
1186
- INDEX -
WITNESS: PAGE NUMBER
...
WILLIAM SCHAAP
Direct Examination
By Mr. Pepper --------------- 1299
TRIAL EXHIBITS
24 --------------- 1265 (Collective)
25 --------------- 1271
26 --------------- 1275
27 --------------- 1286
28 --------------- 1304

MR. PEPPER: Plaintiffs call Mr. William Schaap to the stand.
WILLIAM SCHAAP, Having been first duly sworn, was examined and testified as follows:
DIRECT EXAMINATION BY MR. PEPPER:

Q. Good afternoon, Mr. Schaap.
A. Good afternoon.
Q. Would you state your full name and address for the record, please.
A. My name is William Schaap. My address is 143 West Fourth Street, New York, New York.
Q. Could you give us a summary of your professional background, please.
THE COURT: Before you do that, spell your last name.
THE WITNESS: I'm sorry. S C H A A P.
THE COURT: Thank you.
A. I'm an attorney. I graduated from the University of Chicago Law School in 1964. I've been a practicing lawyer
since then. And I'm a member of the bar of the State of New York and of the District of Columbia. I specialized
in the 1970's in military law. I practiced military law in Asia and Europe. I later became the editor in chief of the
Military Law Reporter in Washington for a number of years. And in the 70's and 80's I was staff counsel of the
Center for Constitutional Rights in New York City.
I also in the late 1980's was an adjunct professor at John J. College of Criminal Justice of the City University of
New York where I taught courses on propaganda and disinformation.
Q. (BY MR. PEPPER) Have you also been involved in journalism and publishing?
A. Yes, I have. Since 1977 or '78, in addition to being a practicing lawyer, I've also been a journalist and a
publisher and a writer specializing in intelligence-related matters and particularly their relationship to the media.
For more than 20 years I've been the co-publisher of a magazine called the Covert Action Quarterly which
particularly deals with reporting on intelligence agencies, primarily U.S. agencies but also foreign.
I published a magazine for a number of years called Lies Of Our Times which specifically was a magazine about
propaganda and disinformation. And I've been the managing director of the Institute for Media Analysis for a
number of years. I also, for about 20 years now, I think, was one of the principals in a publishing company called
Sheraton Square Press that published books and pamphlets relating to intelligence and the media.
Q. Do you also write? Have you authored articles and works?
A. Yes, I do. I've written, oh, dozens of articles on -- particularly on media and intelligence. I've edited about
seven or eight books on the subject. I've contributed sections to a number of other books and had -- I've -- many
of my articles, of course, have appeared in my own -- our own publications, but I've also had articles appear
around the world including New York Times, Washington Post and major media like -- like those.
I've appeared a lot on radio and television as an expert on intelligence and the media. I'm slowing down a bit
now because I'm getting older. But I used to do a lot of speaking at universities and colleges around the country
and debating government officials and people connected to organizations that supported the CIA and the other --
FBI and the other intelligence agencies.
Q. Have you ever testified as an expert witness in the area of governmental use of media for
disinformation and propaganda?
A. Yes, I have. I've -- I've testified as an expert in that field in both state and federal courts in this country. I've
testified in foreign courts. I testified once before the United Nations on that subject and once before the U.S.
Congress.
Q. Mr. Schaap, I'm going to show you a copy of a -- of your own CV. It's a summary of your professional
qualifications. I want you to confirm its accuracy.
A. Yes, that's -- that's my CV that I prepared.
MR. PEPPER: Your Honor, we move admission of Mr. Schaap's CV and move that he be accepted as an expert
witness in the matter at hand for the issues of government use of media or disinformation and propaganda
purposes.
THE COURT: Objections?
MR. GARRISON: I have no objection.
THE COURT: All right. (Whereupon said document was marked as Trial Exhibit Number 28.)
Q. (BY MR. PEPPER) Mr. Schaap, in the course of your research, have you had occasion to study the use
of the media by government agencies?
A. Yes, I have. I've studied many government reports on the subject. Many, many books have been written about
it and articles. In fact, I've written many of those articles.
Q. Can you give the Court and the Jury a brief summary of the subject indicating the extent to which this
type of activity by government still takes place?
A. Yes, I can. I -- I won't go into ancient history, but it should be noted that -- that governments around the world
have secretly used the media for their purposes for many hundreds of years, probably thousands. But certainly
from the 16th and 17th century in England on there has been a great deal of research about the use by
governments -- a secret use of the media.
For our purposes though, the -- particularly relating to the U.S., the most significant and the first major deliberate
program in this country was during World War I when President Wilson set up an organization called the
Committee For Public Information under a public relations executive -- a man named George Creole. The
purpose of this committee was to propagandize the war effort against Germany. This was created immediately
after the U.S. entered World War I in 1917. And in propagandizing the war effort and war news, it was the policy
of this committee to have no compunctions about falsifying the news whenever it was felt that that was necessary
to help the war effort.
Q. Can you give us an example of the type of falsification of the news that you're talking about.
A. Yes. They -- the Committee For Public Information purported very often to release documents, supposedly
genuine documents, to the press in order to substantiate whatever particular position the -- the Wilson
government might have been taking at the time. And one of the most famous that happened early in its creation
in 1917 was a disinformation campaign to suggest that the Russian revolutionaries, Lenin in particular and
Trotsky, were actually German agents being paid by the Kaiser.
The Government and Creole's committee made up the story. They made up -- created phony documents. They
passed it all to friends in the major newspapers. And almost immediately this was front page news around the
United States and around the world.
Q. I'm going to show you a New York Times headline of that era and see if that's the kind of falsification
you're talking about.
A. Yes, this is -- the rest of the text is from an article where that headline appeared. But that was on the front
page of the New York Times in 1917. And later it transpired that the documents were -- were forgeries that had
been created by Mr. Creole. And, of course, it was obvious by the current course of history, the Russian
revolutionaries were hardly friends of the Kaiser.
Q. Yes, indeed.
A. Much less employees.
Q. Can you continue with your summary, please.
A. Yes. After World War I, the U.S. continued to be the -- or actually became the world's leader in the control of
information. Britain had been more pre-eminent before World War I. But at the end of the war, the U.S. was
really in control of all the world communication media. And disinformation was used by the government
sporadically during the inter-war years. It was particularly used in the red scares of the 1920's and the creation of
disinformation suggesting various opponents of the government were communists.
But it wasn't a major aspect of government policy until the advent of World War II. And that was when deliberate
disinformation or a structure for emitting deliberate disinformation became very, very important.
Q. What happened at that point in history to bring about that resurgence?
A. Well, at the very beginning of World War II there were really two schools of thought competing, both of
which had government agencies. One that was set up was called the Office of War Information which was a
civilian organization although it worked closely with the War Department, as it was then called. And it was
headed by a man named Elmer Davis who was a very famous reporter -- journalist.
His philosophy was that the agency should tell the American people exactly what was happening -- tell them the
truth. If we lost a battle somewhere in Europe or the Pacific, we should tell the people we lost that battle. If we
won a battle, we'd tell them we won it. But he believed that in the long run we would do best by reporting the
truth.
But at the same time another key organization that developed during World War II was the Office of Strategic
Services, the OSS, which was headed by a military man, William Donovan, who was known as Wild Bill
Donovan, who believed the saying that George Creole had -- his philosophy from World War I, which was that
you should lie to the people whenever it's necessary, whenever you think lying will help maintain morale and
win the war.
This struggle was taking place, of course, in the context of World War II. And Donovan won both with President
Roosevelt and afterward with President Truman. His philosophy that disinformation was a powerful -- a valuable
weapon for a country to have, and that the disadvantages of lying to the American people were outweighed by
the advantages of being able to manipulate the media.
So when the war was over, the Office of War Information was dissolved. The OSS was transformed into the CIA.
And the CIA was now existing in peace time, mind you. World War II is over, and now the CIA is set up with
this information as a major part of its work and, in fact, as most of the reports later pointed out, the largest single
part of the CIA's operations.
The -- within the government at least, the acceptability of lying to the public became very widespread and
acceptable even in time of peace. There had been people who felt, well, it's one thing when you're at war. But
even in time of peace it became acceptable, and it spread from other agencies, including the -- the FBI which
also began to engage in media manipulation in a very, very large way.
Q. So in addition to being a war time strategy with respect to the security of the nation and the -- the
promulgation of -- of falsehoods in times of war, this tactic started to be used in peace time.
A. Exactly. That was the major difference. Certain things were -- were much more acceptable or expected over
the course of history in time of war and were generally supposed to stop when the war was over. Now, there were
people who argued in the late 40's that the Cold War was a war just like a hot war, and that was the war that was
on, and that was why we had to do this.
But what really happened is there were not battles being waged between soldiers. There was not a hot war going
on anywhere, and yet the -- the infrastructure that had been set up to spread disinformation to be able to lie
became institutionalized and became operating at a greater and greater level.
Q. Mr. Schaap, how is it that some individuals like yourself have become more aware of these kinds of
practices in our lifetimes while the mass of the population has not?
A. Well, it's mostly because -- by coincidence there were a number of factors that came together, mostly in the
1970's, leading to major congressional investigations of these activities leading some newspapers to fund serious
in-depth investigative reports. And in the middle and late 70's there were a series -- a huge series of
congressional reports on intelligence activities, a whole section of which was devoted to media activities.
And then there were major exposes in the New York Times and the Washington Post. It was sort of the Watergate
mentality, I guess, that allowed this to happen. There was a window of a few years when exposing government
misconduct, particularly past government misconduct -- and as far as the government was concerned, the older
the better. But at least there was a window of opportunity where this was acceptable even within the mainstream,
the establishment press. It was not frowned upon as much as it might have been at other times both before and
since.
Q. Before we go into some specific instances of this and details, can you explain to the Court and Jury
really how does disinformation work? And why is it so -- why is it so successful?
A. Well, you have to understand first the target of propaganda -- of disinformation. The consumer of the false
news so to speak is -- in what we're talking about is the American public in general and sometimes the public
overseas. Disinformation is almost always by -- by definition, about things that the average person has no
separate personal knowledge of, otherwise it couldn't really work. I mean, you can't fool the people you're
talking about. You can fool the other people who don't know about it. You're not trying to fool the people you're
talking about.
The simplest example is during the Vietnam War when there was a massive bombing campaign and the U.S. was
bombing Cambodia. President Nixon and Secretary of State Kissinger repeatedly made public statements that we
were not dropping bombs in Cambodia. Well, you couldn't fool the Cambodians who looked up and saw the
bombs falling in their back yard. They knew you were bombing Cambodia. But the American people by and
large accepted these statements as truth, and in fact that was a disinformation campaign that was later admitted.
You're -- really we're talking about things that the public has no separate knowledge of. And it's also reinforced
by the fact that Americans generally tend to believe what their government tells them, to believe that government
officials on all levels generally tell the truth. And that -- if you have that, that absence of skepticism, it's a major
plus for the disinformationists.
And, also, it's very, very unusual around the world other than in the United States. In most other countries,
particularly in Europe, it's much more the opposite. People tend on average to be very skeptical of their
government. If the Italian government issues a statement, the average Italian on the street will say it's probably a
lie until you can prove to me otherwise that it's not a lie. Because governments lie. That's what they -- you know,
they sort of expect them to do that whereas Americans don't expect that.
The average American would hear something from the government or hear the news on television and assumes
that what they're hearing is the truth unless they're shown otherwise. They assume that almost nothing is ever a
conspiracy. In Europe it's very much the opposite. Anything happens. They tend to think it's a conspiracy unless
you show them that it wasn't a conspiracy.
I mean, after all, "conspiracy" just means, you know, more than one person being involved in something. And if
you stop and think about it, almost everything significant that happens anywhere involves more than one person.
Yet here there is a -- not a myth really, but there's just an underlying assumption that most things are not
conspiracies. And when you have that, it enables a government which has a propaganda program, has a
disinformation program, to be relatively successful in -- in having its disinformation accepted.
The other reason why it -- why it works even though as we -- as we know, somewhere there are people who
know it's not true. Somewhere they know you're lying about something. But another reason it works is that
disinformation is very, very effective over time. The longer that you, whoever you are, can control the spin on a
story, the more that spin becomes accepted as the absolute truth. And in this country the government has a great
deal of power and influence over that spin.
Q. Why is it so effective over time?
A. Well, this is an area where I had to consult with other experts because it turns out really to be a neurological
function. And that was first explained to me by a -- a professor at Harvard Medical School. And it has to do with
the way the human brain remembers things, the way we learn things, the way we create patterns and associations
and reinforce -- well, I don't know how you -- it sort of like channels in the brain when certain things trigger
certain collateral thoughts.
And when you associate one thing with another over time, just the mention of the one brings the association of
the other. What this will sometimes mean is that even when something is later exposed as a lie, if it was accepted
as a truth for a long time, the exposure of it as a lie is not believed. It's in one ear and out the other.
The best example that we know in my field is one that John Stockwell reported on. He was a CIA officer in
Angola -- for Angola. But they were based -- the CIA station was based in the Congo. And when the Cuban
troops were sent in to help the Angolans fight the South Africans during the early and mid 70's, the CIA's task
was to try to discredit the Cubans and do whatever it could to make people around the world think it was a
terrible thing that the Cubans were helping the Angolans.
So Stockwell's group in Congo sat down, and one guy says to the other guy, let's think of something terrible to
say that the Cubans did. And another guy says, hey, why don't we say they're raping Angolan women. That
would be a great thing to say. The other guy says, terrific. And they call in their media experts, and they start
sitting there at their desk at the CIA office and they start typing out these news stories about how a group of
Cuban soldiers raped a bunch of Angolan women in some operation. And then they write Story Number 2 which
is that the villagers got incensed and decided they didn't want the Cubans anymore, and they were going to find
the fellows who did it and arrest them. And in Story Number 3 the villagers captured the Cubans. In Story
Number 4 they were tried by a jury of the women victims and they were later executed with their own weapons.
And they made a series of about 12 newspaper stories in a row. And with one phone call and one visit, it went
over the wire services, it went into Europe, it went into the United States, it went around the world. And for
about a six-month period there were all these stories about the horrible Cuban rapes in Angola. And what that
does is when you hear -- the average person hears Angola or Cuban, they'll think rape of the women. And if they
hear rape of the women, they will think Angola or Cubans. And if you get Angola, they'll think Cubans and rape
of the women.
And these patterns build up so that that becomes the truth embedded in your mind. Four years later John
Stockwell quit the CIA and wrote a book exposing it. Wrote a big piece for the New York Times about how the
entire Cuban/Angola story was a fabrication. And he sat there at the desk typing it. And the day after that story
appeared, there was still 900 million people around the world who thought the phony story was true.
Because when year, after year, after year you hear that something was the case, one story -- one day saying, hey,
the whole thing was a lie, and it doesn't register on their brain. It can't beat those -- those patterns that have been
built up.
Q. Let's go back now taking an example -- let's go back now to the general area of intelligence because all
of this activity is useless unless there's a structure into which it fits and into which it can be put out. Can
you deal with the kind of structure of media operations that puts out this kind of disinformation. How
extensive is it?
A. Yes. We can be -- we have a lot of information about the CIA. We have a certain amount of information about
the FBI, a certain amount about military intelligence. And the reason for this is because there were those
congressional investigations that I mentioned before. There have been reports published, particularly from the
Church Committee in the late 70's, where they published volume after volume describing the extent of media
operations by the CIA and -- and other agencies.
They -- the exact amounts of money that were being spent were -- were not divulged by those initial reports
because that was considered to be classified. The intelligence budgets are always classified except at the same
time every few weeks you'll read something in the newspaper where they say, the classified budget, which is
approximately 25 billion dollars, and so on and so on and so forth.
So what we -- what we have learned from these reports is that -- the first thing was that about a third of the whole
CIA budget went to media propaganda operations.
Q. Well, if a third of the CIA's budget went to media propaganda operations, how much would that be
approximately?
A. We're talking about hundreds of millions of dollars a year just for that. I mean, the intelligence budget -- now
everything together is according to these -- all these reports that say it's secret, but it's about 25 to 30 billion
dollars a year.
Now, a lot of that is high-tech stuff. It has nothing to do with what we're talking about -- satellites and so on. But
the stuff that goes to the CIA is several billion. And when you factor out overhead and things like that, you have
got your operational amount. Most of the estimates suggest that -- that hundreds of billion -- hundreds of
millions of dollars -- close to a billion dollars are being spent every year by the United States on secret
propaganda.
Again, we have fairly good figures for the CIA because it at least has been admitted in the past that they did do
this stuff. They admit they do it now except they say they don't do it within the United States. But they admit that
that's part of what they do.
The FBI is much harder to -- to get figures for because they don't generally admit to conducting media
operations. And unless and until something gets exposed and they have to admit that particular operation, they --
they deny to an extent where it's really hard to try and estimate how much money is being used by the FBI and
by the military intelligence agencies.
But it's sort of clear that hundreds of millions of dollars a year are being spent by various aspects of the
government on deliberately creating and spreading lies.
Q. Before we get into the specifics of media operations related to the Martin Luther King case and James
Earl Ray, can you give us -- just to finish the background, can you give us some idea of the influence that
the CIA and the FBI have had over the media.
A. Yes. Again, this was something that very specific figures came out in the 70's and 80's, and we don't know the
precise figures. Today we have no reason to think that they are significantly less than when they came out. But
when the Church Committee reported on the CIA media operations, for example, beyond friends in the press,
beyond having people who were just generally -- thought along similar lines, it turned out that they had
thousands of journalists in their employ. Not merely friendly, not merely agents, not merely someone you could
pass a story to, but people who might have appeared to the outside world to be a reporter for CBS was in fact a
CIA employee getting a salary from the CIA.
And that was repeated thousands of times all around the world. They also owned outright, the CIA -- about that
time 250 or more media organizations. That's wire services, newspapers, magazines, radio, TV stations -- all
around the world that they owned outright. The actual shareholder of the company turned out to be some CIA
front.
The Church Committee, unfortunately, did not name very many of these organizations because those that got
named, of course, had to close down immediately. But it was learned that -- even things like the Rome Daily
American, which was a major English language newspaper in Rome, for 20 or 30 years had been owned by the
CIA. This was published and, of course, the paper closed the next day.
But most people didn't realize the extent of the intelligence media organization. It's fairly incredible. They sort of
brag about it. When you read the books about the history of the CIA, one of the heroes was the first man in
charge of media operations, a man named Frank Wisner. And they referred to his organization as the Mighty
Wurlitzer. And there's this image of this guy sitting at one of those giant organs, you know, with seventeen
keyboards and you're playing this -- sort of like The Phantom of the Opera in that scene, and there was the guy
running the CIA media operations all around the world. And he really was because every single city of any size
on earth, he had some employee who was -- supposedly worked for a newspaper or a magazine or a radio station
or a wire service, and they could get stories anywhere.
Q. Can you give just one or two more specific examples.
A. Yes. There was one -- actually in an article that was published written by a former CIA officer named James
Willcot, who was not in the propaganda division, he was in finance. But he was so amazed he wrote a little
article about this. And he was stationed in Japan one time when there was a big debate raging there over whether
nuclear power ships should be able to dock in Japanese ports. It's been a very touchy issue -- at least since
Hiroshima it's been a very touchy issue in Japan -- even peaceful uses of nuclear power.
And the U.S. line was to promote the docking of nuclear power ships because the U.S. had more and more of
them. So they wanted the Japanese papers to editorialize in favor of this in the debate that was going on.
And Jim said he looked and he saw this guy at a nearby desk sit down and type -- this is a CIA officer, an
employee of the U.S. Government -- type an editorial and then wave goodbye to everybody, left the office. The
next morning that appeared as the editorial -- the lead editorial in the largest newspaper in Japan. Now, that level
-- they didn't go to a friendly publisher and say, gee, we would sort of like it if you could maybe do something a
little bit favorable to this issue. They wrote the editorial, they handed it to the guy. And the next day in Japanese
it appears in the paper.
Another thing showing the influence here in this country was during the Vietnam War. I don't know if -- well,
some people might. People my age will remember it. There was -- Life magazine that had a cover picture of a
North Vietnamese stamp that showed the Vietnamese shooting down American planes. And it showed U.S.
planes with U.S. markings being burst into flames and crashing and U.S. pilots being killed. And it was a pretty
bizarre and gruesome set of postage stamps.
And there was a whole story in there basically trying to give the line that the Vietnamese were glorifying the
killing of Americans. And they thought it was so great to kill Americans that they were putting it on their
postage stamps. The only thing that was later learned is that these were not North Vietnamese stamps. They were
CIA forgeries. Had never been real stamps. And the CIA was able to have them appear on the cover of Life
magazine as if they were the real thing.
That level of influence is something that many people don't realize. And when you read the congressional
reports, page after page after page, it's absolutely astonishing how, given the urgency and given that they have
hundreds of millions of dollars at their command, they could get almost anything to appear almost anywhere.
Q. What about the FBI and domestic propaganda?
A. Well, the FBI, there's much less documentation, again, because the official position is that the FBI doesn't do
this. Whereas the official position is the CIA does do it although they tried not to talk about it. But what did
come out in the congressional reports primarily is that a major FBI division that was called the crime reporting
division was theoretically supposed to keep track of how federal crimes were being reported. Why that was their
business, I don't know. But that's what its theory was.
But in fact what it was doing was a whole division set up to keep track of journalists and reporters and
magazines and newspapers to decide who could be counted on to write stories that the FBI wanted written, who
would slant stories the way they wanted it.
The question of whether these particular reporters were actually FBI employees, like so many were CIA
employees, is unclear. That's never been admitted by the government that the FBI actually took its own
employees and had them get a job as a correspondent on the newspaper, whereas we know the CIA did that in
many, many places. There's no reason to think they couldn't have done it other than the fact that it hasn't yet been
-- been exposed.
But in any event, there were significant pressures available to the FBI to -- to use their friends. And the Church
Committee report gives -- gives many, many examples -- copies of memos from Hoover on down where there
would be a thing attached and say, get this information to our friends at the Copely News Service, get this
information to our friends at Reader's Digest, get this to our friendly AP reporter and so on.
And then, of course, they would show the clipping indicating that in fact someone had gotten it to their friends,
and it would then go over the wires or appear in stories.
Q. Let's turn now to the use of the media in this type of campaign against Martin Luther King, Jr. But
before you do that, could you tell the Court and the Jury, what are the sources of -- underlying your
testimony -- this aspect of it.
A. Yes. I did a goodly amount of additional research and preparation and contemplation of appearing here. And
there really are two main sources. The first, of course, is the various congressional reports that we have talked
about. In addition to reports about the general operations or misconduct of the CIA or the FBI, there have been
specific studies -- I don't know if they have been mentioned in this case, but there have been specific studies
relating to Martin Luther King, Jr., both with respect to attacks on him while he was alive and also specific
reports with respect to his murder.
There was an entire volume published from one of the Senate investigations on the FBI media campaign against
Dr. King. [See Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to
Intelligence Activities of the United States Senate, 94th Congress, 2nd Session, 1976, Book III, Dr. Martin Luther
King, Jr., Case Study] And there was a House Committee that published a volume investigating his
assassination. And these, of course, are the -- the most important sources for what I'm talking about and what
other people have written about because they have a great deal of government documentation in them which no
private journalist could ever get their hands on.
There are things in there that even the best of research wouldn't be able to obtain. But the congressional
committees had subpoena powers and were able to amass thousands of documents, most of which were
photocopied and attached to their reports.
Q. For our purposes here, as well as those sources, what other sources have you used?
A. Well, I've also, of course, reviewed many books that have been written on the subject -- hundreds of articles.
And I've -- I've done briefcases full of clippings that were major stories written about Dr. King, particularly in
the last few years of his life. And then the -- most of the coverage in the first few years of the James Earl Ray
case. Both before and after his guilty plea there was intensive coverage, as you can imagine.
And throughout the 60's and into the early 70's, there was quite a bit of coverage, and those clippings that I've
been able to find I've reviewed. Some of the sporadic coverage in the 80's and 90's I've also been able to
assemble and review, although the level of that coverage has decreased very much over the last decade or so.
Q. What do the congressional reports -- if you can summarize them, give some instances, what do the
congressional reports tell us about the FBI's use of the media in general but then particularly as it relates
to Dr. King?
A. Well, in general, the first thing they show is that throughout its history, the FBI has made relations with the
media a key area. Not so much infiltrating employees as the CIA did, but cultivating very, very deep connections
throughout the American media. They had the entire division of the FBI -- the crime reporting division was
dealing solely with developing friendly journalists, developing ways in which you could get what you wanted to
appear in the papers to be there and what you didn't want not to be there on a level that was -- nobody realized
until these -- these reports came out.
The crime reporting division was keeping track of virtually every journalist in America that wrote anything that
had to do with the FBI. And whether everything was being classified as friendly or unfriendly, it -- of course, it
was somewhat complicated because it generally meant: Did J. Edgar Hoover like what they wrote or not like
what they wrote? And practically -- the opinion of nobody else at the FBI mattered while Hoover was alive.
But he kept charts on every significant journalist as to who was helpful. And when you look through the reports
and the documents that have come out, you will see statements by Hoover and his immediate subordinates get
this information to friendly journalists. Get this to our friend at U.S. News and World Report. Get this to some
friendly reporters in Memphis. And you just see all that sort of stuff.
Interestingly though, this information -- it never mattered whether the information was true or false. That was not
what it was about. You find FBI planting information that's true, you find them planting information that's false.
The critical thing was if they had the friend at that media place, that friend was going to run what they wanted
without investigating it.
Q. Could you just cut through -- tell us what the Church Committee said about CoIntellPro reports and
explain to the Court and the Jury what were the CoIntellPro activities.
A. CoIntellPro was Counter Intelligence Program, and that was the -- the major FBI program to counter what it
conceived to be threats to American democracy. And it was, at least in my opinion, rather paranoid in what it
considered threats. It had divisions trying to operate against communists, against socialists, against the New Left,
against the Old Left, against what they referred to as Black Nationalists, what they referred to as hate groups.
They had a separate section just on the Nation of Islam. They had a separate section on the Civil Rights
Movement. They had a hybrid program on CommInfil which was to deal with the possibility that communists
were infiltrating non-communist groups.
So they had one section trying to disrupt groups they felt were communist influence or dangerous, and another
one trying to infiltrate groups or find out about groups that they thought other people were infiltrating.
Basically they -- and, of course, you have to understand, "counter intelligence program" was really a misnomer.
Because counter intelligence normally means you're trying to find things out. Counter intelligence officers in war
time and in espionage are supposed to be finding out information. But these were active committees, not passive.
And what counter intelligence programs were, were overt attempts -- sometimes very, very complicated
operations to disrupt organizations which they felt were a threat regardless of whether the organizations were
committing any crimes.
I mean, the irony of this is that while the FBI theoretically was supposed to limit itself to investigating crimes,
and federal crimes at that, it basically took the position that, you know, thinking bad thoughts was a crime. Or if
you didn't like the current government of that day, that was a crime. And if J. Edgar Hoover decided the group
should be disrupted, then CoIntellPro would sit down and figure out how to disrupt it.
Q. Where was Dr. King in this constellation? Where did they -- how did they regard him? How was he
targeted?
A. Well, he was just about the top of the list in terms of J. Edgar Hoover for reasons that are still unclear. Many
books have been written about J. Edgar Hoover, and I don't think anybody quite understands what made him
tick. He hated Dr. King. He made no bones about it. I mean, he would -- he would send letters using -- referring
to him as garbage, referring to him as slime.
When Martin Luther King was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, he wrote a long diatribe about how that was the
most ridiculous thing he ever heard of in his life, and in fact started a whole thing to disrupt the Nobel Peace
Prize program. But he and the SCLC, as Dr. King's organization, were by themselves a major target of the FBI
from early on. He certainly was being investigated in the 50's. It wasn't until the early 60's that it really
intensified.
But Hoover was much more public about Dr. King than almost any other individual. He would be public about
"the communists" or "the terrorists" or whatever. But Martin Luther King he specifically used -- used the most
horrendous language to describe him. And once went on a -- the only time he ever gave a press interview called
him -- called Martin Luther King the most notorious liar in the history of the United States.
Q. Okay.
A. And he was saying that because King had had the temerity to say that the FBI agents in the south weren't
being terribly helpful to blacks who were having problems with the racism there.
Q. Can you give an example of some of the media operations that the FBI and Hoover mounted against Dr.
King's organization.
A. Sure. The first really significant ones were -- were to -- to suggest that the Southern Christian Leadership
Conference was communist infiltrated and communist dominated. They -- the FBI had prepared dossiers on King
and on everybody who was working with him and had two people who were close to Dr. King who had at some
time in the past had some affiliations with communists.
You should understand, because this came out later, they had no evidence whatsoever that either of these two
people was at that time a communists or that either of these two people was trying to impose some communist
line on Dr. King, but they decided to say that anyway.
And they prepared dossiers on these two -- one was a white lawyer, Stanley Levinson, the other was a black
organizer named Jack O'Dell. And what they did is they -- the same way, get us a friend at this paper, get us a
friend there. They started planting stories. And I think I've --
Q. Let me -- let me --
A. -- given you one of the key ones.
Q. Yes, let's pull up on the stand one of the stories -- screen one of the stories that they planted.
A. That's the second page. I think the headline is -- right. This was a major story about -- about Jack O'Dell and
an attempt to -- I mean, they were attempting to discredit Dr. King and the organization. They were not -- they
were not trying to just get rid of O'Dell because that would be better for the organization. But they spread this --
this particular clipping, I believe, is from The Atlanta Constitution. But it says in it that -- it makes reference to
prior articles in the St. Louis Globe Democrat, in the New Orleans Times Picayune. The story which was
essentially based on the FBI spreading this -- this information appeared all over the country.
Q. Other than a general attack, is there anything -- anything else significant about this -- this article?
A. Well, actually, this is a good one because it demonstrates some of the techniques they used. The most
significant one is being fuzzy whenever you can. It has -- in there it talks -- it refers to O'Dell and says: "Has
been identified as a member of the National Committee of the Communist Party."
And that -- this is sort of the passive tense to avoid saying what -- what you know. When you say someone has
been -- you don't say who identified him. You don't even say whether this identification has been confirmed. You
don't say whether it's true or false. I mean, you know, one person anywhere can say something about anybody,
and then you say he has been identified as a such and such.
That's very important, particularly because we -- that's in the present tense. It says: "Has been identified as a
member of the communist party." We know now that at the time, when the FBI gave this information to its
friend, they knew that was untrue. Because they knew -- whatever might have been ten years before, they knew
at that time that he was not a member of the Communist Party and yet they sent out this information saying he
has been identified as a member of the Communist Party.
Q. Was this a part of a broader effort on the part of the FBI to discredit the Black Movement and to tie
the Civil Rights Movement to communists generally and communist infiltration?
A. Very much so. It was one of the -- the few instances where -- where Hoover actually testified before Congress
and allowed the testimony to be public. He -- the line was that the -- the Black Movement -- the Civil Rights
Movement was being exploited by communists. And this particular clipping is another example -- again, this is
from the New York Times -- of this program. These are all -- despite the fact that many of them have bylines,
although this one does not have a byline, these are all based on material packets -- press packets almost that were
prepared by the FBI and given to their -- to their friends in these -- in these stories.
And in this case, it's even more significant because this was part of a campaign that was so organized that
Hoover got his friends to write stories about it before his testimony became public so that when the testimony
then became public, as it did for this one, people would know about it. One of his very, very close friends was
Stewart -- Joseph Alsop, who was a syndicated national columnist back then. And this was Alsop's column about
the terribly sad fact that the Civil Rights Movement in America was totally being run by the communists.
This, again, was based on whatever the FBI handed him and asked him to publish. This was just one week before
the other story where the -- where the testimony became public.
Q. There was an escalating battle between Hoover's FBI and Martin Luther King's SCLC and the Civil
Rights and then anti-war activities. What -- how did it intensify from the standpoint of media operations
against Dr. King?
A. Well, the first real escalation was in sixty -- in late '64 when I mentioned before that Hoover gave a press
conference and called King the most notorious liar in the country. This was sort of a -- it was shocking that he
said it, it was shocking that he said it in the context of a public meeting with journalists. And it appeared all over
the country. And the whole conference was reprinted in U.S. News and World Report with a short response from
-- from Dr. King.
That was the start of -- of a campaign which continued right up until -- until King's death. I mentioned before
that during the Nobel Peace Prize period of time this was in -- the nomination was in late '64, and he received it
in January of '65. Hoover had the FBI do everything they could to minimize -- he couldn't stop the Swedish and
Norwegian governments from giving him the prize. But he did everything that he could to try to stop it from
being honored here.
There was a major banquet in Dr. King's honor in Atlanta when he came back from receiving the prize. Hoover
got the editor of the Atlanta Constitution personally to go around and try and persuade various people not to
attend the banquet. There were also a series of articles around this time trying to show that -- that King was being
influenced by communists which were being -- again, we learned this from reports.
The FBI, as the CIA, was actually writing the articles anonymously and then trying to get their friends in papers
to print the article under somebody else's name. And there were a whole series, some of which actually did get
printed, some of which didn't. There were also -- I won't go -- I mean, there are big -- hundreds and hundreds of
pages of reports detailing all the things that the FBI did.
They -- one of the most outrageous was a doctored tape recording that was prepared that purported to -- to be a
recording of Dr. King engaging in raucous and possibly sexual activities with various people. It turned out to be -
- most of it was totally fraudulent. And what wasn't fraudulent did not have to do with anything torrid going on.
It was all put together. And the tape -- in fact, the tape was originally used -- and this is one of the things that the
House Committee found the most outrageous -- in an attempt to try and drive Dr. King to commit suicide.
Shortly before he went to get the Nobel Prize, the tape was mailed to him with a long letter basically saying, if
you don't kill yourself, we're going to make this public. Nothing ever happened because he was getting so much
mail that this thing that somebody thought was -- somebody made a tape of one of his speeches. And they put it
in the back room, and they didn't get to look at it until about nine months later, long after he had come back.
And then they saw the note trying to get him to commit suicide. And then, ten years later, we discover that it was
the FBI who wrote that note and made that tape and mailed it to Dr. King.
THE COURT: Let's take a few seconds and stretch.
(Brief break taken.)
THE COURT: Bring in the Jury.
(Jury In.)
Q. (BY MR. PEPPER) Mr. Schaap, you've described an awesome power that exists in government
influenced and controlled, sometimes owned, media -- print, audio, visual media entities -- and how that
infrastructure gets focused on opponents of the United States such as Martin Luther King. Do you see how
this incredible power was brought against Dr. King and intensified against him during the last year of his
life?
A. Yes. I think the -- the main reason for that was very, very specific. There was one speech that Dr. King gave in
April of 1967 at Riverside Church in New York City where he came out against the war in Vietnam. And if you
remember back to that period of time, this was a fundamental debate gripping every aspect of this country, the
pros and cons of the involvement in Vietnam.
And when Dr. King came out against the U.S. involvement there, this was immediately accepted by J. Edgar
Hoover as proof that he was a communist, proof that he was a terrible person.
Q. But didn't this have the effect of unifying all the forces -- all of the intelligence forces of the United
States, and so now just -- it was not just an FBI matter, but it -- it seemed to spread to military intelligence,
central intelligence and other areas too, didn't it?
A. Absolutely. Once Dr. King made that statement, the CIA in particular considered him and his movement fair
game. Even to the extent that their operations were limited to foreign policy, the -- again, because of the
congressional investigations, we know that the CIA, which people thought did not operate domestically within
the U.S., had a huge domestic program called Operation Chaos which was designed to counter opposition to the
Vietnam War.
And even though they later admitted it was illegal and later admitted they shouldn't have been doing it, there
have been whole books of congressional reports about all the Operation Chaos activity in the United States, and
what they called Black Nationalists were a specific target of that -- that campaign.
Q. Did this continue into 1968 in his activities with the Sanitation Workers' Strike in Memphis and
planning for the Poor People's Campaign in Washington?
A. Absolutely. The campaign against Dr. King's activities went up to the very last day of his life. In particular, on
the -- his involvement with the strike in Memphis, the FBI decided at that point to try to spread stories that he
was encouraging violence. One of the -- the key articles was in the Christian Science Monitor at the end of
March of '68 and, again, gives all of the -- the themes that the FBI wanted -- wanted planted, particularly about
violence.
The article uses bizarre language for something about a small strike in a medium-sized town that, you know, was
something but was not like an earth-shaking event. This was the Sanitation Workers' Strike. And this story refers
to it as a potentially cataclysmic racial confrontation. Not quite World War III, but along that kind of language.
And stories that began to appear -- and this was just before Dr. King was killed -- were -- were suggesting that he
was closely allied with violent forces.
Q. Mr. Schaap, this Court and Jury has heard testimony from a former New York Times reporter who
was told by his national editor -- Times reporters in this courtroom notwithstanding -- told by his national
editor, Claude Sitton, to go to Memphis and nail Dr. King. Those were the words Earl Caldwell used in his
testimony here. Is that the kind of thing you're talking about?
A. Oh, absolutely. Hoover was -- you see from the memos in the report -- and Lord knows what we don't know
and haven't seen -- was sending people out everywhere to talk to all of their friendly media contacts to get King.
And they would usually deliver packets of information, much of it false, to be used as part of the -- of the
campaign. They also were -- used a lot of interesting tactics.
And you see in these stories a lot of fuzzy -- I mean, the story that's on the screen, for example, has a sentence in
it near the end where it says: "Many blacks have mixed feelings about Dr. King." I mean, this is a -- they teach
you in Journalism 101 not to use sentences like that. What does it mean "many blacks"? Many -- everybody had
mixed feelings about everything. If you want to do it, you say who has what feelings.
But the whole thing was to try to say he's violent, he's hanging around with violent people, and basically the
blacks in this country shouldn't support him.
Q. What was this operation like -- this media blitz, this media disinformation campaign? What was it like
after Dr. King was killed?
A. Well, for one thing, the attempts to discredit Dr. King -- particularly the FBI attempts -- did not stop after his
death. They continued to send out their little dossiers and reports and phony information to try and discredit his
memory. They also -- in the beginning when, of course, the assassin had not yet been caught or, rather, no one
yet had been caught and charged with the assassination, had to give the impression that the FBI was doing a
great job.
I mean, one of the criticisms that was unavoidable is when Hoover had already publicly attacked Dr. King in all
these magazines and said he thought he was a liar and thought he was the worst problem facing the United States
and so on, it became a problem for the FBI then to try and convince America that they were doing everything in
their power to apprehend his killer. And to do that, they had to pull out all the stops and get all their friendly
columnists writing story after story that they were doing everything they could. And also subsequently to try and
add to the stories that they were convinced that James Earl Ray was the lone assassin.
Q. Let me put up this article. This story relates to a Jack Anderson column.
A. Yes. This is interesting for what it reveals later. This was a story that came out in 1975. That's actually an
interesting example of Jack Anderson criticizing a group of people, of whom he fails to mention he was one at
the time. It's something that happens often when columnists decide to clear the -- clear the slate.
But he was reporting at this time about how the FBI had waged the campaign against Dr. King, how he knew
about it, how he knew about all these gross accusations that were being -- being handed out. It's -- I mean, the
story is only interesting because why didn't he say it at the time is one's first thought. But at least he stayed
abreast of some of it. He also was able to -- to explain that a number of rumors about Dr. King had been proven
to be not true. What he didn't know at the time because the Congressional Report came out a little bit later --
what he didn't know is that even the FBI at the time they were spreading the stories when Dr. King was alive
knew that the stories were not true.
Q. Now, at the same time they were trying to discredit Dr. King and continued to discredit his name after
he was killed, they were trying to enhance the -- the manhunt and the law enforcement work during that
time.
A. Yes. Not only enhance, but use hyperbole that was pretty bizarre. Although, of course, you can understand the
pressures that were on them when no one had been caught. Drew Pearson, who was a very close friend of
Hoover's, had a nationally syndicated column and wrote one basically designed to try and kill the rumors that
Hoover wasn't trying hard because he didn't like King.
And in it Pearson says he is convinced that the FBI is conducting perhaps the most painstaking exhaustive
manhunt ever before undertaken in the United States. Why -- how he would know is beyond us, but that's clearly
what Hoover told him to say. They also -- I don't have the clipping here. But they also had another one of their
very close operatives, Jeremiah O'Leary, who was then with the Washington Star, did an article for the Reader's
Digest. And he went one beyond Pearson and said it was the greatest manhunt in law enforcement history in the
world. So he was now saying this wasn't only the greatest manhunt in America, it was the greatest manhunt ever,
anywhere.
There were -- there are a whole -- and, of course, when Ray was arrested, then there was a state of sort of self-
congratulatory columns done by the same friends of the FBI showing what a wonderful job they had done.
Q. Are there any other aspects of this coverage after Dr. King's death that were clearly media operations?
A. Well, there certainly are in my opinion. At this point, once we get beyond the things that have been admitted
in the Congressional Reports, I'm drawing my conclusions based on my own experience and expertise. But it
certainly seems clear that there were media operations around -- not only that the FBI had done a wonderful job,
but also on the -- the campaign to demonstrate that -- not only that James Earl Ray had done it, but that he had
acted alone.
Q. What are the possible operations that you actually see?
A. Well, there -- you see in stories, again by friends of the FBI, statements like: It looks like the theory that there
was a conspiracy is untrue. The FBI has exploded the theory that there was a conspiracy. The -- even people who
had -- see, they -- they got caught a little bit because in the beginning they were planting stories that had
conspiracy -- I mean, there was a story that the FBI planted at the very beginning saying that Dr. King had been
killed by the husband -- by an irate husband of a lover of his.
Now, later -- ten years later we saw that this was invented and that they had made up this story. But then they
were sort of stuck. Because if you're saying that Ray was hired by somebody else to do it, that's a conspiracy. So
then they had to drop that story because now the line was there was no conspiracy. Now they're saying -- and the
same people. Pearson mentioned that story and then later on denounced the generally prevalent theory that the
murder involved a conspiracy without pointing out that he was one of the people who were part of the original
prevalent theory.
Even -- particularly, actually, after the guilty plea, when it got -- there was no longer a judicial proceeding going
on about which they could feed the stories they wanted to, they still felt a compulsion to periodically come up
with stories that there was no conspiracy, there was no plot. This one on the screen being another one of these --
these examples.
Q. This is the continuation of the lone killer, lone nut gunman that was -- had to be perpetuated
throughout the period of James Earl Ray's incarceration?
A. Absolutely. It never -- because Ray insisted virtually from the day of the plea that there was a conspiracy, they
felt compelled to -- to continue to plant these -- these stories. They -- they went on for a number of years at a
very intense level, and then it sort of petered off.
But in the first year after the plea of guilty, Anderson wrote a number of columns saying there just wasn't any
conspiracy. Max Lerner wrote columns saying Ray was the killer, there's nothing to the conspiracy theory. And
when -- another example of how they -- they fuzzied it was even at the time of the plea, there was a story on the -
- in the Washington Post, which I think I've given you a copy of, where they said: No evidence of any plot, Jury
is told.
Now that isn't really what the Jury was told. But if you read the story, it was that the prosecution was not
presenting any evidence of a plot, which is very different from saying -- of course, they didn't present any
evidence that there wasn't a plot either. Yet if you look at that headline, it looks like something has been said and
done in court showing a jury there was no -- no plot. And that's not what happened. It wasn't -- it wasn't
discussed either way.
And they -- they -- there was a story I believe the next week in the Washington Post where the title of the story
was: "Ray Alone Still Talks of a Plot." Which, again, journalistically was ridiculous. Because there were millions
upon millions of Americans talking about whether there was a plot. And a story which, you know, tries to create
the impression that James Earl Ray was stark raving mad and was the only person in America who thought there
might have been a plot.
That campaign went -- and, in fact, they then said, well, what we really meant was that he's the only person who
is officially involved in the proceedings and thinks there's a plot, everyone else doesn't. And even that wasn't true
because the next day there was a story in the papers that the -- the judge here -- the judge at the time, Judge
Battle, wasn't sure and thought maybe there had been a plot and certainly made it clear that under Tennessee law
if further -- if co-conspirators came up or were arrested or indicted, they would be subject to -- to trial.
Q. Let me pass this article to you and ask you to look at that, Mr. Schaap. That's an article that appeared
in the New York Times, Column 1 on the 17th of November, 1978, right at the time when the -- both Ray
brothers were being questioned and examined in public before the House Select Committee on
Assassination. And that article speaks of an independent investigation by the New York Times and the FBI
and the Select Committee, into an Alton, Illinois, bank robbery -- an investigation which never took place
because it's now been established.
Is that an example of the type of disinformation that one finds in an attempt to train the public minds?
A. Oh, absolutely. Given the fact that subsequently it was shown that they were not suspects in that robbery, it --
the first thing it means is that the -- the reporter is saying some things which had to have been simply fed to him
and not checked. Because if you're saying something happened, which in fact very, very basic journalism would
have proven didn't happen, you are either doing it on your own to spread some disinformation, which is
extremely unlikely, or you're being asked to put a spin on something that you know is going to -- to be coming
out.
The -- again, I'm -- I don't know what happened in Alton, Illinois. But if, as I understand there's been testimony,
it is clear that the Ray brothers were not suspects in that case, this story is clearly disinformation because it's
designed to make it appear not only that they were suspects in that case but that they did it, and to make it appear
that two investigations confirmed that whereas, since we know it wasn't true, it's impossible that either
investigation could have confirmed it.
Q. Let me ask you finally -- this has been a long road -- how you regard -- what is your explanation for the
fact that there has been such little national media coverage of these -- of this trial and this evidence and
this event here in this Memphis courtroom, which is the first trial ever to be able to produce evidence on
this assassination -- what has happened here that Mighty Wurlitzer is not sounding but is in fact totally
silent -- almost totally silent?
A. Oh, but -- as we know, silence can be deafening. Disinformation is not only getting certain things to appear in
print, it's also getting certain things not to appear in print. I mean, the first -- the first thing I would say as a way
of explanation is the incredibly powerful effect of disinformation over a long period of time that I mentioned
before. For 30 years the official line has been that James Earl Ray killed Martin Luther King and he did it all by
himself. That's 30 years, not -- nothing like the short period when the line was that the Cubans raped the Angolan
women. But for 30 years it's James Earl Ray killed Dr. King, did it all by himself.
And when that is imprinted in the minds of the general public for 30 years, if somebody stood up and confessed
and said: I did it. Ray didn't do it, I did it. Here's a movie. Here's a video showing me do it. 99 percent of the
people wouldn't believe him because it just -- it just wouldn't click in the mind. It would just go right to -- it
couldn't be. It's just a powerful psychological effect over 30 years of disinformation that's been imprinted on the
brains of the -- the public. Something to the country couldn't -- couldn't be.
Q. Not only -- excuse me. Not only psychological, but weren't you also saying neurological?
A. Yes. I'm not a doctor. But what I understood is that these -- the brain's patterns of thinking are a physical
aspect of the human brain. That's how we develop patterns of thought, how we develop associations.
And then, of course, the Mighty Wurlitzer we talked about is still there, it's still playing its tune. And even
though you might think 30 years is a long time, that almost everybody who might get in trouble is probably dead
by now, that's -- that's how it works. People obtain influence, people make vast sums of money through this
propaganda. Those people pass that influence on to others, they pass the money down the line, and all of that can
be at risk for a very, very long time.
There are documents from the investigation of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln that are still classified.
Don't ask me why, but they were originally sealed for 100 years. And then in 1965 President Linden Johnson
said, well, it's so close to the Kennedy assassination, if people read the Lincoln documents, it might make them
think funny things about Kennedy, so he classified them for another 50 years. So now the grand children of
anybody around Lincoln was around are long dead, and these documents are still -- still classified. And we're
talking today about a case that's 100 years more immediate than Lincoln. And the establishment is still the
establishment.
Q. Mr. Schaap, thank you very much for joining us this afternoon.
A. Thank you.
MR. PEPPER: Nothing further, Your Honor.
THE COURT: Just a moment. Mr. Garrison?
MR. GARRISON: Your Honor, I have no questions of this witness.
THE COURT: You have nothing. Very well. Sir, you may stand down. Thank you very much.
THE WITNESS: Thank you, Your Honor.
(Witness excused.)
(Court adjourned until December 1, 1999, at 10:00 a.m.)
10/10/2016 Operation Mockingbird - 9/11 Review
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Operation Mockingbird The Subversion Of America's Free Press By
Top Topics: The CIA. March 24, 2000.
FrontPage "You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple

hundred dollars a month." CIA operative discussing with Philip
Conspiracy Of Silence
Political Art Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and prices of
Anthrax Attacks journalists willing to peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories.
Inside Job "Katherine The Great," by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan
Leahy Vs Ashcroft
200406
Square Press, 1991)
McMedia
Patriot Act As terrible as it is to live in a nation where the press in known to be
Building 7 Collapse controlled by the government, at least one has the advantage of
Guardian
Muslims Suspend
knowing the bias is present, and to adjust for it. In the United States
Physics of America, we are taught from birth that our press is free from such
Latest Headlines government meddling. This is an insideous lie about the very nature
OngoingCoverup
Air Force Stand down
of the news institution in this country. One that allows the
Coverup By White government to lie to us while denying the very fact of the lie itself.
House
Flight 77 BlackBoxes Tales from the Crypt The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's
Flights
Operation MOCKINGBIRD By Alex Constantine.
In His Own Words
InsiderTrading
OpenAndFairTrials Who Controls the Media?
Pentagon Attack Cctv
Video Soulless corporations do, of course. Corporations with grinning,
Prior Knowledge
Osama Bin Asset
doublebreasted executives, interlocking directorates, labor
BinLaden squabbles and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. CocaCola.
Bin Laden Confession Disney. Newspapers should have mastheads that mirror the world:
Cia Visas For Patsies
The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The AtlanticRichfield
Experienced Skeptics
Hijackers Alive Intelligentser . It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of
AndWell armchair ombudsmen that the public print reports news from a
Hijackers Patsies parallel universe one that has never heard of politicallymotivated
Pentagon Attack
Flight77
assassinations, CIA Mafia banking thefts, mind control, death
Flight 77 Sites squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened by
Pentagon Attack cocaine sales a place overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and
Damage
Pentagon Attack
Mafia are usually on their best behavior. In this idyllic land, the most
Debris serious infraction an official can commit __is a the employment of a
Pentagon Attack Fire domestic servant with (shudder) no residency status.
Pentagon Attack
Legend
Pentagon Mascal
Pentagon Plane Rotor
Pentagon Strike It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold
Flight 77 Patsies war, when the CIA began a systematic infiltration of the corporate
Flight77 Witnesses
Killtown
media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news
PentagonAttackHole outlets.
Pentagon Attack
Videos In this period, the American intelligence services competed with
Pentagon Attack
Witnesses Blast
communist activists abroad to influence European labor unions. With
http://911review.org/Wiki/OperationMockingbird.shtml 1/28
Sept 11 WebSites or without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an
Grable,Rosalee
TrustedNewsSites
undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign
Twin Towers Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war
Whats Next underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy
Coordination. Philip Graham, a graduate of the Army Intelligence
More topics... School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington Post.,
was taken under Wisner's wing to direct the program codenamed
News:
911 Ommission TortureAct
CanadasPatriotAct3 Your Ad Here
ChemtrailsOverOttawa
TrustedNewsSites "By the early 1950s," writes former Village Voice reporter Deborah
Davis in Katharine the Great, "Wisner 'owned' respected members
Essays:
of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications
BogusWarOnTerrorism
FemaTheSecretGovernment
vehicles, plus stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a
TruthLiesLegendof911
former CIA analyst." The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a
DUTrojanHorse templar for German and American corporations who wanted their
points of view represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD
Viewpoints: influenced 25 newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act as
Conspiracy Of Silence organs of CIA propaganda. Many of these were already run by men
FraudulentLegislation with reactionary views, among them William Paley (CBS), C.D.
WhatsNext Jackson (Fortune), Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger
StanleyHiltonLawsuit (N.Y. Times).
Mirrors: Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since
geocities.com/killtown been appalled to f__ind in FOIA documents that agents boasting in
elitewatch.netfirms.com CIA office memos of their pride in having placed "important assets"
lightscion.com inside every major news publication in the country. It was not until
baltech.org/lederman 1982 that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA
angieon911.com
payroll have acted as case officers to agents in the field.
"World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March,
1947. "It is in the opening skirmish stage already." The issue
featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who called for the
creation of an "American Empire," "worlddominating in political
power, set up at least in part through coercion (probably including
war, but certainly the threat of war) and in which one group of people
... would hold more than its equal share of power."
George Seldes, the famed antifascist media critic, drew down on
Luce in 1947, explaining that "although avoiding typical Hitlerian
phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the
world and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the
organs of Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine
Secret inevitably leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets
under the American flag."
Evidence
On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between
######### the CIA and William Paley, a wartime colonel and the founder of
CBS. A firm believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to
the Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to work undercover at the
behest of his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation's
media, Allen Dulles. Paley's designated gobetween in his dealings
with the CIA was Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954
to 1961.
The CIA's assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the
Operations Coordination Board, directed by C.D. Jackson, formerly
an executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant
for Cold War Strategy. In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson
Rockefeller, who quit a year later, disgusted at the administration's
political infighting. Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as
the key cold war strategist.
"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice
Department's Office of Special Investigations, took "a small boy's
delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft the hidden
microphones, the 'black' propaganda." Nixon especially enjoyed his
visit to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis in the "special
One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence
underground was heroin smuggler Hubert von Blcher, the son of A
German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained
by the Abwehr, the German military intelligence division, while still a
civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit of the German
Army until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his
wartime records. He worked briefly as an assistant director for
BerlinFilm on a movie entitled One Day ..., and finished out the war
flying with the Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy his mission
was the smuggling of Nazi loot out of the country. His exploits were,
in part, the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of
the knockover of the Reichsbank at the end of the war.
In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer
named Huberto von Bleucher Corell, he immediately paid court to
Eva Peron, presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a
selection from the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from
Europe's Jews?). Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the Hotel
Plaza to deliver German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed
the birth of the National Socialist Party in Argentina, among other
forms of Nazi revival.
In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color
Corporation of America in Hollywood. He eked out a living writing
scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can be heard on a
film set in the Amazon, produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he
returned to Buenos Aires, then Dsseldorf, West Germany, and
established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti
chemical warfare agents for the government. At the Industrie Club in
Dsseldorf in 1982, von Blcher boasted to journalists, "I am chief
shareholder of Pan American Airways. I am the best friend of
Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent
financed by me. I am thus the biggest financier ever to appear in the
Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by these people over their second
bottle of brandy."
Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken
dreams of worldmoving affluence were, in their time, Moses
Annenberg, publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son
Walter , the CIA / mob anchored publisher of the TV Guide. Like
most American highrollers, Annenberg lived a double life. Moses,
his father, was a scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter
were indicted in 1939 for tax evasions totalling many millions of
dollars the biggest case in the history of the Justice Department.
Moses pled guilty and agreed to pay the government $8 million and
settle $9 million in assorted tax claims, penalties and interest debts.
Moses received a threeyear sentence. He died in Lewisburg
Penitentiary.
Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican.
On the campaign trail in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los
Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet. "This is the topping on the
cake," Bush's regional campaign director told the Los Angeles
Times. The Bush team met at Annenberg's plush Rancho Mirage
estate at Sunnylands, California. It was at the Annenberg mansion
that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the state's social and
contributor registers built over a quartercentury of state political
dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose acting career was launched
by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's
recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a CIA front, presented the
intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing
propaganda and even prying in the age of Big Brother. George
Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient video
surveillance technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the
first edition published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace. Operation
Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a
surveillance program that turned any television set with tubes into a
broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and
visual images with the equipment as far as 25 miles away.
Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his
disappearance in the midst of the Watergate probe.
In 1952, at MCA, Actors' Guild president Ronald Reagan a screen
idol recruited by MOCKINGBIRD's Crusade for Freedom to raise
funds for the resettlement of Nazis in the U.S., according to Loftus
signed a secret waiver of the conflictofinterest rule with the mob
controlled studio, in effect granting it a labor monopoly on early
television programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part
owner. Furthermore, historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New
York Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan had "fed the names of
suspect people in his organization to the FBI secretly and regularly
enough to be assigned 'an informer's code number, T10.' His FBI
file indicates intense collaboration with producers to 'purge' the
No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former
intelligence officer and in the immediate postwar period UPI's
Moscow correspondent. Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation
MOCKINGBIRD's Phil Graham, according to Deborah Davis.
Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horrorfilm
simian from CIA and Mafia heroin operations. Among other
organizedcrime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor
Lowell Thomas threw in to launch the infamous Resorts
International, the corporate front for Lansky's branch of the federally
sponsored mob family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities.
Another of the investors was James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive
who donated $100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This
was the year that Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests.
Police in New jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the
issuance of a gambling license to the company, citing Mafia ties.
In 1954, this same circle of investors, all Catholics, founded the
broadcasting company notorious for overt propagandizing and
general spookiness. The company's chief counsel was OSS veteran
William Casey, who clung to his shares by concealing them in a
blind trust even after he was appointed CIA director by Ronald
Reagan in 1981.
"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The
Invisible Government to describe the agency's intertwining interests
in the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who
took to the airwaves. "Daily, East and West beam hundreds of
propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of
competition for the minds of their listeners. The lowprice transistor
has given the hidden war a new importance," enthused one foreign
correspondent.
A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda
push. One of them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR),
received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the CIA through
private foundations and trusts. OPR research was the basis of a
television series that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in
1964, Of People and Politics, a "study" of the American political
system in 21 weekly installments.
In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia
combination that formed Cap Cities sank its claws into the film
studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the
Army during the war by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters
in the film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by
the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures
mogul who visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his
return to Hollywood remodeled his office after the dictator's. The
only honest job Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent
(and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy,
a former producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's
representative on the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia
investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments
with Billy Wilkerson, publisher of the Hollywood Reporter.
In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of
the CIA's covert operations budget. Some 3, 000 salaried and
contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda
efforts. The cost of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers
an estimated $265 million a year by 1978, a budget larger than the
combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI and the AP news
syndicates.
In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely
with the intelligence services in fact, 23 employees were fulltime
Most consumers of the corporate media were and are unaware of
the effect that the salting of public opinion has on their own beliefs.
A network anchorman in time of national crisis is an instrument of
psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. He is a
creature from the national security sector's chamber of horrors. For
this reason consumers of the corporate press have reason to
examine their basic beliefs about government and life in the parallel
universe of these United States.
A Letter to the Washington Post by Julian C. Holmes April 25, 1992
Richard Harwood, Ombudsman The Washington Post 1150 15th
Street NW Washington, DC 20071
Dear Mr. Harwood,
Your Ad Here
Though the Washington Post does not overextend itself in the
pursuit of hard news, just let drop the faintest rumor of a government
"conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room. Aroused
scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning: the
greatest single threat to herdjournalism, corporate profits, and
government stability the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!
It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or
accosted by any of these frightful spectres, but their presence is
announced to Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the
tricky, sticky webs spun by the wacko "CONSPIRACY THEORISTS".
Recall how the Post saved us from the truth about IranContra.
Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to
ridicule the idea that Oliver North and his CIAassociated gangsters
had conspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in their syndicated
column, Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the
conspirators, the Post sprang to protect its readers, and the
conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column before printing it
(*2).
But for some time the lid had been coming off the IranContra
conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith center for law
and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S. armsfordrugs
trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the CIA Contra army in
Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets (*3). In 1988 Leslie
Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work on our bizarre,
illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this
discovery process by disparaging the charges of conspiracy and by
publishing false information about the drugsmuggling evidence
presented to the House Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and
Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D
NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only a partial
correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from Rangel
(*5).
Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry's Subcommittee on
Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S.
Government complicity in the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the
arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the everaccommodating Post
shifted gears and retained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a
newly emerging threat to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise"
conspiracy (*7). But close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post
came Barbara Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored
independently, two years apart, books with the same title, "October
Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a member of the Reagan / Bush
campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of
Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the staff of the
National Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter, and
Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick
published their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to
supply arms to Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United
States hostages until after the November 1980 election. The
purpose of this deal was to quash the possibility of a preelection
release(an October surprise). which would have bolstered the
reelection prospects for President Carter.
Others published details of this alleged ReaganBush conspiracy. In
Hostage"; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991
a conference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former
the statement of the hostages, but not a word of the conference
itself which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building
Auditorium (*10). On February 5, 1992 a gunshy, uninspired House
of Representatives begrudgingly authorized an "October Surprise"
investigation by a task force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee
Hamilton (DIN). who had chaired the House of Representatives
IranContra Committee. Hamilton has named as chief team counsel
Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank was
indicted in 1988 (*11).
Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in
pursuing the U.S. armsfordrugs operation (*12). He had accepted
Oliver North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence
Committee he derailed House Resolution 485 which had asked
President Reagan to answer questions about Contra support
activities of government officials and others (*13). After CIA
operative John Hull (from Hamilton's home state), was charged in
Costa Rica with "international drug trafficking and hostile acts
against the nation's security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of
Congress tried to intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias
Sanchez into handling Hull's case "in a manner that will not
complicate U.S.Costa Rican relations" (*14). The Post did not report
the Hamilton letter or the Costa Rican response that declared Hull's
case to be "in as good hands as our 100 year old uninterrupted
democracy can provide to all citizens" (*15).
Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from
conspiracy theories, it is difficult to avoid the fact that so much
wrongdoing involves government or corporate conspiracies:
The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by
"destroying crops, brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and
conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other
leaders" (*17).
Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the United
States was effectively prevented from developing or producing [for
World WarII] any substantial amount of synthetic rubber," said
Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin (*18).
dosages of radiation "almost certain to produce thyroid abnormalities
or cancer" that contaminated people residing near the nuclear
weapons factory at Hanford, Washington (*19).
weapons sites (*20). State and local governments back the nuclear
industry's secret public relations strategy (*21).
"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and
some twenty comprehensive cancer centers, have misled and
confused the public and Congress by repeated claims that we are
winning the war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment
has continually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates
which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while
discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable eposures to
industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and the workplace."
(*22).
The Bush Administration coverup of its preGulfWar support of Iraq
"is yet another example of the President's people conspiring to keep
both Congress and the American people in the dark" (*23).
If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of doing
business in this country.
Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to
spend $100 million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated
Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26). rather than
examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish invasion, like
"anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death" (*27).
Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft
from the INSLAW company of sophisticated, lawenforcement
computer software which "now point to a widespread conspiracy
implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of INSLAW's
technology", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson
(*28).
Or Watergate.
Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where the
White House knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of Crooks
and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence
agencies did their secret banking (*31), and where bribery of
prominent American public officials "was a way of doing business"
(*32).
criminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with gas and
dieselpowered buses and to monopolize the sale of buses and
related products to transportation companies throughout the
country" [in, among others, the cities of New York, Philadelphia,
Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles]
(*33).
Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (DCT).
Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon
Shield intrauterine contraceptive, and which ignored repeated
warnings of the Shield's hazards and which "stonewalled, deceived,
covered up, and
covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a worldwide
epidemic of pelvic infections." (*35).
Or that cooperation between Mc Donnell Douglas Aircraft Company
and the FAA resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding the
unsafe DC10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all 364
passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 (*36).
Or the nowbanned, cancerproducing pregnancy drug
ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted
"in concert with each other in the testing and marketing of DES for
miscarriage purposes" (*37).
cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of their
savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White House, Congress
and corporate world for the interests and rights of the American
people" will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of billions of dollars
(*38).
Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General
Electric executives who met surreptitiously in hotel rooms to fix
prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial equipment
(*39).
Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for
fabricating safety tests on prescription drugs (*40).
Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge
of medical problemsrelating to asbestos (*41).
Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies
"agreed not to engage in any effective price competition" (*42).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the
Congress to cover up the nature of our decadesold war against the
people of Nicaragua
applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a
more repressive force (*43).
Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere
in the Chilean election process with military aid, covert actions, and
an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of the
legitimately elected government and the assassination of President
Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State
Henry Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance terrorism
in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful
elections in October 1975, and to lie about these actions to the
Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA Director George
Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.sponsored terrorism (*46).
Panama in 1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the United
States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal
Treaties (*47).
strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the Britishowned
AngloIranian Oil Company in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow
by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed Mossadegh
(*49).
Or the CIAplanned assassination of Congo headofstate Patrice
Lumumba (*50).
Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the
Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the
head the CIA, in the face of "unmistakable evidence that Gates lied
about his role in the IranContra scandal" (*52).
Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's
Solidarity Movement and Hasten the Demise of Communism" (*53).
the use of USAID funds by any country "for the promotion of birth
control or abortion" (*54).
Or "the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve
common purpose in Central America" (*55).
Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strongman and mass murderer
civilianmilitary cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of the
Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine soldiers
accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are graduates
of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel (*56).
Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant
administration to harass and cause bodily harm to whistleblower
Linda Porter who uncovered dangerous working conditions at the
facility (*57).
Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government
of South Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the 1968
U.S. presidential election (*58).
Or the always safetocite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60).
Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the
Washington Post offers little comment unless conspiracy theorizing
threatens to expose a really important conspiracy that, let's say,
benefits big business or big government.
Your Ad Here
Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953
overthrow of the Iranian government to help out U.S. oil companies;
or like our illegal war against Panama to tighten U.S. control over
Panama and the Canal; or like monopoly control of broadcasting
that facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public importance
(*62). When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away,
public confidence in the conspiring officials can erode depending
on how seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have
violated the public trust. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is
what the Post seems to see as a real threat to its corporate security.
Oliver Stone's movie "JFK", which reexamines the U.S.
Government's official (Warren Commission. finding that a single
gunman, acting alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie
also is the story of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's
unsuccessful prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in
connection with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the
Kennedy assassination was the work of conspirators whose
interests would not be served by a president who, had he lived,
might have disengaged us from our war against Vietnam.
The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination
along lines suggested by "JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles
Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil Mc Combs, and
Michael Isikoff, have been called up to man the bulwarks against
public sentiment which has never supported the government's non
conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that the
Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both
the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission"
(*63) and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on
Assassinations found that President Kennedy was probably killed
"as a result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number of Post
conspiracy (*65).
Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor
Stephen Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will,
and George Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy
could have had second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War
and declaim that there is no historical justification for this idea.
Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison
chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John
Newman have each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that
Kennedy was not enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But
the Post team just continues ranting against the possibility of a high
level assassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its
arguments.
against the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the
movie was completed, and the third upon its release. In May, six
months before the movie came out, Lardner obtained a copy of the
first draft of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed
in the Post the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this
article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements
from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner does
not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S.
Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government
witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution,
admitted under oath that in a May 1972 interview with a New
Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S.
Government's case against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's
1973 account of the Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy,
but when I recently asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to
whether he remembered it (*71).
Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his way
through a justification for his unauthorized possession of the early
Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".
When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it
(*73). He again ridiculed the film's thesis that following the Kennedy
assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to de
escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by
Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this
memorandum was written before the assassination, and that it "was
a continuation of Kennedy's policy". In fact, the memorandum was
drafted the day before the assassination by Mc George Bundy
(Kennedy's Assistant for National Security Affairs) Kennedy was in
Texas, and may never have seen it. Following the assassination, it
was rewritten; and the final version provided for escalating the war
against Vietnam (*74) facts that Lardner avoided.
The Post's crusade against exposing conspiracies is blatantly
dishonest:
The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination
was for the most part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the
Post (*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find meaningful
discussion of the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both
the FBI and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters
instructing coconspirators at field stations to counteract the "new
wave of books and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's
findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown
suspicion on our organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem
with liaison and friendly elite contacts, especially politicians and
editors "and to "employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the
attacks of the critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are
particularly appropriate for this purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is
to provide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the
In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine
The Great, the story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her
newspaper's close ties with Washington's powerful elite, a number of
whom were with the CIA.
Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis
claim that Bradlee had "produced CIA material" (*78).
Understandably sensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee told
Davis' publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,"Miss Davis is lying ...I
never produced CIA material ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis
as a fool and to put your company in that special little group of
publishers who don't give a shit for the truth". The Post bullied HBJ
into recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued
HBJ for breach of contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled
out of court; and Davis published her book elsewhere with an
appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply involved
with producing coldwar/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the
allegations about his association with people in the CIA are false,
but he has apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive
documentation presented by Deborah Davis in the second and third
editions of her book (*80).
became a widespread practice:the use and manipulation of
journalists by the CIA" (*81). This scandal was known by its code
name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter
Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was
widely known that Phil Graham was someone you could get help
from" (*82). More recently the Post provided cover for CIA
personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to print his name for over
a year up until the day his indictmen twas announced ...for crimes
committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica"
(*83).
Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at
which the availability and prices of journalists were discussed, a
former CIA man recalls, "You could get a journalist cheaper than a
good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One may
wish to consider Philip Graham's philosophy along with a more
recent statement from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman
of the Board of the Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and
the news media, Mrs. Graham said: "A second challenge facing the
media is how to prevent terrorists from using the media as a
platform fortheir views. ... The point is that we generally know when
we are being manipulated, and we've learned better how and where
to draw the line, though the decisions are often difficult" (*85).
Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified
that our elite and our highlevel public officials may be exposed as
conspirators behind Contra drugsmuggling, October Surprise, or
the assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly
remarkable in that, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post
runs its business as a conspiracy of likeminded entrepreneurs a
conspiracy "to act or work together toward the same result or goal"
(*86). But where the Post really parts company from just plain
people is when it pretends that conspiracies associated with big
business or government are "coincidence". Post reporter Lardner
vents the frustration inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy.
He lashes out at Oliver Stone and suggests that Stone may actually
believe that the Post's opposition to Stone's movie is a "conspiracy".
Lardner assures us that Stone's complaints are "groundless and
paranoid and smack of Mc Carthyism" (*87).
So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing
those who investigate conspiracies?
generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always
And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence
theory" is what the Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit
to a conspiracy. In other words, some things just "happen". And,
besides, conspiracy to do certain things would be a crime;
"coincidence" is a safer bet.
Executive Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of
Coincidence Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about
presidential candidates "who have begun to mutter about a press
conspiracy". Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these
charges as "symptoms of the media paranoia that quadrennially
engulfs members of the American political class" (*92). But a fatal
mistake was made by the mutterers; they used the "C" word against
the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his offthecuff comment into an
entire column ending it with:"We are the new journalists,
immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing waters of political
conformity. But conspirators we ain't".
Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29year
veteran of the Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for
Investigative Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive,
Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger Why the Media
Cover Up Corporate Crime". Therein he discussed the difficulties in
convincing editors to accept important news stories. He illustrated
the article with his own experiences at the Post, where he says he
was known as "the biggest pain in the ass in the office" (*93).
Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands
of editors is a matter of random coincidence?
editors without influence from fellow editors or from management?
Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless office
"meetings" in which news people are ever in attendance, there is no
discussion of which stories will run and which ones will find
inadequate space? That there is no advanced planning for stories or
that there are no cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the
face of our newsmedia "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry
Agran, (*94) a Post journalist would be free to give news space to
candidate Agran equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate
Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about as likely as
Barbara Bush entertaining guests at a soup kitchen.
Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his
account of wireservice control over news: "The largely anonymous
men who control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the
central wire photo machines determine at a single decision what
millions will see and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these
gatekeepers preside over an operation in which an appalling amount
of press agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism
and marches untouched out the front door as 'news'" (*95).
When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington,
Judge Clarence Thomas violated U.S. law when he failed to remove
himself from a case in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10
million judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston
Purina, the animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas'
mentor, Senator John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the
Thomas malfeasance to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200
word article (*97). Would Harwood have us believe that the almost
complete blackout on this matter by the major news media and the
U.S. Senate was a matter of coincidence? Could a Post reporter
have written a story about Ralston Purina if she had wanted to? Can
a brick swim?
Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's
Public Citizen. Titled All the Vice President's Men, it documents
"How the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines
Health, Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later,
Post journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published "The
President's Understudy", a sevenpart series on Vice President
Quayle. Although this series does address Quayle's role with the
Competitiveness Council, its handling of the Council's disastrous
impact on America is inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly
aimless chatter about Quayle memorabilia: youth, family, college
record, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations,
wealthy friends, government associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn,
and net worth revealing little about Quayle's abilities, his
understanding of society's problems, or his thoughts about justice
and freedom, and never mentioning the comprehensive Nader study
of Quayle's record in the Bush Administration (*98).
Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or
did both of them forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not
to mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters
ever discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide
to publish such a barren set of articles because it would enhance
their reputations? How did management feel about the use of
precious news space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many
pages were dedicated to this twaddle without people "acting or
working together toward the same result or goal"? (*99) Do
crocodiles fly?
On March 20, frontpage headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the
New York Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read
respectively:
TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE
CLEARING CLINTON'S PATH
TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON
CLEAR PATH TOWARD SHOWDOWN WITH BUSH
This display of editorial independence should at least raise
questions of whether the news media collective mindset is really
different from that of any other cartel like oil, diamond, energy,
(*100) or manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a combination of
independent commercial enterprises designed to limit competition"
(*101).
must monitor the staff. But we all know how few microseconds it
takes a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are
"safe", and that experienced reporters don't have to ask.
What is more important, however, than speculating about how the
Post communicates within its own corporate structure and with other
members of the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post
does in public, namely, how it shapes and censors the news.
Sincerely,
Julian C. Holmes
Copies to: Publicspirited citizens, both inside and outside the news
media, And maybe a few others.
Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and
to Robert Gates.
2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "IranContra Figure Dodges
Extradition", Washington MerryGoRound, United Feature
Syndicate, May 26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post
(see note 2a)..
2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington
Doesn't Want to Extradite", Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The
column (see note 2b). as it appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..
3a. Case No. 861146CIVKING, Amended Complaint for RICO
Conspiracy, etc., United States District Court, Southern District of
Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October
3, 1986.
3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send
Drugs to U.S.", Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.
3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on
interviews with Robert Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego
Reader, April 5, 1990.
3. 5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics,
University ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179181.
5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking
Contras to Drug Smuggling", Washington Post, July 22, 1987,
p.A07.
5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22,
Washington Post, July 24,1987, p.A3.
5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee
Chairman Rangel's Letter totheEditor of July 22, 1987. It was
printed in the Congressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E32967.
6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra
Drug Trail", Boston Globe, April 10, 1988.
6b. Mary Mc Grory, "The ContraDrug Stink", Washington Post,
April 10, 1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for
Drugs? Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George
Bush's Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.
6d. Dennis Bernstein, "IranContra The Coverup Continues", The
6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report
Prepared by the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and
International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
United States Senate, December
4. 7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian
7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version
of the 1980 'Hostage Deal' Story Is Still Full of Holes", Washington
8b. Gary Sick, October Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random
House,
5. 9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held
Hostage", Playboy, October 1988, p.73.
FRONTLINE, WGBHTV,April 16, 1991.
10a. Reuter, "ExHostages Seek Probe By Congress", Washington
Post, June 14,1991,p.A4.
10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate
Office Building Auditorium, Washington DC, June 13, 1991;
Sponsored by The Fund For New Priorities in America, 171
Madison Avenue, New York, NY,
6. 11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into
11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise",
The Guardian, December 11, 1991, p.7.
11c. Jack Colhoun, "October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer",
The Guardian, February 26, 1992, p.3.
7. See note 5a, p.1801.
13a. See note 4, p.229, 2401.
IranContra Affair, Senate Report No. 100216, House Report No.
100433, November 1987, p.139141.
14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of
the Republic of Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress
David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave Mc Curdy, Dan Burton, Mary
Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank Mc Closkey, Cass Ballenger,
Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe,
Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary
Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob Mc Ewen; January 26,
1989.
14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer
in U.S. Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb
Attack in Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990.
14c. "Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer", Scripps
Howard News Service,April 25, 1991.
8. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC,
On the Case of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John
Hull", February 6, 1989.
10. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard The U.S. Role in the New
The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free
Press, Macmillan, 1978, p.93.
12. R. Jeffrey Smith, "Study of APlant Neighbors' Health Urged",
13. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend Price Tag
Mounts to Clean Up Nuclear Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun,
February 23, 1992, p.1K.
p.15.
22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer:
Need for PublicPolicy Reform", Congressional Record, April 2,
1992, p.E9479.
22b. Samuel S. Epstein, "The Cancer Establishment", Washington
Post, March 10, 1992.
23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of
the BNL Scandal", Congressional Record, March 30, 1992,
p.H20052014.
23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on
PreWar Iraq Policy", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,
p.H2285.
congressional requests for information and documents", April 8,
1991; Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285.
24a. Michio Kaku, "Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses",
The
24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and
White Case", Variety Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25.
16. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus Luis Vasquez
Ajmac Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian Project", Washington Post,
November 18, 1991, p.Bus.8.
17. Hans Koning, "Teach the Truth About Columbus", Washington
Post, September 3,1991, p.A19.
28a. James Kilpatrick, "SoftwarePiracy Case Emitting Big Stench",
St. Louis Post/Dispatch, March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L.
Richardson, "A HighTech Watergate", New York Times, October
21,1991.
18. "BCCI NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript
19. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst;
from an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29,
p.5.
23. See note 33, p.1367.
24. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the
Dalkon Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber,
see note 33, p.157.
25. See note 33, p.164171.
26. See note 33, p.172180.
27. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random
House,
29. See note 33, p.217.
30. See note 33, p.235.
31. See note 33, p.277288.
32. See note 33, p.323.
34. William Blum, The CIA A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books
Ltd., 1986,p.232243.
45a. John Stockwell, In Search of Enemies, New York: Norton,
1978.
45b. See note 44, p.284291.
35. See note 17, p.18.
47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee
for Panama (James Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published
in The Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163.
47b. Philip E. Wheaton, Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press,
1992, p.1457.
48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York:
Bantam Books, 1977,p.521.
49a. See note 44, p.6776.
49b. See note 48a, p.5301.
36. Ralph W. Mc Gehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square
37. HR3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections
in Nicaragua". Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on
October 4, 1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on
October 17 by a vote of 64 to 35.
38. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post",
The Guardian,November 20, 1991, p.6.
39. Carl Bernstein, Time, February 24, 1992, Cover Story p.2835.
1992, p.35.
56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand
Mission", Benning Patriot, February 21, 1992, p.12.
Expansion", News Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330,
Columbus, Georgia 31903.
January 29,1992, p.18.
59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence
Against Police", Boston Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1.
59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in
Boston Case", Washington Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3.
59e. Jay Mathews, "L.A. Police Laughed at Beating", Washington
Post, March 19, 1991, p.A1.
59f. David Maraniss, "One Cop's View of Police Violence",
Washington Post, April 12,1991, p.A1.
59g. From News Services, "Police Abuse Detailed", Washington
Post, February 8, 1992,p.A8.
62b. See note 47b, p.6376.
June 24, 1987. The Post opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting
Act.
46. David E. Scheim, Contract on America The Mafia Murder of
p.viii.
47. See note 63, p.28.
65a. Chuck Conconi, "Out and About", Washington Post, February
26, 1991, p.B3.
65c. George Lardner, "...Or Just a Sloppy Mess", Washington Post,
June 2, 1991,p.D3.
65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories
When Do We Dig Up BillCasey?", Washington Post, July 5, 1991,
p.A19.
65e. Eric Brace, "Personalities", Washington Post, October 31,
1991, p.C3.
65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned Warren
Commission Attorney Calls Stone Film 'A Big Lie'", Washington
Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14.
65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination:
How About the Truth?", Washington Post, December 17, 1991,
p.A21.
65h. Rita Kemply, "'JFK': History Through A Prism", Washington
Post, December 20,1991, p.D1.
65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't In 'JFK', Stone
Assassinates the Truth", Washington Post, December 20, 1991,
p.D2.
65j. Desson Howe, "Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?", Washington
Post, December 20,1991, p.55.
65k. Phil Mc Combs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire In
Defending His 'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His
Rage and Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991,
p.F1.
65m. "On Screen", 'JFK' movie review, Washington Post,
Weekend, December 27, 1991.
65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Shadow Play", Washington Post,
December 27, 1991, p.A21.
65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The Paranoid Style", Washington
Post, December 29,1991, p.C7.
65p. Michael Isikoff, "Heeeere's Conspiracy! Why Did Oliver
Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?",
Washington Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.
65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts
Moviegoers Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted
Alone", Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.
65r. Michael R. Beschloss, "Assassination and Obsession",
Washington Post, January 5, 1992, p.C1.
65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless",
Washington Post, January 10,1992, p.A19.
65t. Art Buchwald, "Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy", Washington
Post, January 14, 1992,p.E1.
65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories Good on
Film, But the Motivation Is All Wrong", Washington Post, January
19, 1992, p.G1.
65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie America's Resort to
January 19, 1992, p.5.
January 21,1992, p.A17.
65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken Conspiracy Theorists
Are Everywhere", Washington Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5.
65z. Joel Achenbach, "JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts",
Washington Post, February 28, 1992, p.C5.
65A. List of books on the bestseller list: On the Trail of the
Assassins is characterized as "conspiracy plot theories",
Washington Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12
67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the
Pentagon Papers". Published in The Senator Gravel Edition of The
Pentagon Papers, Volume V,p.211247.
67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy The Secret Road to
the Second Indochina War, Indianapolis/New York: BobbsMerrill,
1972, p. 215224.
p.402416.
67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 2734.
Your Ad Here
67e. John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam, New York: Warner
Books, 1992.
1992, p.290.
68a. See note 65b.
68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of
the JFK Assassination", Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.
50. See note 65b.
Books, 1988, 315/318.
53. See note 65c.
54. See note 65i.
55. See note 67e, p.438450.
76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's SelfDoubts Grew Day by
Day 'This Bullet Business Leaves Me Confused'", Washington
Star, September
20, 1975, p.A1.
76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren
Commission Dulles Proposed that the Minutes be Destroyed",
Washington Star, September 21, 1975,p.A1.
Jovanovich, 1979,p.1412.
79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship Killing 'Katharine The Great'",
79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National
Press,
my subsequent lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich
chairman, William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of
Katharine the Great] had been "processed and converted into
waste paper"".
79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men A Suppressed Book
About Washington Post Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale
Again" National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.
79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan
Square Press, 1991. "...publishers who don't give a shit", p.ivv;
bullying HBJ into recalling the book, p.ivvi; lawsuit and settlement,
p..
note 79d, p.304.
61. See note 79d, p.119132.
62. Carl Bernstein, "The CIA and the Media How America's Most
Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central
Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered It
Up", Rolling Stone, October 20, 1977, p.63.
83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The
Washington Post, September 15, 1988. The letter asks for the
Post's rationale for its policy of protecting government covert
actions, and whether this policy is still in effect.
83b. Daniel Brandt, "Little Magazines May Come and Go", The
National Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the Post's protection of the
identity of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, "America
needs to confront its own recent history as well as protect the
interests of its citizens, and both can be accomplished by outlawing
peacetime covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity
of Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike
forces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wishlists."
83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28,
1988. Harwood's two sentence letter reads, "We have a long
standing policy of not naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in
unusual circumstances. We applied that policy to Fernandez."
63. See note 79d, p.131.
64. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover
Terrorist Acts", Washington Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.
65. "conspire", 4Random House Dictionary of the English Language,
66. Howard Kurtz, "Media Notes", Washington Post, June 18, 1991,
p.D1.
67. See note 65y.
68. See note 65n.
69. See note 65d.
Richard Harwood, "What Conspiracy?", Washington Post, March 1,
1992, p.C6.
71. p. 2932.
94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information
Services Inc., April 25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill
Clinton appeared in 878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters,
or editorials; "Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry
Agran in 28. In those 28, Agran's name appeared 76 times,
Clinton's 151, and Brown
94b. Colman Mc Carthy, "What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?",
Washington Post, February 1, 1992. Washington Post columnist
Mc Carthy tells how television and party officials have kept
presidential candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's own
daily newsblackout of Agran is not discussed.
94c. Scot Lehigh, "Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little
Chance For the Big Prize", Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.
94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, "The Press Rejects a Candidate",
Columbia Journalism Review,March/April, 1992.
73. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By
The Press, NewYork: Harper and Row, 1972, p.367.
96b. Alpo Petfoods, Inc. v. Ralston Purina Co., 913 F2d 958 (CA
DC 1990)..
96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court Nominee
'Unfit to Sit' For Failing to Recuse In Ralston Purina Case", Legal
Times, August 26, 1991.
96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge
Clarence Thomas to become a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court
on the grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to U.S.
Senator Joseph R. Biden, October 15, 1991.
Decry What Process Has Become", Washington Post, October 12,
1991, p.A1.
76. See note 86.
drilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict,
pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore
oil drilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be
NOTES:
A good source on the Washington Post and Katharine Graham's
attempt to suppress the Davis book,"Katherine The Great,", which
was largely successful, is Carol Felsenthal's, "Power and Privilege
at the Post, the Katharine Graham Story."
For more information on Johnny Rosselli and Moses and Walter
Annenberg, an excellent source is "All American Mafioso, the
Johnny Rosselli Story," by Ed Becker and Charles Rappelye.
An additional good short reference is "The CIA's Greatest Hits" by
Mark Zepezauer. There you will find the reference to Carl
Bernstein's classic "The CIA and the Media" which appeared in
Rolling Stone on Oct. 20,
Still another recent example of the CIA's control of the media is the
spiking of Sally Denton's & Roger Morris' story,"The Crimes Of
Mena" by Washington Post managing editor Bob Kaiser even
though the story had been legally vetted and cleared for
publication. Indeed the story, which details the CIA's involvement in
drug trafficing, was already typeset and ready to go when it was
killed without explanation.
Links:
Homeland Security Contracts for Vast New Detention
Camps
9/11: Mae Brussell vs. Solomon and Parry
SPOOKS AT MT. HOLYOKE
Who Killed Dorothy Kilgallen?
More Spooks at Mt. Holyoke
The price of freedom now is very high: Contribute
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http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Spin1.htm
Media 'SPIN' Part 1 of 2 apfn.org
By Joshua Holland, AlterNet. Posted December 13, 2005
[[In a wide-ranging interview, 'Wag the Dog' author Larry Beinhart describes how members of the news
media censor stories -- even as they publish them. ]]
In a speech this fall, Al Gore spoke of the "strangeness" in our political discourse. He bemoaned the "new
pattern of serial obsessions that periodically take over the airwaves for weeks at a time," and the lack of
desire for accountability in American journalism. On top of all this, the idea that perception is far more
important than reality has become the principle of our broadcast politics, debasing our political discourse to
a game of controlling the spin.
Larry Beinhart has thought long and hard about the nature of message-based politics. Beinhart, author of
the bestselling novel, "Wag the Dog," recently waded into the nonfiction world of 21st-century
communications with his new book "Fog Facts: Searching for Truth in the Land of Spin."
AlterNet caught up with Beinhart outside of Woodstock, New York, in the cabin in the woods he shares
with his wife and son.
What are "fog facts?"
Fog facts are things that have been published or are easily known but have disappeared in the fog. And
there are lots of facts that should disappear in the fog; they're trivia, they're nonsense, and we don't need to
know them. I'm talking about things that are important -- that once you bring them to the foreground it
changes your picture of reality.
How does a fact become a fog fact?
With certain exceptions, news is not automatically big news. The exceptions are dead popes, the World
Series, tsunamis, volcanoes, wars the wars that involve us anyway -- but most news actually becomes
news -- including wars -- because of press releases. The example I always use -- because we're in the
small town of Woodstock -- is the little league schedule. If the little league schedule is going to be in the
newspaper, it's only because the coach or the coach's wife sends it to the newspaper.
Most news originates as a press release or a press conference or an announcement. And if it's going to
stay in the news, it has to get new press releases and new stories. Someone has to work at that, someone
has to invest effort and time to make it a big story. And if nobody does that, it may not be a story at all, or it
may be a one-time item. You know, page 12 of the New York Times, page 26.
And part of what happens is that people in the media -- especially print people -- think that if they're
reported it they've done their job. Their job is not to determine what effect it has on the population, how well
we absorb it, how excited we get about it -- that's not their job. Their job is to get the fact and put it in the
paper. They're done. Then if the fact comes back again, as a new press release or a new twist, they go
with it.
Two great examples are the Oil-For-Food money. Everybody in America knows that there's some kind of
weird scandal about what the U.N. did with the Oil-For-Food money. They don't know exactly what it is but
they
Page 1 ofknow
10 there's something scandalous, that Kofi Annan is a little dirty. Now, as far as
Octanybody's been MDT
10, 2016 02:57:27AM
weird scandal about what the U.N. did with the Oil-For-Food money. They don't know exactly what it is but
they know there's something scandalous, that Kofi Annan is a little dirty. Now, as far as anybody's been
able to tell so far, the corruption and malfeasance involved several hundreds of thousands of dollars at
most, excluding those moneys that Saddam Hussein was able to hold onto, which was generally approved
by all parties or permitted by all parties. But however much the U.N. did wrong was fairly minor.
After the U.S. conquest of Iraq the Oil-For-Food money was transferred to a new entity, the CPA -- the
Coalition Provisional Authority run by Paul Bremer. And about $9 billion dollars of oil money went into the
CPA, plus about $10 billion dollars of other funds went into the CPA. And this money was essentially being
held in trust for the Iraqi government. Now they ripped through about $19 billion dollars of it -- it has
essentially disappeared.
If I remember correctly out of 20 billion dollars there was about half a billion left. And it surfaced in only
about three isolated stories. The reason for that is that there is no constituency that has influence in the
American media that gives a damn about Iraq's money. There's a very big constituency in the United
States that hates the U.N.. And they hate the U.N. because the notion of any restraint on America's
sovereign, unfettered authority is something that just disturbs them to no end. So they were eager to find
things that would tarnish the U.N., so they worked that story very hard -- the right wing -- they pushed that
story and we heard a lot about it.
So one stayed a fog fact and one's a well-known fact.
Another instance is when the media itself will decide that they want to create a fog-fact -- they don't want
something known. The most notorious example of this was the recount that the media itself paid for after
the Florida election in 2000. There was enough controversy about it that a consortium of the major players
in the media business -- the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Tribune Company -- which is the
Chicago Tribune -- the Los Angeles Times, CNN, the Wall Street Journal and the St. Petersburg Times all
got together and said we're going to recount these votes and we're going to find out who really won. And
they went and they spent a million dollars on it. And who really won, presumably, was news.
That was the exciting thing. If they found out that it was Al Gore who won, then obviously on the face of it
that's bigger news than George Bush won. That's old news. Who cares? And when they counted all the
discernible votes -- according to the standard way you could tell what the voter intended, Al Gore won.
So, headlines should have been "Al Gore got more votes" or "Al Gore should have been president," or
"Wrong man elected" or "Supreme Court stopped recount just in time to save Bush." Right? But those
weren't the headlines. The headlines were "Bush won anyway," "Recount shows Bush won," "Recount
shows Supreme Court stopping vote didn't matter."
And the New York Times was the worst offender. Unless you read the story with the care of an accountant,
it was literally impossible to decipher that Al Gore got more votes. The truth is, I didn't figure it out. I read
the story and I thought, "oh shit, that's a disappointment." Two years later I was reading a story by the other
Gore -- Vidal -- and he mentioned it. And I went back and re-read the Times story. And I thought, "Oh my
God. Al Gore got more votes than George Bush. It's astonishing."
And then I read all the others and I said, "This is one of the most amazing media events that I've ever
seen." I want to find out how all seven of them all made the same decision to bury the story. Not to deny the
story, but to bury the story so that they could in good conscience say "we reported the truth." And they did.
And yet they all spun it so heavily that even dedicated lefties and the bloggers all missed it.
Is this a sinister plot, or is something else afoot?
There
Page are
2 of 10 certain structural impediments to how the media functions. We have in the United States
Oct 10, 2016 what'sMDT
02:57:27AM
There are certain structural impediments to how the media functions. We have in the United States what's
known as objective journalism, which contrasted with the European model. In Europe, the newspapers --
and these traditions go back strictly to the newspaper days -- were all owned by political parties or affiliated
with political parties. There was the Communist paper, there was the monarchist paper, there was the
revisionist paper, and there was the Nazi paper, the Social Democrat, the Christian, whatever. So when
you read the paper you knew there was a point of view and you expected it.
We took a different tradition, which was for a long time a very effective and honorable one. The journalist
tries to actually be a non-judgmental gatherer of the facts. You lay them out there in as coherent an order
as possible and then you make up your own mind. Sounds like a Fox News slogan. But there are certain
weaknesses in the system. For anything controversial, it essentially depends on there being two separate
but equal contestants. In political issues if there's a strong liberal and strong conservative view, you get
them into the paper and you can sort it out.
But in certain situations like going to war, in which the administration could play the patriotism card, what
happens is you have George Bush hollering for war. And George Bush got to say, "we're going to war
because they have WMD and they're associated with Al Qaeda." Scott Ritter got up and said, "you know, I
was a weapons inspector and I was there and we got rid of all the weapons. Let me tell you that if there's
anything left -- and there might be something left -- but if there's anything left it probably doesn't work."
O.K., they report it. And Bush shrugs and he goes and he says, "They have weapons of mass destruction --
with nukes."
And the press dutifully reports it because he's the president of the United States. So Scott Ritter goes and
speaks the next time. But the press doesn't report it -- they did Scott Ritter already! Same with Hans Blix.
For every three stories Hans Blix got Colin Powell got 10, Dick Cheney got 50, George Bush got 200,
Condi Rice got another 150 and Rumsfeld got another 100. So in the aggregate number of stories, the
number of times you heard that he had weapon of mass destruction compared to the number of times you
heard he didn't means that the Scott Ritter story for most people disappeared into the fog. And the Hans
Blix thing disappeared into the fog. Even now it's really hard to sort out the sequence of what I think are the
really significant events that have happened.
Every administration uses the media, every administration spins us. Clinton did it, FDR did it, you name it.
They've all done it. Why is this administration different?
It's a combination of things -- sort of a perfect storm. One is that -- this is difficult because it implies motive,
and consciousness -- but these are guys who have an agenda that could not possibly be sold honestly. So,
for them to even do it requires dishonesty. Clinton's dishonesty was largely in his personal life. And
politically, he would attempt to do things and when he found out he couldn't do them he made adjustments
and did something else. I don't know if that's lying or making adjustments, but this is something different.
These are people who very much want, for example, to take Social Security. To them this is just a huge pile
of money just sitting there. And they really wanted to take that money and put it -- and give it to businesses.
They wanted to dump it into Wall Street. What a bonanza! And it makes them crazy that they can't. And if
they know that about themselves, they could not run on that, and say "this is what we want to do," so they
say "we want to save social security."
So whether they can convince themselves that's true, I can't answer. But it requires them to run, in
essence, on something that's not true. Bushenomics is about the use of government for transferring money
from regular people to rich people. That's what government is for in their minds. And all their economic
decisions have done or attempted to do exactly that.
So3 these
Page of 10 are people who have policies that aren't saleable so they have to lie to sell them.
Oct 10,Public relations MDT
2016 02:57:27AM
So these are people who have policies that aren't saleable so they have to lie to sell them. Public relations
has reached a level of maturity -- over the last 20 years public relations has grown up immensely,
especially in the corporate world. When some community group wants to force their local industry to take
PCBs out of the river, the corporations will form a group called Citizens for Healthy Rivers.
And whatever statement they make, it'll read: "and the spokesperson for Citizens for Healthy Rivers says
it's actually better for PCBs to be stuck at the bottom of the river then be churned up by dredging." So
Citizens for Healthy Rivers is opposed to dredging gets repeated over and over again. They've learned to
put fake labels on what they do -- they learned it in business. And we see this administration doing it very
assiduously with their bills: Healthy Forest act, Clear Skies act -- with mercury! -- the methodologies for
doing this have grown up.
So it's a perfect storm. It's an administration that has an agenda that's not sale-able, we have a compliant
media fixated on reporting "he said she said," we have all of these Astroturf citizens groups. Let me put to
you the last question, which is 9/11, before and after. How did that create a proliferation of fog facts?
Once we have 9/11 we have war hysteria. The war hysteria was worst among people in the media. People
in the media were just scared shitless. Perhaps more so in New York than anywhere else. I think that's
what made the New York Times go off the rails. And it caused the deification of George W. Bush. Rather
than point out that on 9/11 he flew to Nebraska -- you know, he didn't go stand at the helm of the ship and
steer us out of trouble, he got as far away as he could get -- they just sat there until he did the bullhorn act.
Then he was a hero -- thank God! And we all had to band together -- there was this tribal thing -- and we
had to fight the outsiders and anyone who disagreed was a traitor. We had an administration that, after
they got over being scared shitless themselves, pushed it for everything it was worth. They had had an
agenda that they were waiting for an opportunity to achieve.
Some argue that the new media -- we hear endlessly about the blogosphere and the relationship that's
developing between the blogs and the traditional media -- are going to usher in a new era of media
transparency. Others argue that announcing the death of the mainstream media is premature. What's your
view, are we headed to a time when a few major outlets can emphasize X while Y falls off the screen?
I really don't know. I don't know. But what I think is that objective journalism as it stands now sucks. It's got
a lot of problems. One is that the guys who make money from spinning it have figured out how to do it. And
the media is essentially worthless if it's all spin and that's where a lot of the distrust of the media comes
from.
There are two ways to change. We can fall into the European model where there's a left media and a right
media. The other possibility is to redefine what objective media is. And this has been done in a small way in
political campaigns. It's done with political advertising. They take a political advertisement and they take
the responsibility of objectively, by their own standards -- not one from column A and one from column B --
looking at an ad and going through it line by line and saying how truthful it is. So that to me is a higher
standard and a useful standard of objective journalism. These guys should go out and do the work that I'm
paying them for.
And they're not doing the job that they want to do either. There are a lot of dissatisfied journalists out there
going, "There's something wrong and we don't know how to fix it." Well there's the model to fix it.
http://www.alternet.org/mediaculture/29278/
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MEDIA
Page 4 of 10 SPIN REVOLVES AROUND THE WORD "TERRORIST" Oct 10, 2016 02:57:27AM MDT
MEDIA SPIN REVOLVES AROUND THE WORD "TERRORIST"
By Norman Solomon
During the first two days of this month, CNN's website displayed an odd little announcement. "There have
been false reports that CNN has not used the word 'terrorist' to refer to those who attacked the World
Trade Center and Pentagon," the notice said. "In fact, CNN has consistently and repeatedly referred to the
attackers and hijackers as terrorists, and it will continue to do so."
The CNN disclaimer was accurate -- and, by conventional media standards, reassuring. But it bypassed a
basic question that festers beneath America's overwhelming media coverage of recent weeks: Exactly
what qualifies as "terrorism"?
For this country's mainstream journalists, that's a non-question about a no-brainer. More than ever, the
proper function of the "terrorist" label seems obvious. "A group of people commandeered airliners and used
them as guided missiles against thousands of people," says NBC News executive Bill Wheatley. "If that
doesn't fit the definition of terrorism, what does?"
True enough. At the same time, it's notable that American news outlets routinely define terrorism the same
way that U.S. government officials do. Usually, editors assume that reporters don't need any formal
directive because the appropriate usage is simply understood.
The Wall Street Journal does provide some guidelines, telling its staff that the word terrorist "should be
used carefully, and specifically, to describe those people and nongovernmental organizations that plan and
execute acts of violence against civilian or noncombatant targets." In newsrooms across the United States,
media professionals would agree.
But -- in sharp contrast -- Reuters has stuck to a distinctive approach for decades. "As part of a policy to
avoid the use of emotive words," the global news service says, "we do not use terms like 'terrorist' and
'freedom fighter' unless they are in a direct quote or are otherwise attributable to a third party. We do not
characterize the subjects of news stories but instead report their actions, identity and background so that
readers can make their own decisions based on the facts."
Since mid-September, the Reuters management has taken a lot of heat for maintaining this policy -- and for
reiterating it in an internal memo, which included the observation that "one man's terrorist is another man's
freedom fighter." In a clarifying statement, released on Oct. 2, the top execs at Reuters explained: "Our
policy is to avoid the use of emotional terms and not make value judgments concerning the facts we
attempt to report accurately and fairly."
Reuters reports from 160 countries, and the "terrorist" label is highly contentious in quite a few of them.
Behind the scenes, many governments have pressured Reuters to flatly describe their enemies as
terrorists in news dispatches.
From the vantage point of government leaders in Ankara or Jerusalem or Moscow, for example, journalists
shouldn't hesitate to describe their violent foes as terrorists. But why should reporters oblige by pinning that
tag on Kurdish combatants in Turkey, or Palestinian militants in occupied territories, or rebels in
Chechnya?
Unless we buy into the absurd pretense that governments don't engage in "terrorism," the circumscribed
use of the term by U.S. media makes no sense. Turkish military forces have certainly terrorized and killed
many civilians; the same is true of Israeli forces and Russian troops. As a result, plenty of Kurds,
Palestinians and Chechens are grieving.
American reporters could plausibly expand their working definition of terrorism to include all organized acts
of terror and murder committed against civilians. But such consistency would meet with fierce opposition in
high
Page 5 ofWashington
10 places. Oct 10, 2016 02:57:27AM MDT
of terror and murder committed
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Spin1.htm against civilians. But such consistency would meet with fierce opposition in
high Washington places.
During the 1980s, with a non-evasive standard for terrorism, news accounts would have routinely referred
to the Nicaraguan contra guerrillas -- in addition to the Salvadoran and Guatemalan governments -- as
U.S.-backed "terrorists." Today, for instance, such a standard would require news coverage of terrorism in
the Middle East to include the Israeli assaults with bullets and missiles that take the lives of Palestinian
children and other civilians.
Evenhanded use of the "terrorist" label would mean sometimes affixing it directly on the U.S. government.
During the past decade, from Iraq to Sudan to Yugoslavia, the Pentagon's missiles have destroyed the
lives of civilians just as innocent as those who perished on Sept. 11. If journalists dare not call that
"terrorism," then perhaps the word should be retired from the media lexicon.
It's entirely appropriate for news outlets to describe the Sept. 11 hijackers as "terrorists" -- if those outlets
are willing to use the "terrorist" label with integrity across the board. But as long as news organizations are
not willing to do so, the Reuters policy is the only principled journalistic alternative.
There is no credible reason to believe that mainstream U.S. media will jump off Uncle Sam's propaganda
merry-go-round about "terrorism." And the problem goes far beyond the deeply hypocritical routine of
condemning some murderously explosive actions against civilians while applauding or even implementing
others.
More than five years have passed since Madeleine Albright, then secretary of state, appeared on the CBS
program "60 Minutes" and explained her lack of concern about the deaths resulting from U.S.-led sanctions
against Iraq. In a broadcast that aired on May 12, 1996, the CBS correspondent Lesley Stahl asked
Albright: "We have heard that a half a million children have died. I mean, that's more children than died
when -- in -- in Hiroshima. And -- and, you know, is the price worth it?"
"I think this is a very hard choice," Albright replied, "but the price -- we think the price is worth it."
Since then, by continuing to impose sanctions on Iraq, the U.S. government has killed hundreds of
thousands more children. Of course such present-day policies did not stop Albright's successor from
immediately claiming the high moral ground on Sept. 11. Responding to the tragic events that day, Colin
Powell denounced "people who feel that with the destruction of buildings, with the murder of people, they
can somehow achieve a political purpose."
Obviously, top U.S. officials still believe that they can "somehow achieve a political purpose" with sanctions
that are killing several thousand Iraqi children every month. While standing on that policy platform, the
officials fervently deplore terrorism.
http://www.zmag.org/solorerr.htm
-------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Science of Media Spin-Doctor
Selective Cognition
MANIPULATING PUBLIC PERCEPTIONS
With Fraudulent Tripe!
Bush Regime & U.S. Media Propaganda Game Plan
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Propaganda Game Plan strategy for the Bush Regime & U.S. Media is predictable and CERTAIN.
Look
Page 6 of for
10 the following 'Media Hypes' to coincide with the following events (REMEMBER
Oct--
10,This
2016Was
02:57:27AM MDT
Look for the following 'Media Hypes' to coincide with the following events (REMEMBER -- This Was
Written and These "Events" were Predicted in January 2003!):
Minute-by-minute U.S. Media bombardment of reports of "Grandiose Heroic Acts" purportedly performed
by U.S. military personnel in a propaganda coup designed to foster an image of the U.S. War as one of
"building" and "helping," while designed to undermine and dispel the True image of incredible destruction
and the wholesale decimation of many innocent Iraqi Civilian lives, including women and children (1,252 at
last count).
Minute-by-minute U.S. Media bombardment of "U.S. Military Casualty" stories, which are virtually always
presented in conjunction with unsupported, unverified accounts of an alleged Iraqi military atrocity which
purportedly is directly linked to the U.S. casualty. The obvious agitprop strategy here is to "INCITE" the
public with fury and anger and hatred for the 'enemy' ... thus bolstering public support for the War.
Minute-by-minute U.S. Media bombardment of U.S. military "Loved Ones Back Home" stories, which are
virtually always presented in conjunction with unsupported, unverified accounts of an alleged Iraqi military
atrocity which purportedly is directly linked to the 'Loved One' and the dangers s\he faces. The obvious
agitprop strategy here is to "INCITE" the public with fury and anger and hatred for the 'enemy' ... thus
bolstering public support for the War.
Minute-by-minute U.S. Media bombardment of purportedly new (updated) snippets of information

supposedly adding to the body of evidence and purportedly "proving conclusively" that Saddam "has and
was about to use" weapons of mass destruction or chemical-biological weapons. The U.S. Media will
dispense this as gospel and will always be seen putting words in the mouths of military expert interviewees
to this effect. There will be a complete absence of critical media analysis or scrutiny of the accuracy or
details of the information or the validity of the inferences \conclusions being hastily drawn. The U.S. Media
will be seen accepting such info hastily and uncritically, because it is commonly understood that the
legitimacy of this War DEMANDS that such facts be present.

supposedly adding to the body of evidence and purportedly "proving conclusively" that Saddam "had
connections to Al Queda and World-Wide Terrorist networks" - in an effort to legitimize this War and
despite the fact that nearly all Iraq experts have repudiated such claims as utterly implausible given
Saddam's dislike for such groups. The U.S. Media will dispense this as gospel and will always be seen
putting words in the mouths of military expert interviewees to this effect. There will be a complete absence
of critical analysis or scrutiny of the accuracy or details of the information or the validity of the inferences
\conclusions being hastily drawn. The U.S. Media will be seen accepting such info hastily and uncritically,
because it is commonly understood that the legitimacy of this War DEMANDS that such facts be present.
EXAMPLE: The U.S. Media is already propagating irresponsible claims that Al Queda terrorist lists have
been found at an Iraqi site. They are touting this as conclusive proof of Iraq's connection to World-wide
terrorism and the events of 9\11. In fact, if such information is true, it may represent divisions and
disagreements within Saddam's ranks. Furthermore, such a list, if it really exists, most likely would
represent a very recent 'last resort' effort by Saddam to defend against an imminent U.S. attack. This is a
good example of irresponsible U.S. journalism ... and the Fox network is the worst.

supposedly further illustrating overwhelming U.S. military successes ... while confidently touting what a
speedy 'slam-dunk' War this is shaping up to be. The propaganda strategy is designed to instill in viewers
the7 belief
Page of 10 that "it is almost over" and just a little more patience will get you to the Promised
Oct 10,Land. This
2016 02:57:27AM MDT
the belief that "it is almost over" and just a little more patience will get you to the Promised Land. This
agitprop U.S. Media strategy is in recognition of the fact that every day this War continues, support for it
erodes.
Minute-by-minute U.S. Media bombardment of purportedly new (updated) polls purportedly showing
non-eroding or growing public support for the War. The propaganda strategy is designed to instill in
viewers the belief that support for the War is not eroding, and therefore there is no reason for anyone to
abandon support. This agitprop U.S. Media strategy is in recognition of the fact that every time there is
erosion of support there tends to be a rapid domino effect of further erosion of support. The polls are
bogus. The poll questions are 'loaded,' suggestive and specious. The poll questions present false either\or
dilemmas which force respondents to either answer favorably or refuse to answer altogether because
"their" answer option is not offered in the answer choices given to them. (See special article on "Bogus U.S.
Media Polling")
Scant or non-existent U.S. Media reports about the number of casualties suffered by innocent Iraqi
Civilians. Whatever numbers are proffered by the U.S. Media, they will be characterized as 'soft' unreliable
numbers in an effort to trivialize them. The agitprop strategy here is to minimize and trivialize the grotesque
harm inflicted by the U.S. and to minimize and trivialize the decimation of the people Bush claims to be
liberating (1,252 at last count).
Scant or in most cases, a complete NEWS VOID regarding U.S. Media reports about the "DETAILS" of
casualties suffered by innocent Iraqi Civilians. Whatever generalities are proffered by the U.S. Media, they
will be characterized as 'soft' unreliable accounts in an effort to trivialize them or dismiss them. This will
translate as an aversion-avoidance of details about young children having their limbs torched off by U.S.
bombs, or entire Iraqi families incinerated by U.S. bombs. The whole point of 'embedded journalists' was
supposed to be the accurate portrayal of such facts. But the U.S. Media has become the propaganda wing
of the Bush Regime and such factual information is deemed unpatriotic and off-limits. (Just ask Peter
Arnett). The agitprop strategy here is to minimize and trivialize the grotesque harm inflicted by the U.S. and
to minimize and trivialize the decimation of the people Bush claims to be liberating.
When Scant U.S. Media reports about the "DETAILS" of casualties suffered by innocent Iraqi victims are
disseminated, they will always ... ALWAYS be presented ONLY IF THE VICTIMS or survivors EXPRESS
ANTI-SADDAM SENTIMENTS. And they will always ... ALWAYS be presented ONLY in tandem with an
upbeat spin-story showing how the U.S. is working with the victims and their survivors to "rebuild a better
tomorrow." Whatever generalities are proffered by the U.S. Media, they will be characterized as 'soft'
unreliable accounts in an effort to trivialize them or dismiss them. This will translate as an
aversion-avoidance of details about young children having their limbs torched off by U.S. bombs, or entire
Iraqi families incinerated by U.S. bombs. The whole point of 'embedded journalists' was supposed to be
the accurate portrayal of such facts. But the U.S. Media has become the propaganda wing of the Bush
Regime and such factual information is deemed unpatriotic and off-limits. (Just ask Peter Arnett). The
agitprop strategy here is to minimize and trivialize the grotesque harm inflicted by the U.S. and to minimize
and trivialize the decimation of the people Bush claims to be liberating.
Whatever generalities are proffered by the U.S. Media about horrendous incidents involving extremely ugly,
unflattering facts about casualties inflicted on innocent Iraqi Civilians by the U.S. military, they will be
characterized
Page 8 of 10 as 'soft' unreliable accounts in an effort to trivialize them or dismiss them.
OctNo
10, such report willMDT
2016 02:57:27AM
unflattering facts about casualties
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Spin1.htm inflicted on innocent Iraqi Civilians by the U.S. military, they will be
characterized as 'soft' unreliable accounts in an effort to trivialize them or dismiss them. No such report will
ever be disseminated by the U.S. Media unless and until a torrent of U.S. officials and 'experts' have been
copiously prepared to justify and "explain away" the incident as either "Saddam's fault" or as
"understandable and defensible under the circumstances" or as "exaggerated Saddam propaganda" or as
"unconfirmed at this time." The "unconfirmed at this time" U.S. Media and Bush strategist ploy is frequently
used and is calculated to provide a "cooling off period" before deeming the public ready to grapple with the
grim Truth. Once it is deemed that the public has largely forgotten about the incident, or when the incident
has been eclipsed by some other incident, then the U.S. Media and Bush strategists will disclose, in dribs
and drabs over many days and weeks, the facts surrounding the casualties inflicted on innocent Iraqi
victims by the U.S. military. These accounts will always ... ALWAYS be couched in euphemistic terms that
gloss-over and trivialize the significance of the disclosed facts. And these accounts will always ... ALWAYS
be plagued with red-herring distraction arguments which purportedly mitigate blame or exonerate U.S.
actions entirely, while castigating those who would criticize "with the benefit of 20\20 hindsight."
Expect to see a torrent of "unconfirmed at this time" U.S. Media and Bush strategist responses every time a
grizzly set of facts surfaces which are unflattering to the U.S. and the U.S. War effort. The U.S. Media and
Bush Regime strategy is simple and obvious. The Rule is this: "Strike while the iron is HOT, when it
involves flaming, hostile public sentiments against Iraq or Saddam." The Converse Rule is this: "Wait until
the iron is COLD, when it involves flaming, hostile public sentiments against Bush, the U.S., the U.S.
military or the U.S. War effort." The U.S. Media are full partners with the Bush Regime in sticking to this
operational Propaganda GamePlan.
Minute-by-minute U.S. Media bombardment of "Alleged Iraqi Military Atrocity" stories, which are virtually
always presented in conjunction with unsupported, unverified accounts of alleged Iraqi military events
which occurred at a totally different time and place and which cannot be directly linked to the alleged new
atrocity claim. The obvious agitprop strategy here is to "INCITE" the public with fury and anger and hatred
for the 'enemy' ... so the public will be inclined to accept the unsupported claims uncritically, with the
presumption that "it is probably true and accurate." This U.S. Media propaganda ploy is the most
commonly utilized counterfeit in their agitprop arsenal. Its overall effect is to erode the 'public scrutiny of
information' standard so that little or no competent proof or evidence is necessary in order for the public to
"buy into it" as though it is gospel ... as though it had legitimacy ... as though it was conclusively True and
Accurate, even though it is NOT.
Sincerely,
Government Watch 2002
governmentwatch2002@yahoo.com
Parents For Responsible Education

Thaddeus Brandon Jacobs
tjacobs@ramlink.net
http://www.geocities.com/blubakhe777/gameplan.html
CIA/Media Propaganda
Operation Mockingbird: CIA Media Manipulation
Part 1 http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird.htm
Part 2 http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird2.htm
Part 4 http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Mockingbird4.htm
Audio: Media & Mind Control in America

by9Steven
Page of 10 Jacobson Oct 10, 2016 02:57:27AM MDT
Audio: Media & Mind Control
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Spin1.htm in America
by Steven Jacobson
#1 http://www.apfn.net/audio/L001I060312110344-mind-control1.MP3 (5.24MB) 22Min 52 Sec
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Media 'SPIN' Part 2 apfn.org
Fox News: Iraq Civil War “Made Up By The Media?”

Fox News continues its crackerjack analysis of sectarian strife in Iraq. Previously, it explored
whether “an all-out civil war in Iraq” could be “a good thing.”
Now they have an new theory.
Where Did SPIN Originate?
This is of American origin and came about

during the 1980s, when the need for 'sound
bites' became pressing enough to require a new
class of publicist to provide them. The earliest
printed references are from that period, For
example, this from the New York Times, Oct.
1984:
"A dozen men in good suits and women in silk

dresses will circulate smoothly among the reporters, spouting confident opinions. They won't be
just press agents trying to impart a favorable spin to a routine release. They'll be the Spin
Doctors, senior advisers to the candidates."
So, why 'spin'? For the derivation of that we need to go back to yarn. We know that sailors and
other storytellers have a reputation for spinning yarns. Given a phrase in the language like 'spin
a yarn', we might expect to assume that a yarn was a tall tale and that the tellers spun it out.
That's not quite right though. Until the phrase was coined, yarn was just thread. The phrase
was coined as an entity, just meaning 'tell a tale'. That came about in the early 19th century and
was first written down in James Hardy Vaux's 'A new and comprehensive vocabulary of the
flash language', in 1812:
"Yarning or spinning a yarn, signifying to relate their various adventures, exploits, and escapes
to each other."
So, spin became associated with telling a story. It began to be used in a political and
promotional context in the late 1980s. For example, in the Guardian Weekly, Jan. 1978:
"The CIA can be an excellent source [of information], though, like every other, its offerings must
be weighed for factuality and spin."
From there it is a small step for the people employed to weave reports of factual events into
palatable stories to be called 'spin doctors'.
http://uk.answers.yahoo.com/question/index?qid=20060901165821AAdjwPH
GIs Told 'Spin Iraq War'

Specialist Leonard Clark, a National Guardsman, was demoted to private and fined $1,640 for
posting anti-war statements on an Internet blog. Clark wrote entries describing the company's
commander as a "glory seeker" and the battalion sergeant major an "inhuman monster". His
last entry before the blog was shut down told how his fellow soldiers were becoming
Page 1 of 7increasingly opposed to the US operation in Iraq. Oct 10, 2016 02:57:32AM MDT
increasingly opposed to the US operation in Iraq.
Pentagon Orders Soldiers to Promote Iraq War While on Leave
///////////////////////////////////////////////////
by Doug Thompson
Capitol Hill Blue
http://www.capitolhillblue.com/artman/publish/article_7918.shtml
December 29, 2005
Good soldiers follow orders and hundreds of American military men and women returned to the
United States on holiday leave this month with orders to sell the Iraq war to a skeptical public.
The program, coordinated through a Pentagon operation dubbed “Operation Homefront,”

ordered military personnel to give interviews to their hometown newspapers, television stations
and other media outlets and praise the American war effort in Iraq.
Initial reports back to the Pentagon deem the operation a success with dozens of front page
stories in daily and weekly newspapers around the country along with upbeat reports on local
television stations.
“We've learned as a military how to do this better,” Captain David Diaz, a military reservist, told
his hometown paper, The Roanoke (VA) Times. “My worry is that we have the right military
strategy and political strategies now but the patience of the American public is wearing thin.”
When pressed by the paper on whether or not his commanding officers told him to talk to the
press, Diaz admitted he was “encouraged” to do so. So reporter Duncan Adams asked:
“Did Diaz return to the U.S. on emergency leave with an agenda -- to offer a positive spin that
could help counter growing concerns among Americans about the U.S. exit strategy? How do
we know that's not his strategy, especially after he discloses that superior officers encouraged
him to talk about his experiences in Iraq?”
Replied Diaz:
“You don't. I can tell you that the direction we've gotten from on high is that there is a concern
about public opinion out there and they want to set the record straight.”
Diaz, an intelligence officer, knows how to avoid a direct answer. Other military personnel,
however, tell Capitol Hill Blue privately that the pressure to “sell the war” back home is
enormous.
“I’ve been promised an early release if I do a good job promoting the war,” says one reservist
who asked not to be identified.
In interviews with a number of reservists home for the holidays, a pattern emerges on the
Pentagon’s propaganda effort. Soldiers are encouraged to contact their local news media
outlets to offer interviews about the war. A detailed set of talking points encourages them to:
--Admit initial doubts about the war but claim conversion to a belief in the American mission;
Page 2 of 7--Praise military leadership in Iraq and throw in a few words of support for the Bush
Oct 10, 2016 02:57:32AM MDT
--Praise military leadership in Iraq and throw in a few words of support for the Bush
administration;
--Claim the mission to turn security of the country over to the Iraqis is working;
--Reiterate that America must not abandon its mission and must stay until the “job is finished.”
--Talk about how “things are better” now in Iraq.
“My worry is that we have the right military strategy and political strategies now but the
patience of the American public is wearing thin,” Diaz told The Roanoke Times.
“It’s way better now (in Iraq). People are friendlier. They seem more relaxed, and they say,
’Thank you, mister,’” Sgt. Christopher Desierto told his hometown paper, The Maui News.
But soldiers who are home and don’t have to return to Iraq tell a different story.
“I've just been focused on trying to get the rest of these guys home,” says Sgt. Major Floyd
Dubose of Jackson, MS, who returned home after 11 months in Iraq with the Mississippi Army
National Guard's 155th Combat Brigade.
And the Army is cracking down on soldiers who go on the record opposing the war.
Specialist Leonard Clark, a National Guardsman, was demoted to private and fined $1,640 for
posting anti-war statements on an Internet blog. Clark wrote entries describing the company's
commander as a "glory seeker" and the battalion sergeant major an "inhuman monster". His
last entry before the blog was shut down told how his fellow soldiers were becoming
increasingly opposed to the US operation in Iraq.
“The message is clear,” says one reservist who is home for the holidays but has to return and
asked not to be identified. “If you want to get out of this man’s Army with an honorable
(discharge) and full benefits you better not tell the truth about what is happening in-country.”
But Sgt. Johnathan Wilson, a reservist, got his honorable discharge after he returned home
earlier this month and he’s not afraid to talk on the record.
“Iraq is a classic FUBAR,” he says. “The country is out of control and we can’t stop it. Anybody
who tries to sell a good news story about the war is blowing it out his ass. We don’t win and
eventually we will leave the country in a worse shape than it was when we invaded.”
http://colorado.indymedia.org/newswire/display/12256/index.php
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
9/10/06 ...SUNDAY 9/11 SPIN SHOWS

MEET THE PRESS: V.P. DICK CHENEY...KEEPS UP THE LIES!
AUDIO:
http://www.apfn.net/pogo/L001-tv-news-911a.MP3
9/10/06...CNN 9/11 CONSPIRACY FOLKS CRAZY

CNN: WOLF INTERVIEW: SEC. RICE...BACKS UP THE LIES!
Page 3 of 7AUDIO Oct 10, 2016 02:57:32AM MDT

AUDIO
http://www.apfn.net/pogo/L002-tv-news-911b.MP3
9/10/06...ABC'S THIS WEEK...

INTERVIEW: FOUR OF THE FIVE MEMBERS OF THE 9/11 COMMISSION
"YOU LIE AND I'LL SWEAR TOO IT!"
AUDIO:
http://www.apfn.net/pogo/L003-tv-news-911c.MP3
9/11 EYEWITNESS
http://www.apfn.org/APFN/911_eyewitness1.htm
(NEW) Media "SPIN" Doctors & Their Tactics

'SPIN'
Part 1 http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Spin1.htm
-------- Original Message --------

Subject: A DAY OF REMEMBRANCE
Date: Sun, 10 Sep 2006 06:37:06 -0500
From: Carolyn Kay caro@makethemaccountable.com
A DAY OF REMEMBRANCE
Air America Radio’s programming, all day on Monday, September 11, 2006, will be in
remembrance of the day, five years ago, that put horror in our hearts, but that gave
us the opportunity to be one nation again.
Click here to find a local station that carries the programming. Or listen on XM
satellite, channel 167. Or to listen on the internet, go to the Air America Radio
website, and click on the Listen Live text.
What happened to the unity?
The Huffington Post
Brent Budowsky
Historians Will Morally Impeach George W. Bush For Exploiting, Not Honoring, 9-11
09.09.2006
Who was not moved by the courage of our police and fire fighters rushing into
burning buildings to save our fellow Americans? Who wasn't inspired by the courage
Page 4 of 7and valor of Pentagon workers who rushed out of the building when theOct
attack first
10, 2016 02:57:32AM MDT
and valor of Pentagon workers who rushed out of the building when the attack first
struck and then, realizing their collagues and friends were in grave danger, turned
around and rushed right back in, to save them?
The infamy of the crime was met with the united will and the united spirit of a United
America, backed by the decent opinion of men and women in every corner of the
world.
Never before in our history have our people been more hurt by a single act that
struck on our shores.
Never before in our history have our people reacted to such infamy, to such hurt,
with a greater and more powerful proof of our courage and nobility.
Never before in our history has the patriotism and honor of our people inspired such
respect and admiration throughout the free world.
And never before in our history has any leader of our Nation exploited such an event
with such smallness, such partisanship, such disunity, such contempt and such
vindictiveness...
[Click here for more.—Caro]
Lots more really good stuff at MakeThemAccountable.com.
Carolyn Kay
MakeThemAccountable.com
The remarkable thing is that we really love our neighbor as ourselves: we do unto
others as we do unto ourselves. We hate others when we hate ourselves. We are
tolerant toward others when we tolerate ourselves. We forgive others when we
forgive ourselves. We are prone to sacrifice others when we are ready to sacrifice
ourselves.
– Eric Hoffer
========================================
Media "SPIN" Doctors & Their Tactics

'SPIN'
MSNBC Poll - Most Think 9/11 Was INSIDE JOB !!

http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/14727720/
Do you believe any of the conspiracy theories suggesting the U.S. government
was somehow involved in 9/11? * 62186 responses
Page 5 of 7 Oct 10, 2016 02:57:32AM MDT

No. These theories are absurd and disrespectful -- especially to those who
lost their lives on 9/11.
37%
I'm not sure.
5.9%
=================
"PROOF "THEY KNOW".... HERE'S THE ALERT TO AIRLINES!

http://www.apfn.org/apfn/travel_6-23-01.htm
Media & Government E-mail Addresses

http://www.venusproject.com/ethics_in_action/Media_Email_Addresses.html
9/11 FIVE YEARS LATER: WHAT HAVE WE ACCOMPLISHED?

An Assessment of the 9/11 Truth Movement
http://www.septembereleventh.org/five_years_later.php

"Each time a person stands up for an ideal, or acts to improve the lot of others. . .they
send forth a ripple of hope, and crossing each other from a million different centers
of energy and daring, those ripples build a current that can sweep down the
mightiest walls of oppression and resistance."
- Robert F. Kennedy
--------------------------------------------------------

FACE THE TRUTH:

For some of us, the events of September 11th brought a devastating personal loss. We lost
spouses, parents,
children, grandchildren, colleagues, and close friends. Nonetheless, we are grateful for the
spontaneous outpouring
of goodwill from friends and strangers that has helped sustain us over the past several years.
We, like many others, are determined to generate even more good in the world out of
our tragedy.
Our Voices Together

Honors those who lost their lives through terrorist attacks by
supporting worthwhile
international projects, fostering goodwill and promoting
Page 6 of 7 Oct 10, 2016 02:57:32AM MDT
international projects, fostering goodwill and promoting

understanding.
http://www.ourvoicestogether.org/
###


by Steven Jacobson
CIA/Media Propaganda
Part 1 http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird.htm
Part 4 http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Mockingbird4.htm
SpinWatch
http://www.spinwatch.org/modules.php?name=News&file=categories&catid=50
Media Spin and Misperception

http://www.heartheissues.com/mediaspin.html
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http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird3.htm
OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD Part 3 apfn.org

A Letter to the Washington Post by Julian C. Holmes
________________
April 25, 1992 Richard Harwood, Ombudsman The
Washington Post 1150 15th Street NW Washington, DC 20071
Dear Mr. Harwood,
Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit of hard news, just let
drop the faintest rumor of a government "conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the news
room. Aroused from apathy in the daily routine of reporting assignations and various other
political and social sports events, editors and reporters scramble to the phones. The klaxon
screams its warning: the greatest single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and
government stability -- the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!
It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any of these frightful
spectres, but their presence is announced to Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the
Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the idea that Oliver North
and his CIA-associated gangsters had conspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in their
syndicated column, Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the
Post sprang to protect its readers, and the conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column
before printing it (*2).
But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic
Institute, an interfaith center for law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S.
arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua,
and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets (*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a
seminal work on our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this
discovery process by disparaging the charges of conspiracy and by publishing false
information about the drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on
Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY).
of misleading reporting, the Post printed only a partial correction and declined to print a letter of
complaint from Rangel (*5).
Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and
International Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity in the drug trade (*6). With its
coverup of the arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears
and retained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a newly emerging threat to domestic
tranquility, the "October Surprise" conspiracy (*7). But close on the heels of Hosenball and the
Post
Page 1 of 22 came Barbara Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored independently,Oct
two10,years
2016 02:58:17AM MDT
Post came Barbara Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored independently, two years
apart, books with the same title, "October Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a member of the
Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of Middle East
Politics at Columbia University, was on the staff of the National Security Council under
Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick
published their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to Iran if Iran
would delay release of the 52 United States hostages until after the November 1980 election.
The purpose of this deal was to quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October
surprise). which would have bolstered the reelection prospects for President Carter.
Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October 1988, Playboy
Magazine ran an expose "An Election Held Hostage"; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991
(*9). In June, 1991 a conference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former
election/hostage allegations. The Post reported the statement of the hostages, but not a word
of the conference itself which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10).
On February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly authorized
an "October Surprise" investigation by a task force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton
(D-IN). who had chaired the House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has
named as chief team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank
was indicted in 1988 (*11).
Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing the U.S. arms-for-drugs
operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence
Committee he derailed House Resolution 485 which had asked President Reagan to answer
questions about Contra support activities of government officials and others (*13). After CIA
operative John
trafficking and hostile acts against the nation's security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of
Congress tried to intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling Hull's
case "in a manner that will not complicate U.S.-Costa Rican relations" (*14). The Post did not
report the Hamilton letter or the Costa Rican response that declared Hull's case to be "in as
good hands as our 100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all citizens" (*15).
Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy theories, it is difficult
to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves government or corporate conspiracies:
In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery, surveillance, false arrests,
and violence to illegally harass U.S.citizens in the 60's (*16).
The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by "destroying crops, brutalizing
citizens, destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro
and other leaders" (*17).
"Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice to
be conspiring with I.G.Farben...of Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the
United States was effectively prevented from developing or producing [fo rWorld War-II] any
substantial amount of synthetic rubber," said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin (*18).
U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about dosages of radiation "almost
certain
Page 2 of 22 to produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing near02:58:17AM
Oct 10, 2016 the MDT
certain to produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing near the
nuclear weapons factory at Hanford, Washington (*19).
Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in getting around to cleaning up
the Nation's dangerous nuclear weapons sites (*20). State and local governments back the
"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty comprehensive
cancer centers, have misled and confused the public and Congress by repeated claims that we
are winning the war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment has continually minimized
the evidence for increasing cancer rates which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary
fat, while discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable eposures to industrial carcinogens
in the air, food, water, and the workplace." (*22).
The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq "is yet another example of
the President's people conspiring to keep both Congress and the American people in the dark"
(*23).
If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of doing business in this country. Take
the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the Pentagon and much
of the news media (*24).
Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend $100 million in taxes to
promote a distorted and truncated history of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the
Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26). rather than examining more realistic
aspects of the Spanish invasion, like "anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death" (*27).
sophisticated, law-enforcement computer software which "now point to a widespread
conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of INSLAW's technology", says
former U.S.attorney General Elliot Richardson (*28). Or Watergate. Or the "largest bank fraud
in world financial history" (*29), where the White House knew of the criminal activities at "the
Bank of Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence agencies did
their secret banking (*31), and where bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way
of doing business" (*32). Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors],
Standard Oil of California, Firestone, and E. RoyFitzgerald, among others, for criminally
conspiring to replace electric transportation with gas- and
diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of buses and related products to
transportation companies throughout the country" [in, among others, the cities of New York,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33).
Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham

Ribicoff (D-CT). and the U.S. Department of
Transportation to overlook safety defects in the
1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by

contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings of the Shield's hazards and which
"stonewalled,
Page 3 of 22 deceived, covered up, and covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on 2016
Oct 10, women a
02:58:17AM MDT
"stonewalled, deceived, covered up, and covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a
Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA resulted in
failure to enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing
all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 (*36).
Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold
by manufacturers who ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted "in
concert with each other in the testing and marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).
Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a corrupted
Congress, to relieve depositors of their savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White
House, Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of the American people" will
cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of billions of dollars (*38).
Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General Electric executives who met
surreptitiously in hotel rooms to fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial
equipment (*39).
Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for fabricating safety tests on
Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of medical problemsrelating

to asbestos (*41).
Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies "agreed not to engage in any
effective price competition" (*42).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover up the nature
of our decades-old war against the people of Nicaragua a covert war that continues in 1992
with the U.S. Government applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a
Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the Chilean election
process with military aid, covert actions, and an economic boycott which culminated in the
overthrow of the legitimately elected government and the assassination of President Salvador
Allende in 1973 (*44).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and CIA
Director William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's
plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about these actions to the Congress
and the news media (*45). And CIA Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this
Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in 1989 and
thereby violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and
the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).
Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil companies and the
British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the
British-owned
Page 4 of 22 Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow
Oct by
10, the
2016CIA in
02:58:17AM MDT
British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in
1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed Mossadegh (*49).
Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole, Senator
George Mitchell, various U.S. Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the
Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the presidential candidate
supported by President Bush (*51).
Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist

Poland's Solidarity Movement and Hasten the Demise
Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of USAID funds by
any country "for the promotion of birth control or abortion" (*54).
Or "the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common purpose in Central
America" (*55).
Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector Gramajo with the
U.S. Army to design "programs to build civilian-military cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of
the Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine soldiers accused in the 1989
Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military
personnel (*56).
Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration to harass and cause
bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter who uncovered dangerous working conditions at the
facility (*57).
Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of South Vietnam to delay
the Paris Peace Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).

paperback (*61).
Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post offers little
comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a really important conspiracy that,
let's say, benefits big business or big government.
government to help out U.S. oil companies; or like our illegal war against Panama to tighten
U.S. control over Panama and the Canal; or like monopoly control of broadcasting that
facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public importance (*62). When the camouflage of
such
Page 5 of 22 conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in the conspiring officials Oct
can10,erode --
2016 02:58:17AM MDT
such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in the conspiring officials can erode --
depending on how seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public
trust. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to see as a real threat to
its corporate security.
Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver Stone's movie "JFK",
which reexamines the U.S. Government's official (Warren Commission. finding that a single
gunman, acting alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story of New
Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's unsuccessful prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only
person ever tried in connection with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the
Kennedy assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not be served by a
president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us from our war against Vietnam.
The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along lines suggested by
"JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil
McCombs, and Michael Isikoff, have been called up to man the bulwarks against public
sentiment which has never supported the government's non-conspiratorial assassination thesis.
In spite of the facts that the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both
the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63) and that the 1979 Report
of the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that President Kennedy was probably
killed "as a result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number of Post stories have been
used as vehicles to discredit "JFK" as just another conspiracy (*65).
journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea
that Kennedy could have had second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim
that there is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former
Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John
Newman have each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic
about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just continues ranting against the possibility
of a little justification for its arguments.
An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable behavior is George Lardner

Jr's contribution to the Post's campaign against the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two
before the movie was completed, and the third upon its release. In May, six months before the
movie came out, Lardner obtained a copy of the first draft of the script and, contrary to
accepted standards, revealed in the Post the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in
this article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a former
Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner does not tell the reader that subsequent to the
Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government
witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted under oath that in a May
1972 interview with a New Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S.
Government's case against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of the
Garrison
acquital mentions this controversy, but when I recently asked Lardner about this, he was not
clear as to whether he remembered it (*71).
Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his way through a justification for his
unauthorized possession of the early draft ofthe movie (*72). He also defended his reference to
Pershing Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".
Page 6 of 22 Oct 10, 2016 02:58:17AM MDT
Pershing Gervais by lashing
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird3.htm out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".
When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73). He again ridiculed the
film's thesis that following the Kennedy assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's
plans to de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by Johnson four
days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was written before the assassination,
and that it "was a continuation of Kennedy's policy". In fact, the memorandum was drafted the
day before the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National Security
Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it. Following the assassination, it was
rewritten; and the final version provided for escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) -- facts
that Lardner avoided.
The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for the most part
conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current readers of this
newspaper find meaningful discussion of the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both
the FBI and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing co-conspirators
at field stations to counteract the "new wave of books and articles criticizing the [Warren]
Commission's findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on
our organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison and friendly elite contacts,
especially politicians and editors "and to "employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the
attacks of the critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are particularly appropriate for this
purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to providematerial for countering and discrediting the
claims of the conspiracy theorists..." (*77).
In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great, the story of Post
publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties with Washington's powerful elite, a
number of whom were with the CIA.
Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim that Bradlee had
"produced CIA material" (*78). Understandably sensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee
told Davis' publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, "Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced CIA
material ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a fool and to put your company in that
special little group of publishers who don't give a shit for the truth". The Post bullied HBJ into
recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of contract and
damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis published her book elsewhere with
an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply involved with producing
cold-war/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his association with
people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive
**************************
Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the function of the press was
more often than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the government, was one of the
architects of what became a widespread practice:the use and manipulation of journalists by the
CIA" (*81). This scandal was known by its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former
Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was
widely known that Phil Graham was someone you could get help from" (*82). More recently the
Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to print his name for
over a year up until the day his indictmen twas announced ...for crimes committed
Page 7 of 22 Octin
10,his official
2016 02:58:17AM MDT
over a year up until the day his indictmen twas announced ...for crimes committed in his official
capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).
******************
Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the availability and
prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA man recalls, "You could get a journalist
cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One may wish to
Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the Washington Post. In a lecture on
terrorism and the news media, Mrs. Graham said: "A second challenge facing the media is how
to prevent terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The point is that we
generally know when we are being manipulated, and we've learned better how and where to
draw the line, though the decisions are often difficult" (*85).
Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified that our elite and our
high-level public officials may be exposed as conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling,
October Surprise, or the assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in
that, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post runs its business as a conspiracy of
like-minded entrepreneurs -- a conspiracy "to act or work together toward the same result or
goal" (*86). But where the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it pretends
that conspiracies associated with big business or government are "coincidence". Post reporter
Lardner vents the frustration inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at
Oliver Stone and suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post's opposition to Stone's
movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that Stone's complaints are "groundless and
So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those who investigate
conspiracies?
The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because they need something
"neat and tidy" (*88) that "plugs a gap no other generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and
"coincidence ...is always the safest and most likely explanation for any conjunction of curious
And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory" is what the Post
espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a conspiracy. In other words, some things just
"happen". And, besides, conspiracy to do certain things would be a crime; "coincidence" is a
safer bet.
Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as Executive Director of the
Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about
presidential candidates "who have begun to mutter about a press conspiracy". Ordinarily,
Harwood would simply dismiss these charges as "symptoms of the media paranoia that
quadrennially engulfs members of the American political class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was
made by the mutterers; they used the "C" word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his
off-the-cuff comment into an entire column -- ending it with:"We are the new journalists,
immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing waters of political conformity. But conspirators we
ain't".
Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the Washington Post,
now chairs the Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive,
Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger -- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate
Page 8 of 22 Oct 10,Crime".
2016 02:58:17AM MDT
now chairs the Fund for Investigative
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird3.htm Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive,
Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger -- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime".
Therein he discussed the difficulties in convincing editors to accept important news stories. He
illustrated the article with his own experiences at the Post, where he says he was known as "the
biggest pain in the ass in the office" (*93).
Would Harwood argue that grief endured byjournalists at the hands of editors is a matter of
random coincidence?
And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by editors without influence
from fellow editors or from management? Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless
office "meetings" in which news people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of which
stories will run and which ones will find inadequate space? That there is no advanced planning
for stories or that there are no cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a Post journalist would be
free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate
Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining guests
at a soup kitchen.
Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian
is telling less than the truth in his account of wire-service control over news: "The largely
anonymous men who control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire
photo machines determine at a single decision what millions will see and hear. ...there seems to
be little doubt that these gatekeepers preside over an operation in which an appalling amount
of press agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches untouched out
the front door as 'news'" (*95).
When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge Clarence Thomas
violated U.S. law when he failed to remove himself from a case in which he then proceeded to
reverse a $10 million judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the
animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator John Danforth. The Post
limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance to 56 words buried in the middle of a
1200-word article (*97). Would Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on
this matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of coincidence? Could a
Post reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick
swim?
Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's Public Citizen. Titled All the
Vice President's Men, it documents "How the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly
Undermines Health, Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post journalists
David Broder and Bob Woodward published "The President's Understudy", a seven-part series
on Vice President Quayle. Although this series does address Quayle's role with the
Competitiveness Council, its handling of the Council's disastrous impact on America is
inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle memorabilia: youth,
family, college record, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends,
government associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth -- revealing little about
Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's problems, or his thoughts about justice and
Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did both of them forget?
Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned
Post reporters ever discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide
Page 9 of 22 to publish
Oct 10, 2016 02:58:17AM MDT
Or did one, or the other, or
both decide not to mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned
Post reporters ever discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to publish
such a barren set of articles because it would enhance their reputations? How did management
feel about the use of precious news space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages
were dedicated to this twaddle without people "acting or working together toward the same
result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?
On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New York Times, USA
Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:

SHOWDOWN WITH BUSH
This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions of whether the news
media collective mindset is really different from that of any other cartel -- like oil, diamond,
energy, (*100) or manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "acombination of independent
Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post "conspire" to keep its staff
and its newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of mediocrity? The Post would
respond that the question is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post's telephone
conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite must monitor the staff. But
we all know how few micro-seconds it takes a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo
and what are "safe", and that experienced reporters don't have to ask.
What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post communicates within its
own corporate structure and with other members of the cartel, is to document and publicize
what the Post does in public, namely, how it shapes and censors the news.
Sincerely,
Julian C. Holmes
Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news media, And - maybe a few
others.
_______________________
Page 10 of 22 Oct 10, 2016 02:58:17AM MDT
2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June 4,1991.
Notes that the Post censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic
Institute and to Robert Gates.
2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "Iran-Contra Figure Dodges Extradition", Washington
Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May 26,1991. This is the column submitted to the
Post (see note 2a)..
2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Want to Extradite",
Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). as it appeared in the Post (see
note 2a)..
3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, etc., United
States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull
et al., October 3, 1986.
3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs to U.S.", Cleveland
Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.
3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews with Robert Plumlee,
contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990.
5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University ofCalifornia Press,
1991, p.179-181.
5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel's Letter-
to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the Congressional Record on August 6, 1987,
p.E3296-7.
6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail", Boston Globe,
April 10, 1988.
6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10, 1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert
Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to
George Bush's Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.
6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra -- The Coverup
Continues", The Progressive, November 1988, p.24.
Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
United States Senate, December 1988.
Page 11 of7a.
22 Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory",
Oct 10, 2016 02:58:17AM MDT
7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory",
Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1.
7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of the 1980 'Hostage- Deal'
Story Is Still Full of Holes", Washington Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2.
9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage", Playboy, October 1988,
p.73.
9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, "The Election Held Hostage", FRONTLINE,
WGBH-TV,April 16, 1991.
10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium,
Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For New Priorities in America, 171
Madison Avenue, New York, NY, 10016.
11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into 'OctoberSurprise'",
Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11.
11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The Guardian, December
11, 1991, p.7.
11c. Jack Colhoun, "October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer", The Guardian, February 26,
1992, p.3.
12. See note 5a, p.180-1.
13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.
13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Senate
Report No. 100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.
14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica;
from Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton,
Mary Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim
Bates, Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard
Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob McEwen; January 26, 1989.
14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S. -- Indiana Native
Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1,
1990.
14c. "Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer", Scripps-Howard News Service,April
25, 1991.
15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the Case of the
Page 12 ofImprisonment
22 of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989. Oct 10, 2016 02:58:17AM MDT
Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989.
17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard-- The U.S. Role in the New World Order, Boston:
South End Press, 1991, p.121.
18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th Cong., 2nd Session
(1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York:
The Free Press, Macmillan, 1978, p.93.
19. R. Jeffrey Smith, "Study of A-Plant Neighbors' Health Urged", Washington Post, July 13,
1990, p.A6.
20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend -- Price Tag Mounts to Clean Up
Nuclear Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992, p.1K.
22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need for PublicPolicy
Reform", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.E947-9.
23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL Scandal",
Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.
23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq Policy",
Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.
23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal Adviser, Memorandum to
Jeanne S. Archibald et al, "Meeting on congressional requests for information and documents",
April 8, 1991; Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285.
24a. Michio Kaku, "Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses", The Guardian, March11,
1992, p.4.
24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case", Variety
Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25.
26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus --Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is Hired to Promote
Smithsonian Project", Washington Post, November 18, 1991, p.Bus.8.
27. Hans Koning, "Teach the Truth About Columbus", Washington Post, September 3,1991,
p.A19.
28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St. Louis Post/Dispatch,
March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A High-Tech Watergate", New York Times,
October 21,1991.
Page 13 of29.
22 "BCCI -- NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript preparedOct
by10,
Burrelle's
2016 02:58:17AM MDT
29. "BCCI -- NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared by Burrelle's
Information Services. The quote is from New York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is
running his own independent investigation of BCCI.
30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from an interview with
Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.
31. Jack Colhoun, "BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush's Closet", The Guardian, September 18,
1991, p.9.
33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra ClubBooks, 1989
paperback edition, p.227.
34. See note 33, p.136-7.
35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon Shield, NewYork:
Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33, p.157.
36. See note 33, p.164-171.
37. See note 33, p.172-180.
38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House, 1990. The quote is
from Ralph Nader's Introduction, p.iii.
39. See note 33, p.217.
40. See note 33, p.235.
41. See note 33, p.277-288.
42. See note 33, p.323.
44. William Blum, The CIA -- A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books Ltd., 1986,p.232-243.
45b. See note 44, p.284-291.
46. See note 17, p.18.
47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama (James
Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published in The Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163.
Page 14 of48b.
22 "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission, December 2, 1949. Cited
Oct 10, 2016in
02:58:17AM MDT
48b. "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission, December 2, 1949. Cited in
48a, p.521.
49a. See note 44, p.67-76.
49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.
51. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections in Nicaragua". Passed
the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4, 1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate
on October 17 by a vote of 64 to 35.
52. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post", The Guardian,November
20, 1991, p.6.
55. "Time's Missing Link: Poland to Latin America", National Catholic Reporter,February 28,
1992, p.24.
56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission", Benning Patriot,
February 21,1992, p.12.
56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion", News Release from
S.O.A.Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903.
59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against Police", Boston
Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1.
59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case", Washington
Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3.
59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video", WashingtonPost, May
26, 1991, p.A20.
59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide", Washington Post,
May 18, 1991, p.B1.
59f. David Maraniss, "One Cop's View of Police Violence", Washington Post, April 12,1991,
p.A1.
Page 15 of60.
22 Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions", Washington Post,
Oct 10, 2016 02:58:17AM MDT
60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions", Washington Post,
March 1, 1992, p.A1.
61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback", Washington Post,
March 14, 1992, p.D1.
62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.
63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America -- The Mafia Murder of President John F.Kennedy,
New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988, p.viii.
64. See note 63, p.28.
65b. George Lardner Jr., "On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland", Washington Post, May19, 1991,
p.D1.
65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories -- When Do We Dig Up

BillCasey?", Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19.
65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned -- Warren Commission Attorney Calls Stone
Film 'A Big Lie'", Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14.
65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How About the Truth?",
Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.
65h. Rita Kemply, "'JFK': History Through A Prism", Washington Post, December 20,1991,
p.D1.
65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't -- In 'JFK', Stone Assassinates the Truth",
Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2.
65j. Desson Howe, "Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?", Washington Post, December 20,1991,
p.55.
65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire -- In Defending His 'JFK' Conspiracy
Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991,
p.F1.
Page 16 of65l.
22 George F. Will, "'JFK': Paranoid History", Washington Post, December 26, 1991,p.A23.
Oct 10, 2016 02:58:17AM MDT
65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The Paranoid Style", Washington Post, December 29,1991,
p.C7.
65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! -- Why Did Oliver Stone Omit (Or Suppress!).
the Role of Johnny Carson?", Washington Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.
65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts -- Moviegoers Say 'JFK'
Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone", Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.
65r. Michael R. Beschloss, "Assassination and Obsession", Washington Post, January 5, 1992,
p.C1.
65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington Post, January 10,1992,
p.A19.
65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories -- Good on Film, But the Motivation Is
AllWrong", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.G1.
65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie -- America's Resort to Conspiracy Thinking",
65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken -- Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere", Washington
Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5.
65z. Joel Achenbach, "JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts", Washington Post, February 28,
1992, p.C5.
65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is characterized as
"conspiracy plot theories", Washington Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12
67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers". Published in
The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume V,p.211-247.
67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy -- The Secret Road to the Second Indochina War,
67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa Mesa CA:
Institute for Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416.
Page 17 of 22 Oct 10, 2016 02:58:17AM MDT
67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.
68a. See note 65b.
68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK Assassination",
Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.
69. See note 65b.
71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery Charge", Washington
Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3.
72. See note 65c.
73. See note 65i.
74. See note 67e, p.438-450.
75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington Post, Bookworld, January
26, 1992, p.8.
76a. Tad Szulc, "New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe", Washington
Star,September 19, 1975, p.A1.
76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day -- 'This Bullet Business
Leaves Me Confused'", Washington Star, September 20, 1975, p.A1.
76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission -- Dulles Proposed that
the Minutes be Destroyed", Washington Star, September 21, 1975,p.A1.
77. "Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report", New York Times, December 26,
1977, p.A37.
78. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,
1979,p.141-2.
79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship -- Killing 'Katharine The Great'", The Nation, November 12,
1983.
79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press, 1987. Davis says,
"...corporate documents that became available during my subsequent lawsuit against him
[Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman, William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of
Katharine the Great] had been "processed and converted into waste paper"".
79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men -- A Suppressed Book About Washington Post
Page 18 ofPublisher
22 Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again" National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.
Oct 10, 2016 02:58:17AM MDT
Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again" National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.
79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991.
"...publishers who don't give a shit", p.iv-v; bullying HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit
and settlement, p..
80. Benjamin C. Brad lee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See note 79d, p.304.
81. See note 79d, p.119-132.
82. Carl Bernstein, "The CIA and the Media -- How America's Most Powerful News Media
Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee
Covered It Up", Rolling Stone, October 20, 1977, p.63.
83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington Post, September 15,
1988. The letter asks for the Post's rationale for its policy of protecting government covert
83b. Daniel Brandt, "Little Magazines May Come and Go", The National Reporter, Fall 1988,
p.4. Notes the Post's protection of the identity of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says,
"America needs to confront its own recent history as well as protect the interests of its citizens,
and both can be accomplished by outlawing peacetime covert activity. This would contribute
more to thesecurity of Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike forces
that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists."
83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988. Harwood's two-
sentence letter reads, "We have a long-standing policy of not naming covert agents of the
C.I.A., except in unusual circumstances. We applied that policy to Fernandez."
84. See note 79d, p.131.
85. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist Acts", Washington
Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.
86. "conspire", 4Random House Dictionary of the English Language, Second Edition
Unabridged, 1987.
88. See note 65y.
89. See note 65n.
90. See note 65d.
91. William Casey, Private Communications with JCH, March 1992. Richard Harwood, "What
Conspiracy?", Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.C6.
93. p. 29-32.
94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services Inc., April 25, 1992.
In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared in 878 Washington Post stories, columns,
Page 19 ofletters,
22 or editorials; "Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in10,
Oct 28. In those
2016 02:58:17AM MDT
letters, or editorials; "Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In those
28, Agran's name appeared 76 times, Clinton's 151, and Brown 105. In only 1 of those 28 did
Agran's name appear in a headline.
94b. Colman McCarthy, "What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?", Washington Post, February 1,
1992. Washington Post columnist McCarthy tells how television and party officials have kept
presidential candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's own daily news-blackout of Agran is
not discussed.
94c. Scot Lehigh, "Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little Chance For the Big Prize",
Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.
94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, "The Press Rejects a Candidate", Columbia Journalism

Review,March/April, 1992.
95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The Press, NewYork:
Harper and Row, 1972, p.36-7.
96a. 28 USC Section 455. "Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the United States shall
disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his impartiality might reasonably be questioned."
[emphasis added]
96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court -- Nominee 'Unfit to Sit' For Failing to
Recuse In Ralston Purina Case", Legal Times, August 26, 1991.
96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge Clarence Thomas to become a
Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to
U.S. Senator Joseph R. Biden, October 15, 1991.
97. Al Kamen and Michael Isikoff, "'A Distressing Turn', Activists Decry What Process Has
Become", Washington Post, October 12, 1991, p.A1.
99. See note 86.
100. Thomas W. Lippman, "Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers'", Washington Post, April 1,
1992, p.A21. This article explains that "representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the
National Association of Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore drilling and
nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict, pledged to work together to oppose
amendments limiting offshore oil drilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to
be offered by key House members".
NOTES
book,"Katherine The Great,", which was largely successful, is Carol Felsenthal's, "Power and
Page 20 ofPrivilege
22 at the Post, the Katharine Graham Story." Oct 10, 2016 02:58:17AM MDT
Privilege at the Post, the Katharine Graham Story."
For more information on Johnny Rosselli and Moses and Walter Annenberg, an excellent
source is "All American Mafioso, the Johnny Rosselli Story," by Ed Becker and Charles
Rappelye.
An additional good short reference is "The CIA's Greatest Hits" by Mark Zepezauer. There you
will find the reference to Carl Bernstein's classic "The CIA and the Media" which appeared in
Rolling Stone on Oct. 20, 1977.
Still another recent example of the CIA's control of the media is the spiking of Sally Denton's &
Roger Morris' story," THE CRIMES OF MENA" by Washington Post managing editor Bob
Kaiser even though the story had been legally vetted and cleared for publication. Indeed the
story, which details the CIA's involvement in drug trafficking, was already typeset and ready to
go when it was killed without any explanation.


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Anderson Cooper, CIA Operative? apfn.org

Not only is CNN “journalist” Anderson Cooper the great-great
grandson of robber baron Cornelius “Commodore” Vanderbilt and
the son of trust fund baby and designer jean hucksteress Gloria
Vanderbilt, he is also a CIA operative, according to Radar Online.
“Following his sophomore and junior years at Yale—a well-known

recruiting ground for the CIA—Cooper spent his summers interning
Thursday September 07th 2006, at the agency’s monolithic headquarters in Langley, Virginia, in a
10:27 am program for students interested in intelligence work. His involvement
with the agency ended there, and he chose not to pursue a job with the agency after
graduation, according to a CNN spokeswoman, who confirmed details of Cooper’s CIA
involvement to Radar.”
Or did he? As revealed during the Church Committee investigation in 1975, the CIA had a
long-standing relationship with the corporate media, dubbed “Operation Mockingbird” by
Deborah Davis, former Village Voice writer and author of Katherine The Great (New York:
Sheridan Square Press, 1991). In her book, Davis quotes Philip Graham, the late editor
Washington Post, as saying: “You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a
couple hundred dollars a month.” Of course, Cooper, a bona fide Ritchie Rich, doesn’t need a
couple hundred dollars a month, but may be doing the CIA’s work for other reasons, or he may
be “owned” by the spook agency, as Frank Wisner and Allen Dulles owned “respected
members of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles, plus
stringers,” according to a CIA source cited by Davis (see Alex Constantine, Tales from the
Crypt: The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA’s Operation Mockingbird).
“Media assets … eventually include ABC, NBC, CBS, Time, Newsweek, Associated Press,
documents on file at CIA headquarters, from intelligence-gathering to serving as go-betweens,”
writes Mary Louise for Prison Planet. “The CIA had infiltrated the nation’s businesses, media,
and universities with tens of thousands of on-call operatives by the 1950’s. CIA Director Dulles
had staffed the CIA almost exclusively with Ivy League graduates, especially from Yale with
figures like George Herbert Walker Bush from the ‘Skull and Crossbones’ Society.”
Personally, I have come to the conclusion that the media is not only influenced by
the CIA… the media is the CIA. Many Americans think of their supposedly free press
as a watchdog on government, mainly because the press itself shamelessly
promotes that myth. One of the first tenets for the control of a population is to
control all sources of information the population receives and mostly because of the
pervasive CIA and Operation Mockingbird, the mainstream American Press is a
controlled multi-national corporate/government megaphone. They are up to their
eyeballs in dirty deeds and there will never be an end to the corruption that prevails
unless the CIA is abolished. Otherwise, the CIA will just keep on using their tricks of
propaganda, stuffed ballot boxes, purchased elections, extortion, blackmail, drug
trafficking, sexual intrigue, kidnapping, beating, torture, intimidation, economic
sabotage, false stories about opponents in the local media, infiltration and
Page 1 of 15 disruption of opposing political parties, demolition and evacuation procedures,
Oct 10, 2016 02:57:17AM MDT
disruption of opposing political parties, demolition and evacuation procedures,
death squads, and politically motivated assassinations.
According to Steve Kangas, the late journalist who mysteriously committed suicide (shot twice
in the head, à la Gary Webb) in the offices of CIA asset Richard Mellon Scaife, the “CIA has
always recruited the nation’s elite: millionaire businessmen, Wall Street brokers, members of
the national news media, and Ivy League scholars…. Historically, the CIA and society’s elite
have been one and the same people. This means that their interests and goals are one and the
same as well.”
No doubt Anderson Cooper’s “interests and goals are one and the same” as the CIA and the
ruling elite. However, this does not mean he is actually a snoop agency mole inserted in CNN.
Nonetheless, his supposed flirtation with the agency, and his Ivy League background,
specifically at Yale, are suspicious, to say the least. http://kurtnimmo.com/?p=555
Media contacts
According to Carl Bernstein 400 reporters were working for the CIA as part of Operation
Mockingbird. These include, but are not limited to:
CBS (William S. Paley)

Chattanooga Times (Charles Bartlett)
Christian Science Monitor (Joseph Harrison)
Copley News Services (James Copley)
Louisville Courier-Journal (Barry Bingham, Sr.)
The Miami News (William C. Baggs, Herb Gold, Hal Hendrix)
Newsweek (Ben Bradlee)
New York Herald Tribune (Stewart Alsop)
New York Times (Arthur Hays Sulzberger)
Time Magazine (Alfred Friendly, Charles Douglas Jackson, Henry Luce)
Washington Post (Walter Pincus)
Washington Star (Jerry O'Leary)
Carl Bernstein. The CIA and the Media, Rolling Stone Magazine, October 20, 1977.
Operation Mockingbird. A detailed article with internal links on the individuals
involved and external links to other articles on the subject.
Operation Mockingbird, SourceWatch.
Alex Constantine. The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA, What Really
Happened.
Disinfopedia - Operation Mockingbird. This site compiles many of the allegations
made regarding Operation Mockingbird on the web.
Discussion about Operation Mockingbird and Search Engines
CIA LEAK: JUDITH MILLER OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD

ASSET!
http://www.apfn.net/messageboard/10-18-05/discussion.cgi.24.html
Propaganda
Page 2 of 15 Oct 10, 2016 02:57:17AM MDT
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/Mockingbird4.htm Propaganda
Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia - Cite This Source new!
Propaganda is a specific type of message presentation directly

aimed at influencing the opinions of people, rather than
impartially providing information. Literally translated from the
Latin gerundive as "things which must be disseminated," in
some cultures the term is neutral or even positive, while in
others the term has acquired a strong negative connotation. Its
connotations can also vary over time. For instance, in English,
"propaganda" was originally a neutral term used to describe the dissemination of information in
favor of a certain cause. Over time, however, the term acquired the negative connotation of
disseminating false or misleading information in favor of a certain cause. Strictly speaking, a
message does not have to be untrue to qualify as propaganda, but it may omit so many
pertinent truths that it becomes highly misleading.
In English the term propaganda overlaps with distinct terms like indoctrination (ideological
views established by repetition rather than verification) and mass suggestion (broader strategic
methods). In practice, the terms are often used synonymously. Historically, the most common
use of the term propaganda is in political contexts; in particular to refer to certain efforts
sponsored by governments, political groups, and other often covert interests. In the early 20th
century the term was also used by the founders of the nascent public relations industry to
describe their activities; this usage died out around the time of World War II. Individually
propaganda functions as self-deception. Culturally it works within religions, politics, and
economic entities like those which both favor and oppose globalization. At the left, right, or
mainstream, propaganda knows no borders; as is detailed by Roderick Hindery. Hindery further
argues that debates about most social issues can be productively revisited in the context of
asking "what is or is not propaganda?" Not to be overlooked is the link between propaganda,
indoctrination, and terrorism. Mere threats to destroy are often as socially disruptive as physical
devastation itself. See also religious terrorism.
Purpose of propaganda
The aim of propaganda is to influence people's opinions actively, rather than merely to
communicate the facts about something. For example, propaganda might be used to garner
either support or disapproval of a certain position, rather than to simply present the position.
What separates propaganda from "normal" communication is in the subtle, often insidious,
ways that the message attempts to shape opinion. For example, propaganda is often presented
in a way that attempts to deliberately evoke a strong emotion, especially by suggesting illogical
(or non-intuitive) relationships between concepts.
An appeal to one's emotions is, perhaps, a more obvious propaganda method than those
utilized by some other more subtle and insidious forms. For instance, propaganda may be
transmitted indirectly or implicitly, through an ostensibly fair and balanced debate or argument.
This can be done to great effect in conjunction with a broadly targeted, broadcast news format.
In such a setting, techniques like, "red herring", and other ploys (such as Ignoratio elenchi), are
often used to divert the audience from a critical issue, while the intended message is suggested
through indirect means. This sophisticated type of diversion utilizes the appearance of lively
debate within, what is actually, a carefully focused spectrum, to generate and justify
deliberately conceived assumptions. This technique avoids the distinctively biased appearance
a universally accepted and obvious truth, so that the audience naturally assumes
Page 3 of 15 Octit 10,
to 2016
be 02:57:17AM MDT
a universally accepted and obvious truth, so that the audience naturally assumes it to be
correct. By maintaining the range of debate in such a way that it appears inclusive of differing
points of view, so as to suggest fairness and balance, the suppositions suggested become
accepted as fact. Here is such an example of a hypothetical situation in which the opposing
viewpoints are supposedly represented: the hawk (see: hawkish) says, "we must stay the
course", and the dove says, "The war is a disaster and a failure", to which the hawk responds,
"In war things seldom go smoothly and we must not let setbacks affect our determination", the
dove retorts, "setbacks are setbacks, but failures are failures." As one can see, the actual
validity of the war is not discussed and is never in contention. One may naturally assume that
the war was not fundamentally wrong, but just the result of miscalculation, and therefore, an
error, instead of a crime. Thus, by maintaining the appearance of equitable discourse in such
debates, and through continuous inculcation, such focused arguments succeed in compelling
the audience to logically deduce that the presupposions of debate are unequivocal truisms of
the given subject.
The method of propaganda is essential to the word's meaning as well. A message does not
have to be untrue to qualify as propaganda.
In fact, the message in modern propaganda is often not blatantly untrue. But even if the
message conveys only "true" information, it will generally contain partisan bias and fail to
present a complete and balanced consideration of the issue. Another common characteristic of
propaganda is volume (in the sense of a large amount). For example, a propagandist may seek
to influence opinion by attempting to get a message heard in as many places as possible, and
as often as possible. The intention of this approach is to a) reinforce an idea through repetition,
and b) exclude or "drown out" any alternative ideas.
In English, the word "propaganda" now carries strong negative (as well as political)
connotations, although it has not always done so. It was formerly common for political
organizations to refer to their own material as propaganda. Other languages do not necessarily
regard the term as derogatory and hence usage may lead to misunderstanding in
communications with non-native English speakers. For example, in Portuguese and some
Spanish language speaking countries, particularly in the Southern Cone, the word
"propaganda" usually means the most common manipulation of information—"advertising".
Famed public relations pioneer Edward L. Bernays in his classic studies eloquently describes
propaganda as the purpose of communications. In Crystallizing Public Opinion, for example, he
dismisses the semantic differentiations (“Education is valuable, commendable, enlightening,
instructive. Propaganda is insidious, dishonest, underhanded, misleading.”) and instead
concentrates on purposes. He writes (p. 212), “Each of these nouns carries with it social and
moral implications. . . . The only difference between ‘propaganda’ and ‘education,’ really, is in
the point of view. The advocacy of what we believe in is education. The advocacy of what we
don’t believe in is propaganda.”
The reason propaganda exists and is so widespread is because it serves various social
purposes, necessary ones, often popular yet potentially corrupting. Many institutions such as
media and government itself are literally propaganda-addicts, co-dependent on each other and
the fueling influence of the propaganda system that they help create and maintain.
Propagandists have an advantage through knowing what they want to promote and to whom,
and although they often resort to various two-way forms of communication this is done in order
to make sure their one-sided purposes are achieved. Special kt 10:37, 15 August 2006 (UTC)
Types
Page 4 of 15 of propaganda Oct 10, 2016 02:57:17AM MDT
Types of propaganda
Propaganda shares techniques with advertising and public relations. In fact, advertising and
public relations can be thought of as propaganda that promotes a commercial product or
shapes the perception of an organization, person or brand, though in post-WWII usage the
word "propaganda" more typically refers to political or nationalist uses of these techniques or to
the promotion of a set of ideas. Propaganda also has much in common with public information
campaigns by governments, which are intended to encourage or discourage certain forms of
behavior (such as wearing seat belts, not smoking, not littering and so forth). Again, the
emphasis is more political in propaganda. Propaganda can take the form of leaflets, posters,
TV and radio broadcasts and can also extend to any other medium.
In the case of the United States, there is also an important legal distinction between advertising
(a type of overt propaganda) and what the Government Accountability Office (GAO), an arm of
the United States Congress, refers to as "covert propaganda." Journalistic theory generally
holds that news items should be objective, giving the reader an accurate background and
analysis of the subject at hand. On the other hand, advertisements generally present an issue
in a very subjective and often misleading light, primarily meant to persuade rather than inform.
If the reader believes that a paid advertisement is in fact a news item, the message the
advertiser is trying to communicate will be more easily "believed" or "internalized." Such
advertisements are considered obvious examples of "covert" propaganda because they take on
the appearance of objective information rather than the appearance of propaganda, which is
misleading. Federal law specifically mandates that any advertisement appearing in the format
of a news item must state that the item is in fact a paid advertisement. The Bush Administration
has come under fire for allegedly producing and disseminating covert propaganda in the form of
television programs, aired in the United States, which appeared to be legitimate news
broadcasts and did not include any information signifying that the programs were not generated
by a private-sector news source.
Propaganda, in a narrower use of the term, connotates deliberately false or misleading

information that supports or furthers a political cause or the interests of those in power. The
propagandist seeks to change the way people understand an issue or situation for the purpose
of changing their actions and expectations in ways that are desirable to the interest group.
Propaganda, in this sense, serves as a corollary to censorship in which the same purpose is
achieved, not by filling people's minds with approved information, but by preventing people
from being confronted with opposing points of view. What sets propaganda apart from other
forms of advocacy is the willingness of the propagandist to change people's understanding
through deception and confusion rather than persuasion and understanding. The leaders of an
organization know the information to be one sided or untrue, but this may not be true for the
rank and file members who help to disseminate the propaganda.
More in line with the religious roots of the term, it is also used widely in the debates about new
religious movements (NRMs), both by people who defend them and by people who oppose
them. The latter pejoratively call these NRMs cults. Anti-cult activists and countercult activists
accuse the leaders of what they consider cults of using propaganda extensively to recruit
followers and keep them. Some social scientists, such as the late Jeffrey Hadden, and
CESNUR
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Oct 10,and
2016the
02:57:17AM MDT
CESNUR affiliated scholars accuse ex-members of "cults" who became vocal critics and the
anti-cult movement of making these unusual religious movements look bad without sufficient
reasons.
Propaganda is a mighty weapon in war. In this case its aim is usually to dehumanize and create
hatred toward a supposed enemy, either internal or external. The technique is to create a false
image in the mind. This can be done by using special words, special avoidance of words or by
saying that the enemy is responsible for certain things he never did. Most propaganda wars
require the home population to feel the enemy has inflicted an injustice, which may be fictitious
or may be based on facts. The home population must also decide that the cause of their nation
is just.
Propaganda is also one of the methods used in psychological warfare, which may also involve
false flag operations.
The term propaganda may also refer to false information meant to reinforce the mindsets of
people who already believe as the propagandist wishes. The assumption is that, if people
believe something false, they will constantly be assailed by doubts. Since these doubts are
unpleasant (see cognitive dissonance), people will be eager to have them extinguished, and
are therefore receptive to the reassurances of those in power. For this reason propaganda is
often addressed to people who are already sympathetic to the agenda. This process of
reinforcement uses an individual's predisposition to self-select "agreeable" information sources
as a mechanism for maintaining control.
Propaganda can be classified according to the source and nature of the message. White
propaganda generally comes from an openly identified source, and is characterized by gentler
methods of persuasion, such as standard public relations techniques and one-sided
presentation of an argument. Black propaganda is identified as being from one source, but is
infact from another. This is most commonly to disguise the true origins of the propaganda, be it
from an enemy country or from an organization with a negative public image. Gray propaganda
Is propaganda without any identifiable souce or author. In scale, these different types of
propaganda can also be defined by the potential of true and correct information to compete
with the propaganda. For example, opposition to white propaganda is often readily found and
may slightly discredit the propaganda source. Opposition to gray propaganda, when revealed
(often by an inside source), may create some level of public outcry. Opposition to black
propaganda is often unavailable and may be dangerous to reveal, because public cognizance
of black propaganda tactics and sources would undermine or backfire the very campaign the
black propagandist supported.
Propaganda may be administered in very insidious ways. For instance, disparaging

disinformation about history, certain groups or foreign countries may be encouraged or
tolerated in the educational system. Since few people actually double-check what they learn at
school, such disinformation will be repeated by journalists as well as parents, thus reinforcing
the idea that the disinformation item is really a "well-known fact," even though no one repeating
the myth is able to point to an authoritative source. The disinformation is then recycled in the
media and in the educational system, without the need for direct governmental intervention on
the media.
impression of the quality or policies of their country, they may be incited to rejectOct
Page 6 of 15 certain
10, 2016 02:57:17AM MDT
impression of the quality or policies of their country, they may be incited to reject certain
proposals or certain remarks or ignore the experience of others.
See also: black propaganda, marketing, advertising
History of propaganda
Etymology
In late Latin, propaganda meant "things to be propagated". In 1622, shortly after the start of the
Thirty Years' War, Pope Gregory XV founded the Congregatio de Propaganda Fide
("Congregation for Propagating the Faith"), a committee of Cardinals with the duty of
overseeing the propagation of Christianity by missionaries sent to non-Catholic countries.
Therefore, the term itself originates with this Roman Catholic Sacred Congregation for the
Propagation of the Faith (sacra congregatio christiano nomini propagando or, briefly,
propaganda fide), the department of the pontifical administration charged with the spread of
Catholicism and with the regulation of ecclesiastical affairs in non-Catholic countries (mission
territory).
The actual Latin stem propagand- conveys a sense of "that which ought to be spread".
Originally the term was not intended to refer to misleading information. The modern political
sense dates from World War I, and was not originally pejorative.
Propaganda has been a human activity as far back as reliable recorded evidence exists. The
writings of Romans like Livy are considered masterpieces of pro-Roman statist propaganda.
The Behistun Inscription, made around 515 BCE and detailing the rise of Darius I to the Persian
throne, can also be seen as an early example of propaganda.
19th and 20th centuries' propaganda
Gabriel Tarde's Laws of Imitation (1890) and Gustave Le Bon's The Crowd: A Study of the
Popular Mind (1897) were two of the first codifications of propaganda techniques, which
influenced many writers afterward, including Sigmund Freud. Hitler's Mein Kampf is heavily
influenced by Le Bon's theories. Journalist Walter Lippman, in Public Opinion (1922) also
worked on the subject, as well as psychologist Edward Bernays, a nephew of Freud, early in
the 20th century. During World War I, Lippman and Bernays were hired by then United States
President, Woodrow Wilson, to participate in the Creel Commission, the mission of which was
to sway popular opinion in favor of entering the war, on the side of the United Kingdom. The
Creel Commission provided themes for speeches by "four-minute men" at public functions, and
also encouraged censorship of the American press. The Commission was so unpopular that
after the war, Congress closed it down without providing funding to organize and archive its
papers.
The war propaganda campaign of Lippman and Bernays produced within six months such an
intense anti-German hysteria as to permanently impress American business (and Adolf Hitler,
among
Page 7 of 15 others) with the potential of large-scale propaganda to control public opinion.
Oct 10,Bernays
2016 02:57:17AM MDT
among others) with the potential of large-scale propaganda to control public opinion. Bernays
coined the terms "group mind" and "engineering consent", important concepts in practical
propaganda work.
The current public relations industry is a direct outgrowth of Lippman's and Bernays' work and
is still used extensively by the United States government. For the first half of the 20th century
Bernays and Lippman themselves ran a very successful public relations firm.
World War II saw continued use of propaganda as a weapon of war, both by Hitler's
propagandist Joseph Goebbels and the British Political Warfare Executive, as well as the
United States Office of War Information.
In the early 2000s, the United States government developed and freely distributed a video
game known as America's Army. The stated intention of the game is to encourage players to
become interested in joining the U.S. Army. According to a poll by I for I Research, 30% of
young people who had a positive view of the military said that they had developed that view by
playing the game.
Russian revolution
Russian revolutionaries of the 19th and 20th centuries distinguished two different aspects
covered by the English term propaganda. Their terminology included two terms: агитация
(agitatsiya), or agitation, and пропаганда, or propaganda, see agitprop (agitprop is not,
however, limited to the Soviet Union, as it was considered, before the October Revolution, to be
one of the fundamental activity of any Marxist activist; this importance of agit-prop in Marxist
theory may also be observed today in trotskyists circles, who insist on the importance of leaflets
distribution).
Soviet propaganda meant dissemination of revolutionary ideas, teachings of Marxism, and

theoretical and practical knowledge of Marxist economics, while agitation meant forming
favorable public opinion and stirring up political unrest. These activities did not carry negative
connotations (as they usually do in English) and were encouraged. Expanding dimensions of
state propaganda, the Bolsheviks actively used transportation such as trains, aircraft and other
means.
Josef Stalin's regime built the largest fixed-wing aircraft of the 1930s, Tupolev ANT-20,
exclusively for this purpose. Named after the famous Soviet writer Maxim Gorky who had
recently returned from fascist Italy, it was equipped with a powerful radio set called "Voice from
the sky", printing and leaflet-dropping machinery, radiostations, photographic laboratory, film
projector with sound for showing movies in flight, library, etc. The aircraft could be
disassembled and transported by railroad if needed. The giant aircraft set a number of world
records.
Nazi Germany
Most propaganda in Germany was produced by the Ministry for Public Enlightenment and
Propaganda (Propagandaministerium, or "Promi" (German abbreviation)). Joseph Goebbels
was placed in charge of this ministry shortly after Hitler took power in 1933. All journalists,
writers, and artists were required to register with one of the Ministry's subordinate chambers for
the press, fine arts, music, theater, film, literature, or radio.
The
Page 8 of 15 Nazis believed in propaganda as a vital tool in achieving their goals. Adolf Hitler
Oct 10,, 2016 02:57:17AM MDT
The Nazis believed in propaganda as a vital tool in achieving their goals. Adolf Hitler,
Germany's Führer, was impressed by the power of Allied propaganda during World War I and
believed that it had been a primary cause of the collapse of morale and revolts in the German
home front and Navy in 1918 (see also: Dolchstoßlegende). Hitler would meet nearly every day
with Goebbels to discuss the news and Goebbels would obtain Hitler's thoughts on the subject;
Goebbels would then meet with senior Ministry officials and pass down the official Party line on
world events. Broadcasters and journalists required prior approval before their works were
disseminated.
Nazi propaganda before the start of World War II had several distinct audiences:
German audiences were continually reminded of the struggle of the Nazi Party and
Germany against foreign enemies and internal enemies, especially Jews.
Ethnic Germans in countries such as Czechoslovakia, Poland, the Soviet Union, and
the Baltic states were told that blood ties to Germany were stronger than their allegiance
to their new countries.
Potential enemies, such as France and the United Kingdom, were told that Germany
had no quarrel with the people of the country, but that their governments were trying to
start a war with Germany.
All audiences were reminded of the greatness of German cultural, scientific, and
military achievements.
Until the conclusion of the Battle of Stalingrad on February 4, 1943, German propaganda
emphasized the prowess of German arms and the supposed humanity German soldiers had
shown to the peoples of occupied territories. Pilots of the Allied bombing fleets were depicted
as cowardly murderers, and Americans in particular as gangsters in the style of Al Capone. At
the same time, German propaganda sought to alienate Americans and British from each other,
and both these Western belligerents from the Soviets.
After Stalingrad, the main theme changed to Germany as the sole defender of what they called
"Western European culture" against the "Bolshevist hordes". The introduction of the V-1 and
V-2 "vengeance weapons" was emphasized to convince Britons of the hopelessness of
defeating Germany.
On June 23, 1944, the Nazis permitted the Red Cross to visit concentration camp
Theresienstadt in order to dispel rumours about the Final Solution to the Jewish question. In
reality, Theresienstadt was a transit camp for Jews en route to extermination camps, but in a
sophisticated propaganda effort, fake shops and cafés were erected to imply that the Jews
lived in relative comfort. The guests enjoyed the performance of a children's opera, Brundibar,
written by inmate Hans Krása. The hoax was so successful for the Nazis that they went on to
make a propaganda film at Theresienstadt. Shooting of the film began on February 26, 1944.
Directed by Kurt Gerron, it was meant to show how well the Jews lived under the "benevolent"
protection of the Third Reich. After the shooting, most of the cast, and even the filmmaker
himself, were deported to the concentration camp of Auschwitz.
Goebbels committed suicide shortly after Hitler on April 30, 1945. In his stead, Hans Fritzsche,
who had been head of the Radio Chamber, was tried and acquitted by the Nuremberg war
crimes tribunal.
Cold
Page 9 of 15 War propaganda Oct 10, 2016 02:57:17AM MDT
Cold War propaganda
The United States and the Soviet Union both used propaganda extensively during the Cold
War. Both sides used film, television, and radio programming to influence their own citizens,
each other, and Third World nations. The United States Information Agency operated the Voice
of America as an official government station. Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, which were
in part supported by the Central Intelligence Agency, provided grey propaganda in news and
entertainment programs to Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union respectively. The Soviet
Union's official government station, Radio Moscow, broadcast white propaganda, while Radio
Peace and Freedom broadcast grey propaganda. Both sides also broadcast black propaganda
programs in periods of special crises. In 1948, the United Kingdom's Foreign Office created the
IRD (Information Research Department) which took over from wartime and slightly post-war
departments such as the Ministry of Information and dispensed propaganda via various media
such as the BBC and publishing.
The ideological and border dispute between the Soviet Union and People's Republic of China
resulted in a number of cross-border operations. One technique developed during this period
was the "backwards transmission," in which the radio program was recorded and played
backwards over the air. (This was done so that messages meant to be received by the other
government could be heard, while the average listener could not understand the content of the
program.)
Soviet propaganda appeared in Soviet Union education, as well. Propaganda went so far in
school that it sometimes even interfered with learning. When one learned history, one would
never learn any history except for Russia's, but even that was not at all valid. There were often
lies spread about how life in America and other Western countries was, and how rich the
U.S.S.R. was compared to them. Also, the Soviets used classic novels, such as the American
favorite Uncle Tom's Cabin to spread communist propaganda. The overall motif and message
was twisted to an anti-American message and was fed to the schools.
In the Americas, Cuba served as a major source and a target of propaganda from both black
and white stations operated by the CIA and Cuban exile groups. Radio Habana Cuba, in turn,
broadcast original programming, relayed Radio Moscow, and broadcast The Voice of Vietnam
as well as alleged confessions from the crew of the USS Pueblo.
One of the most insightful authors of the Cold War was George Orwell, whose novels Animal
Farm and Nineteen Eighty-Four are virtual textbooks on the use of propaganda. Though not set
in the Soviet Union, these books are about totalitarian regimes in which language is constantly
corrupted for political purposes. These novels were used for explicit propaganda. The CIA, for
example, secretly commissioned an animated film adaptation of Animal Farm in the 1950s with
small changes to the original story to suit its own needs.
Special kt 11:23, 15 August 2006 (UTC)
Afghanistan
In the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan, psychological operations tactics were employed to

demoralize the Taliban and to win the sympathies of the Afghan population. At least six
EC-130E Commando Solo aircraft were used to jam local radio transmissions and transmit
replacement propaganda messages.
Page 10 ofLeaflets
15 were also dropped throughout Afghanistan, offering rewards for OsamaOct
bin10,Laden and
2016 02:57:17AM MDT
Leaflets were also dropped throughout Afghanistan, offering rewards for Osama bin Laden and
other individuals, portraying Americans as friends of Afghanistan and emphasizing various
negative aspects of the Taliban. Another shows a picture of Mohammed Omar in a set of
crosshairs with the words "We are watching".
Iraq
During the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the Iraqi Information Minister Mohammed Saeed al-Sahaf
repeatedly claimed Iraqi forces were decisively winning every battle. Even up to the overthrow
of the Iraqi government at Baghdad, he maintained that the United States would soon be
defeated, in contradiction with all other media. Due to this, he quickly became a cult figure in
the West, and gained recognition on the website WeLoveTheIraqiInformationMinister.com The
Iraqis, misled by his propaganda, on the other hand, were shocked when instead Iraq was
defeated.
In November 2005, various media outlets, including The Chicago Tribune and the Los Angeles
Times, alleged that the United States military had manipulated news reported in Iraqi media in
an effort to cast a favorable light on its actions while demoralizing the insurgency. Lt. Col. Barry
Johnson, a military spokesman in Iraq, said the program is "an important part of countering
misinformation in the news by insurgents", while a spokesman for Defense Secretary Donald H.
Rumsfeld said the allegations of manipulation were troubling if true. The Department of
Defense has confirmed the existence of the program. More recently, The New York Times (see
external links below) published an article about how the Pentagon has started to use
contractors with little experience in journalism or public relations to plant articles in the Iraqi
press. These articles are usually written by US soldiers without attribution or are attributed to a
non-existent organization called the "International Information Center." Planting propaganda
stories in newspapers was done by both the Allies and Central Powers in the First World War
and the Axis and Allies in the Second; this is the latest version of this technique.
Techniques of propaganda generation
A number of techniques which are based on social psychological research are used to
generate propaganda. Many of these same techniques can be found under logical fallacies,
since propagandists use arguments that, while sometimes convincing, are not necessarily
valid.
Some time has been spent analyzing the means by which propaganda messages are
transmitted. That work is important but it is clear that information dissemination strategies only
become propaganda strategies when coupled with propagandistic messages. Identifying these
messages is a necessary prerequisite to study the methods by which those messages are
spread. That is why it is essential to have some knowledge of the following techniques for
generating propaganda:
Appeal to authority: Appeals to authority cite prominent figures to support a position

idea, argument, or course of action.
Appeal to fear: Appeals to fear seek to build support by instilling fear in the general
population, for example, Joseph Goebbels exploited Theodore Kaufman's Germany Must
Perish! to claim that the Allies sought the extermination of the German people.
Argumentum ad nauseam: Uses tireless repetition. An idea once repeated enough
Page 11 of 15 times, is taken as the truth. Works best when media sources are limited and
Octcontrolled by
10, 2016 02:57:17AM MDT
times, is taken as the truth. Works best when media sources are limited and controlled by
the propagator.
Bandwagon: Bandwagon and inevitable-victory appeals attempt to persuade the
target audience to take the course of action that "everyone else is taking."
Inevitable victory: invites those not already on the bandwagon to join those
already on the road to certain victory. Those already or at least partially on the
bandwagon are reassured that staying aboard is their best course of action.
Join the crowd: This technique reinforces people's natural desire to be on the
winning side. This technique is used to convince the audience that a program is an
expression of an irresistible mass movement and that it is in their best interest to
join.
Black-and-White fallacy: Presenting only two choices, with the product or idea being
propagated as the better choice. (Eg. You can have an unhealthy, unreliable engine, or
you can use Brand X oil)
Common man: The "plain folks" or "common man" approach attempts to convince the
audience that the propagandist's positions reflect the common sense of the people. It is
designed to win the confidence of the audience by communicating in the common manner
and style of the target audience. Propagandists use ordinary language and mannerisms
(and clothe their message in face-to-face and audiovisual communications) in attempting
to identify their point of view with that of the average person.
Direct order: This technique hopes to simplify the decision making process. The
propagandist uses images and words to tell the audience exactly what actions to take,
eliminating any other possible choices. Authority figures can be used to give the order,
overlapping it with the Appeal to authority technique, but not necessarily. The Uncle Sam
"I want you" image is an example of this technique.
Euphoria: The use of an event that generates euphoria or happiness in lieu of
spreading more sadness, or using a good event to try to cover up another. Or creating a
celebrateable event in the hopes of boosting morale. Euphoria can be used to take one's
mind from a worse feeling. i.e. a holiday or parade.
Falsifying information: The creation or deletion of information from public records, in
the purpose of making a false record of an event or the actions of a person during a court
session, or possibly a battle, etc. Pseudoscience is often used in this way.
Flag-waving: An attempt to justify an action on the grounds that doing so will make
one more patriotic, or in some way benefit a group, country, or idea. The feeling of
patriotism which this technique attempts to inspire may diminish or entirely omit one's
capability for rational examination of the matter in question.
Glittering generalities: Glittering generalities are emotionally appealing words applied
to a product or idea, but which present no concrete argument or analysis. A famous
example is the campaign slogan "Ford has a better idea!"
Intentional vagueness: Generalities are deliberately vague so that the audience may
supply its own interpretations. The intention is to move the audience by use of undefined
phrases, without analyzing their validity or attempting to determine their reasonableness
or application. The intent is to cause people to draw their own interpretations rather than
simply being presented with an explicit idea. In trying to "figure out" the propaganda, the
audience foregoes judgment of the ideas presented. Their validity, reasonableness and
application is not considered.
Page 12 of 15 Oct 10, 2016 02:57:17AM MDT


Obtain disapproval or Reductio ad Hitlerum: This technique is used to persuade a

target audience to disapprove of an action or idea by suggesting that the idea is popular
with groups hated, feared, or held in contempt by the target audience. Thus if a group
which supports a certain policy is led to believe that undesirable, subversive, or
contemptible people support the same policy, then the members of the group may decide
to change their original position.
Oversimplification: Favorable generalities are used to provide simple answers to
complex social, political, economic, or military problems.
Rationalization: Individuals or groups may use favorable generalities to rationalize
questionable acts or beliefs. Vague and pleasant phrases are often used to justify such
actions or beliefs.
Red herring: Presenting data that is irrelevant, then claiming that it validates your
argument.
Scapegoating: Assigning blame to an individual or group that isn't really responsible,
thus alleviating feelings of guilt from responsible parties and/or distracting attention from
the need to fix the problem for which blame is being assigned.
Slogans: A slogan is a brief, striking phrase that may include labeling and
stereotyping. Although slogans may be enlisted to support reasoned ideas, in practice
they tend to act only as emotional appeals. Opposing slogans about warfare in Iraq or the
Middle East, for example, such as "blood for oil" or "cut and run," are considered by some
to have stifled debate. On the other hand, the names of the military campaigns, such as
"enduring freedom" or "just cause", may also be regarded to be slogans, devised to
prevent free thought on the issues.
Stereotyping or Name Calling or Labeling: This technique attempts to arouse
prejudices in an audience by labeling the object of the propaganda campaign as
something the target audience fears, hates, loathes, or finds undesirable. For instance,
reporting on a foreign country or social group may focus on the stereotypical traits that the
reader expects, even though they are far from being representative of the whole country
or group; such reporting often focuses on the anecdotal.
Testimonial: Testimonials are quotations, in or out of context, especially cited to

support or reject a given policy, action, program, or personality. The reputation or the role
(expert, respected public figure, etc.) of the individual giving the statement is exploited.
The testimonial places the official sanction of a respected person or authority on a
propaganda message. This is done in an effort to cause the target audience to identify
itself with the authority or to accept the authority's opinions and beliefs as its own. See
also, damaging quotation
Transfer: Also known as association, this is a technique of projecting positive or

negative qualities (praise or blame) of a person, entity, object, or value (an individual,
group, organization, nation, patriotism, etc.) to another in order to make the second more
acceptable or to discredit it. It evokes an emotional response, which stimulates the target
to identify with recognized authorities. Often highly visual, this technique often utilizes
symbols (for example, the Swastika used in Nazi Germany, originally a symbol for health
Page 13 of 15 and prosperity) superimposed over other visual images. An example of common use02:57:17AM
Oct 10, 2016 of MDT
and prosperity) superimposed over other visual images. An example of common use of
this technique in America is for the President to be filmed or photographed in front of the
American flag.
Unstated assumption: This technique is used when the propaganda concept the
propagandist want to transmit would seem less credible if explicitly stated. It is instead
repeatedly assumed or implied.
Virtue words: These are words in the value system of the target audience which tend
to produce a positive image when attached to a person or issue. Peace, happiness,
security, wise leadership, freedom, etc. are virtue words. See ""Transfer"".
See also: doublespeak, meme, cult of personality, spin, demonization, factoid
Techniques of propaganda transmission
Common media for transmitting propaganda messages include news reports, government
reports, historical revision, junk science, books, leaflets, movies, radio, television, and posters.
In the case of radio and television, propaganda can exist on news, current-affairs or talk-show
segments, as advertising or public-service announce "spots" or as long-running advertorials.
The magazine Tricontinental, issued by the Cuban OSPAAAL organization, folds propaganda
posters and places one in each copy, allowing a very broad distribution of pro-Fidel Castro
propaganda.
Ideally a propaganda campaign will follow a strategic transmission pattern to fully indoctrinate a
group. This may begin with a simple transmission such as a leaflet dropped from a plane or an
advertisement. Generally these messages will contain directions on how to obtain more
information, via a web site, hotline, radio program, et cetera. The strategy intends to initiate the
individual from information recipient to information seeker through reinforcement, and then from
information seeker to opinion leader through indoctrination. A successful propaganda
campaign includes this cyclical meme-reproducing process.
The Propaganda Model
The propaganda model is a theory advanced by Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky that
alleges systemic biases in the mass media and seeks to explain them in terms of structural
economic causes.
First presented in their 1988 book Manufacturing Consent: the Political Economy of the Mass
Media, the propaganda model views the private media as businesses selling a product —
readers and audiences (rather than news) — to other businesses (advertisers). The theory
postulates five general classes of "filters" that determine the type of news that is presented in
news media. These five are:
1. Ownership of the medium

2. Medium's funding sources
3. Sourcing
4. Flak
5. Anti-communist ideology
The first three (ownership, funding, and sourcing) are generally regarded by the authors as
Page 14 ofbeing
15 the most important. Oct 10, 2016 02:57:17AM MDT
being the most important.
Although the model was based mainly on the characterization of United States media,
Chomsky and Herman believe the theory is equally applicable to any country that shares the
basic economic structure and organizing principles which the model postulates as the cause of
media biases. After the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Chomsky stated that the new filter
replacing communism would be terrorism and Islam.
http://www.reference.com/browse/wiki/Propaganda

APFN IS NOT A BUSINESS
APFN IS SUPPORTED BY "FREE WILL" GIFT/DONATIONS
http://www.apfn.org
Thursday September 07th 2006, 10:27 am Thursday

September 07th
2006, 10:27 am
Page 15 of 15 Oct 10, 2016 02:57:17AM MDT

http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird.htm
By Mary Louise
The CIA's secret activities, covert missions, and connections of control are all done under the
pretense and protection of national security with no accountability whatsoever, at least in their
minds. Considering the public is held accountable for everything we think, say, and do there is
something seriously wrong with this picture. The CIA is the President's secret army, who have
been and continue to be conveniently above the law with unlimited power and authority, to
conduct a reign of terror around the globe.
The "old boy network" of socializing, talking shop, and tapping each other for favors outside the
halls of government made it inevitable that the CIA and Corporate America would become
allies, thus the systematic infiltration and takeover of the media.
Under the guise of 'American' objectives and lack of congressional oversight, the CIA
accomplish their exploits by using every trick in the book (and they know quite a few) that they
actually teach in the notorious "School of the Americas", nicknamed the "School of Dictators"
and "School of Assassins" by critics. The Association for Responsible Dissent estimates that 6
million people had died by 1987 as a result of CIA covert operations, called an "American
Holocaust" by former State Department official William Blum. In 1948, the CIA recreated its
covert action wing called the Office of Policy Coordination with Wall Street lawyer Frank Wisner
as its first director. Another early elitist who served as Director of the CIA from 1953 to 1961
was Allen Dulles, a senior partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, which
represented the Rockefeller empire and other trusts, corporations, and cartels.
Starting in the early days of the Cold War (late 40's), the CIA began a secret project called
Operation Mockingbird, with the intent of buying influence behind the scenes at major media
outlets and putting reporters on the CIA payroll, which has proven to be a stunning ongoing
success. The CIA effort to recruit American news organizations and journalists to become
spies and disseminators of propaganda, was headed up by Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles,
Richard Helms, and Philip Graham (publisher of The Washington Post). Wisner had taken
Graham under his wing to direct the program code-named Operation Mockingbird and both
have presumably committed suicide.
Media assets will eventually include ABC, NBC, CBS, Time, Newsweek, Associated Press,
documents on file at CIA headquarters, from intelligence-gathering to serving as go-betweens.
The CIA had infiltrated the nation's businesses, media, and universities with tens of thousands
of on-call operatives by the 1950's. CIA Director Dulles had staffed the CIA almost exclusively
with Ivy League graduates, especially from Yale with figures like George Herbert Walker Bush
from the "Skull and Crossbones" Society.
Many Americans still insist or persist in believing that we have a free press, while getting most
of their news from state-controlled television, under the misconception that reporters are meant
to serve the public. Reporters are paid employees and serve the media owners, who usually
cower
Page 1 of 45 when challenged by advertisers or major government figures. Robert Parry
Novreported the
14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
cower when challenged by advertisers or major government figures. Robert Parry reported the
first breaking stories about Iran-Contra for Associated Press that were largely ignored by the
press and congress, then moving to Newsweek he witnessed a retraction of a true story for
political reasons. In 'Fooling America: A Talk by Robert Parry' he said, "The people who
succeeded and did well were those who didn't stand up, who didn't write the big stories, who
looked the other way when history was happening in front of them, and went along either
consciously or just by cowardice with the deception of the American people."
Major networks are primarily controlled by giant corporations that are obligated by law, to put
the profits of their investors ahead of all other considerations which are often in conflict with the
practice of responsible journalism. There were around 50 corporations a couple of decades
ago, which was considered monopolistic by many and yet today, these companies have
become larger and fewer in number as the biggest ones absorb their rivals. This concentration
of ownership and power reduces the diversity of media voices, as news falls into the hands of
large conglomerates with holdings in many industries that interferes in newsgathering, because
of conflicts of interest. Mockingbird was an immense financial undertaking with funds flowing
from the CIA largely through the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) founded by Tom Braden
with Pat Buchanon of CNN's Crossfire.
Media corporations share members of the board of directors with a variety of other large
corporations including banks, investment companies, oil companies, health care,
pharmaceutical, and technology companies. Until the 1980's, media systems were generally
domestically owned, regulated, and national in scope. However, pressure from the IMF, World
Bank, and US government to deregulate and privatize, the media, communication, and new
technology resulted in a global commercial media system dominated by a small number of
super-powerful transnational media corporations (mostly US based), working to advance the
cause of global markets and the CIA agenda.
The first tier of the nine giant firms that dominate the world are Time Warner/AOL, Disney/ABC,
Bertelsmann, Viacom/CBS, Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation/Fox, General Electric/NBC,
Sony, Universal/Seagram, Tele-Communications, Inc. or TCI and AT&T. This is just the head
of the octopus which has its second and third tier tentacles working together in unison or
feigned division. This would include The Washington Post/Newsweek, The New York
Times/Weekly Standard, Tribune Co., US News, Gannett/USA Today, Dow Jones/Wall Street
Journal, Washington Times, Knight-Ridder, etcetera. A good site to visit for more information is
Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, a public interest media watchdog group, at
www.fair.org/index.html , www.fair.org/mediafiles/index.html and
www.fair.org/extra/9711/gmg.html . Media propaganda tactics include blackouts, misdirections,
expert opinions to echo the Establishment line, smears, defining popular opinions, mass
entertainment distractions, and Hobson's Choice (the media presents the so-called
conservative and liberal positions).
"Who Controls the Media? The Subversion of the Free Press by the CIA, The Depraved Spies
and Moguls of the CIA's Operation Mockingbird", "The CIA: America's Premier International
Terrorist Organization", and "Virtual Government: CIA Mind Control Operations in America" by
Alex Constantine are an excellent source of information on this topic:
www.alexconstantine.50megs.com/the_cia_and.html and www.alexconstantine.50megs.com .
David Guyatt has written books and many articles including one entitled "Subverting
Page 2 of 45 Nov 14,the Media"
2015 09:21:36AM MST
www.alexconstantine.50megs.com/the_cia_and.html
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird.htm and www.alexconstantine.50megs.com .
David Guyatt has written books and many articles including one entitled "Subverting the Media"
at www.deepblacklies.co.uk/subverting_the_media.htm . Then there are two articles called "A
Timeline of CIA Atrocities" and "The Origins of the Overclass" by Steve Kangas that are very
informative although from a more liberal perspective. Steve will not be writing anymore articles
as he is no longer with us, having unfortunately met his untimely death that was 'apparently'
from a self-inflicted gunshot wound. If you read about him on his web page that is still available,
you will see that he did not seem like a person who was suffering from deep depression. In his
memory, please take the time to read what he wrote at
www.korpios.org/resurgent/CIAtimeline.html , www.korpios.org/resurgent/CIAtimeline.html ,
and www.korpios.org/resurgent/index.html .
CNN aired "Valley of Death" in June of 1998 and Time magazine (both owned by Time-Warner)
ran a story about a secret mission called Operation Tailwind and the activities of SOG, Studies
and Observations Group, a secret elite commando unit of the Army's Special Forces that used
lethal nerve gas (sarin), on a mission to Laos designed to kill American defectors. Suddenly the
network was awash in denials and the story was hushed up, as usual. Acknowledged use of
this gas coming at a time when the U.S. government was trying to get Saddam to comply with
weapons inspections, was an embarrassment to say the least. What hypocrisy! Having actually
used the weapons on our own troops, then complaining and accusing Saddam of potential use
of stored similar weapons, of which some were manufactured in and supplied by the U.S. The
broadcast was prepared after exhaustive research and rooted in considerable supportive data.
To decide for yourself what the truth is read Floyd Abrams' report on the CNN site at
www.cnn.com/US/9807/02/tailwind.findings/index.html.
Journalists Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward broke the stories on Watergate (late 70's) in the
Washington Post, having gained access to what the CIA was trying to keep from congress
about its program of using journalists at home and abroad, in deliberate propaganda
campaigns. It was later revealed that Woodward was a Naval intelligence briefer to the White
House and knew many insiders including General Alexander Haig. A high-level source told
Bernstein, "One journalist is worth twenty agents."
CFR/Trilateralist Katharine Graham, in a 1988 speech given to senior CIA employees at

Agency headquarters said, "We live in a dirty and dangerous world. There are some things the
general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the
government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide
whether to print what it knows." Maybe that's another reason why folks get the impression that
a suspicious agenda lurks behind the headlines. "25 Ways to Suppress Truth: Rules of
Disinformation" and "8 Traits of the Disinformationalist" at www.proparanoid.com/truth.htm ,
sums it up very well.
Ralph McGehee was a CIA agent for 25 years, mainly in South-East Asia where he witnessed
bombing and napalming of villages, which caused him to examine closely what the CIA was
really all about. He has written about Vietnam's Phoenix Program
www.vwip.org/articles/m/McGeheeRalph_VietnamsPhoenixProgram.htm and after a long
battle with CIA censors, he published the book "Deadly Deceits" in 1983. Ralph has been
harassed by the CIA and FBI, involving bodily injury, and his CIABASE website was shut down
on Spring of 2000. He copied some reports that can be found at
http://serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/ciabase_report_1.htm (and 2.htm),
http://serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/death_squads.htm
Page 3 of 45 , and Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
http://serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/death_squads.htm , and
www.thirdworldtraveler.com/CIA/Deadly_Deceits.html. He concluded that the CIA is not now
nor has it ever been a central intelligence agency but rather the covert action arm of the
President's foreign policy advisors, of which disinformation is a large part of its responsibility
and the American people are the primary target of its lies.
One of the primary reasons John F. Kennedy was assassinated had to do with the fact he
dared to interfere in the framework of power. Kennedy was intent on exercising his ELECTED
powers and not allowing them to be usurped by power-crazed individuals in the intelligence
community, threatening to "splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the wind."
There were four things that filled the CIA with rage and sealed his fate; JFK fired Allen Dulles,
was in the process of founding a panel to investigate the CIA's numerous crimes, put a damper
on the breadth and scope of the CIA, and limited their ability to act under National Security
Memoranda 55.
There is such an overwhelming amount of information pertaining to the CIA that it is impossible
to cover it all in one book, much less an article. Personally, I have come to the conclusion that
the media is not only influenced by the CIA.....the media is the CIA. Many Americans think of
their supposedly free press as a watchdog on government, mainly because the press itself
shamelessly promotes that myth. One of the first tenets for the control of a population is to
control all sources of information the population receives and mostly because of the pervasive
CIA and Operation Mockingbird, the mainstream American Press is a controlled multi-national
corporate/government megaphone. They are up to their eyeballs in dirty deeds and there will
never be an end to the corruption that prevails unless the CIA is abolished. Otherwise, the CIA
will just keep on using their tricks of propaganda, stuffed ballot boxes, purchased elections,
extortion, blackmail, drug trafficking, sexual intrigue, kidnapping, beating, torture, intimidation,
economic sabotage, false stories about opponents in the local media, infiltration and disruption
of opposing political parties, demolition and evacuation procedures, death squads, and
politically motivated assassinations. The CIA is the epitome of organized crime run amuck!
http://www.prisonplanet.com/analysis.html
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
Central Intelligence Agency ::: Official Media Relations Site
In an effort to provide the American people with accurate information about the CIA, its mission,
and the contributions Agency employees make to national security, the Media Relations
Division staff works with print and broadcast journalists on a daily basis. The Office of Public
Affairs believes that accurate media coverage of aspects of the Agency's work will build better
public understanding of our efforts. The Division's objective is to be as helpful and responsive
to the media as possible while still protecting classified information, including intelligence
sources and methods. To accomplish this goal, the Media Relations Division staff establishes
professional relationships with print and broadcast reporters, responds to press inquiries on a
wide range of issues, develops media strategies in advance of newsworthy events or
announcements, prepares press releases, and arranges for Agency experts to provide
background briefings for U.S. media. http://www.cia.gov/cia/public_affairs/media.html
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
A Short Peek into the Future - Part 1

Page 4 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
By Wade Inganamort
Click. Click. Click. The familiar sound violently awoke Sam, sending shockwaves down his
spine. Click. Click. Click. His first voluntary reaction was to think - Is it me? Do they know?
Wondering how far away they were, he threw back the standard issue gray bedding and
planted his feet firmly on the cold cement floor. His mind was racing in one consistent direction:
escape.
Grabbing his overcoat, he stumbled to the door, while checking the pockets to ensure that he
still had the document. I must get rid of it, he thought. Why did I have to be so damn curious?
Click. Click. Click. The sound was getting closer.
How he wished that he didn't have this chip in his arm, then he could've just slipped away
weeks ago. It's now or never, he whispered to himself. His left hand was cleching the document
in his pocket as he turned the doorknob.
Swoosh. A dart flew by his right temple. It was too late. Click. Click. Click. There they were, his
worse nightmare come true; a fleet of ten six-legged Lynxmotion Hexapod II walking robots
were approaching from the end of the hallway. They were increasing speed, but from hearing
so many rumors, the Haxapods were not what he feared. They were but mere slaves, doing
reconnaissance as part of a distributed sensor network, relaying the triangulated information
back to their master, ROBART.
ROBART he knew, was rather slow with his dual treads powered by 12-volt electric wheelchair
motors. Escape was a matter of evading the Hexapods before he was remotely located by GPS
from the signals that his subdermal microchip - Digital Angel was emitting. But where would he
go? This sector's grid monitor prevented any free-roaming, unless a travel plan was first logged
from a public Digital Angel uplink terminal. Click. Click. Click.
He made a dash to the right, hoping to get a small head start and immediately felt the first of six
steel tipped darts enter his neck. Consciousness began to fade away. His left hand was still
tightly gripping the illegal document. ROBART's remote camera zooms in on the torn Xeroxed
paper as the puppetmasters 3,000 miles away can just barely read a portion of the title: The
Constitution of the United Sta......
"We have money to blow up bridges over the Tigress and Euphrates and we
don't have money to build bridges in our major cities. We have money to destroy the health of
the Iraqi people and we don't have enough money to repair the health of our own people in this
country. There is something fundamentally wrong with the direction this administration is taking
its foreign policy, and I intend to change that if I am elected president of the United States."
Dennis Kucinich on CNN's Crossfire: Friday February 21, 2003
They hang the man and flog the woman

who steal the goose from the Common
But the other man they let go loose
who steal the Common from the goose
Olde
Page 5 of 45 English Nursery Rhyme Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
Olde English Nursery Rhyme
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
The Origins of the Overclass
By Steve Kangas
The wealthy have always used many methods to accumulate wealth, but it was not until the
mid-1970s that these methods coalesced into a superbly organized, cohesive and efficient
machine. After 1975, it became greater than the sum of its parts, a smooth flowing organization
of advocacy groups, lobbyists, think tanks, conservative foundations, and PR firms that hurtled
the richest 1 percent into the stratosphere.
The origins of this machine, interestingly enough, can be traced back to the CIA. This is not to
say the machine is a formal CIA operation, complete with code name and signed documents.
(Although such evidence may yet surface and previously unthinkable domestic operations such
as MK-ULTRA, CHAOS and MOCKINGBIRD show this to be a distinct possibility.) But what
we do know already indicts the CIA strongly enough. Its principle creators were Irving Kristol,
Paul Weyrich, William Simon, Richard Mellon Scaife, Frank Shakespeare, William F. Buckley,
Jr., the Rockefeller family, and more. Almost all the machine's creators had CIA backgrounds.
During the 1970s, these men would take the propaganda and operational techniques they had
learned in the Cold War and apply them to the Class War. Therefore it is no surprise that the
American version of the machine bears an uncanny resemblance to the foreign versions
designed to fight communism. The CIA's expert and comprehensive organization of the
business class would succeed beyond their wildest dreams. In 1975, the richest 1 percent
owned 22 percent of America's wealth. By 1992, they would nearly double that, to 42 percent,
the highest level of inequality in the 20th century.
How did this alliance start? The CIA has always recruited the nation's elite: millionaire
businessmen, Wall Street brokers, members of the national news media, and Ivy League
scholars. During World War II, General "Wild Bill" Donovan became chief of the Office of
Strategic Services (OSS), the forerunner of the CIA. Donovan recruited so exclusively from the
nation's rich and powerful that members eventually came to joke that "OSS" stood for "Oh, so
social!"
Another early elite was Allen Dulles, who served as Director of the CIA from 1953 to 1961.
Dulles was a senior partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, which represented
the Rockefeller empire and other mammoth trusts, corporations and cartels. He was also a
board member of the J. Henry Schroeder Bank, with offices in Wall Street, London, Zurich and
Hamburg. His financial interests across the world would become a conflict of interest when he
became head of the CIA. Like Donavan, he would recruit exclusively from society's elite.
By the 1950s, the CIA had riddled the nation's businesses, media and universities with tens of
thousands of part-time, on-call operatives. Their employment with the agency took a variety of
forms, which included:
Leaving one's profession to work for the CIA in a formal, official capacity. Staying in one's
profession,
Page 6 of 45 using the job as cover for CIA activity. This undercover activity couldNov
be14,
full-time,
2015 09:21:36AM MST
profession, using the job as cover for CIA activity. This undercover activity could be full-time,
part-time, or on-call. Staying in one's profession, occasionally passing along information useful
to the CIA.
Passing through the revolving door that has always existed between the agency and the
business world.
Historically, the CIA and society's elite have been one and the same people. This means that
their interests and goals are one and the same as well. Perhaps the most frequent description
of the intelligence community is the "old boy network," where members socialize, talk shop,
conduct business and tap each other for favors well outside the formal halls of government.
Many common traits made it inevitable that the CIA and Corporate America would become
allies. Both share an intense dislike of democracy, and feel they should be liberated from
democratic regulations and oversight. Both share a culture of secrecy, either hiding their
actions from the American public or lying about them to present the best public image. And
both are in a perfect position to help each other.
How? International businesses give CIA agents cover, secret funding, top-quality resources
and important contacts in foreign lands. In return, the CIA gives corporations billion-dollar
federal contracts (for spy planes, satellites and other hi-tech spycraft). Businessmen also enjoy
the romantic thrill of participating in spy operations. The CIA also gives businesses a certain
amount of protection and privacy from the media and government watchdogs, under the guise
of "national security." Finally, the CIA helps American corporations remain dominant in foreign
markets, by overthrowing governments hostile to unregulated capitalism and installing puppet
regimes whose policies favor American corporations at the expense of their people.
The CIA's alliance with the elite turned out to be an unholy one. Each enabled the other to rise
above the law. Indeed, a review of the CIA s history is one of such crime and atrocity that no
one can reasonably defend it, even in the name of anticommunism. Before reviewing this
alliance in detail, it is useful to know the CIA s history of atrocity first.
The Crimes of the CIA
During World War II, the OSS actively engaged in propaganda, sabotage and countless other
dirty tricks. After the war, and even after the CIA was created in 1947, the American
intelligence community reverted to harmless information gathering and analysis, thinking that
the danger to national security had passed. That changed in 1948 with the emergence of the
Cold War. In that year, the CIA recreated its covert action wing, innocuously called the Office of
Policy Coordination. Its first director was Wall Street lawyer Frank Wisner. According to its
secret charter, its responsibilities included propaganda, economic warfare, preventive direct
action, including sabotage, antisabotage, demolition and evacuation procedures; subversion
against hostile states, including assistance to underground resistance groups, and support of
indigenous anti-communist elements in threatened countries of the free world.
By
Page 7 of 45 1953, the dirty tricks department of the CIA had grown to 7,200 personnel and
Novcommanded
14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
By 1953, the dirty tricks department of the CIA had grown to 7,200 personnel and commanded
74 percent of the CIA s total budget. The following quotes describe the culture of lawlessness
that pervaded the CIA:
Stanley Lovell, a CIA recruiter for "Wild Bill" Donovan: "What I have to do is to stimulate the
Peck's Bad Boy beneath the surface of every American scientist and say to him, 'Throw all your
normal law-abiding concepts out the window. Here's a chance to raise merry hell. Come help
me raise it.'" (1)
George Hunter White, writing of his CIA escapades: "I toiled wholeheartedly in the vineyards
because it was fun, fun, fun... Where else could a red-blooded American boy lie, kill, cheat,
steal, rape and pillage with the sanction and blessing of the all-highest?" (2)
A retired CIA agency caseworker with twenty years experience: "I never gave a thought to
legality or morality. Frankly, I did what worked."
Blessed with secrecy and lack of congressional oversight, CIA operations became corrupt
almost immediately. Using propaganda stations like Voice of America and Radio Free Europe,
the CIA felt justified in manipulating the public for its own good. The broadcasts were so
patently false that for a time it was illegal to publish transcripts of them in the U.S. This was a
classic case of a powerful organization deciding what was best for the people, and then
abusing the powers it had helped itself to.
During the 40s and 50s, most of the public was unaware of what the CIA was doing. Those who
knew thought they were fighting the good fight against communism, like James Bond.
However, they could not keep their actions secret forever, and by the 60s and 70s, Americans
began learning about the agency s crimes and atrocities. (3) It turns out the
CIA has:
Corrupted democratic elections in Greece, Italy and dozens of other nations;
Been involved to varying degrees in at least 35 assassination plots against foreign heads of
state or prominent political leaders. Successful assassinations include democratically elected
leaders like Salvador Allende (Chile) and Patrice Lumumba (Belgian Congo); also CIA-created
dictators like Rafael Trujillo (Dominican Republic) and Ngo Dinh Diem (South Vietnam); and
popular political leaders like Che Guevara. Unsuccessful attempts range from Fidel Castro to
Charles De Gaulle.
Helped launch military coups that toppled democratic governments, replacing them with brutal
dictatorships or juntas. The list of overthrown democratic leaders includes Mossadegh (Iran,
1953), Arbenz (Guatemala, 1954), Velasco and Arosemena (Ecuador, 1961, 1963), Bosch
(Dominican Republic, 1963), Goulart (Brazil, 1964), Sukarno (Indonesia, 1965), Papandreou
(Greece, 1965-67), Allende (Chile, 1973), and dozens of others.
Undermined the governments of Australia, Guyana, Cambodia, Jamaica and more;

Supported murderous dictators like General Pinochet (Chile), the Shah of Iran, Ferdinand
Marcos (Phillipines), "Papa Doc" and "Baby Doc" Duvalier (Haiti), General Noriega (Panama),
Mobutu Sese Seko (Ziare), the "reign of the colonels" (Greece), and more;
Created, trained and supported death squads and secret police forces that tortured and
murdered hundreds of thousands of civilians, leftists and political opponents, in Guatemala,
Honduras, El Salvador, Haiti, Bolivia, Cuba, Mexico, Uruguay, Brazil, Chile,
Vietnam,
Page 8 of 45 Cambodia, Thailand, Iran, Turkey, Angola and others; Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand, Iran, Turkey, Angola and others;
Helped run the "School of the Americas" at Fort Benning, Georgia, which trains Latin
American military officers how to overthrow democratic governments. Subjects include the use
of torture, interrogation and murder;
Used Michigan State "professors" to train Diem's secret police in torture; Conducted economic
sabotage, including ruining crops, disrupting industry, sinking ships and creating food
shortages;
Paved the way for the massacre of 200,000 in East Timor, 500,000 in Indonesia and one to two
million in Cambodia;
Launched secret or illegal military actions or wars in Nicaragua, Angola, Cuba, Laos and
Indochina;
Planted false stories in the local media;
Framed political opponents for crimes, atrocities, political statements and
embarrassments that they did not commit;
Spied on thousands of American citizens, in defiance of Congressional law;
Smuggled Nazi war criminals and weapon scientists into the U.S., unpunished, for their use in
the Cold War;
Created organizations like the World Anti-Communist League, which became filled with
ex-Nazis, Nazi sympathizers, Italian terrorists, Japanese fascists, racist Afrikaaners, Latin
American death squad leaders, CIA agents and other extreme right-wing militants;
Conducted Operation MK-ULTRA, a mind-control experiment that gave LSD and other drugs to
Americans against their will or without their knowledge, causing some to commit suicide;
Penetrated and disrupted student antiwar organizations;
Kept friendly and extensive working relations with the Mafia;
Actively traded in drugs around the world since the 1950s to fund its operations. The
Contra/crack scandal is only the tip of the iceberg - other notorious examples include Southeast
Asia's Golden Triangle and Noreiga's Panama.
Had their fingerprints all over the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy,
Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcom X. Even if the CIA is not responsible for these killings, the
sheer amount of CIA involvement in these cases demands answers;
And then routinely lied to Congress about all of the above.
The
Page 9 of 45 Association for Responsible Dissent estimates that by 1987, 6 million people
Novhad died09:21:36AM
14, 2015 as a MST
The Association for Responsible Dissent estimates that by 1987, 6 million people had died as a
result of CIA covert operations. (4) Former State Department official William Blum correctly
calls this an "American Holocaust."
We should note that the CIA gets away with this because it is not accountable to democratic
government. Former CIA officer Philip Agee put it best: "The CIA is the President's secret
army." Prior to 1975, the agency answered only to the President (creating all the usual
problems of authoritarianism). And because the CIA's activities were secret, the President
rarely had to worry about public criticism and pressure. After the 1975 Church hearings,
Congress tried to create congressional oversight of the CIA, but this has failed miserably. One
reason is that the congressional oversight committee is a sham, filled with Cold Warriors,
conservatives, businessmen, and even ex-CIA personnel.
The Business Origins of CIA Crimes
Although many people think that the CIA s primary mission during the Cold War was to "deter
communism," Noam Chomksy correctly points out that its real mission was "deterring
democracy." From corrupting elections to overthrowing democratic governments, from
assassinating elected leaders to installing murderous dictators, the CIA has virtually always
replaced democracy with dictatorship. It didn't help that the CIA was run by businessmen,
whose hostility towards democracy is legendary. The reason they overthrew so many
democracies is because the people usually voted for policies that multi-national corporations
didn't like: land reform, strong labor unions, nationalization of their industries, and greater
regulation protecting workers, consumers and the environment.
So the CIA's greatest "successes" were usually more pro-corporate than anti-communist. Citing
a communist threat, the CIA helped overthrow the democratically elected Mohammed
Mussadegh government in Iran in 1953. But there was no communist threat the Soviets stood
back and watched the coup from afar. What really happened was that Mussadegh threatened
to nationalize British and American oil companies in Iran. Consequently, the CIA and MI6
toppled Mussadegh and replaced him with a puppet government, headed by the Shah of Iran
and his murderous secret police, SAVAK. The reason why the Ayatollah Khomeini and his
revolutionaries took 52 Americans hostage in Tehran in 1979 was because the CIA had helped
SAVAK torture and murder their people.
Another "success" was the CIA s overthrow of the democratically elected government of
Jacabo Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954. Again, there was no communist threat. The real threat
was to Guatemala s United Fruit Company, a Rockefeller-owned firm whose stockholders
included CIA Director Allen Dulles. Arbenz threatened to nationalize the company, albeit with
generous compensation. In response, the CIA initiated a coup that overthrew Arbenz and
installed the murderous dictator Castillo Armas. For four decades, CIA-backed dicatators
would torture and murder hundreds of thousands of leftists, union members and others who
would fight for a more equitable distribution of the country s resources.
Another "success" story was Chile. In 1973, the country's democratically elected leader,
Page 10 ofSalvadore
45 Allende, nationalized foreign-owned interests, like Chile's lucrative copper
Nov 14, mines
2015 09:21:36AM MST
Salvadore Allende, nationalized foreign-owned interests, like Chile's lucrative copper mines
and telephone system. International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT) offered the CIA $1 million to
overthrow Allende which the CIA allegedly refused but paid $350,000 to his political opponents.
The CIA responded with a coup that murdered Allende and replaced him with a brutal tyrant,
General Augusto Pinochet. Pinochet tortured and murdered thousands of leftists, union
members and political opponents as economists trained at the University of Chicago under
Milton Friedman installed a "free market" economy. Since then, income inequality has soared
higher in Chile than anywhere else in Latin America.
Even when the communist threat was real, the CIA first and foremost took care of the elite. In
testimony before Congress in the early 50s, it artificially inflated Soviet military capabilities. A
notorious example was the "bomber gap" that later turned out to be grossly exaggerated.
Another was "Team B," a group of hawkish CIA analysts who seriously distorted Soviet military
data. These scare tactics worked. Congress awarded giant defense contracts to the U.S.
military-industrial complex.
And not even the fall of the Soviet Union and the demise of American defense contracts have
stopped the CIA from serving the elite. Journalist Robert Dreyfuss writes:
Since the end of the Cold War, Washington has been abuzz with talk about using the CIA for
economic espionage. Stripped of euphemism, economic espionage simply means that
American spies would target foreign companies, such as Toyota, Nissan and Honda, and then
covertly pass stolen trade secrets and technology to U.S. corporate executives. (5)
If this isn't bad enough, a worse problem arises in that the CIA doesn't hand over this
technology to every American auto-related company, but only the Big Three: Ford, Chrysler and
General Motors.
In a 1975 interview, Ex-CIA agent Philip Agee summed up his personal observations of the
agency:
To the people who work for it, the CIA is known as The Company. The Big Business mentality
pervades everything. Agents, for instance, are called assets. The man in charge of the United
Kingdom desk is said to have the "U.K. account"& American multinational corporations have
built up colossal interests all over the world, and you can bet your ass that wherever you find U.
S. business interests, you also find the CIA& The multinational corporations want a peaceful
status quo in countries where they have investments, because that gives them undisturbed
access to cheap raw materials, cheap labor and stable markets for their finished goods. The
status quo suits bankers, because their money remains secure and multiplies. And, of course,
the status quo suits the small ruling groups the CIA supports abroad, because all they want is
to keep themselves on top of the socioeconomic pyramid and the majority of their people on the
bottom. But do you realize what being on the bottom means in most parts of the world?
Ignorance, poverty, often early death by starvation or disease&
Remember, the CIA is an instrument of the President; it only carries out policy. And, like
everyone else, the President has to respond to forces in the society he's trying to lead, right? In
America, the most powerful force is Big Business, and American Big Business has a vested
interest in the Cold War. (6)
Domestic Recruitment
Page 11 ofThe
45 CIA had no trouble recruiting elites who sought a more exciting life. Between 1948
Nov and09:21:36AM MST
14, 2015
The CIA had no trouble recruiting elites who sought a more exciting life. Between 1948 and
1959, more than 40,000 American individuals and companies acted as sources for the U.S.
intelligence community. (7) Let's look at each area of recruitment, and see how they enabled
the CIA to conduct its crimes:
Big Business
The CIA co-opted big business right from the start, beginning with the most famous billionaire
of the time: Howard Hughes. Hughes had inherited his father s million-dollar tool and die
company at age 19. Anxious to expand his fortune, he made a conscientious decision "to go
where the money is", namely, government. With a few well-placed bribes, Hughes secured
defense contracts to build military planes. The result was the Hughes Aircraft company. By
1940, he had also acquired a controlling interest in Trans World Airlines. His government
connections and international airline soon caught the attention of the CIA, and the two began a
lifelong relationship. Hughes, whom the CIA dubbed "The Stockbroker," became the agency's
largest contractor. Not only did he let the CIA use his business firms as fronts, but he also
funded countless CIA operations. Perhaps the most notorious was Operation Jennifer, an
allegedly failed attempt to recover nuclear codes from a sunken Soviet submarine. Hughes
right-hand security man, Robert Maheu, was a CIA agent who at one time represented the CIA
in negotiations with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro.
The CIA's contacts with big business quickly spread. The agency showed a preference for
international companies, public relations firms, media companies, law offices, banks, financiers
and stockbrokers. The CIA didn't limit its activities to recruiting businessmen; sometimes the
CIA bought or created entire companies outright. One benefit of co-opting big business was
that the CIA was able to create a secret source of funds other than from government. With
stock portfolios multiplying their profits, it's impossible now to say how flush the CIA really is. If
Congress ever cut off funds for a mission, the business fraternity could easily replace them,
either by donations or even setting up profitable businesses in the target country. In fact, this is
precisely what happened during the Iran/Contra scandal.
By allying itself with the business community, the CIA received the funds and ability it needed to
remove itself from democratic control.
The Media
Journalism is a perfect cover for CIA agents. People talk freely to journalists, and few think
suspiciously of a journalist aggressively searching for information. Journalists also have power,
influence and clout. Not surprisingly, the CIA began a mission in the late 1940s to recruit
American journalists on a wide scale, a mission it dubbed Operation MOCKINGBIRD. The
agency wanted these journalists not only to relay any sensitive information they discovered, but
also to write anti-communist, pro-capitalist propaganda when needed.
The instigators of MOCKINGBIRD were Frank Wisner, Allan Dulles, Richard Helms and Philip
Graham. Graham was the husband of Katherine Graham, today's publisher of the Washington
Post. In fact, it was the Post's ties to the CIA that allowed it to grow so quickly after the war,
both in readership and influence. (8)
Page 12 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
MOCKINGBIRD was extraordinarily successful. In no time, the agency had recruited at least
25 media organizations to disseminate CIA propaganda. At least 400 journalists would
eventually join the CIA payroll, according to the CIA's testimony before a stunned Church
Committee in 1975. (The committee felt the true number was considerably higher.) The names
of those recruited reads like a Who's Who of journalism:
Philip and Katharine Graham (Publishers, Washington Post) William Paley (President, CBS)
Henry Luce (Publisher, Time and Life magazine) Arthur Hays Sulzberger (Publisher, N.Y.
Times) Jerry O'Leary (Washington Star) Hal Hendrix (Pulitzer Prize winner, Miami News) Barry
Bingham Sr., (Louisville Courier-Journal) James Copley (Copley News Services) Joseph
Harrison (Editor, Christian Science Monitor) C.D. Jackson (Fortune) Walter Pincus (Reporter,
Washington Post) ABC NBC Associated Press United Press International Reuters Hearst
Newspapers Scripps-Howard Newsweek magazine Mutual Broadcasting System Miami
Herald Old Saturday Evening Post New York Herald-Tribune
Perhaps no newspaper is more important to the CIA than the Washington Post, one of the
nation s most right-wing dailies. Its location in the nation's capitol enables the paper to maintain
valuable personal contacts with leading intelligence, political and business figures. Unlike other
newspapers, the Post operates its own bureaus around the world, rather than relying on AP
wire services. Owner Philip Graham was a military intelligence officer in World War II, and later
became close friends with CIA figures like Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles, Desmond FitzGerald
and Richard Helms. He inherited the Post by marrying Katherine Graham, whose father owned
it.
After Philip's suicide in 1963, Katharine Graham took over the Post. Seduced by her husband's
world of government and espionage, she expanded her newspaper's relationship with the CIA.
In a 1988 speech before CIA officials at Langley, Virginia, she stated:
We live in a dirty and dangerous world. There are some things that the general public does not
need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take
legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it
knows.
This quote has since become a classic among CIA critics for its belittlement of democracy and
its admission that there is a political agenda behind the Post's headlines.
Ben Bradlee was the Post's managing editor during most of the Cold War. He worked in the
U.S. Paris embassy from 1951 to 1953, where he followed orders by the CIA station chief to
place propaganda in the European press. (9) Most Americans incorrectly believe that Bradlee
personifies the liberal slant of the Post, given his role in publishing the Pentagon Papers and
the Watergate investigations. But neither of these two incidents are what they seem. The Post
merely published the Pentagon Papers after The New York Times already had, because it
wanted to appear competitive. As for Watergate, we'll examine the CIA's reasons for wanting to
bring down Nixon in a moment. Someone once asked Bradlee: "Does it irk you when The
Washington Post is made out to be a bastion of slanted liberal thinkers instead of champion
journalists just because of Watergate?" Bradlee responded: "Damn right it does!" (10)
It would be impossible to elaborate in this short space even the most important examples of the
CIA/media alliance. Sig Mickelson was a CIA asset the entire time he was president of CBS
News from 1954 to 1961. Later he went on to become president of Radio Free Europe and
Page 13 ofRadio
45 Liberty, two major outlets of CIA propaganda. Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
Radio Liberty, two major outlets of CIA propaganda.
The CIA also secretly bought or created its own media companies. It owned 40 percent of the
Rome Daily American at a time when communists were threatening to win the Italian elections.
Worse, the CIA has bought many domestic media companies. A prime example is Capital
Cities, created in 1954 by CIA businessman William Casey (who would later become Reagan's
CIA director). Another founder was Lowell Thomas, a close friend and business contact with
CIA Director Allen Dulles. Another founder was CIA businessman Thomas Dewey. By 1985,
Capital Cities had grown so powerful that it was able to buy an entire TV network: ABC.
For those who believe in "separation of press and state," the very idea that the CIA has secret
propaganda outlets throughout the media is appalling. The reason why America was so
oblivious to CIA crimes in the 40s and 50s was because the media willingly complied with the
agency. Even today, when the immorality of the CIA should be an open-and-shut case, "debate"
about the issue rages in the media. Here is but one example:
In 1996, The San Jose Mercury News published an investigative report suggesting that the CIA
had sold crack in Los Angeles to fund the Contra war in Central America. A month later, three
of the CIA's most important media allies, The Washington Post, The New York Times and The
Los Angeles Times immediately leveled their guns at the Mercury report and blasted away in
an attempt to discredit it. Who wrote the Post article? Walter Pincus, longtime CIA journalist.
The dangers here are obvious.
Academia
By the early 50s, CIA Director Allen Dulles had staffed the CIA almost exclusively with Ivy
League graduates, especially from Yale. (A disproportionate number of CIA figures, like
George Bush, come from Yale's "Skull and Crossbones" Society.) CIA recruiters also
approached thousands of other professors to work in place at their universities on a part-time,
contract basis. Not stopping at recruiting scholars, the agency would go on to create several
departments at elite universities, including Harvard's Russian Research Center and the Center
for International Studies at MIT.
Although most academics were supportive of the CIA in the 50s, most were unaware of its
abuses. In the 60s, academia would become outraged to learn that anti-communist
organizations like the National Student Association were actually creations of the CIA. The
most audacious CIA front was the Congress for Cultural Freedom, an organization that
attracted liberal, freethinking artists and intellectuals who nonetheless deplored communism.
By the late 60s and 70s, growing reports of CIA crimes and atrocities had deeply alienated
academia. Scholars were further troubled to learn that the CIA had penetrated and disrupted
student antiwar groups. Unlike business and the media, academia overwhelmingly denounced
the CIA after the Vietnam era. This eventually forced the CIA to turn to new places to find their
analysts and scholars. The most important source was the conservative think-tank movement,
which it helped to create. More on this later.
The Roman Catholic Church
Page 14 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST

Although the CIA began as a mostly Protestant organization, Roman Catholics quickly came to
dominate the new covert-action wing in 1948. All were staunchly conservative, fiercely
anti-communist and socially elite. Just a few of the many Catholic operatives included future
CIA directors William Colby, William Casey, and John McCone. Another well-known personality
from this period was William F. Buckley, Jr., editor of the National Review and gadfly host of
TV's Firing Line. Buckley, it turns out, served as a CIA agent in Mexico City, and his
experiences there served as fodder for his Blackford Oakes spy novels.
There were several reasons for this influx of Catholic elites. First, Wisner (himself a Wall Street
lawyer) had an extensive and glamorous circle of friends to recruit from. Second, Italy was in
constant crisis in the 1940s, both during World War II and after. Throughout this troubled
period, the American intelligence community's greatest ally in Italy was the Roman Catholic
Church.
The Roman Catholic Church, of course, is one of the most anti-communist organizations in the
world. The Marxist doctrine of atheism threatens Catholic theology, and its equality threatens
the Church's strict tradition of hierarchy and authoritarianism. When Hitler invaded Communist
Russia, the Vatican openly approved. Jesuit Michael Serafian wrote: "It cannot be denied that
[Pope] Pius XII's closest advisors for some time regarded Hitler's armoured divisions as the
right hand of God." (11)
But Hitler persecuted Catholics as well, and ultimately drove the Church to the Americans. In
1943, the Vatican reached a secret agreement with OSS Chief Donovan himself a devout
Catholic to let the Holy See become the center of Allied spy operations in Italy. Donovan
considered the Church to be one of his prize intelligence assets, given its global power,
membership and contacts. He cultivated this alliance by sending America's most prestigious
Catholics to the Vatican to establish rapport and forge an alliance.
After the war, half of Europe lay under Communist control, and the Italian communist party
threatened to win the 1948 elections. The prospect of communism ruling over the heart of
Catholicism terrified the Vatican. Once again, American intelligence gathered their most
prestigious Catholics to strengthen ties with the Vatican. Because this was the first mission of
the new covert action division, the American Catholic agents acquired positions of power early
on, and would dominate covert operations for the rest of the Cold War.
At a public level, the U.S. government sunk $350 million in social and military aid into Italy to
sway the vote. On a secret level, Wisner spent $10 million in black budget funds to steal the
elections. This included disseminating propaganda, beating up left-wing politicians, intimidating
voters and disrupting leftist parties. The dirty tricks worked the Communists lost, and the
Catholic Americans success permanently secured their power within the CIA.
The Knights of Malta (12)
The Roman Catholic Church did not forget the American agents who had saved them from both
Nazism and Communism. It rewarded them by making them Knights of Malta, or members of
the Sovereign Military Order of Malta (SMOM).
SMOM is one of the oldest and most elite religious orders in the Catholic Church. Until recently,
Page 15 ofit45
limited its membership to Italians and foreign heads of state. In 1927, however,
Novan14,exception
2015 09:21:36AM MST
it limited its membership to Italians and foreign heads of state. In 1927, however, an exception
was made for the United States, given its emerging status as a world power. SMOM opened an
American branch, awarding knighthood or damehood to several American Catholic business
tycoons. This group was so conservative that one, John Raskob, the Chairman of General
Motors, actually became involved in an aborted military plot to remove Franklin Roosevelt from
the White House. SMOM has also been embarrassed by knighting or giving awards to
countless people who later turned out to be Nazi war criminals. This is the sort of culture that
thrives within the leadership of SMOM.
Officially, the Knights of Malta are a global charity organization. But beginning in the 1940s,
knighthood was granted to countless CIA agents, and the organization has become a front for
intelligence operations. SMOM is ideal for this kind of activity, because it is recognized as the
world s only landless sovereignty, and members enjoy diplomatic immunity. This allows agents
and supplies to pass through customs without interference from the host country. Such
privileges enabled the Knights of Malta to become a major supplier of "humanitarian aid" to the
Contras during their war in the 1980s.
A partial list of the Knights and Dames of Malta reads like a Who's Who of American
Catholicism:
William Casey, CIA Director. John McCone, CIA Director. William Colby, CIA Director. William
Donovan OSS Director. Donovan was given an especially prestigious form of knighthood that
has only been given to a hundred other men in history. Frank Shakespeare, Director of such
propaganda organizations as the U.S. Information Agency, Radio Free Europe and Radio
Liberty. Also executive vice-president of CBS-TV and vice-chairman of RKO General Inc. He is
currently chairman of the board of trustees at the Heritage Foundation, a right-wing think tank.
William Simon, Treasury Secretary under President Nixon. In the private sector, he has
become one of America's 400 richest individuals by working in international finance. Today he
is the President of the John M. Olin Foundation, a major funder of right-wing think tanks.
William F. Buckley, Jr. , CIA agent, conservative pundit and mass media personality. James
Buckley William's brother, head of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty. Clare Boothe Luce -
The grand dame of the Cold War was also a Dame of Malta. She was a popular playwright and
the wife of the publishing tycoon Henry Luce, who cofounded Time magazine. Francis X
Stankard - CEO of the international division of Chase Manhattan Bank, a Rockefeller institution.
(Nelson Rockefeller was also a major CIA figure.) John Farrell President, U.S. Steel Lee
Iacocca Chairman, General Motors William S. Schreyer Chairman, Merrill Lynch. Richard R.
Shinn Chairman, Metropolitan Life Insurance Company. Joseph Kennedy Founder of the
Kennedy empire. Baron Hilton Owner, Hilton Hotel chain. Patrick J. Frawley Jr. Heir, Schick
razor fortune. Frawley is a famous funder of right-wing Catholic causes, such as the Christian
Anti-Communist Crusade. Ralph Abplanalp - Aerosol magnate. Martin F. Shea - Executive vice
president of Morgan Guaranty Trust. Joseph Brennan - Chairman of the executive committee of
the Emigrant Savings Bank of New York. J. Peter Grace President, W.R. Grace Company. He
was a key figure in Operatio
cientists and spies to the U.S. Many were war criminals whose atrocities were excused in their
service to the CIA. Thomas Bolan, Of Saxe, Bacon and Bolan, the law firm of Senator
McCarthy's deceased aide Roy Cohn. Bowie Kuhn Baseball Comissioner Cardinal John
O'Connor Extreme right-wing leader among American Catholics, and fervent abortion
opponent. Cardinal Francis Spellman The "American Pope" was at one time the most powerful
Catholic in America, an arch-conservative and a rabid anti-communist. Cardinal Bernard Law -
One of the highest-ranking conservatives in the American church. Alexander Haig, Secretary of
State under President Reagan. Admiral James D. Watkins Hard-line chief of naval operations
under President Reagan.
Page 16 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST

Jeremy Denton Senator (R Al). Pete Domenici Senator (R-New Mexico). Walter J. Hickel -
Governor of Alaska and secretary of the interior.
When this group gets together, obviously, the topics are spying, business and politics.
The CIA has also used other religious and charity organizations as fronts. For example, John F.
Kennedy -- another anticommunist Roman Catholic who greatly expanded covert operations --
created the U.S. Peace Corps to serve as cover for CIA operatives. The CIA has also made
extensive use of missionaries, with the blessings of many right-wing, anticommunist Christian
denominations.
But the World Grows Wise&
It was only a matter of time before other nations caught on to these fronts. They learned that
when the CIA comes to their countries to commit their crimes and atrocities, they come
disguised as American journalists, businessmen, missionaries and charity volunteers.
Unfortunately, foreigners are now targeting these professions as hostile. In Lebanon, terrorists
held U.S. journalist Terry Anderson hostage for nearly seven years, on the not unreasonable
assumption that he was a spy. Whether or not this was true is beside the point. The CIA has put
all Americans abroad at risk, whether they are CIA agents or not. In hearings before the Senate
in 1996, many organizations urged Congress to stop using their professions as CIA cover. Don
Argue of the National Association of Evangelicals testified: "Such use of missionary agents for
covert activities by the CIA would be unethical and immoral." (13)
From the Cold War to the Class War
As noted above, academia was the first major institution to denounce the crimes of the CIA.
Why? One reason is that scholars conduct their own extensive research into world affairs, so
naturally they were the first to learn the truth. This is the main reason why protest against the
Vietnam War and the CIA erupted first among students on the nation's campuses. By the end of
the Vietnam War, the CIA had suffered a "brain drain" as its academic allies became its most
articulate, passionate and eloquent critics.
The social revolutions of the 60s terrified the CIA. James Jesus Angleton, chief of
counter-intelligence and a truly paranoid man, was convinced the Soviets had masterminded
the entire antiwar movement. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover shared his conviction. The CIA had
always spied on student groups throughout the 60s, but in 1968 President Johnson
dramatically stepped up the effort with Operation CHAOS. This initially called for 50 CIA agents
to go undercover as student radicals, penetrate their antiwar organizations and root out the
Russian spies who were causing the rebellion. Tellingly, they never found a single spy. The
agents also began a campaign of wire-tapping, mail-opening, burglary, deception, intimidation
and disruption against thousands of protesting American civilians.
By the time Operation CHAOS wound down in 1973, the CIA had spied on 7,000 Americans,
1,000 organizations and traded information on more than 300,000 persons with various law
agencies. (14) When academia learned of this, its outrage grew.
The loss of academia was only the first blow for the CIA. Other disasters quickly followed; in the
early 70s, the CIA was trying desperately to stave off a growing number of scandals. The first
was Watergate.
Page 17 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST

The CIA's fingerprints were all over Watergate. First, we should note the CIA had clear motives
for helping oust Nixon. He was the ultimate "outsider," a poor California Quaker who grew up
feeling bitter resentment towards the elite "Eastern establishment." Nixon, for all his
arch-conservatism, was surprisingly liberal on economic issues, enfuriating businessmen with
statements like "We are all Keynesians now." He created a whole host of new agencies to
regulate business, like the FDA, EPA and OSHA. He signed the Clean Air and Clean Water
Acts, which forced businesses to clean up their toxic emissions. He imposed price controls to
fight inflation, and took the nation fully off the gold standard. Nixon also strengthened
affirmative action. Even his staffers were famously anti-elitist, like Kevin Philips, who would
eventually write the bible on inequality during the 1980s, The Politics of Rich and Poor. Add to
this Nixon's withdrawal from Vietnam and Détente with China and the Soviet Union. Nixon and
his Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, had not only tried to remove control of foreign policy
from the CIA, but had also taken measures to bring the CIA itself under control. Not
surprisingly, Nixon and his CIA Director, Richard Helms, couldn't stand each other. (Nixon fired
him for failing to cover up for Watergate.) Clearly, Nixon was fighting at cross-purposes with the
CIA and the nation's elite.
As it turns out, the CIA had inside knowledge of Nixon's dirty work. Nixon had created his own
covert action team, "The Committee to Reelect the President," more amusingly known by its
acronym, CREEP. The team consisted of two CIA agents E. Howard Hunt and James McCord
as well as former FBI agent G. Gordon Liddy. They also employed four Cubans with long CIA
histories. In fact, a CIA front called the Mullen Company funded their activities, which ranged
from disrupting Democratic campaigns to laundering Nixon's illegal campaign contributions.
The CIA not only had intimate knowledge of Nixon's crimes, but it also acted as though it
wanted the world to know them. When the FBI began investigating Watergate, Nixon tried
using the CIA to cover up for him. At first the CIA half-heartedly complied, telling the FBI that
the investigation would endanger CIA operations in Mexico. But a few weeks later it gave the
FBI a green light again to proceed again with their investigation.
Furthermore, Watergate was exposed by the CIA's main newspaper in America, The
Washington Post. One of the two journalists who investigated the scandal, Robert Woodward,
had only recently become a journalist. Previously Woodward had worked as a Naval
intelligence liaison to the White House, privy to some of the nation's highest secrets. He would
later write a sympathetic portrait of CIA Director Bill Casey in a book entitled Veil: The Secret
Wars of the CIA. It was Woodward who personally knew and interviewed "Deep Throat," the
unnamed source who revealed inside information on Nixon's activities. Many Watergate
researchers consider one of Woodward's old intelligence contacts to be a prime candidate for
Deep Throat. (15)
Despite all the facts of CIA involvement, Woodward and Bernstein made virtually no mention of
the CIA in their Watergate reporting. Even during Senate hearings on Watergate, the CIA
somehow managed to stay out of the spotlight. In 1974, the House would clear the CIA of any
involvement in Watergate.
The CIA was not as lucky in 1974, when the Senate held hearings on James Jesus Angleton's
illegal surveillance of American citizens. These disclosures resulted in his firing. But that was
nothing compared to the 1975 Church Committee. This Senate investigation looked into
virtually every type of CIA crime, from assassination to secret war to manipulating the domestic
Page 18 ofmedia.
45 The "reforms" that resulted from these hearings were mostly cosmetic, but
Novthe details
14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
media. The "reforms" that resulted from these hearings were mostly cosmetic, but the details
that emerged shattered the CIA's reputation forever. Interestingly enough, the two Senators
who held these hearings/ Frank Church and Otis Pike, were both defeated for reelection,
despite a 98 percent reelection rate for incumbents. The CIA wasn't the only conservative
institution that found itself embattled in the early 70s. This was a bad time for conservatives
everywhere. America had lost the war in Vietnam. U.S. corporations had to cope with the rise of
OPEC. The anti-poverty programs of Roosevelt's New Deal and Johnson's Great Society were
causing a major redistribution of wealth. And Nixon was making things worse with his own
anti-poverty and regulatory programs. Between 1960 and 1973, these efforts cut poverty in
half, from 22 to 11 percent. Meanwhile, between 1965 and 1976, the richest 1 percent had
gone from owning 37 percent of America's wealth to only 22 percent. (16)
At a 1973 Conference Board meeting of top American business leaders, executives declared:
"We are fighting for our lives," "We are fighting a delaying action," and "If we don't take action
now, we will see our own demise. We will evolve into another social democracy." (17)
The CIA to the rescue
In the mid-1970s, at this historic low point in American conservatism, the CIA began a major
campaign to turn corporate fortunes around.
They did this in several ways. First, they helped create numerous foundations to finance their
domestic operations. Even before 1973, the CIA had co-opted the most famous ones, like the
Ford, Rockefeller and Carnegie Foundations. But after 1973, they created more. One of their
most notorious recruits was billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife. During World War II, Scaife's
father served in the OSS, the forerunner of the CIA. By his mid-twenties, both of Scaife's
parents had died, and he inherited a fortune under four foundations: the Carthage Foundation,
the Sarah Scaife Foundation, the Scaife Family Foundations and the Allegheny Foundation. In
the early 1970s, Scaife was encouraged by CIA agent Frank Barnett to begin investing his
fortune to fight the "Soviet menace." (18) From 1973 to 1975, Scaife ran Forum World
Features, a foreign news service used as a front to disseminate CIA propaganda around the
world. Shortly afterwards he began donating millions to fund the New Right.
Scaife's CIA roots are typical of those who head the new conservative foundations. By 1994 the
most active were: Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation Carthage Foundation Earhart
Foundation Charles G. Koch David H. Koch Claude R. Lambe Philip M. McKenna J.M.
Foundation John M. Olin Foundation Henry Salvatori Foundation Sarah Scaife Foundation
Smith Richardson Foundation
Between 1992 and 1994, these foundations gave $210 million to conservative causes. Here is
the breakdown of their donations: $88.9 million for conservative scholarships; $79.2 million to
enhance a national infrastructure of think tanks and advocacy groups; $16.3 million for
alternative media outlets and watchdog groups; $10.5 million for conservative pro-market law
firms; $9.3 million for regional and state think tanks and advocacy groups; $5.4 million to
"organizations working to transform the nations social views and giving practices of the nation's
religious and philanthropic leaders." (19)
The political machine they built is broad and comprehensive, covering every aspect of the
political fight. It includes right-wing departments and chairs in the nation's top universities, think
Page 19 oftanks,
45 public relations firms, media companies, fake grassroots organizations that
Nov pressure
14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
tanks, public relations firms, media companies, fake grassroots organizations that pressure
Congress (irreverently known as "Astroturf" movements), "Roll-out-the-vote" machines,
pollsters, fax networks, lobbyist organizations, economic seminars for the nation's judges, and
more. And because corporations are the richest sector of society, their greater financing
overwhelms similar efforts by Democrats.
Besides creating foundations, the CIA helped organize the business community. There have
always been special interest groups representing business, like the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers, and the CIA has long been involved
with them. However, after 1973, a spate of powerful new groups would come into existence,
like the Business Roundtable and the Trilateral Commission. These organizations quickly
became powerhouses in promoting the business agenda.
Their efforts clearly succeeded. With the 1975 SUN-PAC decision, corporations persuaded
government to legalize corporate Political Action Committees (the lobbyist organizations that
bribe our government). By 1992, corporations formed 67 percent of all PACs, and they donated
79 percent of all campaign contributions to political parties. (20) In two landmark elections,
1980 and 1994, corporations gave heavily and one-sidedly to Republicans, turning one or both
houses of Congress over to the GOP. Democratic incumbents were shocked by the threat of
being rolled completely out of power, so they quietly shifted to the right on economic issues,
even though they continued a public façade of liberalism. Corporations went ahead and
donated to Democratic incumbents in all other elections, but only as long as they abandoned
the interests of workers, consumers, minorities and the poor. As expected, the new
pro-corporate Congress passed laws favoring the rich: between 1975 and 1992, the amount of
national household wealth owned by the richest 1 percent soared from 22 to 42 percent. (21)
The CIA also helped create the conservative think tank movement. Prior to the 70s, think tanks
spanned the political spectrum, with moderate think tanks receiving three times as much
funding as conservative ones. At these early think tanks, scholars typically brainstormed for
creative solutions to policy problems. This would all change after the rise of conservative
foundations in the early 70s. The Heritage Foundation opened its doors in 1973, the recipient of
$250,000 in seed money from the Coors Foundation. A flood of conservative think tanks
followed shortly thereafter, and by 1980 they overwhelmed the scene. The new think tanks
turned out to be little more than propaganda mills, rigging studies to "prove" that their corporate
sponsors needed tax breaks, deregulation and other favors from government.
Of course, think-tank studies are useless without publicity, and here the CIA proved especially
valuable. Using propaganda techniques it had perfected at the Voice of America and Radio
Free Europe, the CIA and its allies turned American AM radio into a haven for conservative talk
show hosts. Yes, Rush Limbaugh uses the same propaganda techniques that Muscovites once
heard from Voice of America. The CIA has also developed countless other media outlets, like
Capital Cities (which eventually bought ABC), major PR firms like Hill & Knowlton, and of
course, all the Agency's connections in the national news media. (22)
The following is a typical example of how the "New Media" operates. As most political
observers know, the Republicans suffer from a "gender gap," in which women prefer
Democrats by huge majorities. This is, in fact, why Clinton has twice won the presidency. But,
Page 20 ofcuriously
45 enough, as the 90s progressed, conservative female pundits began popping up 09:21:36AM MST
Nov 14, 2015
Democrats by huge majorities.This is, in fact, why Clinton has twice won the presidency. But,
curiously enough, as the 90s progressed, conservative female pundits began popping up
everywhere in the media. Hard-right pundits like Ann Coulter, Kellyanne Fitzpatrick, Laura
Ingraham, Barbara Olson, Melinda Sidak, Anita Blair and Whitney Adams conditioned us to the
idea of the conservative woman. This phenomenon was no accident. It turns out that Richard
Mellon Scaife donated $450,000 over three years to the Independent Women's Forum, a
booking agency that heavily seeds such female conservative pundits into the media. (23)
Conclusion
The most obvious criticism of the New Over class is that their political machine is
undemocratic. Using subversive techniques once aimed at communists, and with all the money
they ever need to succeed, the Over class undemocratically controls our government, our
media, and even a growing part of academia. These institutions in turn allow the Over class to
control the supposedly "free" market. It doesn't win all the time, of course witness Bill Clinton's
impeachment trial but it does score an endless string of other victories elsewhere, all to the
detriment of workers, consumers, women, minorities and the poor. We need to fight it with
everything we've got.
Endnotes:
1. Mind Manipulators, Scheflin and Opton. p.241. 2. Captain George White in a letter to Dr.
Sidney Gottlieb.
3. All history concerning CIA intervention in foreign countries is summarized from William Blum
s encyclopedic work, Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions since World War II
(Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1995). Sources for domestic CIA operations come
from Jonathan Vankin and John Whalen s The 60 Greatest Conspiracies of All Time
(Secaucus, N.J.: Citadel Press, 1997). Information about CIA drug running can be found at
http://www.magnet.ch/serendipity/cia/blum1.html and
http://speech.csun.edu/ben/news/cia/index.html.
4. Coleman McCarthy, "The Consequences of Covert Tactics" Washington Post, December 13,
1987.
5. Robert Dreyfuss, "Company Spies," Mother Jones. Website:
http://www.mojones.com/mother_jones/MJ94/dreyfuss.html
6. Philip Agee: The Playboy Interview. Website: http://www.connix.com/~harry/agee.htm
7. Lara Shohet, "Intelligence, Academia and Industry," The Final Report of the Snyder
Commission, Edward Cheng and Diane C. Snyder, eds., (Princeton Unversity: The Woodrow
Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, January 1997). Website:
http://www.fas.org/irp/eprint/snyder/academia.htm.
8. Website: http://www.europa.com/~johnlf/cn/cn9-35.
9. Deborah Davis, Katharine the Great and the Washington Post, 2nd ed. (Bethesda MD:
National Press, 1987)
10. "Forum for Ben Bradlee," Watergate 25. Website:
http://discuss.washingtonpost.com/zforum/97/bradlee.htm.
11. Lewy, Guenter, The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany (London and New York, 1964), pp.
249-250.
12. National Catholic Reporter, Jan 89, Mar 89, Apr 89, May 89, "Nazis, the Vatican and the
CIA," Covert Action Information Bulletin, Winter 1986, Number 25 Website:
Page 21 ofhttp://www.mosquitonet.com/~prewett/knightsofmaltalist.html
45 . Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
http://www.mosquitonet.com/~prewett/knightsofmaltalist.html.
13. Anthony Collings, "Journalists tell Senate they want no CIA ties," CNN, July 18, 1996.
Website: http://www.cnn.com/US/9607/18/spies.journalists/ .
14. Morton Halperin, et al, eds., The Lawless State (New York: Penguin, 1976), p. 153.
15. Jim Hougan, Secret Agenda: Watergate, Deep Throat and the CIA.
16. Edward N. Wolff, "How the Pie is Sliced" The American Prospect no. 22 (Summer 1995),
pp. 58-64. Website: http://epn.org/prospect/22/22wolf.html.
17. Quoted in Leonard Silk and David Vogel, Ethics and Profits (New York: Simon & Schuster,
1976), pp. 44-47.
18. Karen Rothmyer, "The man behind the mask," Salon, April 7, 1998.
19. Study conducted by National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, July 1997, as
reported by the National Education Association. Website:
http://www.nea.org/publiced/paycheck/paychkf.html.
20. Center for Responsive Politics, Washington D.C., 1993.
21. Wolff.
22. For CIA involvement in Capital Cities/ABC, see Dennis Mazzocco, Networks of Power
(Boston: South End Press, 1994). For CIA involvement in the PR industry, see John Stauber
and Sheldon Rampton, Toxic Sludge is Good for You! (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage
Press, 1995), pp. 49-51,153,157,160-63.
23. Jonathon Broder and Murray Waas, [Untitled] Salon, April 20, 1998. Website:
http://www.salonmag.com/news/1998/04/20news.html
http://www.korpios.org/resurgent/L-overclass.html
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
The CIA and the Media
Here's just a snippet from Carl Bernstein's famous 1977 article entitled "The CIA & The Media"
from Rolling Stone, 10/20/77. Anyone with access to a library should try to find this - it's a truly
breakthrough piece - 16 pages long in the reprint!
In 1953, Joseph Alsop, then one of America's leading syndicated columnists, went to the
Philippines to cover an election. He did not go because he was asked to do so by his syndicate.
He did not go because he was asked to do so by the newspapers that printed his column. He
went at the request of the CIA.
Alsop is one of more than 400 American journalists who in the past 25 years have secretly
carried out assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency according to documents on file at
CIA headquarters. Some of these journalists' relationships with the Agency were tacit; some
were explicit. There was cooperation, accommodation and overlap. Journalists provided a full
range of clandestine services -- from simple intelligence-gathering to serving as go-betweens
with spies in Communist countries. Reporters shared their notebooks with the CIA. Editors
shared their staffs. Some of the journalists were Pulitzer Prize winners, distinguished reporters
who considered themselves ambassadors without portfolio for their country. Most were less
exalted: foreign correspondents who found that their association with the Agency helped their
work; stringers and freelancers who were as interested in the derring-do of the spy business as
in filing articles; and, the smallest category, full-time CIA employees masquerading as
journalists abroad. In many instances, CIA documents show, journalists were engaged to
Page 22 ofperform
45 tasks for the CIA with the consent of the managements of America's leading
Nov 14,news
2015 09:21:36AM MST
journalists abroad. In many
instances, CIA documents show, journalists were engaged to
perform tasks for the CIA with the consent of the managements of America's leading news
organizations.
The history of the CIA's involvement with the American press continues to be shrouded by an
official policy of obfuscation and deception for the following principal reasons:
The use of journalists has been among the most productive means of intelligence-gathering
employed by the CIA. Although the agency has cut back sharply on the use of reporters since
1973 (primarily as a result of pressure from the media), some journalists are still posted
abroad.
Further investigation into the matter, CIA officials say, would inevitably reveal a series of
embarrassing relationships in the 1950's and 1960's with some of the most powerful
organizations and individuals in American journalism. Among the executives who lent their
cooperation to the Agency were William Paley of the Columbia Broadcasting System, Henry
Luce of Time Inc., Arthur Hays Sulzberger of the New York Times, Barry Bingham Sr. of the
Louisville Courier-Journal, and James Copley of the Copley News Services. Other
organizations which cooperated with the CIA include the American Broadcasting Company, the
National Broadcasting Company, the Associated Press, United Press International, Reuters,
Hearst Newspapers, Scripps-Howard, Newsweek magazine, the Mutual Broadcasting System,
the Miami Herald and the old Saturday Evening Post and New York Herald-Tribune.
By far the most valuable of these associations, according to CIA officials, have been with the
New York Times, CBS and Time Inc.
http://www.realhistoryarchives.com/media/ciamedia.htm
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
Author: Ashley Overbeck

Title: A Report on CIA Infiltration and Manipulation of the Mass Media
original source: http://www.geocities.com/cpa_blacktown/20000318mediaoverb.htm
Should CIA agents be allowed to pose as journalists to further the aims of their clandestine
activities?
Members of a Council on Foreign Relations task force on the future of U.S. intelligence in the
post-Cold War world say yes, and a CIA official recently came forward to admit that the Agency
already occasionally does so despite regulations barring the practice. But is this a breaking
story or just the latest chapter in a spy story that traces its roots back to the 1950's? While they
may act like strangers in public, the press and the CIA have a sordid past that spans more than
four decades.
The CIA-Press Connection in the 1950s and 60s
The CIA-press connection traces its roots back to the early days of the Cold War, when Allen
Page 23 ofDulles
45 (who became CIA director in 1953) began courting the nation's most prestigious
Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
Dulles (who became CIA director in 1953) began courting the nation's most prestigious
journalistic institutions for Agency operations. The mood of the day precluded the need for
secretive infiltration, as Carl Bernstein points out in his 1977 expose on the topic. "American
publishers, like so many other corporate and institutional leaders at the time, were willing to
commit the resources of their companies to the struggle against global Communism," he writes.
"Accordingly, the line separating the American press corps was often indistinguishable."
That's not to say that reporters acted as spies in the James Bond sense. Media outlets offered
services that fell into the broad categories of providing "cover" for CIA operatives (i.e. jobs and
credentials) or sharing information gathered by reporters on staff.
While the Agency ran a formal training program in the 50's that attempted to teach rank-and-file
agents to be reporters, this was among the least common of the more than 400 relationships
with the press described in CIA files. Most involved were journalists before their involvement
with the CIA began. Reporters, especially foreign correspondents, typically served as "eyes
and ears" for the CIA. Often they were briefed by agents before a trip and debriefed when they
returned; they shared their notebooks, relayed things that they had seen or overheard and
offered their impressions. More complex arrangements found reporters planting misinformation
for the Agency or serving as liaisons between agents and foreign contacts, often in return for
information or access.
"In return for our giving them information, we'd ask them to do things that fit their roles as
journalists but that they wouldn't have thought of unless we put it in their minds," one agent told
Bernstein. "For instance, a reporter in Vienna would say to our man, 'I met an interesting
second secretary at the Czech Embassy.' We'd say, 'Can you get to know him? And after you
get to know him, can you assess him? And then, could you put him in touch with us -- would
you mind us using your apartment?'"
Another senior CIA official offered the following description of "reporting" by cooperating
journalists: "We would ask them, 'Will you do us a favor? We understand that you're going to be
in Yugoslavia. Have they paved the streets? Where did you see planes? Were there any signs
of military presence? How many Soviets did you see? If you happen to meet a Soviet, get his
name and spell it right."
It was a symbiotic relationship: reporters got the scoop and the spooks got the dirt.
Correspondents with Agency ties were highly valued by their bosses for the stories they
brought home. And agents saw in the press a perfect vehicle for information gathering: who
else besides a reporter enjoyed such free access in a foreign country, could cultivate so many
sources among foreign governments and elites and ask lots of probing questions without
arousing suspicion?
CIA-press operations in the 50's and 60's relied heavily on journalists working in Latin America
and Western Europe. Members of the press were used as go-betweens to deliver messages
and money to European Christian Democrats and also helped the Agency track the movements
of people coming from Eastern Europe. Additionally, the CIA owned 40 percent of the Rome
Daily American, a now-defunct English-language newspaper in Italy.
Reporters funneled CIA dollars to opponents of Salvador Allende in Chile and wrote
anti-Allende propaganda stories for CIA proprietary publications in that country. By Bernstein's
account, two of the Agency's most valuable relationships in the 60's were with reporters who
covered Latin America: Hal Hendrix, a Pulitzer Prize winner from the Miami News, and Jerry
Page 24 ofO'Leary
45 of the Washington Star. CIA files on Hendrix (who went on to become aNov high-ranking
14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
covered Latin America: Hal
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird.htmHendrix, a Pulitzer Prize winner from the Miami News, and Jerry
O'Leary of the Washington Star. CIA files on Hendrix (who went on to become a high-ranking
official at ITT) detail information that he provided agents about Cuban exiles in Miami.
O'Leary's file lists him as a valued asset in both Haiti and the Dominican Republic, although he
denies having a formal relationship with the Agency. "I might call them up and say something
like, "Papa Doc has the clap, did you know that? and they'd put it in the file," O'Leary told
Bernstein. "I don't consider that reporting for them. It's useful to be friendly to them, and
generally I felt friendly to them. But I think that they were more helpful to me than I was to them."
Doing the "Right Thing"
To greater and lesser degrees, many journalists at the time shared the belief that relationships
with the intelligence community were useful and that lending aid was the right thing to do.
"Many (journalists working with the CIA) had gone to the same schools as their CIA handlers,
moved in the same circles, shared fashionably liberal, anti-Communist political values, and
were part of the 'old boy' network that constituted something of an establishment elite in the
media, politics and academia of postwar America," Bernstein writes. "The most valued lent
themselves for reasons of national service, not money."
This was true of syndicated columnist Joseph Alsop, who is open and unapologetic about his
extensive CIA ties. Alsop's tasks in the 50's included a trip to Laos to investigate whether
American reporters there were using anti-American sources and a visit to the Philippines at the
behest of the CIA, who believed that his presence there might influence the outcome of an
election. "I'm proud they asked me and proud to have done it," Alsop said of his involvement.
"The notion that a newspaperman doesn't have a duty to his country is perfect balls."
According to one high-ranking official, Alsop's brother Stewart, also a columnist, was a CIA
agent. He was rumored to have been particularly useful in obtaining information from foreign
governments, planting misinformation and tipping off the Agency about potential foreign
recruits, although his brother denies this. "I was closer to the Agency than Stew was, though
Stew was very close," Joseph Alsop once said. "I dare say he did perform some tasks -- he just
did the correct thing as an American."
Also notable is New York Times columnist C.L. Sulzberger (CFR), who the CIA lists as a
valuable source of information throughout the 50's. Sulzberger claims that he "would never get
near the spook business," but admits to sharing information with agents, many of whom were
close personal friends: "I'm sure they consider me an asset. They can ask me questions. They
find out you're going to Slobovia and they say, 'Can we talk to you when you get back?' Or
they'll want to know if the head of the Ruritanian government is suffering from psoriasis. But I
never took an assignment from one of those guys." However, Sulzberger does "think" that he
signed a secrecy agreement with the CIA (as did his uncle, Times publisher Arthur Hays
Sulzberger [CFR]), though.
Many CIA officials long for the days when there were more journalists like Sulzberger and the
Alsops. "There was a time when it wasn't considered a crime to serve your government," one
official bitterly told Bernstein. "This all has to be considered in the context of the morality of the
times, rather than the against latter-day standards -- and hypocritical standards at that."
"(I)n the Fifties and Sixties there was a national consensus about a national threat. The Vietnam
War tore everything to pieces -- shredded the consensus and threw it in the air."
But another agent remarked in Bernstein's expose, "there was a point when the ethical issues
Page 25 ofwhich
45 most people submerged finally surfaced. Today a lot of these guys vehemently
Nov 14, deny that
2015 09:21:36AM MST
which most people submerged finally surfaced. Today a lot of these guys vehemently deny that
they had any relationship with the Agency."
The Church Committee Investigation
A flurry of public attention began to cast doubts upon the ethics of a press wedded to the
Central Intelligence Agency after a Washington Star-News story by Oswald Johnson reported
that the CIA had three dozen American newsmen on its payroll at that time (November 1973).
Then-CIA director William Colby (CFR) leaked this information to Johnson, fearing an
embarrassing fallout after both the Star-News and New York Times approached him to ask if
any of their staff members were receiving payments from the Agency. (A Times investigation
four years later showed the number of CIA-funded journalists to be closer to 50; Bernstein's
expose in Rolling Stone that same year claimed it was more like 400.)
By now, the times they had a-changed: In a 1974 article in the Columbia Journalism Review,
former reporter Stuart Loory chastised fellow journalists for their history of chumming it up with
the CIA and for their lax coverage of the issue once it came to light. "There is little question that
if even one American overseas carrying a press card is paid by the CIA, then all Americans
with those credentials are suspect," he wrote. "We automatically... consider Soviet and Chinese
newsmen as mouthpieces and informants for their governments, while at the same time
congratulating ourselves for our independence. Now we know that some of that independence
has, with the stealth required of clandestine operations, been taken away from us -- or given
away."
In 1975, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence headed by Frank Church (the Church
Committee) focused its attention on the Agency's use of American news outlets. The CIA went
to great lengths to curtail this part of the committee's investigation, though, and some members
of the committee later admitted that the Agency was able to get the upper hand. Colby and his
successor, George Bush (CFR, TC), were able to convince the Senate that a full inquiry would
cripple their intelligence-gathering capabilities and would unleash a "witch-hunt" on the nation's
reporters, editors and publishers.
"The Agency was extremely clever about it and the committee played right into its hands," one
congressional source told Carl Bernstein. "Church and some of the other members were much
more interested in making headlines than in doing serious, tough investigating. The Agency
pretended to be giving up a lot whenever it was asked about the flashy stuff -- assassinations
and secret weapons and James Bond operations. Then, when it came to things they didn't want
to give away, that were much more important to the Agency, Colby in particular called in his
chits. And the committee bought it."
Former intelligence officer William Bader (who returned to the Agency as a deputy to Stansfield
Turner) and David Aaron (who later served as deputy to President Carter's national security
advisor) supervised the committee's investigation of the CIA-press angle. CIA director Bush
balked at all of Bader's requests for specific information about the scope of the Agency's media
activities. Under pressure from the entire committee, Bush finally agreed to pull records on
journalists and have his deputies condense them into one-paragraph summaries. The Agency
would not make the raw files available, and neither the names of journalists nor their affiliations
would be included. More than 400 summaries were compiled (a number that officials
acknowledge was probably on the low side) in an attempt to give committee members "a broad,
Page 26 ofrepresentative
45 picture." "We never pretended it was a total description of the range of activities
Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
representative picture." "We never pretended it was a total description of the range of activities
over 25 years, or the number of journalists that have done things for us," one official conceded.
Still, even these sketchy details were enough for the committee to conclude that the CIA's
relationships with the press were of a far greater magnitude than they had expected -- and that
they needed to know more.
But Bush was intransigent. Heated confrontations produced a bizarre agreement: Bader and
director of the committee staff William Miller (CFR) could have access to 25 "sanitized" files
from among the 400 (still without journalists' identities). Church and committee vice-chairman
John Tower would see five unsanitized files to verify that the CIA had included all but the
names. No information on current CIA-press relationships would be divulged, and the whole
deal was contingent upon Bader, Miller, Church and Tower's promises not to reveal the files'
contents to the other committee members.
In the end, with time running out on the committee, the senators decided to drop the matter and
leave a more detailed investigation to the CIA oversight committee that would succeed them.
The committee interviewed none of the reporters, editors, publishers or broadcast executives
detailed in the files. And although members concluded that "from the CIA point of view this was
the highest, most sensitive covert program of all," and "a much larger part of the operational
system than had been indicated," this was hardly part of the official findings when they were
made public. The tcommittee dedicated a scant en pages of its final report to covert
relationships with the media. The information included in the report was vague and misleading
and, according to committee member Gary Hart, "hardly reflected what we found."
Bernstein offered the following commentary on the Church committee's output: "No mention
was made of the 400 summaries or what they showed. Instead the report noted blandly that
some fifty recent contacts had been studied by the committee staff -- thus conveying the
impression that the Agency's dealings with the press had been limited to those instances.
Colby's misleading public statements about the use of journalists were repeated without
serious contradiction or elaboration. The role of cooperating news executives was given short
shrift. The fact that the Agency had concentrated its relationships in the most prominent sectors
of the press went unmentioned. That the CIA continued to regard the press as up for grabs was
not even suggested."
Prominent CIA-Press Relationships
A source close to the Church committee remarked on the investigation that, "if this stuff got out
some of the biggest names in journalism would get smeared." So just who was involved, and
what was the nature of their relationships with the intelligence community? The following is a
sampling of prominent organizations identified by Carl Bernstein and other researchers as high
profile news outlets with low profile ties to the CIA.
CBS: CIA Broadcasting System?
Bernstein asserts that a good relationship between former CIA director Allen Dulles and former
CBS president William Paley (CFR) made the network the CIA's most valuable broadcasting
Page 27 ofasset.
45 "Over the years," Bernstein writes, "the network provided cover for CIA employees,
Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
asset. "Over the years," Bernstein writes, "the network provided cover for CIA employees,
including at least one well-known foreign correspondent and several stringers; it supplied
outtakes of newsfilm to the CIA; established a formal channel of communications between the
Washington bureau chief and the agency; and allowed reports by CBS correspondents... to be
routinely monitored by the CIA."
Paley chose Sig Mickelson (CFR), president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961, as his liaison
with the CIA. Mickelson (who went on to become president of Radio Free Europe and Radio
Liberty) recalls complaining about having to use a pay phone to contact the CIA, and later
installing a private line that bypassed the CBS switchboard for this purpose. A CBS
investigation of his files revealed that he was involved in passing on CBS film and outtakes to
CIA officials in exchange for payment and that he regularly forwarded copies of CBS' internal
newsletter to his CIA handlers. The same investigation revealed that two CBS employees --
stringer Austin Goodrich and Frank Kearns, a network reporter from 1958-1971 -- were
undercover CIA operatives.
Mickelson has discussed his CIA activities with Bernstein and others. "When I moved into the
job I was told by Paley that there was an ongoing relationship with the CIA," he has recalled.
"He introduced me to two agents who he said would keep in touch. We all discussed the
Goodrich situation and the film arrangements. I assumed that this was the normal relationship
at the time. This was at the height of the Cold War and I assumed the communications media
were cooperating -- though the Goodrich matter was compromising."
Mickelson's successor Richard Salant says he continued some of these practices when he took
the CBS helm. "I said no on talking to the reporters, and let them see broadcast tapes, but no
outtakes," he explains. "This went on for a number of years -- into the Seventies."
Sign of the Times
The New York Times was for the CIA in the realm of newspapers what CBS was to the Agency
among broadcasters. Publisher Arthur Hays Sulzberger (CFR) arranged for cover for
approximately 10 CIA employees between 1950 and 1966 as part of his general policy of
providing assistance to the CIA whenever possible.
According to CIA officials, the Agency's ties to the Times were stronger than to any other
papers because of its large foreign news operation and because of close ties between
publisher Sulzberger and director Dulles (a relationship described by one staff member as "the
mighty dealing with the mighty.") The output of this close relationship generally included
reporting for CIA agents and "spotting" new prospective foreign operatives. Sulzberger is said
to have signed a secrecy agreement with the Agency in the 1950's -- some say he did so as a
pledge not to reveal the classified information he was privy to; others claim it was a pact never
to reveal the Times' dealings with the CIA.
Former Times reporter Wayne Phillips said CIA agents approached and tried to recruit him as
an undercover operative in 1952, advising him that the Agency has a "working relationship"
with Sulzberger. A Freedom of Information Act request later revealed that agents hoped to put
him to work as an "asset" abroad. The Times ran a story about the attempted recruitment in
1976, in which Arthur Ochs Sulzberger (CFR) asserted that he had "never heard of the Times
being approached, either in my capacity as publisher or as the son of the late Mr. Sulzberger."
Page 28 ofA45CIA Post? Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST

A CIA Post?
Bernstein's former employers at the Washington Post escaped his expose unscathed, but other
investigators have documented extensive CIA ties at the paper. According to John Kelly of
CounterSpy magazine, Post reporter Walter Pincus (CFR) worked for the CIA in 1959 as an
Agency trained and funded delegate sent to the International Youth Festival in Vienna to disrupt
the festival and spy on fellow Americans. After briefing agents on his activities and taking a
pledge of secrecy, he went on attend youth conferences in Ghana and Guinea. Pincus claims
that he was offered, but turned down, a permanent CIA position, although he did attend a
political meeting in New Delhi at the Agency's request before going on to bigger and better
things at the Post. Pincus has written several pieces sympathetic to CIA operations. He
published an article just prior to the release of Bernstein's Rolling Stone expose downplaying
the article's claims, even though his report essentially let Post publisher Katherine Graham off
the hook. Reporter Russell Warren Howe also has a long history of CIA service. In 1958, he
once said, his "days as an asset had just begun." He worked for the CIA proprietary
"Information Bulletin, Ltd." and its successor, "Forum Service" (later known as Forum World
Features), in addition to the CIA-funded "Africa Report and "Survey." Howe was fully aware of
his employer's CIA ties, referring once to the FWF as "the principal CIA media in the world."
According to the Church Committee, the Post management was aware that one of their
reporters worked for a CIA publication, and that on several occasions they knowingly reprinted
propaganda from that paper in the Post.
Philip Geyelin (CFR) on the other hand was a CIA agent before taking a job as a Post reporter.
Geyelin joined the Agency for 11 months during a leave from the Wall Street Journal. While at
the Journal, CIA memos about Geyelin (which number in the hundreds, according to
CounterSpy) described him as "a CIA resource" and a "willing collaborator." Geyelin has come
to the CIA's defense in the Post: in response to a statement by Post ombudsman Charles Seib
that the CIA should stick to dirty work, the press should inform the public, "and never the twain
can meet," Geyelin replied that to the contrary, agents and journalists were "all searching for
the same nuggets of truth about the outside world." He took this a step further when he
protested Congressional efforts to regulate CIA-media ties, invoking journalists' constitutional
right to be co-opted by spooks. "(I)n its zeal to restrict the freedom of the agency to subvert the
press," he wrote, "Congress could wind up making a law that would in fact abridge -- or
threaten to abridge -- some part of the freedom of the press that the First Amendment was
intended to protect."
Publisher Katherine Graham is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations with close ties to
former CIA directors Dulles and William Casey (CFR). She hired CIA-linked Wackenhut
Security Corporation to break up a Post union strike, and invited former Deputy Attorney
General Nicholas Katzenbach (CFR) to join the Post's board of directors despite his
well-documented past as a CIA apologist. Katzenbach is said to have asked a past Post
editorial page editor to tone down an upcoming editorial about the CIA, and he chaired a
presidential panel that "investigated" CIA domestic operations (but actually served as a rubber
stamp for the Agency's activities). While he asserted that both the FBI and CIA were "the most
decent and effective intelligence agencies in the world," Katzenbach had first hand knowledge
of the seedier side of intelligence: the Church committee produced several memos
documenting his suggestions to J. Edgar Hoover that he might undertake wiretap operations as
part of the Bureau's campaign to discredit Martin Luther King, Jr.
Making Time for Spooks
Page 29 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST

Time and Life founder Henry Luce was considered one of the CIA's most cooperative sources
in the media. Luce, another of Dulles' personal friends in the media, was said to freely allow
staff members to work with the CIA and willingly provide credentials for agents who lacked
journalistic experience. Throughout the 50's and 60's Time correspondents attended CIA
briefing dinners, and Luce encouraged his foreign correspondents to meet with CIA officials
after returning from trips abroad.
C.D. Jackson, a Life magazine vice president in the early 1960's, co-authored a CIA study on
reorganization of the intelligence community during his tenure at Time-Life, and approved
specific plans for granting cover to CIA operatives. Former Life managing editors Edward
Thompson and George Hunt told Stuart Loory that they regularly allowed military intelligence
agents to come to the Life office to look at photos and, since they were public domain,
sometimes gave them prints. CIA agents were allowed to interview correspondents returning
from overseas assignments too, Hunt said, although he did not consider this to be "working
with" intelligence agencies. "We never cooperated with the CIA," Hunt claimed. "We didn't have
any of that nonsense going on at Life."
Other News Outlets With Documented CIA Ties
Management at the Christian Science Monitor admitted the paper had an ongoing relationship
with the CIA throughout the 1950's and early 60's. Joseph Harrison, who became editor in
1950, said he discovered that agents paid frequent visits to the news office to get information
on Monitor stories. "I inherited the situation and I continued it," he said of the arrangement,
which included allowing the Agency access to uncut versions of stories and letters from Monitor
foreign correspondents. While Johnson characterized such activities as "helping out as an
American," he drew the line at pursuing stories at the Agency's behest or allowing his
employees to moonlight with the CIA. "That," according to his distinction, "would have been
espionage."
CIA files show that ABC News provided cover for agents throughout the 1960's. During the
Church committee hearings the Agency refused to reveal whether its relationship with the
network was ongoing. As with ties to other high profile news outlets, arrangements were made
at the highest level, with the full knowledge of network executives. CIA officials claim that Sam
Jaffe and one other unnamed correspondent performed clandestine tasks for the Agency. Jaffe
admits that he was approached by agents who offered to get him a job with CBS, who would
send him on assignment in Moscow if he agreed to cooperate, but claims he never agreed to
the deal. Jaffe did go on to do some work for CBS, though, and said he believed that the CIA
had a hand in getting him the assignment.
One of the more unusual accounts of the CIA-press connection involves the Louisville
Courier-Journal. Undercover operative Robert H. Campbell spent three months at the paper as
a reporter in 1964-1965 as part of an arrangement made by the Agency and Courier-Journal
executive editor Norman Issacs. The first account of Campbell's tenure at the paper appeared
in a front-page story in 1976 -- in the Courier-Journal (one of the few self-investigative pieces
written on this topic).
James Herzog reported that Campbell had been hired in spite of the fact that he could not type
Page 30 ofand
45 knew little about newswriting. "Norman said that when he was in Washington,
Nov he
14, had
2015 been
09:21:36AM MST
and knew little about newswriting. "Norman said that when he was in Washington, he had been
called to lunch with some friend of his who was with the CIA [who] wanted to send this young
fellow down to get him a little knowledge of newspapering," the paper's former managing editor
recalled in the article. CIA sources say that the Courier-Journal arrangements were made so
that Johnson could amass a record of journalistic experience (he also worked briefly for the
Hornell, New York Evening Tribune). The Agency even sent funds to the Courier-Journal to pay
Johnson's salary. These same sources claim that the deal was made with Issacs and approved
by the paper's publisher, but neither man recalls being involved. "All I can do is repeat the
simple truth," Issacs said in response to Herzog's story, "that never, under any circumstances
or at any time, have I ever knowingly hired a government agent." But, he added, "none of this is
to say that I couldn't have been 'had.'"
But clues were there. No one looked into Johnson's credentials when he was hired, and his file
included the curious notation "Hired for temporary work -- no reference checks completed or
needed." Johnson's journalistic prowess (or lack thereof) should have given him away: his
editors characterized his work as "unreadable" and it was never published. If that was not clue
enough, his penchant for announcing to patrons at a bar a few steps from his office that he was
a CIA agent should have done the trick.
Who else? Bernstein compiled the following list of additional organizations known to have
provided CIA cover: the New York Herald-Tribune, the Saturday Evening Post,
Scripps-Howard Newspapers, Hearst Newspapers, the Associated Press, United Press
International, the Mutual Broadcasting System, Reuters and the Miami Herald.
The CFR Report on "Making Intelligence Smarter"
A Council on Foreign Relations task force thrust the CIA-media connection back into the
spotlight this year with the release of their report on post-Cold War intelligence. "Making
Intelligence Smarter," released in February 1996, stresses the importance of "human
intelligence" in successful clandestine operations. But many of the "innovations" the CFR
suggests for cases when "the targeted activity is not easily captured by reconnaissance or
eavesdropping," are all too familiar. "Clandestine operations for whatever purpose currently are
circumscribed by a number of legal and policy constraints," the report states. "These deserve
review to avoid diminishing the potential contribution of this instrument. At a minimum, the Task
Force recommended that a fresh look be taken at limits on the use of nonofficial 'covers' for
hiding and protecting those involved in clandestine activities."
Though the task force doesn't explicitly address the use of the press as cover, the implication is
obvious. If nothing else, the Church committee investigation showed CIA-press relationships to
be among the Agency's most secret -- and most valuable -- operations for nearly two decades.
And congressional scrutiny, however ineffectual, led the Agency to codify the constraints
alluded to in the report.
Former CIA director William Colby claimed in 1973 to have scaled back covert media
operations in response to mounting criticism of the practice. His successor, George Bush,
issued a statement pledging that the Agency would not enter into "paid or contractual
relationships with full- or part-time news correspondents from accredited news organizations"
when he took the Agency helm in 1976. (The statement was ambiguous on stringers and other
news staffers, and included a statement that the Agency would "welcome" journalists'
Page 31 ofvoluntary,
45 unpaid cooperation. Stansfield Turner, Bush's replacement, put theseNov
assurances in
14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
news staffers, and included
a statement that the Agency would "welcome" journalists'
voluntary, unpaid cooperation. Stansfield Turner, Bush's replacement, put these assurances in
writing the following year.
Contrary to the report's implication that all "nonofficial" covers are currently off limits, there is a
loophole in the policy Turner drafted in 1977 allowing for exceptions "with the specific approval"
of the Director of Central Intelligence. An unnamed source brought the loophole to attention of
the Washington Post last month, indicating that such exceptions had been made "in
extraordinarily rare circumstances" in the past 19 years. At least one such exception was
granted for a CIA agent posing as a reporter during the Iranian hostage crisis.
Spies R Not Us?
Reaction from the press to the CFR report has been mixed. Many have invoked the First
Amendment and uttered platitudes about the separation of press and state, while remaining
silent about the two institutions' sordid pasts. Notably absent from both the CFR's report and
the media's reaction is any historical frame of reference: the issue is presented as a
stand-alone current event, taken out of its context as a legacy of CIA meddling and media
complicity.
Evan Thomas, an assistant editor at Newsweek told the Post that while there were "inherent
conflicts" in using the press as cover, "You would not want to rule out forever an opportunity in
which a journalist might be the only one who could help in a desperate situation."
But Jim Naureckas, editor of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting's journal Extra!, seemed to
have a better appreciation of the underlying implications. "Under no circumstance should CIA
agents pose as journalists," he said. "Given the CIA's record in setting up fake press organs
and manipulating the press, they have really lost the right to get involved with journalists. You
can't combine their work with journalism, which is about the free and open exchange of ideas."
Washington Times columnist Ken Adelman charged that the uproar was much ado about
nothing. "That such verbal waffling aroused such a ruckus says a great deal," he wrote in his
March 6, 1996 column. "Not so much about the Council or the CIA -- but about the narcissism
of today's journalists."
Contrary to the policy of his predecessors, Post executive editor Leonard Downie, Jr. said he
was disturbed by the possibility that the CIA had either used journalistic organizations for cover
or recruited journalists. Independence from the government, he said, was essential for both
credibility and the safety of correspondents.
The CFR, the CIA, the Media and the New World Order
Will economic warfare replace the Cold War in the New World Order? In the wake of the Cold
War, debate has erupted over the future use of intelligence agencies by the U.S. government.
Many of America's political and business elite want to see a shift towards economic
intelligence, to counter other nations' economic intelligence ops, as well as to further the goals
of international capitalism.
It is therefore especially noteworthy that the CFR issued the report on "Making Intelligence
Page 32 ofSmarter."
45 The roster of the Council on Foreign Relations is a Who's Who directory
Novof
14,the
2015 09:21:36AM MST
Smarter." The roster of the Council on Foreign Relations is a Who's Who directory of the
political, military, and economic elite in the United States. President Clinton's administration is
staffed by nearly 100 of the CFR's 3,000 members. It has been said by political commentators
on both the left and the right that if you want to find out what U.S. foreign policy will be next
year, you should read the CFR's periodical Foreign Affairs this year.
Members of the CFR exert influence over a gigantic portion of the media in America. Many of
the newspeople who operated with the CIA in the past were or are CFR members. The chief
directors and news anchors of CBS, ABC, NBC, Time Inc., Public Broadcast Service, CNN,
Newsweek, and many other major media outlets are CFR members. So are many CEOs and
board members at Chase Manhattan Corp., Chemical Bank, Citicorp, Shell Oil, AT&T, General
Motors, General Electric, and other multinational corporations.
It is also worth noting that three of the Task Force panel members who wrote the "Making
Intelligence Smarter" report included past or present journalists. Leslie Gelb, CFR president, is
a former foreign affairs columnist and Op-Ed page editor for The New York Times. Henry
Grunwald is former Editor-in-Chief of Time magazine, and Jessica Mathews is a Post
columnist.
Critics of the CFR on both sides of the political spectrum voice strong opposition to the
Council's agenda of expansion of multinational capitalism and world government -- what has
become known as the New World Order. A report from the CFR such as "Making Intelligence
Smarter" will therefore make plenty of waves. The fact that the report was composed in part by
members of the working press who are also CFR members is a brazen conflict of interest, in
light of the CFR's history.
Will there be a shift in CIA/media operations towards global economic intelligence and
propaganda? Only time will tell as the debate rages on. But if history serves as any sort of
lesson, we could be standing on the threshold of a new flap of covert media manipulation.
Sources
"The CIA and the Media: How America's Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove
with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered it Up," Rolling
Stone, October 20, 1977, p.55-67. "CIA in America," CounterSpy, Spring 1980, p. 42-43.
"Washington Post -- Speaking for Whom?" CounterSpy, May-July 1981, p. 13-19. Loch K.
Johnson, America's Secret Power: the CIA in a Democratic Society, New York: Oxford
University Press, 1989, p. 182-311. "'Loophole Revealed in Prohibition on CIA Use of
Journalistic Cover," New York Times, February 16, 1996, p. A24. "Making Intelligence
Smarter," report of a task force of the Council on Foreign Relations, 1996. "Disinformation and
Mass Deception: Democracy as a Cover Story," Covert Action Information Bulletin,
Spring-Summer 1983, p. 3-12. "The CIA's use of the press: a 'mighty Wurlitzer,'" Columbia
Journalism Review, September/October 1974, p. 9-18.
http://www.911-strike.com/CIAinmedia.htm
O'Reilly's Information Tech CIA Connection ::: Download Presentation
In-Q-Tel, Inc. is a private, venture capital firm chartered by the CIA. In-Q-Tel strives to extend
the Agency's access to new IT companies, solutions, and approaches to address their priority
Page 33 ofproblems.
45 In-Q-Tel invests in technologies that addresses critical CIA needs, and Novthat can 09:21:36AM
14, 2015 also MST
problems. In-Q-Tel invests in technologies that addresses critical CIA needs, and that can also
become commercially viable.
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government, at least one has the advantage of knowing the bias is present, and to adjust for it.
In the United States of America, we are taught from birth that our press is free from such
government meddling. This is an insideous lie about the very nature of the news institution in
this country. One that allows the government to lie to us while denying the very fact of the lie
itself.

by Alex Constantine
Soulless corporations do, of course. Corporations with grinning, double-breasted executives,

interlocking directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. Coca-Cola.
Disney. Newspapers should have mastheads that mirror the world: The Westinghouse Evening
Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser . It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of
armchair ombudsmen that the public print reports news from a parallel universe - one that has
never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking thefts, mind control,
death squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales - a place
overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their best behavior. In this
idyllic land, the most serious infraction an official can commit __is a the employment of a
domestic servant with (shudder) no residency status.
This unlikely land of enchantment is the creation of MOCKINGBIRD. It was conceived in the
late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold war, when the CIA began a systematic infiltration
of the corporate media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news outlets.
In this period, the American intelligence services competed with communist activists abroad to
influence European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of local governments, Frank
Wisner, an undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up
students abroad to enter the cold war underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office
of Policy Coordination. Philip Graham, __a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in
Page 34 ofHarrisburg,
45 PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under Wisner's wing
Nov 14, to09:21:36AM MST
2015
Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under Wisner's wing to
direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
"By the early 1950s," writes former Village Voice reporter Deborah Davis in Katharine the
Great, "Wisner 'owned' respected members of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and
other communications vehicles, plus stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a former
CIA analyst." The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a templar for German and American
corporations who wanted their points of view represented in the public print. Early
MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of
CIA propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary views, among them
William Paley (CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger
(N.Y. Times).
Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled to find in
FOIA documents that agents boasting in CIA office memos of their pride in having placed
"important assets" inside every major news publication in the country. It was not until 1982 that
the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have acted as case officers to
agents in the field.
"World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March, 1947. "It is in the opening
skirmish stage already." The issue featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who
called for the creation of an "American Empire," "world-dominating in political power, set up at
least in part through coercion (probably including war, but certainly the threat of war) and in
which one group of people ... would hold more than its equal share of power."
George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947, explaining
tha__t "although avoiding typical Hitlerian
phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world and ruling it, began to
appear in the press, whereas the organs of
Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably leading to war if it brought
greater commercial markets under the
American flag."
On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the CIA and William Paley, a
wartime colonel and the founder of CBS. A firm believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster
loyalty to the Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to work undercover at the behest of his close
friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation's media, Allen Dulles. Paley's designated
go-between in his dealings with the CIA was Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954
to 1961.
The CIA's assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the Operations Coordination
Board, directed by C.D. Jackson, formerly an executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower's
Special Assistant for Cold War Strategy. In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller,
who quit a year later, disgusted at the administration's political infighting. Vice President Nixon
succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war strategist.
"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice Department's Office of Special
Investigations, took "a small boy's delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft - the
hidden microphones, the 'black' propaganda." Nixon especially enjoyed his visit to a Virginia
training camp to observe Nazis in the "special forces" drilling at covert operations.
Page 35 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence underground was heroin smuggler
Hubert von Blücher, the son of A German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was
trained by the Abwehr, the German military intelligence division, while still a civilian in his
twenties. He served in a recon unit of the German Army until forced out for medical reasons in
1944, according to his wartime records. He worked briefly as an assistant director for
Berlin-Film on a movie entitled One Day ..., and finished out the war flying with the Luftwaffe,
but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling of Nazi loot out of the country. His
exploits were, in part, the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the
In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named Huberto von Bleucher
Corell, he immediately paid court to Eva Peron, presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin
tapestry (a selection from the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?).
Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the Hotel Plaza to deliver German marks worth $80
million. The loot financed the birth of the National Socialist Party in Argentina, among other
In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color Corporation of America in
Hollywood. He eked out a living writing
scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can be heard on a film set in the Amazon,
produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Düsseldorf, West
Germany, and established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical warfare
agents for the government. At the Industrie Club in Düsseldorf in 1982, von Blücher boasted to
journalists, "I am chief shareholder of Pan American Airways. I am the best friend of Howard
Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I am thus the biggest
financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by these people over their
second bottle of brandy."
Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken dreams of world-moving
affluence were, in their time, Moses Annenberg, publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his
son Walter , the CIA/mob-anchored publisher of the TV Guide. Like most American high-rollers,
Annenberg lived a double life. Moses, his father, was a scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses
and Walter were indicted in 1939 for tax evasions totalling many millions of dollars - the biggest
case in the history of the Justice Department. Moses pled guilty and agreed to pay the
government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims, penalties and interest debts.
Moses received a three-year sentence. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.
Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. On the campaign trail in
April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet. "This is the
topping on the cake," Bush's regional campaign director told the Los Angeles Times. The Bush
team met at Annenberg's plush Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands, California. It was at the
Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the state's social and contributor
registers built over a quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose
The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's recruitment by the Crusade for
Freedom, a CIA front, presented the
intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even prying in the
Page 36 ofage
45 of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient
Nov 14, 2015 video
09:21:36AM MST
age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient video
surveillance technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition published in the
U.S. by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by
1948, a surveillance program that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast
transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual images with the equipment as far
as 25 miles away.
Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his disappearance in the midst
of the Watergate probe.
In 1952, at MCA, Actors' Guild president Ronald Reagan - a screen idol recruited by
MOCKINGBIRD's Crusade for Freedom to raise funds for the resettlement of Nazis in the U.S.,
according to Loftus - signed a secret waiver of the conflict-of-interest rule with the
mob-controlled studio, in effect granting it a labor monopoly on early television programming. In
exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner. Furthermore, historian C. Vann Woodward,
writing in the New York Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan had "fed the names of suspect
people in his organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned 'an informer's
code number, T-10.' His FBI file indicates intense collaboration with producers to 'purge' the
No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former intelligence officer and in the
immediate postwar period UPI's Moscow correspondent. Cronkite was lured to CBS by
Operation MOCKINGBIRD's Phil Graham, according to Deborah Davis.
Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film simian from CIA and Mafia
heroin operations. Among other organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his
neighbor Lowell Thomas threw in to launch the infamous Resorts International, the corporate
front for Lansky's branch of the federally-sponsored mob family and the corporate precursor to
Cap Cities. Another of the investors was James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated
$100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This was the year that Resorts bought into
Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the
In 1954, this same circle of investors, all Catholics, founded the broadcasting company
notorious for overt propagandizing and general
spookiness. The company's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey, who clung to his
shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after he was appointed CIA director by Ronald
Reagan in 1981.
"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The Invisible Government to
describe the agency's intertwining interests in the emergence of the transistor radio with the
entrepreneurs who took to the airwaves. "Daily, East and West beam hundreds of
propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of competition for the minds of
their listeners. The low-price transistorhas given the hidden war a new importance," enthused
one foreign correspondent.
A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda push. One of them,
Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR), received hundreds of thousands of dollars from
the CIA through private foundations and trusts. OPR research was the basis of a television
Page 37 ofseries
45 that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People and Politics,
Nov 14,a2015
"study"
09:21:36AM MST
series that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People and Politics, a "study"
of the American political system in 21 weekly installments.
In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia combination that formed Cap
Cities sank its claws into the film
studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army during the war by a
criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably
assassinated by the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who
visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled his office
after the dictator's. The only honest job Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and
a secret investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former
producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative on the West Coast, passed a
small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn.
Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson, publisher of the Hollywood
Reporter.
operations budget. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged
in propaganda efforts. The cost of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an
estimated $265 million a year by 1978, a budget larger than the combined expenditures of
Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely with the intelligence services
- in fact, 23 employees were full-time
Most consumers of the corporate media were - and are - unaware of the effect that the salting
of public opinion has on their own beliefs. A network anchorman in time of national crisis is an
instrument of psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. He is a creature from the
national security sector's chamber of horrors. For this reason consumers of the corporate press
have reason to examine their basic beliefs about government and life in the parallel universe of
these United States.
http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/POLITICS/MOCK/mockingbird.html
"I see in the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the
safety of my country. As a result of the war, corporations have been enthroned and an era of
corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will endeavor to
prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of the people until all wealth is aggregated in a
few hands and the Republic is destroyed." -- President Abraham Lincoln, Nov. 21, 1864
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
Massive Media: Facts and Figures
http://www.pbs.org/now/politics/fcc.html
Page 38 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST

The world of the mass media is shrinking. How a handful of companies came to exercise such
control over the media is one of the astonishing stories of our time. But there are real
consequences to what's happening that affect democracy and consumers.
Merging Media
Approximate number of newspapers in North America: 1800

Approximate number of magazines in North America: 11,000
Approximate number of radio stations in North America: 11,000
Approximate number of television stations in North America: 2000
Approximate number of book publishers in North America: 3000
Number of companies owning a controlling interest in the media listed above in 1984: 50
The Massing of the Media
# THE LAW: Many media watchers point to the Telecommunications Act of 1996 as crucial to
the growth of media giants. The Act lowered some long-standing limits on the number of media
outlets that any one company could own in any single market. For television there's currently a
cap limiting any one company from reaching more than 35 percent of the national audience.
The Federal Communications Commission's (FCC) website has a complete listing of public
hearings on this issue and a facility for filing comments online.
# TELEVISION: The U.S. seems awash with TV choices. Between cable, dish and digital
channels, choices number in the hundreds. A recent study by THE ECONOMIST found that
though the market continues to grow, most people routinely watch only 15 channels. The top
ten cable channels and the five networks still make up 90% of the watching audience. And
what are they watching? American cable fare breaks down as follows:
# Entertainment ................36.6%
# Children's programming .21.1%
# News ...............................14.1%
# Nature/Education ............11.1%
# Women .............................7.0%
# Music ...............................5.4%
# Sport ............................... 4.7%
Page 39 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST

# NEWS: A few years ago, newspeople were lamenting the results of a study by Harvard's
Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy which showed a marked decrease
in international news coverage from 45% in the 1970s to just 14% in 1995. In the wake of
September 11, some news organizations were revitalized. Overseas bureaus were saved from
closure and hard news seemed important again but the companies lost money. Just this week,
CNN announced its biggest prime-time audience of 2002 for...the arrest of Robert Blake.
Media analysis Andrew Tyndall watches the news every night and publishes the results in the
Tyndall Report. Here's a round-up of the top stories on the three big networks for selected
weeks past from the Tyndall Report:
July 19-31, 2001 (av. number of minutes):

# Disappearance of Chandra Levy (24 minutes)
# Human embryo stem cell research (14 minutes)
# Shark attacks (14 minutes)
April 8-12, 2002

# Enron bankruptcy (12 minutes)
# Anti-U.S. sentiment in Islamic world (10 minutes)
# Catholic pedophile priests (10 minutes) October 14-18, 2002
# DC sniper (76 minutes)
# Iraq: Saddam Hussein (28 minutes)
# Bali bombings (19 minutes)
Andrew Tyndall also recently completed an evaluation of three major cable news networks for
THE NEWSHOUR WITH JIM LEHRER. Although he found that the three had different
presentations and viewpoints the news they covered was similar in content (and very
male-dominated). Read the whole report at Cable News Wars.
# BOOKS: Big media holds sway over more than the airwaves, many conglomerates have
interest in major publishing houses as well.
# TimeWarner -- Warner Books/Little Brown/Time-Life
# Viacom -- Simon and Schuster/Pocket Books, etc.
# Bertelsmann is the largest book publisher in the United States
# Walt Disney -- Hyperion/Talk Miramax Books
# Vivendi International -- Houghton Mifflin
Links and add'l info:
Page 40 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST

Telecommunications Act of 1996
The Telecommunications Act of 1996 is the first major overhaul of telecommunications law in
almost 62 years. The goal of this new law is to let anyone enter any communications business
-- to let any communications business compete in any market against any other.
http://www.fcc.gov/telecom.html
Milestones in the History of Media and Politics
Robert McChesney comments, "And the founding fathers...their legacy here is very rich. They
understood that setting up a diverse, well funded media system with a broad range of
viewpoints was the essence of building of the oxygen for democracy. And it took conscious
policies. It didn't happen naturally you had to work at it." What events have shaped the media's
role in reporting politics since the beginning of American history? And how has the press
developed in the years since the Bill of Rights outlined its freedoms? NOW's history of media
and politics takes us to the early recorded instances of journalism for some background.
In Renaissance Europe, newsletters containing information about everything from wars and
economic conditions to social customs were handwritten and circulated among merchants. By
the late 1400's, the first printed forerunners of the newspaper appeared in Germany as
pamphlets or broadsides, often highly sensationalized in content. In the English-speaking
world, the first successfully published title was THE WEEKLY NEWES. View the front page of
CORANT OR WEEKLY NEWES, FROM ITALY, GERMANY, HUNGARIA, POLONIA,
BOHEMIA, FRANCE, AND THE LOW-COUNTRIES published in London on October 11,
1621. In the 1640's and 50's, it was followed by a multitude of different titles in the similar
newsbook format. Another prominent early paper (today the oldest continually published paper
in the world) was the LONDON GAZETTE. See the GAZETTE coverage of the Great Fire of
London.
Publication of information about contemporary affairs began in North America in the early 18th
century, but they did not yet resemble the newspapers of today. In fact, at first, the notion that
"news" should provide timely accounts of recent events was not self-evident. Read about some
of the milestones in America's history of media and politics:
More:
http://www.pbs.org/now/politics/mediahistory.html
Page 41 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST

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FCC and Media Deregulation sites:
Below are sites which contain more information about the issue of media deregulation and
ways to take action on either side of the issue. The FCC site provides an area to make views on
deregulation known, and provides contact information for the agency.
Center for Digital Democracy
The Web site of the Center for Digital Democracy, a nonprofit organization dedicated to
preserving media diversity, provides information regarding the issue of media concentration.
The Center highlights the 1945 Supreme Court decision (Associated Press v. United States)
which maintains that mergers that narrow the dissemination of information are unconstitutional.
Other features include press headlines, articles, and resource links.
Colombia Journalism Review: Who Owns What?
"Who Owns What?" by the Colombia Journalism Review (CJR) features a list of media
conglomerates and what they own. The page also provides a selected list of articles from the
CJR archive on media concentration.
Consumer Federation of America
The Consumer Federation of America provides press releases, studies, brochures, and
testimony to educate the American public about telecommunications issues and to advocate for
pro-consumer policies.
Consumers Union: Nonprofit Publisher of Consumer Reports
The Consumers Union Web page, devoted to telephone-telecommunications regulation,

provides a long list of articles, studies, and research describing how the deregulation of the
telecommunications industry in 1996 has hurt consumers.
Economic and Political Consequences of the 1996 Telecommunications Act
Thomas Hazlett of the American Enterprise Institute argues that the 1996 Telecommunications
Act resulted both in benefits to consumers and in "megamergers" that have benefited
stockholders and market function. He contends that increased competition in the market had an
effect on the political process, where the Telecommunications industry outspent all other
industries in political contributions.
Federal Communications Commission (FCC)
The Federal Communication Commission is an independent government organization

Page 42 ofaccountable
45 to Congress. The FCC regulates "interstate and international communications by
Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST
accountable to Congress. The FCC regulates "interstate and international communications by
radio, television, wire, satellite and cable" within U.S. jurisdiction. The FCC Web site features a
special section on media ownership which includes information on the Broadcast-Newspaper
Cross-Ownership Rule and the Local Radio Ownership Rule in the form of announcements,
press releases, and policy studies.
The Telecommunications Act of 1996
This Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Web page is devoted to the landmark
Telecommunications Act of 1996, which promoted deregulation of the telecommunication
industry (cable, long distance telephone service, local telephone service, and broadband) to
create a competitive communications market and deliver better services and prices to
consumers. The Web site features the complete text of the legislation and provides relevant
FCC materials related to the implementation and guidelines of the Act.
FRONTLINE: The Merchants of Cool - Media Giants
On PBS.org, the FRONTLINE Web site features a diagram of the seven largest media
conglomerates and their numerous holdings. This information is provided within a larger
context, asking how media mega-mergers and the products they sell affect children's
psychological development. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/cool/giants/
What's Wrong With This Picture?
Crispin Miller of THE NATION magazine describes and analyzes the media cartel that has
integrated all cultural industries into a few large corporations. Miller fears that American culture
will become more homogenous with less dissent and fewer independent voices..
http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20020107&s=miller
http://www.pbs.org/now/resources/fcc.html
And having justified Bush/Cheney's coup, the media continue to betray American democracy.
Media devoted to the public interest would investigate the poor performance by the CIA, the
FBI, the FAA and the CDC, so that those agencies might be improved for our protection--but
the news teams (just like Congress) haven't bothered to look into it. So, too, in the public
interest, should the media report on all the current threats to our security--including those
far-rightists targeting abortion clinics and, apparently, conducting bioterrorism; but the
telejournalists are unconcerned (just like John Ashcroft). So should the media highlight, not
play down, this government's attack on civil liberties--the mass detentions, secret evidence,
increased surveillance, suspension of attorney-client privilege, the encouragements to spy, the
warnings not to disagree, the censored images, sequestered public papers, unexpected visits
from the Secret Service and so on. And so should the media not parrot what the Pentagon says
about the current war, because such prettified accounts make us complacent and preserve us
Page 43 ofin
45our fatal ignorance of what people really think of us--and why--beyond our borders.
Nov 14, And
2015 09:21:36AM MST
in our fatal ignorance of what people really think of us--and why--beyond our borders. And
there's much more--about the stunning exploitation of the tragedy, especially by the
Republicans; about the links between the Bush and the bin Laden families; about the ongoing
shenanigans in Florida--that the media would let the people know, if they were not (like Michael
Powell) indifferent to the public interest.
In short, the news divisions of the media cartel appear to work against the public interest--and
for their parent companies, their advertisers and the Bush Administration. The situation is
completely un-American. It is the purpose of the press to help us run the state, and not the
other way around. As citizens of a democracy, we have the right and obligation to be well
aware of what is happening, both in "the homeland" and the wider world. Without such
knowledge we cannot be both secure and free. We therefore must take steps to liberate the
media from oligopoly, so as to make the government our own.
http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20020107&c=2&s=miller
Media Access Project

is a non-profit, public interest law firm which promotes the public's First Amendment right to
hear and be heard on the electronic media of today and tomorrow.
http://www.mediaaccess.org/
ACT NOW.... TOP ISSUES:
http://www.mediaaccess.org/programs/
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"If in the first act you introduce a gun, by the third act you have to use it."
-- Anton Chekov
"Fear not the path of truth for the lack of people walking on it."
-- Robert F. Kennedy
"A political battle is merely a skirmish fought with muskets; a philosophical battle is a nuclear
war."
-- Ayn Rand
"What distinguishes the New Right from other American reactionary movements and what it
shares with the early phase of German fascism, is its incorporation of conservative impulses
into a system of representation consisting largely of media techniques and media images."
Philip Bishop: "The New Right and the Media"
"I spent thirty-three years and four months in active military service as a member of this
country's most agile military force, the Marine Corps. I served in all commissioned ranks from
Page 44 ofSecond
45 Lieutenant to Major-General. And during that period, I spent most of myNov
time
14, being a
2015 09:21:36AM MST
Second Lieutenant to Major-General. And during that period, I spent most of my time being a
high class muscle-man for Big Business, for Wall Street and for the Bankers. In short, I was a
racketeer, a gangster for capitalism."
-- Major General Smedley Butler, 1933
"In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act."
-- George Orwell
MetaMagic MediaMinistry @
Abracadabra Communications
http://metamagic.org
Hidden Elitist Conspiracies?
Visit BeamShip MUTANEX
http://mutanex.com
News of the Strange & Supernatural Mark Fiore's FlashToon ::: "Preemptive Diplomacy"
http://metamagic.org/strange
Operation Mockingbird (Continued)

Page 45 of 45 Nov 14, 2015 09:21:36AM MST

10/10/2016 The Subversion Of America's Free Press By The CIA
To: IAHF LIST

Subject: Operation Mockingbird - The Subversion Of America's Free Press By The CIA: Control of the Masses
from Tit- to Tomb (Or- Why You Never Learned of the Codex Vitamin Issue in the Mainstream Media)
From: "International Advocates for Health Freedom" jham@iahf.com
Date: Sat, 16 Sep 2000 23:28:37 -0400
IAHF List: People ask me all the time why they never see any reports in the mainstream media about the Codex
vitamin issue or other health freedom issues unless they are articles attacking vitamins and alternative medicine.
They're often incredulous to learn of the degree to which the press is actually controlled, but it sure is something
Ive seen up close and personal. Jurgen Kundke, the Press Officer for the German government at Codex refused to
honor my valid press credentials prior to the last Codex meeting in Berlin because he knows what I write and
only wants people to report on those meetings if they are pro UN.
In my last message, the article by Robert Lederer about his observations of the press in NYC wherein he
concluded that the media were the CIA, he provided numerous references to support his contention. The article
below is just one of his many references.
You may wonder why I'm discussing this. The reason is because I am trying to awaken as many people as
possible to the truth which is that the genocidal campaign to block our access to vitamins is just one small part of
the ruling elites efforts to enslave us and force us into a microchipped psychocivilized society under mind
control. This article explains the extent to which the mainstream media is controlled by our would be masters.
You might be surprised to learn that the CIA is not part of our government. Its run by the Royal Institute of
International Affairs, the same people who run British Intelligence.
Well I got news for 'em: they got to go through ME first, and the 100th monkey syndrome is gonna kick in soon
and whip their butts very hard, so forward this massively and repost it to your website!
Anyone can be on the IAHF list by sending email to IAHF-subscribe@listbot.com or by signing on at

http://www.iahf.com/" Please spread the good news, and kindly send a contribution to IAHF POB 625 Floyd VA
24091 USA so we can continue to counteract the CIA controlled media.
http://www.sightings.com/politics6/mockingbird.htm
SIGHTINGS
The Subversion Of America's Free Press By The CIA
3-24-00
"You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month." CIA operative
discussing with Philip Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and prices of journalists willing to
peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories. "Katherine The Great," by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan
Square Press, 1991)
As terrible as it is to live in a nation where the press in known to be controlled by the government, at least one
has the advantage of knowing the bias is present, and to adjust for it. In the United States of America, we are
taught from birth that our press is free from such government meddling. This is an insideous lie about the very
nature of the news institution in this country. One that allows the government to lie to us while denying the very
fact of the lie itself.
http://www.iahf.com/usa/20000916a.html 1/22
Tales from the Crypt The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation
MOCKINGBIRD
By Alex Constantine
directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. Coca-Cola. Disney. Newspapers should
have mastheads that mirror the world: The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser
. It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that the public print reports news from a
parallel universe - one that has never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking thefts,
mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales - a place
overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their best behavior. In this idyllic land, the
most serious infraction an official can commit __is a the employment of a domestic servant with (shudder) no
residency status.
infiltration of the corporate media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news outlets.
In this period, the American intelligence services competed with communist activists abroad to influence
European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an undercover State
Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war
underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip Graham, - a graduate of
the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under
Wisner's wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
"By the early 1950s," writes former Village Voice reporter Deborah Davis in Katharine the Great, "Wisner
'owned' respected members of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles, plus
stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a former CIA analyst." The network was overseen by Allen
Dulles, a templar for German and American corporations who wanted their points of view represented in the
public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of
CIA propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary views, among them William Paley
(CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times).
documents that agents boasting in CIA office memos of their pride in having placed "important assets" inside
every major news publication in the country. It was not until 1982 that the Agency openly admitted that reporters
on the CIA payroll have acted as case officers to agents in the field.
George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947, explaining tha__t "although
avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world and ruling it,
began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine
inevitably leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the American flag."
On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the CIA and William Paley, a wartime colonel
and the founder of CBS. A firm believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the Pentagon, Paley
hired CIA agents to work undercover at the behest of his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation's
media, Allen Dulles. Paley's designated go-between in his dealings with the CIA was Sig Mickelson, president of
CBS News from 1954 to 1961.
The CIA's assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the Operations Coordination Board, directed by
C.D. Jackson, formerly an executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold War
administration's political infighting. Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war strategist.
"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations, took
"a small boy's delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft - the hidden microphones, the 'black'
Blcher, the son of A German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained by the Abwehr, the
German military intelligence division, while still a civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit of the
German Army until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his wartime records. He worked briefly
as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on a movie entitled One Day ..., and finished out the war flying with the
Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling of Nazi loot out of the country. His
exploits were, in part, the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the knockover of the
In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named Huberto von Bleucher Corell, he
immediately paid court to Eva Peron, presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from the
wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?). Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the
Hotel Plaza to deliver German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the birth of the National Socialist
Party in Argentina, among other forms of Nazi revival.
In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color Corporation of America in Hollywood. He eked
out a living writing scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can be heard on a film set in the Amazon,
produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Dsseldorf, West Germany, and
established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical warfare agents for the government. At the
Industrie Club in Dsseldorf in 1982, von Blcher boasted to journalists, "I am chief shareholder of Pan American
Airways. I am the best friend of Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I
am thus the biggest financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by these people over their
Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken dreams of world-moving affluence were, in
their time, Moses Annenberg, publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the CIA/mob-anchored
publisher of the TV Guide. Like most American high-rollers, Annenberg lived a double life. Moses, his father,
was a scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter were indicted in 1939 for tax evasions totalling many
millions of dollars - the biggest case in the history of the Justice Department. Moses pled guilty and agreed to
pay the government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims, penalties and interest debts. Moses
received a three-year sentence. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.
Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. On the campaign trail in April, 1988, George
Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet. "This is the topping on the cake," Bush's regional
campaign director told the Los Angeles Times. The Bush team met at Annenberg's plush Rancho Mirage estate
at Sunnylands, California. It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the state's
social and contributor registers built over a quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan,
whose acting career was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a CIA
front, presented the intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even prying in
the age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient video surveillance
technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace.
Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program that turned any
television set with tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual images
Watergate probe.
Crusade for Freedom to raise funds for the resettlement of Nazis in the U.S., according to Loftus - signed a secret
waiver of the conflict-of-interest rule with the mob-controlled studio, in effect granting it a labor monopoly on
early television programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner. Furthermore, historian C. Vann
Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan had "fed the names of suspect people
in his organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned 'an informer's code number, T-10.' His
No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former intelligence officer and in the immediate
postwar period UPI's Moscow correspondent. Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's Phil
Graham, according to Deborah Davis.
Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film simian from CIA and Mafia heroin
operations. Among other organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell Thomas threw
in to launch the infamous Resorts International, the corporate front for Lansky's branch of the federally-
sponsored mob family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities. Another of the investors was James Crosby, a
Cap Cities executive who donated $100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This was the year that
Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the
issuance of a gambling license to the company, citing Mafia ties.
propagandizing and general spookiness. The company's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey, who
clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after he was appointed CIA director by Ronald
Reagan in 1981.
"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The Invisible Government to describe the agency's
intertwining interests in the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who took to the airwaves.
"Daily, East and West beam hundreds of propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of
competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-price transistor has given the hidden war a new
importance," enthused one foreign correspondent.
A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda push. One of them, Operations and Policy
Research, Inc. (OPR), received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the CIA through private foundations and
trusts. OPR research was the basis of a television series that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964,
Of People and Politics, a "study" of the American political system in 21 weekly installments.
In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia combination that formed Cap Cities sank its
claws into the film studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army during the war by a
criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by
the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in
1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled his office after the dictator's. The only honest job Rosselli
ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a
former producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative on the West Coast, passed a small
fortune in mafia investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson,
In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of the CIA's covert operations budget. Some
3, 000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. The cost of
disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year by 1978, a budget larger than
the combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
Most consumers of the corporate media were - and are -unaware of the effect that the salting of public opinion
has on their own beliefs. A network anchorman in time of national crisis is an instrument of psychological
warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. He is a creature from the national security sector's chamber of horrors.
For this reason consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic beliefs about government
and life in the parallel universe of these United States.


by Julian C. Holmes
April 25, 1992
The Washington Post
1150 15th Street NW
Dear Mr. Harwood,
Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit of hard news, just let drop the faintest
rumor of a government "conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room. Aroused from apathy in the
daily routine of reporting assignations and various other political and social sports events, editors and reporters
scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning: the greatest single threat to herd-journalism, corporate
profits, and government stability -- the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!
It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any of these frightful spectres, but their
presence is announced to Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs spun by the
wacko "CONSPIRACY THEORISTS".
Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the idea that Oliver North and his CIA-
associated gangsters had conspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack Anderson and
Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the Post sprang to protect its readers, and the conspirators, by
censoring the Anderson column before printing it (*2).
But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an
interfaith center for law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S. arms-for-drugs trade that helped
keep weapons flowing to the CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets (*3). In 1988
Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work on our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4).
The Post contributed to this discovery process by disparaging the charges of conspiracy and by publishing false
information about the drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and
Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post
printed only a partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from Rangel (*5).
Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity in the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the arms/drug
conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball to exorcise from our
minds a newly emerging threat to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise" conspiracy (*7). But close on the
heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored independently, two
years apart, books with the same title, "October Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a member of the Reagan/Bush
campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was
on the staff of the National Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991
respectively, Honegger and Sick published their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to
Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages until after the November 1980 election. The
purpose of this deal was to quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October surprise). which would have
bolstered the reelection prospects for President Carter.
Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October 1988, Playboy Magazine ran an
expose "An Election Held Hostage"; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a conference of
distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former hostages, challenged the Congress to "make a full, impartial
investigation" of the election/hostage allegations. The Post reported the statement of the hostages, but not a word
of the conference itself which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10). On February 5,
1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly authorized an "October Surprise"
investigation by a task force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired the House of
Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named as chief team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer
who represented BCCI when the Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11).
Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing the U.S. arms-for-drugs operation (*12).
He had accepted Oliver North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he derailed House
Resolution 485 which had asked President Reagan to answer questions about Contra support activities of
government officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John
Hull (from Hamilton's home state). was charged in Costa Rica with "international drug trafficking and hostile
acts against the nation's security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to intimidate Costa Rican
President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling Hull's case "in a manner that will not complicate U.S.-Costa Rican
relations" (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the Costa Rican response that declared Hull's case
to be "in as good hands as our 100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all citizens" (*15).
Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy theories, it is difficult to avoid the fact
that so much wrongdoing involves government or corporate conspiracies:
In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery, surveillance, false arrests, and violence to
illegally harass U.S.citizens in the 60's (*16).
destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other leaders" (*17).
"Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice to be conspiring
with I.G.Farben...of Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the United States was effectively
prevented from developing or producing [for World War-II] any substantial amount of synthetic rubber," said
produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing near the nuclear weapons factory at
Hanford, Washington (*19).
dangerous nuclear weapons sites (*20). State and local governments back the nuclear industry's secret public
relations strategy (*21).
"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty comprehensive cancer centers,
have misled and confused the public and Congress by repeated claims that we are winning the war against
cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment has continually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates
which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while discounting or ignoring the causal role of
avoidable eposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and the workplace." (*22).
The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq "is yet another example of the President's
people conspiring to keep both Congress and the American people in the dark" (*23).
Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the Pentagon and much of the news
media (*24).
distorted and truncated history of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the Smithsonian Institution's
"fusion of the two worlds", (*26). rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish invasion, like
"anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death" (*27).
Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from the INSLAW company of sophisticated,
law-enforcement computer software which "now point to a widespread conspiracy implicating lesser
Government officials in the theft of INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot
Richardson (*28).
Or Watergate.
Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where the White House knew of the criminal
activities at "the Bank of Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence agencies
did their secret banking (*31), and where bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way of doing
business" (*32).
Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of California, Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald,
among others, for criminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with gas- and diesel-powered buses and
to monopolize the sale of buses and related products to transportation companies throughout the country" [in,
among others, the cities of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los
Angeles] (*33).
Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). and the U.S. Department of Transportation
to overlook safety defects in the 1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by General Motors in the early
60's (*34).
Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield intrauterine contraceptive, and which
ignored repeated warnings of the Shield's hazards and which "stonewalled, deceived, covered up, and
covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections." (*35).
Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA resulted in failure to enforce
regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all 364 passengers on Turkish
Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 (*36).
Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold by manufacturers
who ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted "in concert with each other in the
testing and marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).
Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to relieve
depositors of their savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White House, Congress and corporate world for the
interests and rights of the American people" will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of billions of dollars (*38).
Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General Electric executives who met surreptitiously in
hotel rooms to fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial equipment (*39).
Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT). officers for fabricating safety tests on prescription
drugs (*40).
Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of medical problemsrelating to asbestos (*41).
Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies "agreed not to engage in any effective price
competition" (*42).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover up the nature of our decades-old
war against the people of Nicaragua
a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to
reorganize into a more repressive force (*43).
Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the Chilean election process with military
aid, covert actions, and an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of the legitimately elected
government and the assassination of President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and CIA Director William
Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful elections in
October 1975, and to lie about these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA Director
George Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46).
Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in 1989 and thereby violate the
Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).
Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil companies and the British and U.S.
governments to strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company
in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed Mossadegh
(*49).
Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole, Senator George Mitchell,
various U.S. Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan
national elections for the presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).
Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the CIA, in the face of "unmistakable
evidence that Gates lied about his role in the Iran-Contra scandal" (*52).
Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's Solidarity Movement and Hasten the Demise of
Communism" (*53).
Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of USAID funds by any country
"for the promotion of birth control or abortion" (*54).
Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector Gramajo with the U.S. Army to
design "programs to build civilian-military cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) at Fort
Benning, Georgia; five of the nine soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are graduates of
SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel (*56).
Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of South Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace
Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).
Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post offers little comment unless
conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a really important conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big business or big
government.
Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of the Iranian government to help out
U.S. oil companies; or like our illegal war against Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and the Canal; or
like monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public importance (*62).
When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in the conspiring officials can
erode -- depending on how seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public trust.
Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to see as a real threat to its corporate security.
Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver Stone's movie "JFK", which reexamines
the U.S. Government's official (Warren Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting alone, killed President
John F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's unsuccessful
prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection with the assassination. And the movie
proposes that the Kennedy assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not be served by a
The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along lines suggested by "JFK". Senior Post
journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael Isikoff, have been
called up to man the bulwarks against public sentiment which has never supported the government's non-
conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976
found that "both the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63) and that the 1979 Report
of the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that President Kennedy was probably killed "as a result
of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number of Post stories have been used as vehicles to discredit "JFK"
as just another conspiracy (*65).
Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen,
George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had second thoughts
about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that there is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned
journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David
Scheim and John Newman have each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic
about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just continues ranting against the possibility of a high-level
assassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its arguments.
An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable behavior is George Lardner Jr's contribution to
the Post's campaign against the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie was completed, and
the third upon its release. In May, six months before the movie came out, Lardner obtained a copy of the first
draft of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the Post the contents of this copyrighted movie
(*68). Also in this article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a former Garrison
associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner does not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S.
Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison
for prosecution, admitted under oath that in a May 1972 interview with a New Orleans television reporter, he,
Gervais, had said that the U.S. Government's case against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of
the Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I recently asked Lardner about this, he was not clear
as to whether he remembered it (*71).
Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his way through a justification for his unauthorized
possession of the early draft ofthe movie (*72). He also defended his reference to Pershing Gervais by lashing
out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".
When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73). He again ridiculed the film's thesis that
following the Kennedy assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to de-escalate the Vietnam
War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this
memorandum was written before the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of Kennedy's policy". In fact,
the memorandum was drafted the day before the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for
National Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it. Following the assassination, it
was rewritten; and the final version provided for escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) -- facts that Lardner
avoided.
The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for the most part conducted in secret. This
fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find meaningful discussion of the
Warren Commission's secret doubts about both the FBI and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA
headquarters instructing co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the "new wave of books and articles
criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown
suspicion on our organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison and friendly elite contacts,
especially politicians and editors "and to "employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the
critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are particularly appropriate for this purpose. ...The aim of this
dispatch is to provide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists..." (*77).
Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties with Washington's powerful elite, a number of whom were
with the CIA.
material" (*78). Understandably sensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich ,"Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced CIA material ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis
as a fool and to put your company in that special little group of publishers who don't give a shit for the truth".
The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of
contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis published her book elsewhere with an
appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply involved with producing cold-war/CIA propaganda
(*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his association with people in the CIA are false, but he has
apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive documentation presented by Deborah Davis in the second and
third editions of her book (*80).
Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the function of the press was more often than
not to mobilize consent for the policies of the government, was one of the architects of what became a
widespread practice:the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA" (*81). This scandal was known by its
code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA
deputy director as saying, "It was widely known that Phil Graham was someone you could get help from" (*82).
More recently the Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to print his name for
over a year up until the day his indictmen twas announced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA
Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the availability and prices of journalists
were discussed, a former CIA man recalls, "You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple
hundred dollars a month" (*84). One may wish to consider Philip Graham's philosophy along with a more recent
statement from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the Washington Post. In a lecture
on terrorism and the news media, Mrs. Graham said: "A second challenge facing the media is how to prevent
terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The point is that we generally know when we are
being manipulated, and we've learned better how and where to draw the line, though the decisions are often
difficult" (*85).
Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified that our elite and our high-level public
officials may be exposed as conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the assassination
of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in that, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post
runs its business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs --a conspiracy "to act or work together toward the
same result or goal" (*86). But where the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it pretends
that conspiracies associated with big business or government are "coincidence". Post reporter Lardner vents the
frustration inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver Stone and suggests that Stone
may actually believe that the Post's opposition to Stone's movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that Stone's
complaints are "groundless and paranoid and smack of McCarthyism" (*87).
The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because they need something "neat and tidy" (*88)
that "plugs a gap no other generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always the safest and most
likely explanation for any conjunction of curious circumstances ..." (*90).
And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory" is what the Post espouses when it would
prefer not to admit to a conspiracy. In other words, some things just "happen". And, besides, conspiracy to do
certain things would be a crime; "coincidence" is a safer bet.
Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about presidential candidates "who
have begun to mutter about a press conspiracy". Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these charges as
"symptoms of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American political class" (*92). But
a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers; they used the "C" word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded
his off-the-cuff comment into an entire column -- ending it with:"We are the new journalists, immersed too long,
perhaps, in the cleansing waters of political conformity. But conspirators we ain't".
Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the Washington Post, now chairs the
Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks
Back in Anger -- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime". Therein he discussed the difficulties in
convincing editors to accept important news stories. He illustrated the article with his own experiences at the
Post, where he says he was known as "the biggest pain in the ass in the office" (*93).
coincidence?
And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by editors without influence from fellow editors
or from management? Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless office "meetings" in which news
people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of which stories will run and which ones will find
inadequate space? That there is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no cooperative efforts among
the staff? Or that in the face of our news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a Post
journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate
Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining guests at a soup kitchen.
Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling less
than the truth in his account of wire-service control over news: "The largely anonymous men who control the
syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire photo machines determine at a single decision what
millions will see and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers preside over an operation in
which an appalling amount of press agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches
When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge Clarence Thomas violated U.S. law
when he failed to remove himself from a case in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million judgment
against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the animal feed empire, is the family fortune of
Thomas' mentor, Senator John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance to 56 words
buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97). Would Harwood have us believe that the almost complete
blackout on this matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of coincidence? Could a Post
reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?
Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's Public Citizen. Titled All the Vice President's
Men, it documents "How the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health, Safety, and
Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published
"The President's Understudy", a seven-part series on Vice President Quayle. Although this series does address
Quayle's role with the Competitiveness Council, its handling of the Council's disastrous impact on America is
inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle memorabilia: youth, family, college
record, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends, government associates, golf,
travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth -- revealing little about Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's
problems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and never mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of
Quayle's record in the Bush Administration (*98).
Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did both of them forget? Or did one, or the
other, or both decide not to mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever discuss together
their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to publish such a barren set of articles because it would enhance
their reputations? How did management feel about the use of precious news space for such frivolity? Is it
possible that so many pages were dedicated to this twaddle without people "acting or working together toward
the same result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?
TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH TOWARD SHOWDOWN WITH
BUSH
This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions of whether the news media collective
mindset is really different from that of any other cartel --like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or manufacturing
cartels, a cartel being "a combination of independent commercial enterprises designed to limit competition"
(*101).

Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post "conspire" to keep its staff and its newspaper
from wandering too far from the safety of mediocrity? The Post would respond that the question is absurd. In
that I am not privy to the Post's telephone conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite
must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes a new reporter to learn what subjects are
taboo and what are "safe", and that experienced reporters don't have to ask.
What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post communicates within its own corporate
structure and with other members of the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in public,
namely, how it shapes and censors the news.
Sincerely,
Julian C. Holmes
Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news media, And - maybe a few others.
2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the Post
censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to Robert Gates.
2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "Iran-Contra Figure Dodges Extradition", Washington Merry-Go-Round,
United Feature Syndicate, May 26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post (see note 2a)..
2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Want to Extradite", Washington Post, May
26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). as it appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..
3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, etc., United States District Court,
Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.
November 16, 1986.
3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews with Robert Plumlee, contra resupply
pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990.
5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181.
5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug Smuggling", Washington Post,
July 22, 1987, p.A07.
5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel's Letter- to-the-Editor of July 22,
1987. It was printed in the Congressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7.
6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail", Boston Globe, April 10, 1988.
6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10, 1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod
Nordland, "Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's Office",
Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.
6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra -- The Coverup Continues", The Progressive, November 1988, p.24.
6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by the Subcommittee on Terrorism,
Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December
1988.
7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory", Washington Post,
October 9, 1988, p.D1.
7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of the 1980 'Hostage- Deal' Story Is Still Full
of Holes", Washington Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2.
9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, "The Election Held Hostage", FRONTLINE, WGBH-TV,April 16, 1991.
10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium, Washington DC,
June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For New Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New York, NY,
10016.
11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into 'OctoberSurprise'", Washington Post,
February 6, 1992, p.A11.
11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The Guardian, December 11, 1991, p.7.
12. See note 5a, p.180-1.
13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.
13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216,
House Report No. 100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.
14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica; from Members of
the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning,
Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta,
Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob McEwen; January
26, 1989.
14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S. -- Indiana Native Wanted on Murder
Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990.
15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the Case of the Imprisonment of Costa
Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989.
17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard-- The U.S. Role in the New World Order, Boston: South End Press,
1991, p.121.
18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942)., part I, as
cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press, Macmillan, 1978,
p.93.
20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend -- Price Tag Mounts to Clean Up Nuclear Weapons
Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992, p.1K.
23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL Scandal", Congressional Record,
March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.
23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq Policy", Congressional Record,
April 2, 1992, p.H2285.
24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case", Variety Magazine, March 4,
1991, p.25.
26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus -- Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian
28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St. Louis Post/Dispatch, March 18, 1991,
p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A High-Tech Watergate", New York Times, October 21,1991.
29. "BCCI -- NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared by Burrelle's Information
Services. The quote is from New York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his own independent
investigation of BCCI.
30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from an interview with Mark Rosenthal of
NBC News. See note 29, p.5.
33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback edition,
p.227.
34. See note 33, p.136-7.
35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985.
As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33, p.157.
36. See note 33, p.164-171.
37. See note 33, p.172-180.
38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House, 1990. The quote is from Ralph
Nader's Introduction, p.iii.
39. See note 33, p.217.
40. See note 33, p.235.
41. See note 33, p.277-288.
42. See note 33, p.323.
45b. See note 44, p.284-291.
46. See note 17, p.18.
47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama (James Abourezk et al)., January
10, 1990; published in The Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163.
49a. See note 44, p.67-76.
49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.
51. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections in Nicaragua". Passed the U.S. House of
Representatives on October 4, 1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of 64 to 35.
52. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post", The Guardian,November 20, 1991, p.6.
56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission", Benning Patriot, February 21,
1992, p.12.
56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion", News Release from S.O.A. Watch,
P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903.
59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against Police", Boston Globe, July 28,
1991, p.1.
59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case", Washington Post, July 12, 1991,
p.A3.
59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video", WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20.
59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide", Washington Post, May 18, 1991,
p.B1.
60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions", Washington Post, March 1, 1992,
p.A1.
61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback", Washington Post, March 14, 1992,
p.D1.
62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.
63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America -- The Mafia Murder of President John F.Kennedy, New York:
64. See note 63, p.28.
65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories -- When Do We Dig Up BillCasey?", Washington
Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19.
65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned --Warren Commission Attorney Calls Stone Film 'A Big Lie'",
65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How About the Truth?", Washington Post,
65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't -- In 'JFK', Stone Assassinates the Truth", Washington Post,
65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire --In Defending His 'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the Director
Reveals His Rage and Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1.
65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! --Why Did Oliver Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of
Johnny Carson?", Washington Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.
65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts -- Moviegoers Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That
Oswald Acted Alone", Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.
65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories --Good on Film, But the Motivation Is All Wrong",
65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie --America's Resort to Conspiracy Thinking", Washington Post,
January 19, 1992, p.C1.
65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken -- Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere", Washington Post, January
28, 1992, p.E5.
65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is characterized as "conspiracy plot
theories", Washington Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12
67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers". Published in The Senator Gravel
Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume V,p.211-247.
67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy -- The Secret Road to the Second Indochina War, Indianapolis/New
York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p. 215-224.
67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for Historical
Review, 1990, p.402-416.
67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.
68a. See note 65b.
68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK Assassination", Washington Post,
June 2, 1991, p.D3.
69. See note 65b.
71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery Charge", Washington Post, September
28, 1973, p.A3.
72. See note 65c.
73. See note 65i.
74. See note 67e, p.438-450.
75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington Post, Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8.
76a. Tad Szulc, "New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe", Washington Star,September 19, 1975, p.A1.
76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day -- 'This Bullet Business Leaves Me
20, 1975, p.A1.
76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission -- Dulles Proposed that the Minutes be
Destroyed", Washington Star, September 21, 1975,p.A1.
79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship -- Killing 'Katharine The Great'", The Nation, November 12, 1983.
chairman, William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great] had been "processed and
converted into waste paper"".
79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men -- A Suppressed Book About Washington Post Publisher Katharine
Graham Is On Sale Again" National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.
79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991. "...publishers who don't give
a shit", p.iv-v; bullying HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..
81. See note 79d, p.119-132.
82. Carl Bernstein, "The CIA and the Media -- How America's Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in
Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up", Rolling Stone,
October 20, 1977, p.63.
83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington Post, September 15, 1988. The letter asks
for the Post's rationale for its policy of protecting government covert actions, and whether this policy is still in
effect.
83b. Daniel Brandt, "Little Magazines May Come and Go", The National Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the
Post's protection of the identity of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, "America needs to confront its
own recent history as well as protect the interests of its citizens, and both can be accomplished by outlawing
peacetime covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity of Americans than all the counterterrorist
proposals and elite strike forces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists."
83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988. Harwood's two- sentence letter reads,
"We have a long-standing policy of not naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual circumstances. We
applied that policy to Fernandez."
84. See note 79d, p.131.
85. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist Acts", Washington Post, April 20,
1986, p.C1.
86. "conspire", 4Random House Dictionary of the English Language, Second Edition Unabridged, 1987.
88. See note 65y.
89. See note 65n.
90. See note 65d.
93. p. 29-32.
94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services Inc., April 25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992,
the name Bill Clinton appeared in 878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials; "Jerry" Brown in
485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In those 28, Agran's name appeared 76 times, Clinton's 151,
and Brown 105. In only 1 of those 28 did Agran's name appear in a headline.
Washington Post columnist McCarthy tells how television and party officials have kept presidential candidate
Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's own daily news-blackout of Agran is not discussed.
February 25, 1992.
94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, "The Press Rejects a Candidate", Columbia Journalism Review,March/April, 1992.
95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The Press, NewYork: Harper and Row,
1972, p.36-7.
96a. 28 USC Section 455. "Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the United States shall disqualify himself in any
proceeding in which his impartiality might reasonably be questioned." [emphasis added]
96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court -- Nominee 'Unfit to Sit' For Failing to Recuse In Ralston
Purina Case", Legal Times, August 26, 1991.
96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge Clarence Thomas to become a Justice on the
U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to U.S. Senator Joseph R. Biden,
October 15, 1991.
99. See note 86.
100. Thomas W. Lippman, "Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers'", Washington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21. This
article explains that "representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of
Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore drilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests often
conflict, pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil drilling, nuclear power and carbon
dioxide emissions soon to be offered by key House members".
NOTES
A good source on the Washington Post and Katharine Graham's attempt to suppress the Davis book,"Katherine
The Great,", which was largely successful, is Carol Felsenthal's, "Power and Privilege at the Post, the Katharine
Graham Story."
American Mafioso, the Johnny Rosselli Story," by Ed Becker and Charles Rappelye.
An additional good short reference is "The CIA's Greatest Hits" by Mark Zepezauer. There you will find the
1977.
Still another recent example of the CIA's control of the media is the spiking of Sally Denton's & Roger Morris'
story,"THE CRIMES OF MENA" by Washington Post managing editor Bob Kaiser even though the story had
been legally vetted and cleared for publication. Indeed the story, which details the CIA's involvement in drug
trafficing, was already typeset and ready to go when it was killed withouty explanation.
http://www.bibliotecapleyades.net/sociopolitica/sociopol_mediacontrol03.htm
The CIA's Project MOCKINGBIRD - Ongoing Covert Control of

the Media bibliotecapleyades.net
Soulless corporations do, of course.
Corporations with grinning, double-breasted executives, interlocking directorates, labor squabbles and
flying capital.
Dow
General Electric
Coca-Cola
Disney
Newspapers should have mastheads that mirror the world:
The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar
The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser
It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that the public print reports news
from a parallel universe - one that has never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia
banking thefts, mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened by
cocaine sales - a place overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their best
behavior.
In this idyllic land, the most serious infraction an official can commit - is a the employment of a domestic
servant with (shudder) no residency status.
European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an undercover
State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold
war underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination.
1 of 26
Page Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT

Philip Graham, a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the
Washington Post., was taken under Wisner's wing to direct the program code-named Operation
MOCKINGBIRD.
"By the early 1950s," writes former Village Voice reporter Deborah Davis in Katharine the Great
, "Wisner 'owned' respected members of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other
communications vehicles, plus stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a former CIA
analyst."
The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a templar for German and American corporations who wanted
their points of view represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and
wire agencies consenting to act as organs of CIA propaganda.
Many of these were already run by men with reactionary views, among them,
William Paley (CBS)
C.D. Jackson (Fortune)
Henry Luce (Time)
Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times)
Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled to find in FOIA
inside every major news publication in the country.
It was not until 1982 that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have acted as case
officers to agents in the field.
skirmish stage already."
The issue featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who called for the creation of an,
"American Empire," "world-dominating in political power, set up at least in part through coercion
(probably including war, but certainly the threat of war) and in which one group of people ...
would hold more than its equal share of power."
George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947, explaining that,
"although avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over
the world and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of Wall Street were
much more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably leading to war if it brought greater
commercial markets under the American flag."
Page 2 of 26 Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT

colonel and the founder of CBS.
A firm believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to
work undercover at the behest of his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation's media, Allen
Dulles. Paley's designated go-between in his dealings with the CIA was Sig Mickelson, president of CBS
News from 1954 to 1961.
administration's political infighting.
Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war strategist.
hidden microphones, the 'black' propaganda."
Nixon especially enjoyed his visit to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis in the "special forces" drilling
at covert operations.
Bleucher, the son of A German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained by the
Abwehr, the German military intelligence division, while still a civilian in his twenties.
He served in a recon unit of the German Army until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his
wartime records.
He worked briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on a movie entitled One Day..., and finished out
the war flying with the Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling of Nazi loot
out of the country. His exploits were, in part, the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of
the knockover of the Reichsbank at the end of the war.
the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?).
Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the Hotel Plaza to deliver German marks worth $80 million. The
loot financed the birth of the National Socialist Party in Argentina, among other forms of Nazi revival.
Page 3 of 26 Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT

Amazon, produced by Walt Disney.
Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Dusseldorf, West Germany, and established a firm that
developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical warfare agents for the government.
At the Industrie Club in Dusseldorf in 1982, von Bleucher boasted to journalists,
"I am chief shareholder of Pan American Airways. I am the best friend of Howard Hughes. The
Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I am thus the biggest financier ever to
appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by these people over their second bottle of
brandy."
Not really.
Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken dreams of world-moving affluence were, in their
time, Moses Annenberg, publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the
life. Moses, his father, was a scion of the Capone mob.
Both Moses and Walter were indicted in 1939 for tax evasions totaling many millions of dollars - the biggest
case in the history of the Justice Department. Moses pled guilty and agreed to pay the government $8
million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims, penalties and interest debts. Moses received a
three-year sentence.
He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.
Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican.
On the campaign trail in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet.
"This is the topping on the cake," Bush's regional campaign director told the Los Angeles
Times.
The Bush team met at Annenberg's plush Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands, California.
It was
Page at
4 of 26 the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the state's social and
Sep 12, contributor
2016 03:07:42PM MDT
It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the state's social and contributor
registers built over a quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose acting career
was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
prying in the age of Big Brother.
George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient video surveillance technology in
1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace.
Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program that turned
any television set with tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual
images with the equipment as far as 25 miles away.
Watergate probe.
monopoly on early television programming.
In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner.
Furthermore, historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan
had,
"fed the names of suspect people in his organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to
be assigned 'an informer's code number, T-10.' His FBI file indicates intense collaboration with
producers to 'purge' the industry of subversives."
immediate postwar period UPI's Moscow correspondent.
Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's Phil Graham, according to Deborah Davis.
operations.
Page 5 of 26 Among other organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell
Sep 12, Thomas MDT
2016 03:07:42PM
federally-sponsored mob family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities.
Another of the investors was James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated $100,000 to Nixon's
1968 presidential campaign. This was the year that Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests.
Police in New jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the issuance of a gambling license to the
company, citing Mafia ties.
the airwaves.
"Daily, East and West beam hundreds of propaganda broadcasts at each other in an
unrelenting babble of competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-price transistor has
given the hidden war a new importance," enthused one foreign correspondent.
A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda push.
One of them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR), received hundreds of thousands of dollars from
the CIA through private foundations and trusts. OPR research was the basis of a television series that
aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People and Politics, a "study" of the American
political system in 21 weekly installments.
by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the film industry.
Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia
Pictures mogul who visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled
his office after the dictator's. The only honest job Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a
secret investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former producer for 20th Century Fox.
Rosselli, Capone's representative on the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn.
Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson, publisher of the Hollywood Reporter.
Some
Page 3,
6 of 26 000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts.
Sep 12, 2016 The MDT
03:07:42PM
chamber of horrors.
For this reason consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic beliefs about
government and life in the parallel universe of these United States.
How The Washington Post...
Censors The News

- A Letter to The Washington Post -
by Julian C. Holmes
from Whale Website

April 25, 1992

The Washington Post
1150 15th Street NW
Dear Mr. Harwood,
room.
Aroused from apathy in the daily routine of reporting assignations and various other political
and social sports events, editors and reporters scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its
warning: the greatest single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government
stability the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!
Recall
Page 7 of 26 how the Post saved us from the truth about Iran-Contra. Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets (*3).
In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work on our bizarre, illegal war
against Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this discovery process by disparaging the
charges of conspiracy and by publishing false information about the drug-smuggling evidence
presented to the House Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by
Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only a
partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from Rangel (*5).
cover-up of the arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears
apart, books with the same title, "October Surprise" (*8).
Honegger was a member of the Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary
Sick, professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the staff of the National
Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively,
Honegger and Sick published their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply
arms to Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages until after the
November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal was to quash the possibility of a pre-election
release (an October surprise). which would have bolstered the reelection prospects for
President Carter.
On
Page 8 of 26 February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly authorized
Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
operative John


"Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department
of Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben... of Germany. ...By its cartel agreements
with Standard Oil, the United States was effectively prevented from developing or
producing [for World War-II] any substantial amount of synthetic rubber," said
by repeated claims that we are winning the war against cancer. In fact, the cancer
establishment has continually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates
which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while discounting or
ignoring the causal role of avoidable exposures to industrial carcinogens in the air,
food, water, and the workplace." (*22).
Page 9 of 26 Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT

The Bush Administration cover-up of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq "is yet another example of
(*23).
Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend $100 million
in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated history of Columbus in America (*25).
along the lines of the Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26).
rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish invasion, like "anger,
cruelty, gold, terror, and death" (*27).
company of sophisticated, law-enforcement computer software which "now point to
a widespread conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of
INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot Richardson (*28).
Or Watergate.
knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of Crooks and Criminals International" (
BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence agencies did their secret banking (*31), and
where bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way of doing business"
(*32).

Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to replace
electric transportation with gas- and diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the
sale of buses and related products to transportation companies throughout the
country" [in, among others, the cities of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St.
Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33).

which "stonewalled, deceived, covered up, and covered up the cover-ups...[thus
inflicting] on women a worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections." (*35).
resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door
which failed in flight killing all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on
March 3, 1974 (*36).
Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that

Page 10 of 26 was sold by manufacturers who ignored tests which showed DES to be Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that
was sold by manufacturers who ignored tests which showed DES to be
carcinogenic; and who acted "in concert with each other in the testing and
marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).

corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of their savings. This "arrogant disregard
from the White House, Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of
the American people" will cost U.S. taxpayers many hundreds of billions of dollars
(*38).
Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers, Federal Pacific, and General Electric



problems relating to asbestos (*41).
the nature of our decades-old war against the people of Nicaragua a covert war that
continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure for the Nicaraguan
police to reorganize into a more repressive force (*43).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger
and CIA Director William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of
disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about
these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA Director George
Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46).

1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the
O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).
companies and the British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically after
Iran nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the
subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed
Mossadegh (*49).

Page 11 of 26 Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
Or the deliberate and willful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole,
Senator George Mitchell, various U.S. Government agencies, and members of both
Houses of the Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the
Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the CIA, in
the face of "unmistakable evidence that Gates lied about his role in the Iran-Contra
scandal" (*52).
USAID funds by any country "for the promotion of birth control or abortion" (*54).
Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector

Gramajo with the U.S. Army to design "programs to build civilian-military
cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning,
Georgia; five of the nine soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El
Salvador are graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel
(*56).

Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nixon and the Government of South

election (*58).
Or the pandemic cover-ups of police violence (*59).
Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The Satanic Verses
in paperback (*61).
facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public importance (*62).
Page 12 of 26 Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT


When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in the
conspiring officials can erode depending on how seriously the citizenry perceives the
conspiracy to have violated the public trust. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the
Post seems to see as a real threat to its corporate security.
person ever tried in connection with the assassination.
And the movie proposes that the Kennedy assassination was the work of conspirators whose
interests would not be served by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us from
our war against Vietnam.
that there is no historical justification for this idea.
Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and
investigators David Scheim and John Newman have each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis
that Kennedy was not enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just
continues ranting against the possibility of a high-level assassination conspiracy while offering
little justification for its arguments.

this article, (*69).
Page 13 of 26 Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
this article, (*69).
Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a former Garrison associate
Pershing Gervais. Lardner does not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a
U.S. Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government witness Gervais, who
helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted under oath that in a May 1972 interview with a
New Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S. Government's case against
Garrison was a fraud (*70).
The Post's 1973 account of the Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I
recently asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he remembered it (*71).
and that it "was a continuation of Kennedy's policy".
In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before the assassination by McGeorge Bundy
(Kennedy's Assistant for National Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have
seen it. Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version provided for
escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) facts that Lardner avoided.
part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current
readers of this newspaper find meaningful discussion of the Warren Commission's
secret doubts about both the FBI and the CIA (*76).
Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing co-conspirators at field stations

to counteract the,
"new wave of books and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's

findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown
suspicion on our organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with
liaison and friendly elite contacts, especially politicians and editors "and
to "employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the
critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are particularly appropriate
for this purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to provide material for
Page 14 of 26 countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists..."Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists..."
(*77).
told Davis' publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich,
"Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced CIA material ...what I can do is to brand
Miss Davis as a fool and to put your company in that special little group of
publishers who don't give a shit for the truth".
The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for
breach of contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis published her
book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply involved with
producing cold-war/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his
association with people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently taken no action to contest
the xetensive documentation presented by Deborah Davis in the second and third editions of
her book (*80).
CIA" (*81).
This scandal was known by its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington
Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was widely known
that Phil Graham was someone you could get help from" (*82). More recently the Post provided
cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to print his name for over a year up
until the day his indictment was announced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as
CIA station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).
Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the Washington Post.
In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs. Graham said:
"A second challenge facing the media is how to prevent terrorists from using the
media as a platform fortheir views. ... The point is that we generally know when we
Page 15 of 26 are being manipulated, and we've learned better how and where to draw the
Sep line,
12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
are being manipulated, and we've learned better how and where to draw the line,
though the decisions are often difficult" (*85).
like-minded entrepreneurs a conspiracy "to act or work together toward the same result or goal"
(*86).
But where the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it pretends that
conspiracies associated with big business or government are "coincidence". Post reporter
conspiracies?
"neat and tidy" (*88) that,
"plugs a gap no other generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is
always the safest and most likely explanation for any conjunction of curious
safer bet.
quadrennially engulfs members of the American political class" (*92).
But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers; they used the "C" word against the PRESS!
And Harwood exploded his off-the-cuff comment into an entire column ending it with:
"We are the new journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing waters of
political conformity. But conspirators we ain't".
Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime".
Page 16 of 26 Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors is a
matter of random coincidence?
influence from fellow editors or from management?
Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless office "meetings" in which news
people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of which stories will run and which
ones will find inadequate space?
That there is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no cooperative efforts
among the staff?
Or that in the face of our news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran,
(*94) a Post journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to that
the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton?
Let's face it: these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining guests at a
soup kitchen.
is telling less than the truth in his account of wire-service control over news:
"The largely anonymous men who control the syndicate and wire service copy
desks and the central wire photo machines determine at a single decision what
millions will see and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers
preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press agentry sneaks in
the back door of American journalism and marches untouched out the front door as
'news'" (*95).
1200-word article (*97).
Would Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this matter by the major
news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of coincidence? Could a Post reporter have
written a story about Ralston Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?
Page 17 ofUndermines
26 Health, Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later,Sep
Post
12,journalists
2016 03:07:42PM MDT
inadequate.
It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle memorabilia: youth, family, college
record, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends, government
associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth revealing little about Quayle's abilities, his
understanding of society's problems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and never
mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle's record in the Bush Administration
(*98).
result or goal"? (*99)
Do crocodiles fly?
TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE CLEARING

CLINTON'S PATH
TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR

PATH TOWARD SHOWDOWN WITH BUSH
media collective mindset is really different from that of any other cartel like oil, diamond, energy,
(*100) or manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a combination of independent commercial
enterprises designed to limit competition" (*101).

Page 18 ofAN
26 INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
and its newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of mediocrity?
The Post would respond that the question is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post's
telephone conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite must monitor the
staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes a new reporter to learn what subjects are
taboo and what are "safe", and that experienced reporters don't have to ask.
Sincerely,
Julian C. Holmes
others.
1. Mark Hosenball, "The Ultimate Conspiracy", Washington Post, September 11,

1988, p.C1
2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June
4,1991. Notes that the Post censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column,
references to the Christic Institute and to Robert Gates.
2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "Iran-Contra Figure Dodges Extradition",
Washington Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May 26, 1991. This is the
column submitted to the Post (see note 2a)..
2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Want to
Extradite", Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). as it
appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..
3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, etc.,
United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha
Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.
3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs to U.S.",
Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.
3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews with Robert
Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990.
5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University
Page 19 of 26 ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181. Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University
ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181.
5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug
Smuggling", Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.
5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington Post, July
24,1987, p.A3.
5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel's
Letter- to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the Congressional Record on
August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7.
6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail",
Boston Globe, April 10, 1988.
6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10, 1988,
p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace
an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988,
p.22.
6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra The Coverup Continues", The Progressive,
6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by the
Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the
Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December 1988.
7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy
Theory", Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1.
7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of the 1980
'Hostage- Deal' Story Is Still Full of Holes", Washington Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2.
9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage", Playboy,
October 1988, p.73.
10a. Reuter, "Ex-Hostages Seek Probe By Congress", Washington Post, June
14,1991,p.A4.
10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building
Auditorium, Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For New
Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New York, NY, 10016.
11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The Guardian,
December 11, 1991, p.7.
11c. Jack Colhoun, "October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer", The Guardian,
February 26, 1992, p.3.
12. See note 5a, p.180-1.
13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.
13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair,
Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November 1987,
p.139-141.
14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic of
Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave
McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass
Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas
Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert
Page 20 of 26 Lagomarsino, and Bob McEwen; January 26, 1989. Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S. Indiana
Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua",
WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990.
14c. "Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer", Scripps-Howard News
Service,April 25, 1991.
15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the Case of
the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989.
17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard The U.S. Role in the New World Order,
Boston: South End Press, 1991, p.121.
18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th Cong.,
2nd Session (1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment
of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press, Macmillan, 1978, p.93.
19. R. Jeffrey Smith, "Study of A-Plant Neighbors' Health Urged", Washington Post,
July 13, 1990, p.A6.
20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend Price Tag Mounts to
Clean Up Nuclear Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992, p.1K.
22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need for
PublicPolicy Reform", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.E947-9.
22b. Samuel S. Epstein, "The Cancer Establishment", Washington Post, March 10,
1992.
23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq
Policy", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.
23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal Adviser,
Memorandum to Jeanne S. Archibald et al, "Meeting on congressional requests for
information and documents", April 8, 1991; Congressional Record, April 2,
1992,p.H2285.
24a. Michio Kaku, "Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses", The Guardian,
March11, 1992, p.4.
24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case",
Variety Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25.
25. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991 Letter
to"Friends", p.1.
26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is Hired to
Promote Smithsonian Project", Washington Post, November 18, 1991, p.Bus.8.
27. Hans Koning, "Teach the Truth About Columbus", Washington Post, September
3,1991, p.A19.
28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St. Louis
Post/Dispatch, March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A High-Tech
Watergate", New York Times, October 21,1991.
29. "BCCI NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared by
Burrelle's Information Services. The quote is from New York District Attorney
Robert Morgenthau who is running his own independent investigation of BCCI.
30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from an
interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.
31. Jack Colhoun, "BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush's Closet", The Guardian,
Page 21 of 26 September 18, 1991, p.9. Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
September 18, 1991, p.9.
33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra
ClubBooks, 1989 paperback edition, p.227.
34. See note 33, p.136-7.
35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon Shield,
NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33, p.157.
36. See note 33, p.164-171.
37. See note 33, p.172-180.
38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House, 1990.
The quote is from Ralph Nader's Introduction, p.iii.
39. See note 33, p.217.
40. See note 33, p.235.
41. See note 33, p.277-288.
42. See note 33, p.323.
43. Katherine Hoyt Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund Newsletter,
March1992, p.1.
44. William Blum, The CIA A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books Ltd.,
1986,p.232-243.
45b. See note 44, p.284-291.
46. See note 17, p.18.
47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama
(James Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published in The Nation, February 5,
1990, p.163.
48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam Books,
1977,p.521.
48b. "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission, December 2, 1949.
Cited in 48a, p.521.
49a. See note 44, p.67-76.
49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.
50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square Publications,
1983,p.60.
51. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections in
Nicaragua". Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4, 1989 by
avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of 64 to 35.
56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion", News
Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903.
58. Jack Colhoun, "Tricky Dick's Quick Election Fix", The Guardian, January
29,1992, p.18.
Page 22 of 26 59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against
Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case",
59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video",
WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20.
59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide",
Washington Post, May 18, 1991, p.B1.
59e. Jay Mathews, "L.A. Police Laughed at Beating", Washington Post, March 19,
1991, p.A1.
59f. David Maraniss, "One Cop's View of Police Violence", Washington Post, April
12,1991, p.A1.
59g. From News Services, "Police Abuse Detailed", Washington Post, February 8,
1992,p.A8.
60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions",
Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.A1.
61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback",
Washington Post, March 14, 1992, p.D1.
62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.
62d. "Now Let That 'Fairness' Bill Die", Editorial, Washington Post, June 24, 1987.
The Post opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting Act.
63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America The Mafia Murder of President John
F.Kennedy, New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988, p.viii.
64. See note 63, p.28.
65b. George Lardner Jr., "On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland", Washington Post,
May19, 1991, p.D1.
65c. George Lardner, "...Or Just a Sloppy Mess", Washington Post, June 2,
1991,p.D3.
65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories When Do We Dig Up
65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned Warren Commission Attorney
Calls Stone Film 'A Big Lie'", Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14.
65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How About the
Truth?", Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.
65h. Rita Kemply, "'JFK': History Through A Prism", Washington Post, December
20,1991, p.D1.
65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't In 'JFK', Stone Assassinates the
Truth", Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2.
65j. Desson Howe, "Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?", Washington Post, December
20,1991, p.55.
65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire In Defending His 'JFK'
Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning", Washington Post,
December 21, 1991, p.F1.
65l. George F. Will, "'JFK': Paranoid History", Washington Post, December 26,
1991,p.A23.
65m. "On Screen", 'JFK' movie review, Washington Post, Weekend, December 27,
Page 23 of 26 1991. Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
1991.
65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Shadow Play", Washington Post, December 27, 1991,
p.A21.
65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The Paranoid Style", Washington Post, December
29,1991, p.C7.
65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! Why Did Oliver Stone Omit (Or
Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?", Washington Post, December 29,
1991,p.C2.
65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts Moviegoers Say
'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone", Washington Post, January 2,
1992, p.B1.
65r. Michael R. Beschloss, "Assassination and Obsession", Washington Post,
January 5, 1992, p.C1.
65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington Post,
January 10,1992, p.A19.
65t. Art Buchwald, "Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy", Washington Post, January 14,
1992,p.E1.
65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories Good on Film, But the
Motivation Is All Wrong", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.G1.
65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie America's Resort to Conspiracy
Thinking", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1.
65w. Richard Cohen, "Oliver's Twist", Washington Post Magazine, January 19,
1992, p.5.
65. Michael Isikoff, "Seeking JFK's Missing Brain", Washington Post, January
21,1992, p.A17.
65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere",
Washington Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5.
65z. Joel Achenbach, "JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts", Washington Post,
February 28, 1992, p.C5.
65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is
characterized as "conspiracy plot theories", Washington Post, March 8,
67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers".
Published in The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume
V,p.211-247.
67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy The Secret Road to the Second
Indochina War, Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p. 215-224.
67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa
Mesa CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416.
67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.
68a. See note 65b.
68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK
Assassination", Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.
69. See note 65b.
70. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner Books, 1988,
315/318.
71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery Charge",
Page 24 of 26 Washington Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3. Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
Washington Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3.
72. See note 65c.
73. See note 65i.
74. See note 67e, p.438-450.
75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington Post,
Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8.
76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day 'This Bullet
Business Leaves Me Confused'", Washington Star, September
20, 1975, p.A1.
76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission Dulles
Proposed that the Minutes be Destroyed", Washington Star, September 21,
1975,p.A1.
77. "Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report", New York Times,
1979,p.141-2.
79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship Killing 'Katharine The Great'", The Nation,
November 12, 1983.
79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press, 1987.
Davis says, "...corporate documents that became available during my subsequent
lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman, William Jovanovich]
showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great] had been "processed and
converted into waste paper"".
79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men A Suppressed Book About Washington
Post Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again" National Reporter, Fall 1987,
p.60.
79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square Press,
1991. "...publishers who don't give a shit", p.iv-v; bullying HBJ into recalling the
book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..
80. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See note 79d,
p.304.
81. See note 79d, p.119-132.
82. Carl Bernstein, "The CIA and the Media How America's Most Powerful News
Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the
Church Committee Covered It Up", Rolling Stone, October 20, 1977, p.63.
83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington Post,
September 15, 1988. The letter asks for the Post's rationale for its policy of
protecting government covert actions, and whether this policy is still in effect.
83b. Daniel Brandt, "Little Magazines May Come and Go", The National Reporter,
Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the Post's protection of the identity of CIA agent Joseph
F.Fernandez. Brandt says, "America needs to confront its own recent history as well
as protect the interests of its citizens, and both can be accomplished by outlawing
peacetime covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity of Americans
than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike forces that ever found their
way onto Pentagon wish-lists."
83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988. Harwood's
two- sentence letter reads, "We have a long-standing policy of not naming covert
agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual circumstances. We applied that policy to
Page 25 of 26 Fernandez." Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT
Fernandez."
84. See note 79d, p.131.
85. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist Acts",
Washington Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.
86. "conspire", ß4ßRandom House Dictionary of the English Language, Second
Edition Unabridged, 1987.
88. See note 65y.
89. See note 65n.
90. See note 65d.
91. William Casey, Private Communications with JCH, March 1992. Richard
Harwood, "What Conspiracy?", Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.C6.
93. p. 29-32.
94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services Inc., April
25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared in 878 Washington
Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials; "Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in
303, and Larry Agran in 28. In those 28, Agran's name appeared 76 times, Clinton's
151, and Brown 105. In only 1 of those 28 did Agran's name appear in a headline.
94b. Colman McCarthy, "What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?", Washington Post,
February 1, 1992. Washington Post columnist McCarthy tells how television and
party officials have kept presidential candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's
own daily news-blackout of Agran is not discussed.
94c. Scot Lehigh, "Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little Chance For the Big
Prize", Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.
95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The Press,
NewYork: Harper and Row, 1972, p.36-7.
96a. 28 USC Section 455. "Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the United States
shall disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his impartiality might reasonably
be questioned." [emphasis added]
96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court Nominee 'Unfit to Sit' For
Failing to Recuse In Ralston Purina Case", Legal Times, August 26, 1991.
96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge Clarence Thomas to
become a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds of his JUDICIAL
MISCONDUCT", Letter to U.S. Senator Joseph R. Biden, October 15, 1991.
97. Al Kamen and Michael Isikoff, "'A Distressing Turn', Activists - Decry What
Process Has Become", Washington Post, October 12, 1991, p.A1.
99. See note 86.
100. Thomas W. Lippman, "Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers'", Washington
Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21. This article explains that "representatives of the U.S.
Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of Manufacturers and the coal, oil,
natural gas, offshore drilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests often
conflict, pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil
drilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be offered by key
House members".
Page 26 of 26 Sep 12, 2016 03:07:42PM MDT

By Mary Louise
The CIA's secret activities, covert missions, and connections of control are all done under the
pretense and protection of national security with no accountability whatsoever, at least in their
minds. Considering the public is held accountable for everything we think, say, and do there is
something seriously wrong with this picture. The CIA is the President's secret army, who have
been and continue to be conveniently above the law with unlimited power and authority, to
The "old boy network" of socializing, talking shop, and tapping each other for favors outside the
halls of government made it inevitable that the CIA and Corporate America would become
allies, thus the systematic infiltration and takeover of the media.
Under the guise of 'American' objectives and lack of congressional oversight, the CIA
accomplish their exploits by using every trick in the book (and they know quite a few) that they
actually teach in the notorious "School of the Americas", nicknamed the "School of Dictators"
and "School of Assassins" by critics. The Association for Responsible Dissent estimates that 6
million people had died by 1987 as a result of CIA covert operations, called an "American
Holocaust" by former State Department official William Blum. In 1948, the CIA recreated its
covert action wing called the Office of Policy Coordination with Wall Street lawyer Frank Wisner
as its first director. Another early elitist who served as Director of the CIA from 1953 to 1961
was Allen Dulles, a senior partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, which
Starting in the early days of the Cold War (late 40's), the CIA began a secret project called
Operation Mockingbird, with the intent of buying influence behind the scenes at major media
outlets and putting reporters on the CIA payroll, which has proven to be a stunning ongoing
success. The CIA effort to recruit American news organizations and journalists to become
spies and disseminators of propaganda, was headed up by Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles,
Richard Helms, and Philip Graham (publisher of The Washington Post). Wisner had taken
Graham under his wing to direct the program code-named Operation Mockingbird and both
have presumably committed suicide.
Media assets will eventually include ABC, NBC, CBS, Time, Newsweek, Associated Press,
documents on file at CIA headquarters, from intelligence-gathering to serving as go-betweens.
The CIA had infiltrated the nation's businesses, media, and universities with tens of thousands
of on-call operatives by the 1950's. CIA Director Dulles had staffed the CIA almost exclusively
with Ivy League graduates, especially from Yale with figures like George Herbert Walker Bush
from the "Skull and Crossbones" Society.
Many Americans still insist or persist in believing that we have a free press, while getting most
of their news from state-controlled television, under the misconception that reporters are meant
to serve the public. Reporters are paid employees and serve the media owners, who usually
cower
Page 1 of 45 when challenged by advertisers or major government figures. Robert Parry
Julreported the
14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
cower when challenged by advertisers or major government figures. Robert Parry reported the
first breaking stories about Iran-Contra for Associated Press that were largely ignored by the
press and congress, then moving to Newsweek he witnessed a retraction of a true story for
political reasons. In 'Fooling America: A Talk by Robert Parry' he said, "The people who
succeeded and did well were those who didn't stand up, who didn't write the big stories, who
looked the other way when history was happening in front of them, and went along either
consciously or just by cowardice with the deception of the American people."
Major networks are primarily controlled by giant corporations that are obligated by law, to put
the profits of their investors ahead of all other considerations which are often in conflict with the
practice of responsible journalism. There were around 50 corporations a couple of decades
ago, which was considered monopolistic by many and yet today, these companies have
become larger and fewer in number as the biggest ones absorb their rivals. This concentration
of ownership and power reduces the diversity of media voices, as news falls into the hands of
large conglomerates with holdings in many industries that interferes in newsgathering, because
of conflicts of interest. Mockingbird was an immense financial undertaking with funds flowing
from the CIA largely through the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) founded by Tom Braden
with Pat Buchanon of CNN's Crossfire.
Media corporations share members of the board of directors with a variety of other large
corporations including banks, investment companies, oil companies, health care,
pharmaceutical, and technology companies. Until the 1980's, media systems were generally
domestically owned, regulated, and national in scope. However, pressure from the IMF, World
Bank, and US government to deregulate and privatize, the media, communication, and new
technology resulted in a global commercial media system dominated by a small number of
super-powerful transnational media corporations (mostly US based), working to advance the
The first tier of the nine giant firms that dominate the world are Time Warner/AOL, Disney/ABC,
Bertelsmann, Viacom/CBS, Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation/Fox, General Electric/NBC,
Sony, Universal/Seagram, Tele-Communications, Inc. or TCI and AT&T. This is just the head
of the octopus which has its second and third tier tentacles working together in unison or
feigned division. This would include The Washington Post/Newsweek, The New York
Times/Weekly Standard, Tribune Co., US News, Gannett/USA Today, Dow Jones/Wall Street
Journal, Washington Times, Knight-Ridder, etcetera. A good site to visit for more information is
Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, a public interest media watchdog group, at
www.fair.org/index.html , www.fair.org/mediafiles/index.html and
www.fair.org/extra/9711/gmg.html . Media propaganda tactics include blackouts, misdirections,
expert opinions to echo the Establishment line, smears, defining popular opinions, mass
entertainment distractions, and Hobson's Choice (the media presents the so-called
conservative and liberal positions).
"Who Controls the Media? The Subversion of the Free Press by the CIA, The Depraved Spies
and Moguls of the CIA's Operation Mockingbird", "The CIA: America's Premier International
Terrorist Organization", and "Virtual Government: CIA Mind Control Operations in America" by
Alex Constantine are an excellent source of information on this topic:
www.alexconstantine.50megs.com/the_cia_and.html and www.alexconstantine.50megs.com .
David Guyatt has written books and many articles including one entitled "Subverting
Page 2 of 45 Jul 14,the Media"
2016 03:32:16AM MDT
www.alexconstantine.50megs.com/the_cia_and.html
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird.htm and www.alexconstantine.50megs.com .
David Guyatt has written books and many articles including one entitled "Subverting the Media"
at www.deepblacklies.co.uk/subverting_the_media.htm . Then there are two articles called "A
Timeline of CIA Atrocities" and "The Origins of the Overclass" by Steve Kangas that are very
informative although from a more liberal perspective. Steve will not be writing anymore articles
as he is no longer with us, having unfortunately met his untimely death that was 'apparently'
from a self-inflicted gunshot wound. If you read about him on his web page that is still available,
you will see that he did not seem like a person who was suffering from deep depression. In his
memory, please take the time to read what he wrote at
www.korpios.org/resurgent/CIAtimeline.html , www.korpios.org/resurgent/CIAtimeline.html ,
and www.korpios.org/resurgent/index.html .
CNN aired "Valley of Death" in June of 1998 and Time magazine (both owned by Time-Warner)
ran a story about a secret mission called Operation Tailwind and the activities of SOG, Studies
and Observations Group, a secret elite commando unit of the Army's Special Forces that used
lethal nerve gas (sarin), on a mission to Laos designed to kill American defectors. Suddenly the
network was awash in denials and the story was hushed up, as usual. Acknowledged use of
this gas coming at a time when the U.S. government was trying to get Saddam to comply with
weapons inspections, was an embarrassment to say the least. What hypocrisy! Having actually
used the weapons on our own troops, then complaining and accusing Saddam of potential use
of stored similar weapons, of which some were manufactured in and supplied by the U.S. The
broadcast was prepared after exhaustive research and rooted in considerable supportive data.
Washington Post, having gained access to what the CIA was trying to keep from congress
about its program of using journalists at home and abroad, in deliberate propaganda
campaigns. It was later revealed that Woodward was a Naval intelligence briefer to the White
House and knew many insiders including General Alexander Haig. A high-level source told
Bernstein, "One journalist is worth twenty agents."
CFR/Trilateralist Katharine Graham, in a 1988 speech given to senior CIA employees at

Agency headquarters said, "We live in a dirty and dangerous world. There are some things the
general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the
government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide
whether to print what it knows." Maybe that's another reason why folks get the impression that
a suspicious agenda lurks behind the headlines. "25 Ways to Suppress Truth: Rules of
Disinformation" and "8 Traits of the Disinformationalist" at www.proparanoid.com/truth.htm ,
sums it up very well.
Ralph McGehee was a CIA agent for 25 years, mainly in South-East Asia where he witnessed
bombing and napalming of villages, which caused him to examine closely what the CIA was
really all about. He has written about Vietnam's Phoenix Program
www.vwip.org/articles/m/McGeheeRalph_VietnamsPhoenixProgram.htm and after a long
battle with CIA censors, he published the book "Deadly Deceits" in 1983. Ralph has been
harassed by the CIA and FBI, involving bodily injury, and his CIABASE website was shut down
on Spring of 2000. He copied some reports that can be found at
http://serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/ciabase_report_1.htm (and 2.htm),
http://serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/death_squads.htm
Page 3 of 45 , and Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
http://serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/death_squads.htm , and
www.thirdworldtraveler.com/CIA/Deadly_Deceits.html. He concluded that the CIA is not now
nor has it ever been a central intelligence agency but rather the covert action arm of the
President's foreign policy advisors, of which disinformation is a large part of its responsibility
and the American people are the primary target of its lies.
One of the primary reasons John F. Kennedy was assassinated had to do with the fact he
dared to interfere in the framework of power. Kennedy was intent on exercising his ELECTED
powers and not allowing them to be usurped by power-crazed individuals in the intelligence
community, threatening to "splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the wind."
There were four things that filled the CIA with rage and sealed his fate; JFK fired Allen Dulles,
was in the process of founding a panel to investigate the CIA's numerous crimes, put a damper
on the breadth and scope of the CIA, and limited their ability to act under National Security
Memoranda 55.
There is such an overwhelming amount of information pertaining to the CIA that it is impossible
to cover it all in one book, much less an article. Personally, I have come to the conclusion that
the media is not only influenced by the CIA.....the media is the CIA. Many Americans think of
their supposedly free press as a watchdog on government, mainly because the press itself
shamelessly promotes that myth. One of the first tenets for the control of a population is to
control all sources of information the population receives and mostly because of the pervasive
CIA and Operation Mockingbird, the mainstream American Press is a controlled multi-national
corporate/government megaphone. They are up to their eyeballs in dirty deeds and there will
never be an end to the corruption that prevails unless the CIA is abolished. Otherwise, the CIA
will just keep on using their tricks of propaganda, stuffed ballot boxes, purchased elections,
extortion, blackmail, drug trafficking, sexual intrigue, kidnapping, beating, torture, intimidation,
economic sabotage, false stories about opponents in the local media, infiltration and disruption
of opposing political parties, demolition and evacuation procedures, death squads, and
politically motivated assassinations. The CIA is the epitome of organized crime run amuck!
http://www.prisonplanet.com/analysis.html
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
Central Intelligence Agency ::: Official Media Relations Site
In an effort to provide the American people with accurate information about the CIA, its mission,
and the contributions Agency employees make to national security, the Media Relations
Division staff works with print and broadcast journalists on a daily basis. The Office of Public
Affairs believes that accurate media coverage of aspects of the Agency's work will build better
public understanding of our efforts. The Division's objective is to be as helpful and responsive
to the media as possible while still protecting classified information, including intelligence
sources and methods. To accomplish this goal, the Media Relations Division staff establishes
professional relationships with print and broadcast reporters, responds to press inquiries on a
wide range of issues, develops media strategies in advance of newsworthy events or
background briefings for U.S. media. http://www.cia.gov/cia/public_affairs/media.html
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
A Short Peek into the Future - Part 1

Page 4 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
By Wade Inganamort
Click. Click. Click. The familiar sound violently awoke Sam, sending shockwaves down his
spine. Click. Click. Click. His first voluntary reaction was to think - Is it me? Do they know?
Wondering how far away they were, he threw back the standard issue gray bedding and
planted his feet firmly on the cold cement floor. His mind was racing in one consistent direction:
escape.
Grabbing his overcoat, he stumbled to the door, while checking the pockets to ensure that he
still had the document. I must get rid of it, he thought. Why did I have to be so damn curious?
Click. Click. Click. The sound was getting closer.
How he wished that he didn't have this chip in his arm, then he could've just slipped away
weeks ago. It's now or never, he whispered to himself. His left hand was cleching the document
in his pocket as he turned the doorknob.
Swoosh. A dart flew by his right temple. It was too late. Click. Click. Click. There they were, his
worse nightmare come true; a fleet of ten six-legged Lynxmotion Hexapod II walking robots
were approaching from the end of the hallway. They were increasing speed, but from hearing
so many rumors, the Haxapods were not what he feared. They were but mere slaves, doing
reconnaissance as part of a distributed sensor network, relaying the triangulated information
back to their master, ROBART.
ROBART he knew, was rather slow with his dual treads powered by 12-volt electric wheelchair
motors. Escape was a matter of evading the Hexapods before he was remotely located by GPS
from the signals that his subdermal microchip - Digital Angel was emitting. But where would he
go? This sector's grid monitor prevented any free-roaming, unless a travel plan was first logged
from a public Digital Angel uplink terminal. Click. Click. Click.
He made a dash to the right, hoping to get a small head start and immediately felt the first of six
steel tipped darts enter his neck. Consciousness began to fade away. His left hand was still
tightly gripping the illegal document. ROBART's remote camera zooms in on the torn Xeroxed
paper as the puppetmasters 3,000 miles away can just barely read a portion of the title: The
Constitution of the United Sta......
"We have money to blow up bridges over the Tigress and Euphrates and we
don't have money to build bridges in our major cities. We have money to destroy the health of
the Iraqi people and we don't have enough money to repair the health of our own people in this
country. There is something fundamentally wrong with the direction this administration is taking
its foreign policy, and I intend to change that if I am elected president of the United States."
Dennis Kucinich on CNN's Crossfire: Friday February 21, 2003
They hang the man and flog the woman

who steal the goose from the Common
But the other man they let go loose
who steal the Common from the goose
Olde
Page 5 of 45 English Nursery Rhyme Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
Olde English Nursery Rhyme
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
By Steve Kangas
The wealthy have always used many methods to accumulate wealth, but it was not until the
mid-1970s that these methods coalesced into a superbly organized, cohesive and efficient
machine. After 1975, it became greater than the sum of its parts, a smooth flowing organization
of advocacy groups, lobbyists, think tanks, conservative foundations, and PR firms that hurtled
the richest 1 percent into the stratosphere.
The origins of this machine, interestingly enough, can be traced back to the CIA. This is not to
say the machine is a formal CIA operation, complete with code name and signed documents.
(Although such evidence may yet surface and previously unthinkable domestic operations such
as MK-ULTRA, CHAOS and MOCKINGBIRD show this to be a distinct possibility.) But what
we do know already indicts the CIA strongly enough. Its principle creators were Irving Kristol,
Paul Weyrich, William Simon, Richard Mellon Scaife, Frank Shakespeare, William F. Buckley,
Jr., the Rockefeller family, and more. Almost all the machine's creators had CIA backgrounds.
During the 1970s, these men would take the propaganda and operational techniques they had
learned in the Cold War and apply them to the Class War. Therefore it is no surprise that the
American version of the machine bears an uncanny resemblance to the foreign versions
designed to fight communism. The CIA's expert and comprehensive organization of the
business class would succeed beyond their wildest dreams. In 1975, the richest 1 percent
owned 22 percent of America's wealth. By 1992, they would nearly double that, to 42 percent,
the highest level of inequality in the 20th century.
How did this alliance start? The CIA has always recruited the nation's elite: millionaire
businessmen, Wall Street brokers, members of the national news media, and Ivy League
scholars. During World War II, General "Wild Bill" Donovan became chief of the Office of
Strategic Services (OSS), the forerunner of the CIA. Donovan recruited so exclusively from the
nation's rich and powerful that members eventually came to joke that "OSS" stood for "Oh, so
social!"
Another early elite was Allen Dulles, who served as Director of the CIA from 1953 to 1961.
Dulles was a senior partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, which represented
the Rockefeller empire and other mammoth trusts, corporations and cartels. He was also a
board member of the J. Henry Schroeder Bank, with offices in Wall Street, London, Zurich and
Hamburg. His financial interests across the world would become a conflict of interest when he
became head of the CIA. Like Donavan, he would recruit exclusively from society's elite.
By the 1950s, the CIA had riddled the nation's businesses, media and universities with tens of
thousands of part-time, on-call operatives. Their employment with the agency took a variety of
forms, which included:
Leaving one's profession to work for the CIA in a formal, official capacity. Staying in one's
profession,
Page 6 of 45 using the job as cover for CIA activity. This undercover activity couldJul
be14,
full-time,
2016 03:32:16AM MDT
profession, using the job as cover for CIA activity. This undercover activity could be full-time,
part-time, or on-call. Staying in one's profession, occasionally passing along information useful
to the CIA.
Passing through the revolving door that has always existed between the agency and the
business world.
Historically, the CIA and society's elite have been one and the same people. This means that
their interests and goals are one and the same as well. Perhaps the most frequent description
of the intelligence community is the "old boy network," where members socialize, talk shop,
conduct business and tap each other for favors well outside the formal halls of government.
Many common traits made it inevitable that the CIA and Corporate America would become
allies. Both share an intense dislike of democracy, and feel they should be liberated from
democratic regulations and oversight. Both share a culture of secrecy, either hiding their
actions from the American public or lying about them to present the best public image. And
both are in a perfect position to help each other.
How? International businesses give CIA agents cover, secret funding, top-quality resources
and important contacts in foreign lands. In return, the CIA gives corporations billion-dollar
federal contracts (for spy planes, satellites and other hi-tech spycraft). Businessmen also enjoy
the romantic thrill of participating in spy operations. The CIA also gives businesses a certain
amount of protection and privacy from the media and government watchdogs, under the guise
of "national security." Finally, the CIA helps American corporations remain dominant in foreign
markets, by overthrowing governments hostile to unregulated capitalism and installing puppet
regimes whose policies favor American corporations at the expense of their people.
The CIA's alliance with the elite turned out to be an unholy one. Each enabled the other to rise
above the law. Indeed, a review of the CIA s history is one of such crime and atrocity that no
one can reasonably defend it, even in the name of anticommunism. Before reviewing this
alliance in detail, it is useful to know the CIA s history of atrocity first.
The Crimes of the CIA
During World War II, the OSS actively engaged in propaganda, sabotage and countless other
dirty tricks. After the war, and even after the CIA was created in 1947, the American
intelligence community reverted to harmless information gathering and analysis, thinking that
the danger to national security had passed. That changed in 1948 with the emergence of the
Cold War. In that year, the CIA recreated its covert action wing, innocuously called the Office of
Policy Coordination. Its first director was Wall Street lawyer Frank Wisner. According to its
secret charter, its responsibilities included propaganda, economic warfare, preventive direct
action, including sabotage, antisabotage, demolition and evacuation procedures; subversion
against hostile states, including assistance to underground resistance groups, and support of
indigenous anti-communist elements in threatened countries of the free world.
By
Page 7 of 45 1953, the dirty tricks department of the CIA had grown to 7,200 personnel and
Julcommanded
14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
By 1953, the dirty tricks department of the CIA had grown to 7,200 personnel and commanded
74 percent of the CIA s total budget. The following quotes describe the culture of lawlessness
that pervaded the CIA:
Stanley Lovell, a CIA recruiter for "Wild Bill" Donovan: "What I have to do is to stimulate the
Peck's Bad Boy beneath the surface of every American scientist and say to him, 'Throw all your
normal law-abiding concepts out the window. Here's a chance to raise merry hell. Come help
me raise it.'" (1)
George Hunter White, writing of his CIA escapades: "I toiled wholeheartedly in the vineyards
because it was fun, fun, fun... Where else could a red-blooded American boy lie, kill, cheat,
steal, rape and pillage with the sanction and blessing of the all-highest?" (2)
A retired CIA agency caseworker with twenty years experience: "I never gave a thought to
legality or morality. Frankly, I did what worked."
Blessed with secrecy and lack of congressional oversight, CIA operations became corrupt
almost immediately. Using propaganda stations like Voice of America and Radio Free Europe,
the CIA felt justified in manipulating the public for its own good. The broadcasts were so
patently false that for a time it was illegal to publish transcripts of them in the U.S. This was a
classic case of a powerful organization deciding what was best for the people, and then
abusing the powers it had helped itself to.
During the 40s and 50s, most of the public was unaware of what the CIA was doing. Those who
knew thought they were fighting the good fight against communism, like James Bond.
However, they could not keep their actions secret forever, and by the 60s and 70s, Americans
began learning about the agency s crimes and atrocities. (3) It turns out the
CIA has:
Corrupted democratic elections in Greece, Italy and dozens of other nations;
Been involved to varying degrees in at least 35 assassination plots against foreign heads of
state or prominent political leaders. Successful assassinations include democratically elected
leaders like Salvador Allende (Chile) and Patrice Lumumba (Belgian Congo); also CIA-created
dictators like Rafael Trujillo (Dominican Republic) and Ngo Dinh Diem (South Vietnam); and
popular political leaders like Che Guevara. Unsuccessful attempts range from Fidel Castro to
Charles De Gaulle.
Helped launch military coups that toppled democratic governments, replacing them with brutal
dictatorships or juntas. The list of overthrown democratic leaders includes Mossadegh (Iran,
1953), Arbenz (Guatemala, 1954), Velasco and Arosemena (Ecuador, 1961, 1963), Bosch
(Dominican Republic, 1963), Goulart (Brazil, 1964), Sukarno (Indonesia, 1965), Papandreou
(Greece, 1965-67), Allende (Chile, 1973), and dozens of others.
Undermined the governments of Australia, Guyana, Cambodia, Jamaica and more;

Supported murderous dictators like General Pinochet (Chile), the Shah of Iran, Ferdinand
Marcos (Phillipines), "Papa Doc" and "Baby Doc" Duvalier (Haiti), General Noriega (Panama),
Mobutu Sese Seko (Ziare), the "reign of the colonels" (Greece), and more;
Created, trained and supported death squads and secret police forces that tortured and
murdered hundreds of thousands of civilians, leftists and political opponents, in Guatemala,
Honduras, El Salvador, Haiti, Bolivia, Cuba, Mexico, Uruguay, Brazil, Chile,
Vietnam,
Page 8 of 45 Cambodia, Thailand, Iran, Turkey, Angola and others; Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand, Iran, Turkey, Angola and others;
Helped run the "School of the Americas" at Fort Benning, Georgia, which trains Latin
American military officers how to overthrow democratic governments. Subjects include the use
of torture, interrogation and murder;
Used Michigan State "professors" to train Diem's secret police in torture; Conducted economic
sabotage, including ruining crops, disrupting industry, sinking ships and creating food
shortages;
Paved the way for the massacre of 200,000 in East Timor, 500,000 in Indonesia and one to two
million in Cambodia;
Launched secret or illegal military actions or wars in Nicaragua, Angola, Cuba, Laos and
Indochina;
Planted false stories in the local media;
Framed political opponents for crimes, atrocities, political statements and
embarrassments that they did not commit;
Spied on thousands of American citizens, in defiance of Congressional law;
Smuggled Nazi war criminals and weapon scientists into the U.S., unpunished, for their use in
the Cold War;
Created organizations like the World Anti-Communist League, which became filled with
ex-Nazis, Nazi sympathizers, Italian terrorists, Japanese fascists, racist Afrikaaners, Latin
American death squad leaders, CIA agents and other extreme right-wing militants;
Conducted Operation MK-ULTRA, a mind-control experiment that gave LSD and other drugs to
Americans against their will or without their knowledge, causing some to commit suicide;
Penetrated and disrupted student antiwar organizations;
Kept friendly and extensive working relations with the Mafia;
Actively traded in drugs around the world since the 1950s to fund its operations. The
Contra/crack scandal is only the tip of the iceberg - other notorious examples include Southeast
Asia's Golden Triangle and Noreiga's Panama.
Had their fingerprints all over the assassinations of John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy,
Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcom X. Even if the CIA is not responsible for these killings, the
sheer amount of CIA involvement in these cases demands answers;
And then routinely lied to Congress about all of the above.
The
Page 9 of 45 Association for Responsible Dissent estimates that by 1987, 6 million peopleJulhad died03:32:16AM
14, 2016 as a MDT
The Association for Responsible Dissent estimates that by 1987, 6 million people had died as a
result of CIA covert operations. (4) Former State Department official William Blum correctly
calls this an "American Holocaust."
We should note that the CIA gets away with this because it is not accountable to democratic
government. Former CIA officer Philip Agee put it best: "The CIA is the President's secret
army." Prior to 1975, the agency answered only to the President (creating all the usual
problems of authoritarianism). And because the CIA's activities were secret, the President
rarely had to worry about public criticism and pressure. After the 1975 Church hearings,
Congress tried to create congressional oversight of the CIA, but this has failed miserably. One
reason is that the congressional oversight committee is a sham, filled with Cold Warriors,
conservatives, businessmen, and even ex-CIA personnel.
The Business Origins of CIA Crimes
Although many people think that the CIA s primary mission during the Cold War was to "deter
communism," Noam Chomksy correctly points out that its real mission was "deterring
democracy." From corrupting elections to overthrowing democratic governments, from
assassinating elected leaders to installing murderous dictators, the CIA has virtually always
replaced democracy with dictatorship. It didn't help that the CIA was run by businessmen,
whose hostility towards democracy is legendary. The reason they overthrew so many
democracies is because the people usually voted for policies that multi-national corporations
didn't like: land reform, strong labor unions, nationalization of their industries, and greater
regulation protecting workers, consumers and the environment.
So the CIA's greatest "successes" were usually more pro-corporate than anti-communist. Citing
a communist threat, the CIA helped overthrow the democratically elected Mohammed
Mussadegh government in Iran in 1953. But there was no communist threat the Soviets stood
back and watched the coup from afar. What really happened was that Mussadegh threatened
to nationalize British and American oil companies in Iran. Consequently, the CIA and MI6
toppled Mussadegh and replaced him with a puppet government, headed by the Shah of Iran
and his murderous secret police, SAVAK. The reason why the Ayatollah Khomeini and his
revolutionaries took 52 Americans hostage in Tehran in 1979 was because the CIA had helped
SAVAK torture and murder their people.
Another "success" was the CIA s overthrow of the democratically elected government of
Jacabo Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954. Again, there was no communist threat. The real threat
was to Guatemala s United Fruit Company, a Rockefeller-owned firm whose stockholders
included CIA Director Allen Dulles. Arbenz threatened to nationalize the company, albeit with
generous compensation. In response, the CIA initiated a coup that overthrew Arbenz and
installed the murderous dictator Castillo Armas. For four decades, CIA-backed dicatators
would torture and murder hundreds of thousands of leftists, union members and others who
would fight for a more equitable distribution of the country s resources.
Another "success" story was Chile. In 1973, the country's democratically elected leader,
Page 10 ofSalvadore
45 Allende, nationalized foreign-owned interests, like Chile's lucrative copper
Jul 14, mines
2016 03:32:16AM MDT
Salvadore Allende, nationalized foreign-owned interests, like Chile's lucrative copper mines
and telephone system. International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT) offered the CIA $1 million to
overthrow Allende which the CIA allegedly refused but paid $350,000 to his political opponents.
The CIA responded with a coup that murdered Allende and replaced him with a brutal tyrant,
General Augusto Pinochet. Pinochet tortured and murdered thousands of leftists, union
members and political opponents as economists trained at the University of Chicago under
Milton Friedman installed a "free market" economy. Since then, income inequality has soared
higher in Chile than anywhere else in Latin America.
Even when the communist threat was real, the CIA first and foremost took care of the elite. In
testimony before Congress in the early 50s, it artificially inflated Soviet military capabilities. A
notorious example was the "bomber gap" that later turned out to be grossly exaggerated.
Another was "Team B," a group of hawkish CIA analysts who seriously distorted Soviet military
data. These scare tactics worked. Congress awarded giant defense contracts to the U.S.
military-industrial complex.
And not even the fall of the Soviet Union and the demise of American defense contracts have
stopped the CIA from serving the elite. Journalist Robert Dreyfuss writes:
Since the end of the Cold War, Washington has been abuzz with talk about using the CIA for
economic espionage. Stripped of euphemism, economic espionage simply means that
American spies would target foreign companies, such as Toyota, Nissan and Honda, and then
covertly pass stolen trade secrets and technology to U.S. corporate executives. (5)
If this isn't bad enough, a worse problem arises in that the CIA doesn't hand over this
technology to every American auto-related company, but only the Big Three: Ford, Chrysler and
General Motors.
In a 1975 interview, Ex-CIA agent Philip Agee summed up his personal observations of the
agency:
To the people who work for it, the CIA is known as The Company. The Big Business mentality
pervades everything. Agents, for instance, are called assets. The man in charge of the United
Kingdom desk is said to have the "U.K. account"& American multinational corporations have
built up colossal interests all over the world, and you can bet your ass that wherever you find U.
S. business interests, you also find the CIA& The multinational corporations want a peaceful
status quo in countries where they have investments, because that gives them undisturbed
access to cheap raw materials, cheap labor and stable markets for their finished goods. The
status quo suits bankers, because their money remains secure and multiplies. And, of course,
the status quo suits the small ruling groups the CIA supports abroad, because all they want is
to keep themselves on top of the socioeconomic pyramid and the majority of their people on the
bottom. But do you realize what being on the bottom means in most parts of the world?
Ignorance, poverty, often early death by starvation or disease&
Remember, the CIA is an instrument of the President; it only carries out policy. And, like
everyone else, the President has to respond to forces in the society he's trying to lead, right? In
America, the most powerful force is Big Business, and American Big Business has a vested
interest in the Cold War. (6)
Page 11 ofThe
45 CIA had no trouble recruiting elites who sought a more exciting life. BetweenJul1948 and03:32:16AM MDT
14, 2016
The CIA had no trouble recruiting elites who sought a more exciting life. Between 1948 and
1959, more than 40,000 American individuals and companies acted as sources for the U.S.
intelligence community. (7) Let's look at each area of recruitment, and see how they enabled
the CIA to conduct its crimes:
Big Business
The CIA co-opted big business right from the start, beginning with the most famous billionaire
of the time: Howard Hughes. Hughes had inherited his father s million-dollar tool and die
company at age 19. Anxious to expand his fortune, he made a conscientious decision "to go
where the money is", namely, government. With a few well-placed bribes, Hughes secured
defense contracts to build military planes. The result was the Hughes Aircraft company. By
1940, he had also acquired a controlling interest in Trans World Airlines. His government
connections and international airline soon caught the attention of the CIA, and the two began a
lifelong relationship. Hughes, whom the CIA dubbed "The Stockbroker," became the agency's
largest contractor. Not only did he let the CIA use his business firms as fronts, but he also
funded countless CIA operations. Perhaps the most notorious was Operation Jennifer, an
allegedly failed attempt to recover nuclear codes from a sunken Soviet submarine. Hughes
right-hand security man, Robert Maheu, was a CIA agent who at one time represented the CIA
in negotiations with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro.
The CIA's contacts with big business quickly spread. The agency showed a preference for
international companies, public relations firms, media companies, law offices, banks, financiers
and stockbrokers. The CIA didn't limit its activities to recruiting businessmen; sometimes the
CIA bought or created entire companies outright. One benefit of co-opting big business was
that the CIA was able to create a secret source of funds other than from government. With
stock portfolios multiplying their profits, it's impossible now to say how flush the CIA really is. If
Congress ever cut off funds for a mission, the business fraternity could easily replace them,
either by donations or even setting up profitable businesses in the target country. In fact, this is
precisely what happened during the Iran/Contra scandal.
By allying itself with the business community, the CIA received the funds and ability it needed to
remove itself from democratic control.
The Media
influence and clout. Not surprisingly, the CIA began a mission in the late 1940s to recruit
American journalists on a wide scale, a mission it dubbed Operation MOCKINGBIRD. The
agency wanted these journalists not only to relay any sensitive information they discovered, but
also to write anti-communist, pro-capitalist propaganda when needed.
The instigators of MOCKINGBIRD were Frank Wisner, Allan Dulles, Richard Helms and Philip
Graham. Graham was the husband of Katherine Graham, today's publisher of the Washington
Post. In fact, it was the Post's ties to the CIA that allowed it to grow so quickly after the war,
both in readership and influence. (8)
Page 12 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
MOCKINGBIRD was extraordinarily successful. In no time, the agency had recruited at least
25 media organizations to disseminate CIA propaganda. At least 400 journalists would
eventually join the CIA payroll, according to the CIA's testimony before a stunned Church
Committee in 1975. (The committee felt the true number was considerably higher.) The names
of those recruited reads like a Who's Who of journalism:
Philip and Katharine Graham (Publishers, Washington Post) William Paley (President, CBS)
Henry Luce (Publisher, Time and Life magazine) Arthur Hays Sulzberger (Publisher, N.Y.
Times) Jerry O'Leary (Washington Star) Hal Hendrix (Pulitzer Prize winner, Miami News) Barry
Bingham Sr., (Louisville Courier-Journal) James Copley (Copley News Services) Joseph
Harrison (Editor, Christian Science Monitor) C.D. Jackson (Fortune) Walter Pincus (Reporter,
Washington Post) ABC NBC Associated Press United Press International Reuters Hearst
Newspapers Scripps-Howard Newsweek magazine Mutual Broadcasting System Miami
Herald Old Saturday Evening Post New York Herald-Tribune
Perhaps no newspaper is more important to the CIA than the Washington Post, one of the
nation s most right-wing dailies. Its location in the nation's capitol enables the paper to maintain
valuable personal contacts with leading intelligence, political and business figures. Unlike other
newspapers, the Post operates its own bureaus around the world, rather than relying on AP
wire services. Owner Philip Graham was a military intelligence officer in World War II, and later
became close friends with CIA figures like Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles, Desmond FitzGerald
and Richard Helms. He inherited the Post by marrying Katherine Graham, whose father owned
it.
After Philip's suicide in 1963, Katharine Graham took over the Post. Seduced by her husband's
world of government and espionage, she expanded her newspaper's relationship with the CIA.
In a 1988 speech before CIA officials at Langley, Virginia, she stated:
We live in a dirty and dangerous world. There are some things that the general public does not
need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take
legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it
knows.
This quote has since become a classic among CIA critics for its belittlement of democracy and
its admission that there is a political agenda behind the Post's headlines.
Ben Bradlee was the Post's managing editor during most of the Cold War. He worked in the
U.S. Paris embassy from 1951 to 1953, where he followed orders by the CIA station chief to
place propaganda in the European press. (9) Most Americans incorrectly believe that Bradlee
personifies the liberal slant of the Post, given his role in publishing the Pentagon Papers and
the Watergate investigations. But neither of these two incidents are what they seem. The Post
merely published the Pentagon Papers after The New York Times already had, because it
wanted to appear competitive. As for Watergate, we'll examine the CIA's reasons for wanting to
bring down Nixon in a moment. Someone once asked Bradlee: "Does it irk you when The
Washington Post is made out to be a bastion of slanted liberal thinkers instead of champion
journalists just because of Watergate?" Bradlee responded: "Damn right it does!" (10)
It would be impossible to elaborate in this short space even the most important examples of the
CIA/media alliance. Sig Mickelson was a CIA asset the entire time he was president of CBS
News from 1954 to 1961. Later he went on to become president of Radio Free Europe and
Page 13 ofRadio
45 Liberty, two major outlets of CIA propaganda. Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
Radio Liberty, two major outlets of CIA propaganda.
The CIA also secretly bought or created its own media companies. It owned 40 percent of the
Rome Daily American at a time when communists were threatening to win the Italian elections.
Worse, the CIA has bought many domestic media companies. A prime example is Capital
Cities, created in 1954 by CIA businessman William Casey (who would later become Reagan's
CIA director). Another founder was Lowell Thomas, a close friend and business contact with
CIA Director Allen Dulles. Another founder was CIA businessman Thomas Dewey. By 1985,
Capital Cities had grown so powerful that it was able to buy an entire TV network: ABC.
propaganda outlets throughout the media is appalling. The reason why America was so
oblivious to CIA crimes in the 40s and 50s was because the media willingly complied with the
agency. Even today, when the immorality of the CIA should be an open-and-shut case, "debate"
about the issue rages in the media. Here is but one example:
In 1996, The San Jose Mercury News published an investigative report suggesting that the CIA
had sold crack in Los Angeles to fund the Contra war in Central America. A month later, three
of the CIA's most important media allies, The Washington Post, The New York Times and The
Los Angeles Times immediately leveled their guns at the Mercury report and blasted away in
an attempt to discredit it. Who wrote the Post article? Walter Pincus, longtime CIA journalist.
The dangers here are obvious.
Academia
By the early 50s, CIA Director Allen Dulles had staffed the CIA almost exclusively with Ivy
League graduates, especially from Yale. (A disproportionate number of CIA figures, like
George Bush, come from Yale's "Skull and Crossbones" Society.) CIA recruiters also
approached thousands of other professors to work in place at their universities on a part-time,
contract basis. Not stopping at recruiting scholars, the agency would go on to create several
departments at elite universities, including Harvard's Russian Research Center and the Center
for International Studies at MIT.
Although most academics were supportive of the CIA in the 50s, most were unaware of its
abuses. In the 60s, academia would become outraged to learn that anti-communist
organizations like the National Student Association were actually creations of the CIA. The
most audacious CIA front was the Congress for Cultural Freedom, an organization that
attracted liberal, freethinking artists and intellectuals who nonetheless deplored communism.
By the late 60s and 70s, growing reports of CIA crimes and atrocities had deeply alienated
academia. Scholars were further troubled to learn that the CIA had penetrated and disrupted
student antiwar groups. Unlike business and the media, academia overwhelmingly denounced
the CIA after the Vietnam era. This eventually forced the CIA to turn to new places to find their
analysts and scholars. The most important source was the conservative think-tank movement,
which it helped to create. More on this later.
Page 14 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT

dominate the new covert-action wing in 1948. All were staunchly conservative, fiercely
anti-communist and socially elite. Just a few of the many Catholic operatives included future
CIA directors William Colby, William Casey, and John McCone. Another well-known personality
from this period was William F. Buckley, Jr., editor of the National Review and gadfly host of
TV's Firing Line. Buckley, it turns out, served as a CIA agent in Mexico City, and his
experiences there served as fodder for his Blackford Oakes spy novels.
There were several reasons for this influx of Catholic elites. First, Wisner (himself a Wall Street
lawyer) had an extensive and glamorous circle of friends to recruit from. Second, Italy was in
constant crisis in the 1940s, both during World War II and after. Throughout this troubled
period, the American intelligence community's greatest ally in Italy was the Roman Catholic
Church.
The Roman Catholic Church, of course, is one of the most anti-communist organizations in the
world. The Marxist doctrine of atheism threatens Catholic theology, and its equality threatens
the Church's strict tradition of hierarchy and authoritarianism. When Hitler invaded Communist
Russia, the Vatican openly approved. Jesuit Michael Serafian wrote: "It cannot be denied that
[Pope] Pius XII's closest advisors for some time regarded Hitler's armoured divisions as the
right hand of God." (11)
But Hitler persecuted Catholics as well, and ultimately drove the Church to the Americans. In
1943, the Vatican reached a secret agreement with OSS Chief Donovan himself a devout
Catholic to let the Holy See become the center of Allied spy operations in Italy. Donovan
considered the Church to be one of his prize intelligence assets, given its global power,
membership and contacts. He cultivated this alliance by sending America's most prestigious
Catholics to the Vatican to establish rapport and forge an alliance.
After the war, half of Europe lay under Communist control, and the Italian communist party
threatened to win the 1948 elections. The prospect of communism ruling over the heart of
Catholicism terrified the Vatican. Once again, American intelligence gathered their most
prestigious Catholics to strengthen ties with the Vatican. Because this was the first mission of
the new covert action division, the American Catholic agents acquired positions of power early
on, and would dominate covert operations for the rest of the Cold War.
At a public level, the U.S. government sunk $350 million in social and military aid into Italy to
sway the vote. On a secret level, Wisner spent $10 million in black budget funds to steal the
elections. This included disseminating propaganda, beating up left-wing politicians, intimidating
voters and disrupting leftist parties. The dirty tricks worked the Communists lost, and the
Catholic Americans success permanently secured their power within the CIA.
The Knights of Malta (12)
Nazism and Communism. It rewarded them by making them Knights of Malta, or members of
the Sovereign Military Order of Malta (SMOM).
SMOM is one of the oldest and most elite religious orders in the Catholic Church. Until recently,
Page 15 ofit45
limited its membership to Italians and foreign heads of state. In 1927, however,Julan14,exception
2016 03:32:16AM MDT
it limited its membership to Italians and foreign heads of state. In 1927, however, an exception
was made for the United States, given its emerging status as a world power. SMOM opened an
American branch, awarding knighthood or damehood to several American Catholic business
tycoons. This group was so conservative that one, John Raskob, the Chairman of General
Motors, actually became involved in an aborted military plot to remove Franklin Roosevelt from
the White House. SMOM has also been embarrassed by knighting or giving awards to
countless people who later turned out to be Nazi war criminals. This is the sort of culture that
thrives within the leadership of SMOM.
Officially, the Knights of Malta are a global charity organization. But beginning in the 1940s,
knighthood was granted to countless CIA agents, and the organization has become a front for
intelligence operations. SMOM is ideal for this kind of activity, because it is recognized as the
world s only landless sovereignty, and members enjoy diplomatic immunity. This allows agents
and supplies to pass through customs without interference from the host country. Such
A partial list of the Knights and Dames of Malta reads like a Who's Who of American
Catholicism:
William Casey, CIA Director. John McCone, CIA Director. William Colby, CIA Director. William
Donovan OSS Director. Donovan was given an especially prestigious form of knighthood that
has only been given to a hundred other men in history. Frank Shakespeare, Director of such
propaganda organizations as the U.S. Information Agency, Radio Free Europe and Radio
Liberty. Also executive vice-president of CBS-TV and vice-chairman of RKO General Inc. He is
currently chairman of the board of trustees at the Heritage Foundation, a right-wing think tank.
William Simon, Treasury Secretary under President Nixon. In the private sector, he has
become one of America's 400 richest individuals by working in international finance. Today he
is the President of the John M. Olin Foundation, a major funder of right-wing think tanks.
William F. Buckley, Jr. , CIA agent, conservative pundit and mass media personality. James
Buckley William's brother, head of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty. Clare Boothe Luce -
The grand dame of the Cold War was also a Dame of Malta. She was a popular playwright and
the wife of the publishing tycoon Henry Luce, who cofounded Time magazine. Francis X
Stankard - CEO of the international division of Chase Manhattan Bank, a Rockefeller institution.
(Nelson Rockefeller was also a major CIA figure.) John Farrell President, U.S. Steel Lee
Iacocca Chairman, General Motors William S. Schreyer Chairman, Merrill Lynch. Richard R.
Shinn Chairman, Metropolitan Life Insurance Company. Joseph Kennedy Founder of the
Kennedy empire. Baron Hilton Owner, Hilton Hotel chain. Patrick J. Frawley Jr. Heir, Schick
razor fortune. Frawley is a famous funder of right-wing Catholic causes, such as the Christian
Anti-Communist Crusade. Ralph Abplanalp - Aerosol magnate. Martin F. Shea - Executive vice
president of Morgan Guaranty Trust. Joseph Brennan - Chairman of the executive committee of
the Emigrant Savings Bank of New York. J. Peter Grace President, W.R. Grace Company. He
was a key figure in Operatio
cientists and spies to the U.S. Many were war criminals whose atrocities were excused in their
service to the CIA. Thomas Bolan, Of Saxe, Bacon and Bolan, the law firm of Senator
McCarthy's deceased aide Roy Cohn. Bowie Kuhn Baseball Comissioner Cardinal John
O'Connor Extreme right-wing leader among American Catholics, and fervent abortion
opponent. Cardinal Francis Spellman The "American Pope" was at one time the most powerful
Catholic in America, an arch-conservative and a rabid anti-communist. Cardinal Bernard Law -
One of the highest-ranking conservatives in the American church. Alexander Haig, Secretary of
State under President Reagan. Admiral James D. Watkins Hard-line chief of naval operations
under President Reagan.
Page 16 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT

Jeremy Denton Senator (R Al). Pete Domenici Senator (R-New Mexico). Walter J. Hickel -
Governor of Alaska and secretary of the interior.
When this group gets together, obviously, the topics are spying, business and politics.
The CIA has also used other religious and charity organizations as fronts. For example, John F.
Kennedy -- another anticommunist Roman Catholic who greatly expanded covert operations --
created the U.S. Peace Corps to serve as cover for CIA operatives. The CIA has also made
extensive use of missionaries, with the blessings of many right-wing, anticommunist Christian
denominations.
But the World Grows Wise&
It was only a matter of time before other nations caught on to these fronts. They learned that
when the CIA comes to their countries to commit their crimes and atrocities, they come
disguised as American journalists, businessmen, missionaries and charity volunteers.
Unfortunately, foreigners are now targeting these professions as hostile. In Lebanon, terrorists
held U.S. journalist Terry Anderson hostage for nearly seven years, on the not unreasonable
assumption that he was a spy. Whether or not this was true is beside the point. The CIA has put
all Americans abroad at risk, whether they are CIA agents or not. In hearings before the Senate
in 1996, many organizations urged Congress to stop using their professions as CIA cover. Don
Argue of the National Association of Evangelicals testified: "Such use of missionary agents for
covert activities by the CIA would be unethical and immoral." (13)
From the Cold War to the Class War
As noted above, academia was the first major institution to denounce the crimes of the CIA.
Why? One reason is that scholars conduct their own extensive research into world affairs, so
naturally they were the first to learn the truth. This is the main reason why protest against the
Vietnam War and the CIA erupted first among students on the nation's campuses. By the end of
the Vietnam War, the CIA had suffered a "brain drain" as its academic allies became its most
articulate, passionate and eloquent critics.
The social revolutions of the 60s terrified the CIA. James Jesus Angleton, chief of
counter-intelligence and a truly paranoid man, was convinced the Soviets had masterminded
the entire antiwar movement. FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover shared his conviction. The CIA had
always spied on student groups throughout the 60s, but in 1968 President Johnson
dramatically stepped up the effort with Operation CHAOS. This initially called for 50 CIA agents
to go undercover as student radicals, penetrate their antiwar organizations and root out the
Russian spies who were causing the rebellion. Tellingly, they never found a single spy. The
agents also began a campaign of wire-tapping, mail-opening, burglary, deception, intimidation
and disruption against thousands of protesting American civilians.
By the time Operation CHAOS wound down in 1973, the CIA had spied on 7,000 Americans,
1,000 organizations and traded information on more than 300,000 persons with various law
agencies. (14) When academia learned of this, its outrage grew.
The loss of academia was only the first blow for the CIA. Other disasters quickly followed; in the
early 70s, the CIA was trying desperately to stave off a growing number of scandals. The first
was Watergate.
Page 17 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT

The CIA's fingerprints were all over Watergate. First, we should note the CIA had clear motives
for helping oust Nixon. He was the ultimate "outsider," a poor California Quaker who grew up
feeling bitter resentment towards the elite "Eastern establishment." Nixon, for all his
arch-conservatism, was surprisingly liberal on economic issues, enfuriating businessmen with
statements like "We are all Keynesians now." He created a whole host of new agencies to
regulate business, like the FDA, EPA and OSHA. He signed the Clean Air and Clean Water
Acts, which forced businesses to clean up their toxic emissions. He imposed price controls to
fight inflation, and took the nation fully off the gold standard. Nixon also strengthened
affirmative action. Even his staffers were famously anti-elitist, like Kevin Philips, who would
eventually write the bible on inequality during the 1980s, The Politics of Rich and Poor. Add to
this Nixon's withdrawal from Vietnam and Détente with China and the Soviet Union. Nixon and
his Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, had not only tried to remove control of foreign policy
from the CIA, but had also taken measures to bring the CIA itself under control. Not
surprisingly, Nixon and his CIA Director, Richard Helms, couldn't stand each other. (Nixon fired
him for failing to cover up for Watergate.) Clearly, Nixon was fighting at cross-purposes with the
CIA and the nation's elite.
As it turns out, the CIA had inside knowledge of Nixon's dirty work. Nixon had created his own
covert action team, "The Committee to Reelect the President," more amusingly known by its
acronym, CREEP. The team consisted of two CIA agents E. Howard Hunt and James McCord
as well as former FBI agent G. Gordon Liddy. They also employed four Cubans with long CIA
histories. In fact, a CIA front called the Mullen Company funded their activities, which ranged
from disrupting Democratic campaigns to laundering Nixon's illegal campaign contributions.
The CIA not only had intimate knowledge of Nixon's crimes, but it also acted as though it
wanted the world to know them. When the FBI began investigating Watergate, Nixon tried
using the CIA to cover up for him. At first the CIA half-heartedly complied, telling the FBI that
the investigation would endanger CIA operations in Mexico. But a few weeks later it gave the
FBI a green light again to proceed again with their investigation.
Furthermore, Watergate was exposed by the CIA's main newspaper in America, The
Washington Post. One of the two journalists who investigated the scandal, Robert Woodward,
had only recently become a journalist. Previously Woodward had worked as a Naval
intelligence liaison to the White House, privy to some of the nation's highest secrets. He would
later write a sympathetic portrait of CIA Director Bill Casey in a book entitled Veil: The Secret
Wars of the CIA. It was Woodward who personally knew and interviewed "Deep Throat," the
unnamed source who revealed inside information on Nixon's activities. Many Watergate
researchers consider one of Woodward's old intelligence contacts to be a prime candidate for
Deep Throat. (15)
Despite all the facts of CIA involvement, Woodward and Bernstein made virtually no mention of
the CIA in their Watergate reporting. Even during Senate hearings on Watergate, the CIA
somehow managed to stay out of the spotlight. In 1974, the House would clear the CIA of any
involvement in Watergate.
The CIA was not as lucky in 1974, when the Senate held hearings on James Jesus Angleton's
illegal surveillance of American citizens. These disclosures resulted in his firing. But that was
nothing compared to the 1975 Church Committee. This Senate investigation looked into
virtually every type of CIA crime, from assassination to secret war to manipulating the domestic
Page 18 ofmedia.
45 The "reforms" that resulted from these hearings were mostly cosmetic, but
Julthe details
14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
media. The "reforms" that resulted from these hearings were mostly cosmetic, but the details
that emerged shattered the CIA's reputation forever. Interestingly enough, the two Senators
who held these hearings/ Frank Church and Otis Pike, were both defeated for reelection,
despite a 98 percent reelection rate for incumbents. The CIA wasn't the only conservative
institution that found itself embattled in the early 70s. This was a bad time for conservatives
everywhere. America had lost the war in Vietnam. U.S. corporations had to cope with the rise of
OPEC. The anti-poverty programs of Roosevelt's New Deal and Johnson's Great Society were
causing a major redistribution of wealth. And Nixon was making things worse with his own
anti-poverty and regulatory programs. Between 1960 and 1973, these efforts cut poverty in
half, from 22 to 11 percent. Meanwhile, between 1965 and 1976, the richest 1 percent had
gone from owning 37 percent of America's wealth to only 22 percent. (16)
At a 1973 Conference Board meeting of top American business leaders, executives declared:
"We are fighting for our lives," "We are fighting a delaying action," and "If we don't take action
now, we will see our own demise. We will evolve into another social democracy." (17)
The CIA to the rescue
In the mid-1970s, at this historic low point in American conservatism, the CIA began a major
campaign to turn corporate fortunes around.
They did this in several ways. First, they helped create numerous foundations to finance their
domestic operations. Even before 1973, the CIA had co-opted the most famous ones, like the
Ford, Rockefeller and Carnegie Foundations. But after 1973, they created more. One of their
most notorious recruits was billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife. During World War II, Scaife's
father served in the OSS, the forerunner of the CIA. By his mid-twenties, both of Scaife's
parents had died, and he inherited a fortune under four foundations: the Carthage Foundation,
the Sarah Scaife Foundation, the Scaife Family Foundations and the Allegheny Foundation. In
the early 1970s, Scaife was encouraged by CIA agent Frank Barnett to begin investing his
fortune to fight the "Soviet menace." (18) From 1973 to 1975, Scaife ran Forum World
Features, a foreign news service used as a front to disseminate CIA propaganda around the
world. Shortly afterwards he began donating millions to fund the New Right.
Scaife's CIA roots are typical of those who head the new conservative foundations. By 1994 the
most active were: Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation Carthage Foundation Earhart
Foundation Charles G. Koch David H. Koch Claude R. Lambe Philip M. McKenna J.M.
Foundation John M. Olin Foundation Henry Salvatori Foundation Sarah Scaife Foundation
Smith Richardson Foundation
Between 1992 and 1994, these foundations gave $210 million to conservative causes. Here is
the breakdown of their donations: $88.9 million for conservative scholarships; $79.2 million to
enhance a national infrastructure of think tanks and advocacy groups; $16.3 million for
alternative media outlets and watchdog groups; $10.5 million for conservative pro-market law
firms; $9.3 million for regional and state think tanks and advocacy groups; $5.4 million to
"organizations working to transform the nations social views and giving practices of the nation's
religious and philanthropic leaders." (19)
The political machine they built is broad and comprehensive, covering every aspect of the
political fight. It includes right-wing departments and chairs in the nation's top universities, think
Page 19 oftanks,
45 public relations firms, media companies, fake grassroots organizations that
Jul pressure
14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
tanks, public relations firms, media companies, fake grassroots organizations that pressure
Congress (irreverently known as "Astroturf" movements), "Roll-out-the-vote" machines,
pollsters, fax networks, lobbyist organizations, economic seminars for the nation's judges, and
more. And because corporations are the richest sector of society, their greater financing
overwhelms similar efforts by Democrats.
Besides creating foundations, the CIA helped organize the business community. There have
always been special interest groups representing business, like the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers, and the CIA has long been involved
with them. However, after 1973, a spate of powerful new groups would come into existence,
like the Business Roundtable and the Trilateral Commission. These organizations quickly
became powerhouses in promoting the business agenda.
Their efforts clearly succeeded. With the 1975 SUN-PAC decision, corporations persuaded
government to legalize corporate Political Action Committees (the lobbyist organizations that
bribe our government). By 1992, corporations formed 67 percent of all PACs, and they donated
79 percent of all campaign contributions to political parties. (20) In two landmark elections,
1980 and 1994, corporations gave heavily and one-sidedly to Republicans, turning one or both
houses of Congress over to the GOP. Democratic incumbents were shocked by the threat of
being rolled completely out of power, so they quietly shifted to the right on economic issues,
even though they continued a public façade of liberalism. Corporations went ahead and
donated to Democratic incumbents in all other elections, but only as long as they abandoned
the interests of workers, consumers, minorities and the poor. As expected, the new
pro-corporate Congress passed laws favoring the rich: between 1975 and 1992, the amount of
national household wealth owned by the richest 1 percent soared from 22 to 42 percent. (21)
The CIA also helped create the conservative think tank movement. Prior to the 70s, think tanks
spanned the political spectrum, with moderate think tanks receiving three times as much
funding as conservative ones. At these early think tanks, scholars typically brainstormed for
creative solutions to policy problems. This would all change after the rise of conservative
foundations in the early 70s. The Heritage Foundation opened its doors in 1973, the recipient of
$250,000 in seed money from the Coors Foundation. A flood of conservative think tanks
followed shortly thereafter, and by 1980 they overwhelmed the scene. The new think tanks
turned out to be little more than propaganda mills, rigging studies to "prove" that their corporate
sponsors needed tax breaks, deregulation and other favors from government.
Of course, think-tank studies are useless without publicity, and here the CIA proved especially
valuable. Using propaganda techniques it had perfected at the Voice of America and Radio
Free Europe, the CIA and its allies turned American AM radio into a haven for conservative talk
show hosts. Yes, Rush Limbaugh uses the same propaganda techniques that Muscovites once
heard from Voice of America. The CIA has also developed countless other media outlets, like
Capital Cities (which eventually bought ABC), major PR firms like Hill & Knowlton, and of
course, all the Agency's connections in the national news media. (22)
The following is a typical example of how the "New Media" operates. As most political
observers know, the Republicans suffer from a "gender gap," in which women prefer
Democrats by huge majorities. This is, in fact, why Clinton has twice won the presidency. But,
Page 20 ofcuriously
45 enough, as the 90s progressed, conservative female pundits began popping up 03:32:16AM MDT
Jul 14, 2016
Democrats by huge majorities.This is, in fact, why Clinton has twice won the presidency. But,
curiously enough, as the 90s progressed, conservative female pundits began popping up
everywhere in the media. Hard-right pundits like Ann Coulter, Kellyanne Fitzpatrick, Laura
Ingraham, Barbara Olson, Melinda Sidak, Anita Blair and Whitney Adams conditioned us to the
idea of the conservative woman. This phenomenon was no accident. It turns out that Richard
Mellon Scaife donated $450,000 over three years to the Independent Women's Forum, a
booking agency that heavily seeds such female conservative pundits into the media. (23)
Conclusion
The most obvious criticism of the New Over class is that their political machine is
undemocratic. Using subversive techniques once aimed at communists, and with all the money
they ever need to succeed, the Over class undemocratically controls our government, our
media, and even a growing part of academia. These institutions in turn allow the Over class to
control the supposedly "free" market. It doesn't win all the time, of course witness Bill Clinton's
impeachment trial but it does score an endless string of other victories elsewhere, all to the
detriment of workers, consumers, women, minorities and the poor. We need to fight it with
everything we've got.
Endnotes:
1. Mind Manipulators, Scheflin and Opton. p.241. 2. Captain George White in a letter to Dr.
Sidney Gottlieb.
3. All history concerning CIA intervention in foreign countries is summarized from William Blum
s encyclopedic work, Killing Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions since World War II
(Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1995). Sources for domestic CIA operations come
from Jonathan Vankin and John Whalen s The 60 Greatest Conspiracies of All Time
(Secaucus, N.J.: Citadel Press, 1997). Information about CIA drug running can be found at
http://www.magnet.ch/serendipity/cia/blum1.html and
4. Coleman McCarthy, "The Consequences of Covert Tactics" Washington Post, December 13,
1987.
5. Robert Dreyfuss, "Company Spies," Mother Jones. Website:
http://www.mojones.com/mother_jones/MJ94/dreyfuss.html
6. Philip Agee: The Playboy Interview. Website: http://www.connix.com/~harry/agee.htm
7. Lara Shohet, "Intelligence, Academia and Industry," The Final Report of the Snyder
Commission, Edward Cheng and Diane C. Snyder, eds., (Princeton Unversity: The Woodrow
Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, January 1997). Website:
9. Deborah Davis, Katharine the Great and the Washington Post, 2nd ed. (Bethesda MD:
National Press, 1987)
10. "Forum for Ben Bradlee," Watergate 25. Website:
http://discuss.washingtonpost.com/zforum/97/bradlee.htm.
11. Lewy, Guenter, The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany (London and New York, 1964), pp.
249-250.
12. National Catholic Reporter, Jan 89, Mar 89, Apr 89, May 89, "Nazis, the Vatican and the
CIA," Covert Action Information Bulletin, Winter 1986, Number 25 Website:
Page 21 ofhttp://www.mosquitonet.com/~prewett/knightsofmaltalist.html
45 . Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
http://www.mosquitonet.com/~prewett/knightsofmaltalist.html.
13. Anthony Collings, "Journalists tell Senate they want no CIA ties," CNN, July 18, 1996.
Website: http://www.cnn.com/US/9607/18/spies.journalists/ .
16. Edward N. Wolff, "How the Pie is Sliced" The American Prospect no. 22 (Summer 1995),
pp. 58-64. Website: http://epn.org/prospect/22/22wolf.html.
17. Quoted in Leonard Silk and David Vogel, Ethics and Profits (New York: Simon & Schuster,
1976), pp. 44-47.
19. Study conducted by National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, July 1997, as
reported by the National Education Association. Website:
http://www.nea.org/publiced/paycheck/paychkf.html.
21. Wolff.
22. For CIA involvement in Capital Cities/ABC, see Dennis Mazzocco, Networks of Power
(Boston: South End Press, 1994). For CIA involvement in the PR industry, see John Stauber
and Sheldon Rampton, Toxic Sludge is Good for You! (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage
Press, 1995), pp. 49-51,153,157,160-63.
http://www.salonmag.com/news/1998/04/20news.html
http://www.korpios.org/resurgent/L-overclass.html
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Here's just a snippet from Carl Bernstein's famous 1977 article entitled "The CIA & The Media"
from Rolling Stone, 10/20/77. Anyone with access to a library should try to find this - it's a truly
breakthrough piece - 16 pages long in the reprint!
In 1953, Joseph Alsop, then one of America's leading syndicated columnists, went to the
Philippines to cover an election. He did not go because he was asked to do so by his syndicate.
He did not go because he was asked to do so by the newspapers that printed his column. He
went at the request of the CIA.
Alsop is one of more than 400 American journalists who in the past 25 years have secretly
carried out assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency according to documents on file at
CIA headquarters. Some of these journalists' relationships with the Agency were tacit; some
were explicit. There was cooperation, accommodation and overlap. Journalists provided a full
range of clandestine services -- from simple intelligence-gathering to serving as go-betweens
with spies in Communist countries. Reporters shared their notebooks with the CIA. Editors
shared their staffs. Some of the journalists were Pulitzer Prize winners, distinguished reporters
who considered themselves ambassadors without portfolio for their country. Most were less
exalted: foreign correspondents who found that their association with the Agency helped their
work; stringers and freelancers who were as interested in the derring-do of the spy business as
in filing articles; and, the smallest category, full-time CIA employees masquerading as
journalists abroad. In many instances, CIA documents show, journalists were engaged to
Page 22 ofperform
45 tasks for the CIA with the consent of the managements of America's leading
Jul 14,news
2016 03:32:16AM MDT
journalists abroad. In many
instances, CIA documents show, journalists were engaged to
perform tasks for the CIA with the consent of the managements of America's leading news
organizations.
The history of the CIA's involvement with the American press continues to be shrouded by an
official policy of obfuscation and deception for the following principal reasons:
The use of journalists has been among the most productive means of intelligence-gathering
employed by the CIA. Although the agency has cut back sharply on the use of reporters since
1973 (primarily as a result of pressure from the media), some journalists are still posted
abroad.
Further investigation into the matter, CIA officials say, would inevitably reveal a series of
embarrassing relationships in the 1950's and 1960's with some of the most powerful
organizations and individuals in American journalism. Among the executives who lent their
cooperation to the Agency were William Paley of the Columbia Broadcasting System, Henry
Luce of Time Inc., Arthur Hays Sulzberger of the New York Times, Barry Bingham Sr. of the
Louisville Courier-Journal, and James Copley of the Copley News Services. Other
organizations which cooperated with the CIA include the American Broadcasting Company, the
National Broadcasting Company, the Associated Press, United Press International, Reuters,
Hearst Newspapers, Scripps-Howard, Newsweek magazine, the Mutual Broadcasting System,
the Miami Herald and the old Saturday Evening Post and New York Herald-Tribune.
By far the most valuable of these associations, according to CIA officials, have been with the
New York Times, CBS and Time Inc.
http://www.realhistoryarchives.com/media/ciamedia.htm
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Title: A Report on CIA Infiltration and Manipulation of the Mass Media
original source: http://www.geocities.com/cpa_blacktown/20000318mediaoverb.htm
Should CIA agents be allowed to pose as journalists to further the aims of their clandestine
activities?
Members of a Council on Foreign Relations task force on the future of U.S. intelligence in the
post-Cold War world say yes, and a CIA official recently came forward to admit that the Agency
already occasionally does so despite regulations barring the practice. But is this a breaking
story or just the latest chapter in a spy story that traces its roots back to the 1950's? While they
may act like strangers in public, the press and the CIA have a sordid past that spans more than
four decades.
The CIA-press connection traces its roots back to the early days of the Cold War, when Allen
Page 23 ofDulles
45 (who became CIA director in 1953) began courting the nation's most prestigious
Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
Dulles (who became CIA director in 1953) began courting the nation's most prestigious
journalistic institutions for Agency operations. The mood of the day precluded the need for
secretive infiltration, as Carl Bernstein points out in his 1977 expose on the topic. "American
publishers, like so many other corporate and institutional leaders at the time, were willing to
commit the resources of their companies to the struggle against global Communism," he writes.
"Accordingly, the line separating the American press corps was often indistinguishable."
That's not to say that reporters acted as spies in the James Bond sense. Media outlets offered
services that fell into the broad categories of providing "cover" for CIA operatives (i.e. jobs and
credentials) or sharing information gathered by reporters on staff.
While the Agency ran a formal training program in the 50's that attempted to teach rank-and-file
agents to be reporters, this was among the least common of the more than 400 relationships
with the press described in CIA files. Most involved were journalists before their involvement
with the CIA began. Reporters, especially foreign correspondents, typically served as "eyes
and ears" for the CIA. Often they were briefed by agents before a trip and debriefed when they
returned; they shared their notebooks, relayed things that they had seen or overheard and
offered their impressions. More complex arrangements found reporters planting misinformation
for the Agency or serving as liaisons between agents and foreign contacts, often in return for
information or access.
"In return for our giving them information, we'd ask them to do things that fit their roles as
journalists but that they wouldn't have thought of unless we put it in their minds," one agent told
Bernstein. "For instance, a reporter in Vienna would say to our man, 'I met an interesting
second secretary at the Czech Embassy.' We'd say, 'Can you get to know him? And after you
get to know him, can you assess him? And then, could you put him in touch with us -- would
you mind us using your apartment?'"
Another senior CIA official offered the following description of "reporting" by cooperating
journalists: "We would ask them, 'Will you do us a favor? We understand that you're going to be
in Yugoslavia. Have they paved the streets? Where did you see planes? Were there any signs
of military presence? How many Soviets did you see? If you happen to meet a Soviet, get his
name and spell it right."
It was a symbiotic relationship: reporters got the scoop and the spooks got the dirt.
Correspondents with Agency ties were highly valued by their bosses for the stories they
brought home. And agents saw in the press a perfect vehicle for information gathering: who
else besides a reporter enjoyed such free access in a foreign country, could cultivate so many
sources among foreign governments and elites and ask lots of probing questions without
arousing suspicion?
CIA-press operations in the 50's and 60's relied heavily on journalists working in Latin America
and Western Europe. Members of the press were used as go-betweens to deliver messages
and money to European Christian Democrats and also helped the Agency track the movements
of people coming from Eastern Europe. Additionally, the CIA owned 40 percent of the Rome
Daily American, a now-defunct English-language newspaper in Italy.
Reporters funneled CIA dollars to opponents of Salvador Allende in Chile and wrote
anti-Allende propaganda stories for CIA proprietary publications in that country. By Bernstein's
account, two of the Agency's most valuable relationships in the 60's were with reporters who
covered Latin America: Hal Hendrix, a Pulitzer Prize winner from the Miami News, and Jerry
Page 24 ofO'Leary
45 of the Washington Star. CIA files on Hendrix (who went on to become a Julhigh-ranking
14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
covered Latin America: Hal
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird.htmHendrix, a Pulitzer Prize winner from the Miami News, and Jerry
O'Leary of the Washington Star. CIA files on Hendrix (who went on to become a high-ranking
official at ITT) detail information that he provided agents about Cuban exiles in Miami.
O'Leary's file lists him as a valued asset in both Haiti and the Dominican Republic, although he
denies having a formal relationship with the Agency. "I might call them up and say something
like, "Papa Doc has the clap, did you know that? and they'd put it in the file," O'Leary told
Bernstein. "I don't consider that reporting for them. It's useful to be friendly to them, and
generally I felt friendly to them. But I think that they were more helpful to me than I was to them."
To greater and lesser degrees, many journalists at the time shared the belief that relationships
with the intelligence community were useful and that lending aid was the right thing to do.
"Many (journalists working with the CIA) had gone to the same schools as their CIA handlers,
moved in the same circles, shared fashionably liberal, anti-Communist political values, and
were part of the 'old boy' network that constituted something of an establishment elite in the
media, politics and academia of postwar America," Bernstein writes. "The most valued lent
themselves for reasons of national service, not money."
This was true of syndicated columnist Joseph Alsop, who is open and unapologetic about his
extensive CIA ties. Alsop's tasks in the 50's included a trip to Laos to investigate whether
American reporters there were using anti-American sources and a visit to the Philippines at the
behest of the CIA, who believed that his presence there might influence the outcome of an
election. "I'm proud they asked me and proud to have done it," Alsop said of his involvement.
"The notion that a newspaperman doesn't have a duty to his country is perfect balls."
According to one high-ranking official, Alsop's brother Stewart, also a columnist, was a CIA
agent. He was rumored to have been particularly useful in obtaining information from foreign
governments, planting misinformation and tipping off the Agency about potential foreign
recruits, although his brother denies this. "I was closer to the Agency than Stew was, though
Stew was very close," Joseph Alsop once said. "I dare say he did perform some tasks -- he just
did the correct thing as an American."
Also notable is New York Times columnist C.L. Sulzberger (CFR), who the CIA lists as a
valuable source of information throughout the 50's. Sulzberger claims that he "would never get
near the spook business," but admits to sharing information with agents, many of whom were
close personal friends: "I'm sure they consider me an asset. They can ask me questions. They
find out you're going to Slobovia and they say, 'Can we talk to you when you get back?' Or
they'll want to know if the head of the Ruritanian government is suffering from psoriasis. But I
never took an assignment from one of those guys." However, Sulzberger does "think" that he
signed a secrecy agreement with the CIA (as did his uncle, Times publisher Arthur Hays
Many CIA officials long for the days when there were more journalists like Sulzberger and the
Alsops. "There was a time when it wasn't considered a crime to serve your government," one
official bitterly told Bernstein. "This all has to be considered in the context of the morality of the
times, rather than the against latter-day standards -- and hypocritical standards at that."
"(I)n the Fifties and Sixties there was a national consensus about a national threat. The Vietnam
War tore everything to pieces -- shredded the consensus and threw it in the air."
But another agent remarked in Bernstein's expose, "there was a point when the ethical issues
Page 25 ofwhich
45 most people submerged finally surfaced. Today a lot of these guys vehemently
Jul 14, deny that
2016 03:32:16AM MDT
which most people submerged finally surfaced. Today a lot of these guys vehemently deny that
they had any relationship with the Agency."
A flurry of public attention began to cast doubts upon the ethics of a press wedded to the
Central Intelligence Agency after a Washington Star-News story by Oswald Johnson reported
that the CIA had three dozen American newsmen on its payroll at that time (November 1973).
Then-CIA director William Colby (CFR) leaked this information to Johnson, fearing an
embarrassing fallout after both the Star-News and New York Times approached him to ask if
any of their staff members were receiving payments from the Agency. (A Times investigation
four years later showed the number of CIA-funded journalists to be closer to 50; Bernstein's
expose in Rolling Stone that same year claimed it was more like 400.)
By now, the times they had a-changed: In a 1974 article in the Columbia Journalism Review,
former reporter Stuart Loory chastised fellow journalists for their history of chumming it up with
the CIA and for their lax coverage of the issue once it came to light. "There is little question that
if even one American overseas carrying a press card is paid by the CIA, then all Americans
with those credentials are suspect," he wrote. "We automatically... consider Soviet and Chinese
newsmen as mouthpieces and informants for their governments, while at the same time
congratulating ourselves for our independence. Now we know that some of that independence
has, with the stealth required of clandestine operations, been taken away from us -- or given
away."
In 1975, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence headed by Frank Church (the Church
Committee) focused its attention on the Agency's use of American news outlets. The CIA went
to great lengths to curtail this part of the committee's investigation, though, and some members
of the committee later admitted that the Agency was able to get the upper hand. Colby and his
successor, George Bush (CFR, TC), were able to convince the Senate that a full inquiry would
cripple their intelligence-gathering capabilities and would unleash a "witch-hunt" on the nation's
reporters, editors and publishers.
"The Agency was extremely clever about it and the committee played right into its hands," one
congressional source told Carl Bernstein. "Church and some of the other members were much
more interested in making headlines than in doing serious, tough investigating. The Agency
pretended to be giving up a lot whenever it was asked about the flashy stuff -- assassinations
and secret weapons and James Bond operations. Then, when it came to things they didn't want
to give away, that were much more important to the Agency, Colby in particular called in his
chits. And the committee bought it."
Former intelligence officer William Bader (who returned to the Agency as a deputy to Stansfield
Turner) and David Aaron (who later served as deputy to President Carter's national security
advisor) supervised the committee's investigation of the CIA-press angle. CIA director Bush
balked at all of Bader's requests for specific information about the scope of the Agency's media
activities. Under pressure from the entire committee, Bush finally agreed to pull records on
journalists and have his deputies condense them into one-paragraph summaries. The Agency
would not make the raw files available, and neither the names of journalists nor their affiliations
would be included. More than 400 summaries were compiled (a number that officials
Page 26 ofrepresentative
45 picture." "We never pretended it was a total description of the range of 2016
Jul 14, activities
03:32:16AM MDT
representative picture." "We never pretended it was a total description of the range of activities
over 25 years, or the number of journalists that have done things for us," one official conceded.
Still, even these sketchy details were enough for the committee to conclude that the CIA's
relationships with the press were of a far greater magnitude than they had expected -- and that
they needed to know more.
But Bush was intransigent. Heated confrontations produced a bizarre agreement: Bader and
director of the committee staff William Miller (CFR) could have access to 25 "sanitized" files
from among the 400 (still without journalists' identities). Church and committee vice-chairman
John Tower would see five unsanitized files to verify that the CIA had included all but the
names. No information on current CIA-press relationships would be divulged, and the whole
deal was contingent upon Bader, Miller, Church and Tower's promises not to reveal the files'
contents to the other committee members.
In the end, with time running out on the committee, the senators decided to drop the matter and
leave a more detailed investigation to the CIA oversight committee that would succeed them.
The committee interviewed none of the reporters, editors, publishers or broadcast executives
detailed in the files. And although members concluded that "from the CIA point of view this was
the highest, most sensitive covert program of all," and "a much larger part of the operational
system than had been indicated," this was hardly part of the official findings when they were
made public. The tcommittee dedicated a scant en pages of its final report to covert
relationships with the media. The information included in the report was vague and misleading
and, according to committee member Gary Hart, "hardly reflected what we found."
Bernstein offered the following commentary on the Church committee's output: "No mention
was made of the 400 summaries or what they showed. Instead the report noted blandly that
some fifty recent contacts had been studied by the committee staff -- thus conveying the
impression that the Agency's dealings with the press had been limited to those instances.
Colby's misleading public statements about the use of journalists were repeated without
serious contradiction or elaboration. The role of cooperating news executives was given short
shrift. The fact that the Agency had concentrated its relationships in the most prominent sectors
of the press went unmentioned. That the CIA continued to regard the press as up for grabs was
not even suggested."
A source close to the Church committee remarked on the investigation that, "if this stuff got out
some of the biggest names in journalism would get smeared." So just who was involved, and
what was the nature of their relationships with the intelligence community? The following is a
sampling of prominent organizations identified by Carl Bernstein and other researchers as high
profile news outlets with low profile ties to the CIA.
CBS: CIA Broadcasting System?
Bernstein asserts that a good relationship between former CIA director Allen Dulles and former
CBS president William Paley (CFR) made the network the CIA's most valuable broadcasting
Page 27 ofasset.
45 "Over the years," Bernstein writes, "the network provided cover for CIA employees,
Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
asset. "Over the years," Bernstein writes, "the network provided cover for CIA employees,
including at least one well-known foreign correspondent and several stringers; it supplied
outtakes of newsfilm to the CIA; established a formal channel of communications between the
Washington bureau chief and the agency; and allowed reports by CBS correspondents... to be
routinely monitored by the CIA."
Paley chose Sig Mickelson (CFR), president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961, as his liaison
with the CIA. Mickelson (who went on to become president of Radio Free Europe and Radio
Liberty) recalls complaining about having to use a pay phone to contact the CIA, and later
installing a private line that bypassed the CBS switchboard for this purpose. A CBS
investigation of his files revealed that he was involved in passing on CBS film and outtakes to
CIA officials in exchange for payment and that he regularly forwarded copies of CBS' internal
newsletter to his CIA handlers. The same investigation revealed that two CBS employees --
stringer Austin Goodrich and Frank Kearns, a network reporter from 1958-1971 -- were
undercover CIA operatives.
Mickelson has discussed his CIA activities with Bernstein and others. "When I moved into the
job I was told by Paley that there was an ongoing relationship with the CIA," he has recalled.
"He introduced me to two agents who he said would keep in touch. We all discussed the
Goodrich situation and the film arrangements. I assumed that this was the normal relationship
at the time. This was at the height of the Cold War and I assumed the communications media
were cooperating -- though the Goodrich matter was compromising."
Mickelson's successor Richard Salant says he continued some of these practices when he took
the CBS helm. "I said no on talking to the reporters, and let them see broadcast tapes, but no
outtakes," he explains. "This went on for a number of years -- into the Seventies."
Sign of the Times
The New York Times was for the CIA in the realm of newspapers what CBS was to the Agency
among broadcasters. Publisher Arthur Hays Sulzberger (CFR) arranged for cover for
approximately 10 CIA employees between 1950 and 1966 as part of his general policy of
providing assistance to the CIA whenever possible.
According to CIA officials, the Agency's ties to the Times were stronger than to any other
papers because of its large foreign news operation and because of close ties between
publisher Sulzberger and director Dulles (a relationship described by one staff member as "the
mighty dealing with the mighty.") The output of this close relationship generally included
reporting for CIA agents and "spotting" new prospective foreign operatives. Sulzberger is said
to have signed a secrecy agreement with the Agency in the 1950's -- some say he did so as a
pledge not to reveal the classified information he was privy to; others claim it was a pact never
to reveal the Times' dealings with the CIA.
Former Times reporter Wayne Phillips said CIA agents approached and tried to recruit him as
an undercover operative in 1952, advising him that the Agency has a "working relationship"
with Sulzberger. A Freedom of Information Act request later revealed that agents hoped to put
him to work as an "asset" abroad. The Times ran a story about the attempted recruitment in
1976, in which Arthur Ochs Sulzberger (CFR) asserted that he had "never heard of the Times
being approached, either in my capacity as publisher or as the son of the late Mr. Sulzberger."
Page 28 ofA45CIA Post? Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT

A CIA Post?
Bernstein's former employers at the Washington Post escaped his expose unscathed, but other
investigators have documented extensive CIA ties at the paper. According to John Kelly of
CounterSpy magazine, Post reporter Walter Pincus (CFR) worked for the CIA in 1959 as an
Agency trained and funded delegate sent to the International Youth Festival in Vienna to disrupt
the festival and spy on fellow Americans. After briefing agents on his activities and taking a
pledge of secrecy, he went on attend youth conferences in Ghana and Guinea. Pincus claims
that he was offered, but turned down, a permanent CIA position, although he did attend a
political meeting in New Delhi at the Agency's request before going on to bigger and better
things at the Post. Pincus has written several pieces sympathetic to CIA operations. He
published an article just prior to the release of Bernstein's Rolling Stone expose downplaying
the article's claims, even though his report essentially let Post publisher Katherine Graham off
the hook. Reporter Russell Warren Howe also has a long history of CIA service. In 1958, he
once said, his "days as an asset had just begun." He worked for the CIA proprietary
"Information Bulletin, Ltd." and its successor, "Forum Service" (later known as Forum World
Features), in addition to the CIA-funded "Africa Report and "Survey." Howe was fully aware of
his employer's CIA ties, referring once to the FWF as "the principal CIA media in the world."
According to the Church Committee, the Post management was aware that one of their
reporters worked for a CIA publication, and that on several occasions they knowingly reprinted
propaganda from that paper in the Post.
Philip Geyelin (CFR) on the other hand was a CIA agent before taking a job as a Post reporter.
Geyelin joined the Agency for 11 months during a leave from the Wall Street Journal. While at
the Journal, CIA memos about Geyelin (which number in the hundreds, according to
CounterSpy) described him as "a CIA resource" and a "willing collaborator." Geyelin has come
to the CIA's defense in the Post: in response to a statement by Post ombudsman Charles Seib
that the CIA should stick to dirty work, the press should inform the public, "and never the twain
can meet," Geyelin replied that to the contrary, agents and journalists were "all searching for
the same nuggets of truth about the outside world." He took this a step further when he
protested Congressional efforts to regulate CIA-media ties, invoking journalists' constitutional
right to be co-opted by spooks. "(I)n its zeal to restrict the freedom of the agency to subvert the
press," he wrote, "Congress could wind up making a law that would in fact abridge -- or
threaten to abridge -- some part of the freedom of the press that the First Amendment was
intended to protect."
Publisher Katherine Graham is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations with close ties to
former CIA directors Dulles and William Casey (CFR). She hired CIA-linked Wackenhut
Security Corporation to break up a Post union strike, and invited former Deputy Attorney
General Nicholas Katzenbach (CFR) to join the Post's board of directors despite his
well-documented past as a CIA apologist. Katzenbach is said to have asked a past Post
editorial page editor to tone down an upcoming editorial about the CIA, and he chaired a
presidential panel that "investigated" CIA domestic operations (but actually served as a rubber
stamp for the Agency's activities). While he asserted that both the FBI and CIA were "the most
decent and effective intelligence agencies in the world," Katzenbach had first hand knowledge
of the seedier side of intelligence: the Church committee produced several memos
documenting his suggestions to J. Edgar Hoover that he might undertake wiretap operations as
part of the Bureau's campaign to discredit Martin Luther King, Jr.
Page 29 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT

Time and Life founder Henry Luce was considered one of the CIA's most cooperative sources
in the media. Luce, another of Dulles' personal friends in the media, was said to freely allow
staff members to work with the CIA and willingly provide credentials for agents who lacked
journalistic experience. Throughout the 50's and 60's Time correspondents attended CIA
briefing dinners, and Luce encouraged his foreign correspondents to meet with CIA officials
after returning from trips abroad.
C.D. Jackson, a Life magazine vice president in the early 1960's, co-authored a CIA study on
reorganization of the intelligence community during his tenure at Time-Life, and approved
specific plans for granting cover to CIA operatives. Former Life managing editors Edward
Thompson and George Hunt told Stuart Loory that they regularly allowed military intelligence
agents to come to the Life office to look at photos and, since they were public domain,
sometimes gave them prints. CIA agents were allowed to interview correspondents returning
from overseas assignments too, Hunt said, although he did not consider this to be "working
with" intelligence agencies. "We never cooperated with the CIA," Hunt claimed. "We didn't have
any of that nonsense going on at Life."
Other News Outlets With Documented CIA Ties
Management at the Christian Science Monitor admitted the paper had an ongoing relationship
with the CIA throughout the 1950's and early 60's. Joseph Harrison, who became editor in
1950, said he discovered that agents paid frequent visits to the news office to get information
on Monitor stories. "I inherited the situation and I continued it," he said of the arrangement,
which included allowing the Agency access to uncut versions of stories and letters from Monitor
foreign correspondents. While Johnson characterized such activities as "helping out as an
American," he drew the line at pursuing stories at the Agency's behest or allowing his
employees to moonlight with the CIA. "That," according to his distinction, "would have been
espionage."
CIA files show that ABC News provided cover for agents throughout the 1960's. During the
Church committee hearings the Agency refused to reveal whether its relationship with the
network was ongoing. As with ties to other high profile news outlets, arrangements were made
at the highest level, with the full knowledge of network executives. CIA officials claim that Sam
Jaffe and one other unnamed correspondent performed clandestine tasks for the Agency. Jaffe
admits that he was approached by agents who offered to get him a job with CBS, who would
send him on assignment in Moscow if he agreed to cooperate, but claims he never agreed to
the deal. Jaffe did go on to do some work for CBS, though, and said he believed that the CIA
had a hand in getting him the assignment.
One of the more unusual accounts of the CIA-press connection involves the Louisville
Courier-Journal. Undercover operative Robert H. Campbell spent three months at the paper as
a reporter in 1964-1965 as part of an arrangement made by the Agency and Courier-Journal
executive editor Norman Issacs. The first account of Campbell's tenure at the paper appeared
in a front-page story in 1976 -- in the Courier-Journal (one of the few self-investigative pieces
written on this topic).
Page 30 ofand
45 knew little about newswriting. "Norman said that when he was in Washington,Jul he
14, had
2016 been
03:32:16AM MDT
and knew little about newswriting. "Norman said that when he was in Washington, he had been
called to lunch with some friend of his who was with the CIA [who] wanted to send this young
fellow down to get him a little knowledge of newspapering," the paper's former managing editor
recalled in the article. CIA sources say that the Courier-Journal arrangements were made so
that Johnson could amass a record of journalistic experience (he also worked briefly for the
Hornell, New York Evening Tribune). The Agency even sent funds to the Courier-Journal to pay
Johnson's salary. These same sources claim that the deal was made with Issacs and approved
by the paper's publisher, but neither man recalls being involved. "All I can do is repeat the
simple truth," Issacs said in response to Herzog's story, "that never, under any circumstances
or at any time, have I ever knowingly hired a government agent." But, he added, "none of this is
to say that I couldn't have been 'had.'"
But clues were there. No one looked into Johnson's credentials when he was hired, and his file
included the curious notation "Hired for temporary work -- no reference checks completed or
needed." Johnson's journalistic prowess (or lack thereof) should have given him away: his
editors characterized his work as "unreadable" and it was never published. If that was not clue
enough, his penchant for announcing to patrons at a bar a few steps from his office that he was
a CIA agent should have done the trick.
Who else? Bernstein compiled the following list of additional organizations known to have
provided CIA cover: the New York Herald-Tribune, the Saturday Evening Post,
Scripps-Howard Newspapers, Hearst Newspapers, the Associated Press, United Press
International, the Mutual Broadcasting System, Reuters and the Miami Herald.
The CFR Report on "Making Intelligence Smarter"
A Council on Foreign Relations task force thrust the CIA-media connection back into the
spotlight this year with the release of their report on post-Cold War intelligence. "Making
Intelligence Smarter," released in February 1996, stresses the importance of "human
intelligence" in successful clandestine operations. But many of the "innovations" the CFR
suggests for cases when "the targeted activity is not easily captured by reconnaissance or
eavesdropping," are all too familiar. "Clandestine operations for whatever purpose currently are
circumscribed by a number of legal and policy constraints," the report states. "These deserve
review to avoid diminishing the potential contribution of this instrument. At a minimum, the Task
Force recommended that a fresh look be taken at limits on the use of nonofficial 'covers' for
hiding and protecting those involved in clandestine activities."
Though the task force doesn't explicitly address the use of the press as cover, the implication is
obvious. If nothing else, the Church committee investigation showed CIA-press relationships to
be among the Agency's most secret -- and most valuable -- operations for nearly two decades.
And congressional scrutiny, however ineffectual, led the Agency to codify the constraints
alluded to in the report.
Former CIA director William Colby claimed in 1973 to have scaled back covert media
operations in response to mounting criticism of the practice. His successor, George Bush,
issued a statement pledging that the Agency would not enter into "paid or contractual
relationships with full- or part-time news correspondents from accredited news organizations"
when he took the Agency helm in 1976. (The statement was ambiguous on stringers and other
news staffers, and included a statement that the Agency would "welcome" journalists'
Page 31 ofvoluntary,
45 unpaid cooperation. Stansfield Turner, Bush's replacement, put theseJul
assurances in
14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
news staffers, and included
a statement that the Agency would "welcome" journalists'
voluntary, unpaid cooperation. Stansfield Turner, Bush's replacement, put these assurances in
writing the following year.
Contrary to the report's implication that all "nonofficial" covers are currently off limits, there is a
loophole in the policy Turner drafted in 1977 allowing for exceptions "with the specific approval"
of the Director of Central Intelligence. An unnamed source brought the loophole to attention of
the Washington Post last month, indicating that such exceptions had been made "in
extraordinarily rare circumstances" in the past 19 years. At least one such exception was
granted for a CIA agent posing as a reporter during the Iranian hostage crisis.
Spies R Not Us?
Reaction from the press to the CFR report has been mixed. Many have invoked the First
Amendment and uttered platitudes about the separation of press and state, while remaining
silent about the two institutions' sordid pasts. Notably absent from both the CFR's report and
the media's reaction is any historical frame of reference: the issue is presented as a
stand-alone current event, taken out of its context as a legacy of CIA meddling and media
complicity.
Evan Thomas, an assistant editor at Newsweek told the Post that while there were "inherent
conflicts" in using the press as cover, "You would not want to rule out forever an opportunity in
which a journalist might be the only one who could help in a desperate situation."
But Jim Naureckas, editor of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting's journal Extra!, seemed to
have a better appreciation of the underlying implications. "Under no circumstance should CIA
agents pose as journalists," he said. "Given the CIA's record in setting up fake press organs
and manipulating the press, they have really lost the right to get involved with journalists. You
can't combine their work with journalism, which is about the free and open exchange of ideas."
Washington Times columnist Ken Adelman charged that the uproar was much ado about
nothing. "That such verbal waffling aroused such a ruckus says a great deal," he wrote in his
March 6, 1996 column. "Not so much about the Council or the CIA -- but about the narcissism
of today's journalists."
Contrary to the policy of his predecessors, Post executive editor Leonard Downie, Jr. said he
was disturbed by the possibility that the CIA had either used journalistic organizations for cover
or recruited journalists. Independence from the government, he said, was essential for both
credibility and the safety of correspondents.
Will economic warfare replace the Cold War in the New World Order? In the wake of the Cold
War, debate has erupted over the future use of intelligence agencies by the U.S. government.
Many of America's political and business elite want to see a shift towards economic
intelligence, to counter other nations' economic intelligence ops, as well as to further the goals
of international capitalism.
It is therefore especially noteworthy that the CFR issued the report on "Making Intelligence
Page 32 ofSmarter."
45 The roster of the Council on Foreign Relations is a Who's Who directory
Jul of
14,the
2016 03:32:16AM MDT
Smarter." The roster of the Council on Foreign Relations is a Who's Who directory of the
political, military, and economic elite in the United States. President Clinton's administration is
staffed by nearly 100 of the CFR's 3,000 members. It has been said by political commentators
on both the left and the right that if you want to find out what U.S. foreign policy will be next
year, you should read the CFR's periodical Foreign Affairs this year.
Members of the CFR exert influence over a gigantic portion of the media in America. Many of
the newspeople who operated with the CIA in the past were or are CFR members. The chief
directors and news anchors of CBS, ABC, NBC, Time Inc., Public Broadcast Service, CNN,
Newsweek, and many other major media outlets are CFR members. So are many CEOs and
board members at Chase Manhattan Corp., Chemical Bank, Citicorp, Shell Oil, AT&T, General
Motors, General Electric, and other multinational corporations.
It is also worth noting that three of the Task Force panel members who wrote the "Making
Intelligence Smarter" report included past or present journalists. Leslie Gelb, CFR president, is
a former foreign affairs columnist and Op-Ed page editor for The New York Times. Henry
Grunwald is former Editor-in-Chief of Time magazine, and Jessica Mathews is a Post
columnist.
Critics of the CFR on both sides of the political spectrum voice strong opposition to the
Council's agenda of expansion of multinational capitalism and world government -- what has
become known as the New World Order. A report from the CFR such as "Making Intelligence
Smarter" will therefore make plenty of waves. The fact that the report was composed in part by
members of the working press who are also CFR members is a brazen conflict of interest, in
light of the CFR's history.
Will there be a shift in CIA/media operations towards global economic intelligence and
propaganda? Only time will tell as the debate rages on. But if history serves as any sort of
lesson, we could be standing on the threshold of a new flap of covert media manipulation.
Sources
"The CIA and the Media: How America's Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove
with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered it Up," Rolling
Stone, October 20, 1977, p.55-67. "CIA in America," CounterSpy, Spring 1980, p. 42-43.
"Washington Post -- Speaking for Whom?" CounterSpy, May-July 1981, p. 13-19. Loch K.
Johnson, America's Secret Power: the CIA in a Democratic Society, New York: Oxford
University Press, 1989, p. 182-311. "'Loophole Revealed in Prohibition on CIA Use of
Journalistic Cover," New York Times, February 16, 1996, p. A24. "Making Intelligence
Smarter," report of a task force of the Council on Foreign Relations, 1996. "Disinformation and
Mass Deception: Democracy as a Cover Story," Covert Action Information Bulletin,
Spring-Summer 1983, p. 3-12. "The CIA's use of the press: a 'mighty Wurlitzer,'" Columbia
Journalism Review, September/October 1974, p. 9-18.
http://www.911-strike.com/CIAinmedia.htm
O'Reilly's Information Tech CIA Connection ::: Download Presentation
In-Q-Tel, Inc. is a private, venture capital firm chartered by the CIA. In-Q-Tel strives to extend
Page 33 ofproblems.
45 In-Q-Tel invests in technologies that addresses critical CIA needs, and Julthat can03:32:16AM
14, 2016 also MDT
problems. In-Q-Tel invests in technologies that addresses critical CIA needs, and that can also
become commercially viable.
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®

government, at least one has the advantage of knowing the bias is present, and to adjust for it.
In the United States of America, we are taught from birth that our press is free from such
government meddling. This is an insideous lie about the very nature of the news institution in
this country. One that allows the government to lie to us while denying the very fact of the lie
itself.

by Alex Constantine

interlocking directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. Coca-Cola.
Disney. Newspapers should have mastheads that mirror the world: The Westinghouse Evening
Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser . It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of
armchair ombudsmen that the public print reports news from a parallel universe - one that has
never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking thefts, mind control,
death squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales - a place
This unlikely land of enchantment is the creation of MOCKINGBIRD. It was conceived in the
late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold war, when the CIA began a systematic infiltration
of the corporate media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news outlets.
Page 34 ofHarrisburg,
45 PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under Wisner's wing
Jul 14, to03:32:16AM MDT
2016
corporations who wanted their points of view represented in the public print. Early
MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of
CIA propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary views, among them
William Paley (CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger
(N.Y. Times).
Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled to find in
agents in the field.
skirmish stage already." The issue featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who
called for the creation of an "American Empire," "world-dominating in political power, set up at
least in part through coercion (probably including war, but certainly the threat of war) and in
which one group of people ... would hold more than its equal share of power."
tha__t "although avoiding typical Hitlerian
phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world and ruling it, began to
appear in the press, whereas the organs of
Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably leading to war if it brought
greater commercial markets under the
American flag."
to 1961.
Page 35 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
Hubert von Blücher, the son of A German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was
Hollywood. He eked out a living writing
scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can be heard on a film set in the Amazon,
produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Düsseldorf, West
Germany, and established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical warfare
agents for the government. At the Industrie Club in Düsseldorf in 1982, von Blücher boasted to
journalists, "I am chief shareholder of Pan American Airways. I am the best friend of Howard
Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I am thus the biggest
financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by these people over their
Freedom, a CIA front, presented the
intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even prying in the
Page 36 ofage
45 of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient
Jul 14, 2016 video
03:32:16AM MDT
age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient video
surveillance technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition published in the
U.S. by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by
1948, a surveillance program that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast
transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual images with the equipment as far
as 25 miles away.
notorious for overt propagandizing and general
spookiness. The company's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey, who clung to his
shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after he was appointed CIA director by Ronald
Reagan in 1981.
entrepreneurs who took to the airwaves. "Daily, East and West beam hundreds of
propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of competition for the minds of
their listeners. The low-price transistorhas given the hidden war a new importance," enthused
one foreign correspondent.
Page 37 ofseries
45 that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People and Politics,
Jul 14,a2016
"study"
03:32:16AM MDT
Cities sank its claws into the film
studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army during the war by a
criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably
assassinated by the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who
visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled his office
after the dictator's. The only honest job Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and
a secret investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former
producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative on the West Coast, passed a
small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn.
Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson, publisher of the Hollywood
Reporter.
operations budget. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged
in propaganda efforts. The cost of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an
estimated $265 million a year by 1978, a budget larger than the combined expenditures of
Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
- in fact, 23 employees were full-time
"I see in the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the
safety of my country. As a result of the war, corporations have been enthroned and an era of
corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will endeavor to
prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of the people until all wealth is aggregated in a
few hands and the Republic is destroyed." -- President Abraham Lincoln, Nov. 21, 1864
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
Page 38 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT

The world of the mass media is shrinking. How a handful of companies came to exercise such
control over the media is one of the astonishing stories of our time. But there are real
consequences to what's happening that affect democracy and consumers.
Merging Media
Approximate number of newspapers in North America: 1800

Approximate number of magazines in North America: 11,000
Approximate number of radio stations in North America: 11,000
Approximate number of television stations in North America: 2000
Approximate number of book publishers in North America: 3000
The Massing of the Media
# THE LAW: Many media watchers point to the Telecommunications Act of 1996 as crucial to
the growth of media giants. The Act lowered some long-standing limits on the number of media
outlets that any one company could own in any single market. For television there's currently a
cap limiting any one company from reaching more than 35 percent of the national audience.
The Federal Communications Commission's (FCC) website has a complete listing of public
hearings on this issue and a facility for filing comments online.
# TELEVISION: The U.S. seems awash with TV choices. Between cable, dish and digital
channels, choices number in the hundreds. A recent study by THE ECONOMIST found that
though the market continues to grow, most people routinely watch only 15 channels. The top
ten cable channels and the five networks still make up 90% of the watching audience. And
what are they watching? American cable fare breaks down as follows:
# Entertainment ................36.6%
# Children's programming .21.1%
# News ...............................14.1%
# Nature/Education ............11.1%
# Women .............................7.0%
# Music ...............................5.4%
# Sport ............................... 4.7%
Page 39 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT

# NEWS: A few years ago, newspeople were lamenting the results of a study by Harvard's
Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy which showed a marked decrease
in international news coverage from 45% in the 1970s to just 14% in 1995. In the wake of
September 11, some news organizations were revitalized. Overseas bureaus were saved from
closure and hard news seemed important again but the companies lost money. Just this week,
CNN announced its biggest prime-time audience of 2002 for...the arrest of Robert Blake.
Media analysis Andrew Tyndall watches the news every night and publishes the results in the
Tyndall Report. Here's a round-up of the top stories on the three big networks for selected
weeks past from the Tyndall Report:
July 19-31, 2001 (av. number of minutes):

# Disappearance of Chandra Levy (24 minutes)
# Human embryo stem cell research (14 minutes)
# Shark attacks (14 minutes)
April 8-12, 2002

# Enron bankruptcy (12 minutes)
# Anti-U.S. sentiment in Islamic world (10 minutes)
# Catholic pedophile priests (10 minutes) October 14-18, 2002
# DC sniper (76 minutes)
# Iraq: Saddam Hussein (28 minutes)
# Bali bombings (19 minutes)
Andrew Tyndall also recently completed an evaluation of three major cable news networks for
THE NEWSHOUR WITH JIM LEHRER. Although he found that the three had different
presentations and viewpoints the news they covered was similar in content (and very
male-dominated). Read the whole report at Cable News Wars.
# BOOKS: Big media holds sway over more than the airwaves, many conglomerates have
interest in major publishing houses as well.
# TimeWarner -- Warner Books/Little Brown/Time-Life
# Viacom -- Simon and Schuster/Pocket Books, etc.
# Bertelsmann is the largest book publisher in the United States
# Walt Disney -- Hyperion/Talk Miramax Books
# Vivendi International -- Houghton Mifflin
Links and add'l info:
Page 40 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT

The Telecommunications Act of 1996 is the first major overhaul of telecommunications law in
almost 62 years. The goal of this new law is to let anyone enter any communications business
-- to let any communications business compete in any market against any other.
http://www.fcc.gov/telecom.html
Milestones in the History of Media and Politics
Robert McChesney comments, "And the founding fathers...their legacy here is very rich. They
understood that setting up a diverse, well funded media system with a broad range of
viewpoints was the essence of building of the oxygen for democracy. And it took conscious
policies. It didn't happen naturally you had to work at it." What events have shaped the media's
role in reporting politics since the beginning of American history? And how has the press
developed in the years since the Bill of Rights outlined its freedoms? NOW's history of media
and politics takes us to the early recorded instances of journalism for some background.
In Renaissance Europe, newsletters containing information about everything from wars and
economic conditions to social customs were handwritten and circulated among merchants. By
the late 1400's, the first printed forerunners of the newspaper appeared in Germany as
pamphlets or broadsides, often highly sensationalized in content. In the English-speaking
world, the first successfully published title was THE WEEKLY NEWES. View the front page of
CORANT OR WEEKLY NEWES, FROM ITALY, GERMANY, HUNGARIA, POLONIA,
BOHEMIA, FRANCE, AND THE LOW-COUNTRIES published in London on October 11,
1621. In the 1640's and 50's, it was followed by a multitude of different titles in the similar
newsbook format. Another prominent early paper (today the oldest continually published paper
in the world) was the LONDON GAZETTE. See the GAZETTE coverage of the Great Fire of
London.
Publication of information about contemporary affairs began in North America in the early 18th
century, but they did not yet resemble the newspapers of today. In fact, at first, the notion that
"news" should provide timely accounts of recent events was not self-evident. Read about some
of the milestones in America's history of media and politics:
More:
http://www.pbs.org/now/politics/mediahistory.html
Page 41 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT

®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
Below are sites which contain more information about the issue of media deregulation and
ways to take action on either side of the issue. The FCC site provides an area to make views on
deregulation known, and provides contact information for the agency.
Center for Digital Democracy
The Web site of the Center for Digital Democracy, a nonprofit organization dedicated to
preserving media diversity, provides information regarding the issue of media concentration.
The Center highlights the 1945 Supreme Court decision (Associated Press v. United States)
which maintains that mergers that narrow the dissemination of information are unconstitutional.
Colombia Journalism Review: Who Owns What?
"Who Owns What?" by the Colombia Journalism Review (CJR) features a list of media
conglomerates and what they own. The page also provides a selected list of articles from the
CJR archive on media concentration.
Consumer Federation of America
The Consumer Federation of America provides press releases, studies, brochures, and
testimony to educate the American public about telecommunications issues and to advocate for
pro-consumer policies.
Consumers Union: Nonprofit Publisher of Consumer Reports
The Consumers Union Web page, devoted to telephone-telecommunications regulation,

provides a long list of articles, studies, and research describing how the deregulation of the
telecommunications industry in 1996 has hurt consumers.
Economic and Political Consequences of the 1996 Telecommunications Act
Thomas Hazlett of the American Enterprise Institute argues that the 1996 Telecommunications
Act resulted both in benefits to consumers and in "megamergers" that have benefited
stockholders and market function. He contends that increased competition in the market had an
effect on the political process, where the Telecommunications industry outspent all other
industries in political contributions.
The Federal Communication Commission is an independent government organization

Page 42 ofaccountable
45 to Congress. The FCC regulates "interstate and international communications by
Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT
accountable to Congress. The FCC regulates "interstate and international communications by
radio, television, wire, satellite and cable" within U.S. jurisdiction. The FCC Web site features a
special section on media ownership which includes information on the Broadcast-Newspaper
Cross-Ownership Rule and the Local Radio Ownership Rule in the form of announcements,
press releases, and policy studies.
The Telecommunications Act of 1996
This Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Web page is devoted to the landmark
Telecommunications Act of 1996, which promoted deregulation of the telecommunication
industry (cable, long distance telephone service, local telephone service, and broadband) to
create a competitive communications market and deliver better services and prices to
consumers. The Web site features the complete text of the legislation and provides relevant
FCC materials related to the implementation and guidelines of the Act.
FRONTLINE: The Merchants of Cool - Media Giants
On PBS.org, the FRONTLINE Web site features a diagram of the seven largest media
conglomerates and their numerous holdings. This information is provided within a larger
context, asking how media mega-mergers and the products they sell affect children's
psychological development. http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/cool/giants/
What's Wrong With This Picture?
Crispin Miller of THE NATION magazine describes and analyzes the media cartel that has
integrated all cultural industries into a few large corporations. Miller fears that American culture
http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20020107&s=miller
And having justified Bush/Cheney's coup, the media continue to betray American democracy.
Media devoted to the public interest would investigate the poor performance by the CIA, the
FBI, the FAA and the CDC, so that those agencies might be improved for our protection--but
the news teams (just like Congress) haven't bothered to look into it. So, too, in the public
interest, should the media report on all the current threats to our security--including those
far-rightists targeting abortion clinics and, apparently, conducting bioterrorism; but the
telejournalists are unconcerned (just like John Ashcroft). So should the media highlight, not
play down, this government's attack on civil liberties--the mass detentions, secret evidence,
increased surveillance, suspension of attorney-client privilege, the encouragements to spy, the
warnings not to disagree, the censored images, sequestered public papers, unexpected visits
from the Secret Service and so on. And so should the media not parrot what the Pentagon says
about the current war, because such prettified accounts make us complacent and preserve us
Page 43 ofin
45our fatal ignorance of what people really think of us--and why--beyond our borders.
Jul 14, And
2016 03:32:16AM MDT
in our fatal ignorance of what people really think of us--and why--beyond our borders. And
there's much more--about the stunning exploitation of the tragedy, especially by the
Republicans; about the links between the Bush and the bin Laden families; about the ongoing
shenanigans in Florida--that the media would let the people know, if they were not (like Michael
Powell) indifferent to the public interest.
In short, the news divisions of the media cartel appear to work against the public interest--and
for their parent companies, their advertisers and the Bush Administration. The situation is
completely un-American. It is the purpose of the press to help us run the state, and not the
other way around. As citizens of a democracy, we have the right and obligation to be well
aware of what is happening, both in "the homeland" and the wider world. Without such
knowledge we cannot be both secure and free. We therefore must take steps to liberate the
media from oligopoly, so as to make the government our own.
http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20020107&c=2&s=miller
Media Access Project

is a non-profit, public interest law firm which promotes the public's First Amendment right to
hear and be heard on the electronic media of today and tomorrow.
ACT NOW.... TOP ISSUES:
http://www.mediaaccess.org/programs/
®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®¢§®
"If in the first act you introduce a gun, by the third act you have to use it."
-- Anton Chekov
"Fear not the path of truth for the lack of people walking on it."
-- Robert F. Kennedy
"A political battle is merely a skirmish fought with muskets; a philosophical battle is a nuclear
war."
-- Ayn Rand
"What distinguishes the New Right from other American reactionary movements and what it
shares with the early phase of German fascism, is its incorporation of conservative impulses
into a system of representation consisting largely of media techniques and media images."
Philip Bishop: "The New Right and the Media"
"I spent thirty-three years and four months in active military service as a member of this
country's most agile military force, the Marine Corps. I served in all commissioned ranks from
Page 44 ofSecond
45 Lieutenant to Major-General. And during that period, I spent most of my Jul
time14, being a
2016 03:32:16AM MDT
Second Lieutenant to Major-General. And during that period, I spent most of my time being a
high class muscle-man for Big Business, for Wall Street and for the Bankers. In short, I was a
racketeer, a gangster for capitalism."
-- Major General Smedley Butler, 1933
"In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act."
-- George Orwell
MetaMagic MediaMinistry @
Abracadabra Communications
http://metamagic.org
Hidden Elitist Conspiracies?
Visit BeamShip MUTANEX
http://mutanex.com
News of the Strange & Supernatural Mark Fiore's FlashToon ::: "Preemptive Diplomacy"
http://metamagic.org/strange
Operation Mockingbird (Continued)

Page 45 of 45 Jul 14, 2016 03:32:16AM MDT

Operation Mockingbird -
3-24-00
Operation Mockingbird -
http://www.psychicspy.com/ciamed.txt
by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991) As terrible as it is to live in a
nation where the press in known to be controlled by the government, at least one has the
advantage of knowing the bias is present, and to adjust for it. In the United States of America,
we are taught from birth that our press is free from such government meddling. This is an
insideous lie about the very nature of the news institution in this country. One that allows the
government to lie to us while denying the very fact of the lie itself.
Tales from the Crypt The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation MOCKINGBIRD
By Alex Constantine

interlocking directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital. Dow. General Electric.
Coca-Cola.Disney. Newspapers should have mastheads that
mirror the world: The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser . It is
beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that the public print reports
news from a parallel universe - one that has never
heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking thefts, mind control, death

squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales - a place
It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold war, when the CIA began a
systematic infiltration of the corporate media, a process that often included direct takeover of
major news outlets.
Page 1 of 5of Policy Coordination. Philip Graham, __a graduate of the Army Intelligence School
Jul 14,in2016 03:33:31AM MDT
corporations who wanted their
point of view represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers
and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of CIA propaganda. Many of these were already
run by men with reactionary views, among them William Paley (CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune),
Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times).
Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled to f__ind in
agents in the field. "World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March, 1947. "It
is in the opening skirmish stage already." The issue featured an excerpt of a book by James
Burnham, who called for the creation of an "American Empire," "world-dominating in political
power, set up at least in part through coercion (probably including war, but certainly the threat
of war) and in which one group of people ... would hold more than its equal share of power."
tha__t "although avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people
taking over the world and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of Wall
Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably leading to war if it brought
greater commercial markets under the American flag."
to 1961.
Hubert von Blcher, the son of A German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was
Page 2 of 5trained by the Abwehr, the German military intelligence division, while still a civilian in 2016
Jul 14, his 03:33:31AM MDT
Hollywood. He eked out a living writing scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can be
heard on a film set in the Amazon, produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he returned to
Buenos Aires, then Dsseldorf, West Germany, and established a firm that developed not movie
scripts, but anti-chemical warfare agents for the government. At the Industrie Club in Dsseldorf
in 1982, von Blcher boasted to journalists, "I am chief shareholder of Pan American Airways. I
am the best friend of Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by
me. I am thus the biggest financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by
these people over their second bottle of brandy."
Freedom, a CIA front, presented the intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing
propaganda and even prying in the age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities
when he installed omniscient video surveillance technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984
for the first edition published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according to
{{ Anniversary of Terror: October 12 - Operation Octopus I was reminded this morning - as if
Page 3 of 5anyone could ever forget - by a newsman that October 11 would mark the one-month
Jul 14, 2016 03:33:31AM MDT
anyone could ever forget - by a newsman that October 11 would mark the one-month
anniversary of the terrorist attack on America. Memorial services will be held in New York and
Washington for the victims http://www.theperspective.org/octopus.html ]]
federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program that turned any television set
with tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual
images with the equipment as far as 25 miles away.
notorious for overt propagandizing and general spookiness. The company's chief counsel was
OSS veteran William Casey, who clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind trust even
after he was appointed CIA director by Ronald Reagan in 1981.
entrepreneurs who took to the airwaves. "Daily, East and West beam hundreds of propaganda
broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of competition for the minds of their listeners.
The low-price transistor has given the hidden war a new importance," enthused one foreign
correspondent.
Page 4 of 5 Jul 14, 2016 03:33:31AM MDT
Cities sank its claws into the film studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of
the Army during the war by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the film industry.
Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the
Columbia Pictures mogul who visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to
Hollywood remodeled his office after the dictator's. The only honest job Rosselli ever had was
assistant purchasing agent (and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy,
a former producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative on the West Coast,
passed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling
In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of the CIA's covert operations
budget. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in
propaganda efforts. The cost of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated
$265 million a year by 1978, a budget larger than the combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI
and the AP news syndicates.
- in fact, 23 employees were full-time employees of the Agency.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Page 5 of 5 Jul 14, 2016 03:33:31AM MDT


A Letter to the Washington Post by Julian C. Holmes
________________
April 25, 1992 Richard Harwood, Ombudsman The
Washington Post 1150 15th Street NW Washington, DC 20071
Dear Mr. Harwood,
room. Aroused from apathy in the daily routine of reporting assignations and various other
political and social sports events, editors and reporters scramble to the phones. The klaxon
screams its warning: the greatest single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and
government stability -- the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!
and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets (*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a
seminal work on our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this
discovery process by disparaging the charges of conspiracy and by publishing false
information about the drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on
Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles Rangel (D-NY).
of misleading reporting, the Post printed only a partial correction and declined to print a letter of
coverup of the arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears
Post
Page 1 of 21 came Barbara Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored independently, Jul
two14,years
2016 03:34:41AM MDT
apart, books with the same title, "October Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a member of the
Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of Middle East
Politics at Columbia University, was on the staff of the National Security Council under
Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick
published their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to Iran if Iran
would delay release of the 52 United States hostages until after the November 1980 election.
The purpose of this deal was to quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October
surprise). which would have bolstered the reelection prospects for President Carter.
operative John
citizens, destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro
and other leaders" (*17).
"Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice to
be conspiring with I.G.Farben...of Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the
United States was effectively prevented from developing or producing [fo rWorld War-II] any
substantial amount of synthetic rubber," said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin (*18).
certain
Page 2 of 21 to produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing near03:34:41AM
Jul 14, 2016 the MDT
"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty comprehensive
cancer centers, have misled and confused the public and Congress by repeated claims that we
are winning the war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment has continually minimized
the evidence for increasing cancer rates which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary
fat, while discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable eposures to industrial carcinogens
in the air, food, water, and the workplace." (*22).
The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq "is yet another example of
(*23).
If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of doing business in this country. Take
the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the Pentagon and much
of the news media (*24).
Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend $100 million in taxes to
promote a distorted and truncated history of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the
Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26). rather than examining more realistic
aspects of the Spanish invasion, like "anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death" (*27).
sophisticated, law-enforcement computer software which "now point to a widespread
conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of INSLAW's technology", says
former U.S.attorney General Elliot Richardson (*28). Or Watergate. Or the "largest bank fraud
in world financial history" (*29), where the White House knew of the criminal activities at "the
Bank of Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence agencies did
their secret banking (*31), and where bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way
of doing business" (*32). Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors],
Standard Oil of California, Firestone, and E. RoyFitzgerald, among others, for criminally
conspiring to replace electric transportation with gas- and
diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of buses and related products to
transportation companies throughout the country" [in, among others, the cities of New York,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33).
Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham

Ribicoff (D-CT). and the U.S. Department of
Transportation to overlook safety defects in the
1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by

contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings of the Shield's hazards and which
"stonewalled,
Page 3 of 21 deceived, covered up, and covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on 2016
Jul 14, women a
03:34:41AM MDT
"stonewalled, deceived, covered up, and covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a
Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA resulted in
failure to enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing
all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 (*36).
Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold
by manufacturers who ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted "in
concert with each other in the testing and marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).
Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a corrupted
Congress, to relieve depositors of their savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White
House, Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of the American people" will
cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of billions of dollars (*38).
surreptitiously in hotel rooms to fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial
equipment (*39).
Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of medical problemsrelating

to asbestos (*41).
Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies "agreed not to engage in any
effective price competition" (*42).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover up the nature
of our decades-old war against the people of Nicaragua a covert war that continues in 1992
with the U.S. Government applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a
Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the Chilean election
process with military aid, covert actions, and an economic boycott which culminated in the
overthrow of the legitimately elected government and the assassination of President Salvador
Allende in 1973 (*44).
Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and CIA
Director William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's
plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about these actions to the Congress
and the news media (*45). And CIA Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this
Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in 1989 and
thereby violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and
the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).
Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil companies and the
British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the
British-owned
Page 4 of 21 Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow
Jul by
14, the
2016CIA in
03:34:41AM MDT
British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in
1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed Mossadegh (*49).
Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole, Senator
George Mitchell, various U.S. Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the
Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the presidential candidate
supported by President Bush (*51).
Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist

Poland's Solidarity Movement and Hasten the Demise
Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of USAID funds by
any country "for the promotion of birth control or abortion" (*54).
Or "the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common purpose in Central
America" (*55).
Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector Gramajo with the
U.S. Army to design "programs to build civilian-military cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of
the Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine soldiers accused in the 1989
Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military
personnel (*56).
Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration to harass and cause
bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter who uncovered dangerous working conditions at the
facility (*57).
Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of South Vietnam to delay
the Paris Peace Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).

paperback (*61).
facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public importance (*62). When the camouflage of
such
Page 5 of 21 conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in the conspiring officials can erode
Jul 14, --
2016 03:34:41AM MDT
such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in the conspiring officials can erode --
depending on how seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public
trust. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to see as a real threat to
its corporate security.
person ever tried in connection with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the
Kennedy assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not be served by a
that there is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former
Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John
Newman have each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic
about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just continues ranting against the possibility
of a little justification for its arguments.

this article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a former
Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner does not tell the reader that subsequent to the
Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government
witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted under oath that in a May
1972 interview with a New Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S.
Government's case against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of the
Garrison
acquital mentions this controversy, but when I recently asked Lardner about this, he was not
clear as to whether he remembered it (*71).
Page 6 of 21 Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT
Pershing Gervais by lashing
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird3.htm out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".
and that it "was a continuation of Kennedy's policy". In fact, the memorandum was drafted the
day before the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National Security
Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it. Following the assassination, it was
rewritten; and the final version provided for escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) -- facts
that Lardner avoided.
The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for the most part
conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current readers of this
newspaper find meaningful discussion of the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both
the FBI and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing co-conspirators
at field stations to counteract the "new wave of books and articles criticizing the [Warren]
Commission's findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on
our organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison and friendly elite contacts,
especially politicians and editors "and to "employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the
attacks of the critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are particularly appropriate for this
purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to providematerial for countering and discrediting the
claims of the conspiracy theorists..." (*77).
told Davis' publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, "Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced CIA
material ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a fool and to put your company in that
special little group of publishers who don't give a shit for the truth". The Post bullied HBJ into
recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of contract and
damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis published her book elsewhere with
an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply involved with producing
cold-war/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his association with
people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive
**************************
CIA" (*81). This scandal was known by its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former
Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was
widely known that Phil Graham was someone you could get help from" (*82). More recently the
over a year up until the day his indictmen twas announced ...for crimes committed
Page 7 of 21 Julin
14,his official
2016 03:34:41AM MDT
over a year up until the day his indictmen twas announced ...for crimes committed in his official
capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).
******************
Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the Washington Post. In a lecture on
terrorism and the news media, Mrs. Graham said: "A second challenge facing the media is how
to prevent terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The point is that we
generally know when we are being manipulated, and we've learned better how and where to
like-minded entrepreneurs -- a conspiracy "to act or work together toward the same result or
goal" (*86). But where the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it pretends
that conspiracies associated with big business or government are "coincidence". Post reporter
conspiracies?
"neat and tidy" (*88) that "plugs a gap no other generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and
"coincidence ...is always the safest and most likely explanation for any conjunction of curious
safer bet.
quadrennially engulfs members of the American political class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was
made by the mutterers; they used the "C" word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his
off-the-cuff comment into an entire column -- ending it with:"We are the new journalists,
immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing waters of political conformity. But conspirators we
ain't".
Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger -- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate
Page 8 of 21 Jul 14,Crime".
2016 03:34:41AM MDT
now chairs the Fund for Investigative
http://www.apfn.org/apfn/mockingbird3.htm Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive,
Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in Anger -- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime".
Would Harwood argue that grief endured byjournalists at the hands of editors is a matter of
random coincidence?
And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by editors without influence
from fellow editors or from management? Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless
office "meetings" in which news people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of which
stories will run and which ones will find inadequate space? That there is no advanced planning
for stories or that there are no cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a Post journalist would be
free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate
Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining guests
at a soup kitchen.
is telling less than the truth in his account of wire-service control over news: "The largely
anonymous men who control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire
photo machines determine at a single decision what millions will see and hear. ...there seems to
be little doubt that these gatekeepers preside over an operation in which an appalling amount
of press agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches untouched out
the front door as 'news'" (*95).
1200-word article (*97). Would Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on
this matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of coincidence? Could a
Post reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick
swim?
inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle memorabilia: youth,
family, college record, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends,
government associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth -- revealing little about
Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's problems, or his thoughts about justice and
Post reporters ever discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide
Page 9 of 21 to publish
Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT
Or did one, or the other, or
both decide not to mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned
result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?

SHOWDOWN WITH BUSH
media collective mindset is really different from that of any other cartel -- like oil, diamond,
energy, (*100) or manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "acombination of independent
and its newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of mediocrity? The Post would
respond that the question is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post's telephone
conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite must monitor the staff. But
we all know how few micro-seconds it takes a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo
and what are "safe", and that experienced reporters don't have to ask.
Sincerely,
Julian C. Holmes
others.
_______________________
Page 10 of 21 Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT
2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June 4,1991.
Notes that the Post censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic
Institute and to Robert Gates.
Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May 26,1991. This is the column submitted to the
Post (see note 2a)..
2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Want to Extradite",
Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). as it appeared in the Post (see
note 2a)..
3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, etc., United
States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull
et al., October 3, 1986.
3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs to U.S.", Cleveland
Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.
3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews with Robert Plumlee,
contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990.
5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University ofCalifornia Press,
1991, p.179-181.
5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel's Letter-
to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the Congressional Record on August 6, 1987,
p.E3296-7.
6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail", Boston Globe,
April 10, 1988.
6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10, 1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert
Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to
George Bush's Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.
6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra -- The Coverup
Continues", The Progressive, November 1988, p.24.
Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations,
United States Senate, December 1988.
Page 11 of7a.
21 Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory",
Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT
7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory",
Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1.
7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of the 1980 'Hostage- Deal'
Story Is Still Full of Holes", Washington Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2.
9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage", Playboy, October 1988,
p.73.
10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium,
Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For New Priorities in America, 171
Madison Avenue, New York, NY, 10016.
11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into 'OctoberSurprise'",
Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11.
11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The Guardian, December
11, 1991, p.7.
11c. Jack Colhoun, "October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer", The Guardian, February 26,
1992, p.3.
12. See note 5a, p.180-1.
13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.
13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Senate
Report No. 100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.
14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica;
from Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton,
Mary Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim
Bates, Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard
Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob McEwen; January 26, 1989.
14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S. -- Indiana Native
Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1,
1990.
14c. "Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer", Scripps-Howard News Service,April
25, 1991.
15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the Case of the
Page 12 ofImprisonment
21 of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989. Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT
Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989.
17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard-- The U.S. Role in the New World Order, Boston:
South End Press, 1991, p.121.
18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th Cong., 2nd Session
(1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York:
The Free Press, Macmillan, 1978, p.93.
19. R. Jeffrey Smith, "Study of A-Plant Neighbors' Health Urged", Washington Post, July 13,
1990, p.A6.
20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend -- Price Tag Mounts to Clean Up
Nuclear Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992, p.1K.
22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need for PublicPolicy
Reform", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.E947-9.
23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq Policy",
Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.
23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal Adviser, Memorandum to
Jeanne S. Archibald et al, "Meeting on congressional requests for information and documents",
April 8, 1991; Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285.
24a. Michio Kaku, "Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses", The Guardian, March11,
1992, p.4.
24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case", Variety
Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25.
26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus --Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is Hired to Promote
Smithsonian Project", Washington Post, November 18, 1991, p.Bus.8.
27. Hans Koning, "Teach the Truth About Columbus", Washington Post, September 3,1991,
p.A19.
28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St. Louis Post/Dispatch,
March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A High-Tech Watergate", New York Times,
October 21,1991.
Page 13 of29.
21 "BCCI -- NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared Jul
by14,
Burrelle's
2016 03:34:41AM MDT
29. "BCCI -- NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared by Burrelle's
Information Services. The quote is from New York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is
running his own independent investigation of BCCI.
30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from an interview with
Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.
31. Jack Colhoun, "BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush's Closet", The Guardian, September 18,
1991, p.9.
33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra ClubBooks, 1989
paperback edition, p.227.
34. See note 33, p.136-7.
35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon Shield, NewYork:
Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33, p.157.
36. See note 33, p.164-171.
37. See note 33, p.172-180.
38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House, 1990. The quote is
from Ralph Nader's Introduction, p.iii.
39. See note 33, p.217.
40. See note 33, p.235.
41. See note 33, p.277-288.
42. See note 33, p.323.
45b. See note 44, p.284-291.
46. See note 17, p.18.
47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama (James
Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published in The Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163.
Page 14 of48b.
21 "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission, December 2, 1949. Cited
Jul 14, 2016in
03:34:41AM MDT
48b. "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission, December 2, 1949. Cited in
48a, p.521.
49a. See note 44, p.67-76.
49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.
51. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections in Nicaragua". Passed
the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4, 1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate
on October 17 by a vote of 64 to 35.
52. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post", The Guardian,November
20, 1991, p.6.
55. "Time's Missing Link: Poland to Latin America", National Catholic Reporter,February 28,
1992, p.24.
56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission", Benning Patriot,
February 21,1992, p.12.
56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion", News Release from
S.O.A.Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903.
59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against Police", Boston
Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1.
59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case", Washington
Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3.
59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video", WashingtonPost, May
26, 1991, p.A20.
59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide", Washington Post,
May 18, 1991, p.B1.
59f. David Maraniss, "One Cop's View of Police Violence", Washington Post, April 12,1991,
p.A1.
Page 15 of60.
21 Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions", Washington Post,
Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT
60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions", Washington Post,
March 1, 1992, p.A1.
61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback", Washington Post,
March 14, 1992, p.D1.
62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.
63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America -- The Mafia Murder of President John F.Kennedy,
New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988, p.viii.
64. See note 63, p.28.
65b. George Lardner Jr., "On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland", Washington Post, May19, 1991,
p.D1.
65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories -- When Do We Dig Up

65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned -- Warren Commission Attorney Calls Stone
Film 'A Big Lie'", Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14.
65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How About the Truth?",
Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.
65h. Rita Kemply, "'JFK': History Through A Prism", Washington Post, December 20,1991,
p.D1.
65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't -- In 'JFK', Stone Assassinates the Truth",
65j. Desson Howe, "Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?", Washington Post, December 20,1991,
p.55.
65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire -- In Defending His 'JFK' Conspiracy
Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991,
p.F1.
Page 16 of65l.
21 George F. Will, "'JFK': Paranoid History", Washington Post, December 26, 1991,p.A23.
Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT
65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The Paranoid Style", Washington Post, December 29,1991,
p.C7.
65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! -- Why Did Oliver Stone Omit (Or Suppress!).
the Role of Johnny Carson?", Washington Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.
65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts -- Moviegoers Say 'JFK'
Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone", Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.
65r. Michael R. Beschloss, "Assassination and Obsession", Washington Post, January 5, 1992,
p.C1.
65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington Post, January 10,1992,
p.A19.
65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories -- Good on Film, But the Motivation Is
AllWrong", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.G1.
65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie -- America's Resort to Conspiracy Thinking",
65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken -- Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere", Washington
Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5.
65z. Joel Achenbach, "JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts", Washington Post, February 28,
1992, p.C5.
65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is characterized as
"conspiracy plot theories", Washington Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12
67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers". Published in
The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume V,p.211-247.
67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa Mesa CA:
Institute for Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416.
Page 17 of 21 Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT
67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.
68a. See note 65b.
68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK Assassination",
Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.
69. See note 65b.
71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery Charge", Washington
Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3.
72. See note 65c.
73. See note 65i.
74. See note 67e, p.438-450.
75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington Post, Bookworld, January
26, 1992, p.8.
76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day -- 'This Bullet Business
Leaves Me Confused'", Washington Star, September 20, 1975, p.A1.
76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission -- Dulles Proposed that
the Minutes be Destroyed", Washington Star, September 21, 1975,p.A1.
77. "Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report", New York Times, December 26,
1977, p.A37.
1979,p.141-2.
79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship -- Killing 'Katharine The Great'", The Nation, November 12,
1983.
79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press, 1987. Davis says,
"...corporate documents that became available during my subsequent lawsuit against him
[Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman, William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of
Katharine the Great] had been "processed and converted into waste paper"".
79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men -- A Suppressed Book About Washington Post
Page 18 ofPublisher
21 Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again" National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.
Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT
Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again" National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.
79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991.
"...publishers who don't give a shit", p.iv-v; bullying HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit
and settlement, p..
80. Benjamin C. Brad lee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See note 79d, p.304.
81. See note 79d, p.119-132.
82. Carl Bernstein, "The CIA and the Media -- How America's Most Powerful News Media
Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee
Covered It Up", Rolling Stone, October 20, 1977, p.63.
83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington Post, September 15,
1988. The letter asks for the Post's rationale for its policy of protecting government covert
83b. Daniel Brandt, "Little Magazines May Come and Go", The National Reporter, Fall 1988,
p.4. Notes the Post's protection of the identity of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says,
"America needs to confront its own recent history as well as protect the interests of its citizens,
and both can be accomplished by outlawing peacetime covert activity. This would contribute
more to thesecurity of Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike forces
that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists."
83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988. Harwood's two-
sentence letter reads, "We have a long-standing policy of not naming covert agents of the
C.I.A., except in unusual circumstances. We applied that policy to Fernandez."
84. See note 79d, p.131.
85. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist Acts", Washington
Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.
86. "conspire", 4Random House Dictionary of the English Language, Second Edition
Unabridged, 1987.
88. See note 65y.
89. See note 65n.
90. See note 65d.
91. William Casey, Private Communications with JCH, March 1992. Richard Harwood, "What
Conspiracy?", Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.C6.
93. p. 29-32.
94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services Inc., April 25, 1992.
In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared in 878 Washington Post stories, columns,
Page 19 ofletters,
21 or editorials; "Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry AgranJulin14,
28. In those
2016 03:34:41AM MDT
letters, or editorials; "Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In those
28, Agran's name appeared 76 times, Clinton's 151, and Brown 105. In only 1 of those 28 did
Agran's name appear in a headline.
94b. Colman McCarthy, "What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?", Washington Post, February 1,
1992. Washington Post columnist McCarthy tells how television and party officials have kept
presidential candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's own daily news-blackout of Agran is
not discussed.
94c. Scot Lehigh, "Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little Chance For the Big Prize",
Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.

95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The Press, NewYork:
Harper and Row, 1972, p.36-7.
96a. 28 USC Section 455. "Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the United States shall
disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his impartiality might reasonably be questioned."
[emphasis added]
96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court -- Nominee 'Unfit to Sit' For Failing to
Recuse In Ralston Purina Case", Legal Times, August 26, 1991.
96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge Clarence Thomas to become a
Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to
U.S. Senator Joseph R. Biden, October 15, 1991.
97. Al Kamen and Michael Isikoff, "'A Distressing Turn', Activists Decry What Process Has
Become", Washington Post, October 12, 1991, p.A1.
99. See note 86.
100. Thomas W. Lippman, "Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers'", Washington Post, April 1,
1992, p.A21. This article explains that "representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the
National Association of Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore drilling and
nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict, pledged to work together to oppose
amendments limiting offshore oil drilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to
be offered by key House members".
NOTES
book,"Katherine The Great,", which was largely successful, is Carol Felsenthal's, "Power and
Page 20 ofPrivilege
21 at the Post, the Katharine Graham Story." Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT
Privilege at the Post, the Katharine Graham Story."
For more information on Johnny Rosselli and Moses and Walter Annenberg, an excellent
source is "All American Mafioso, the Johnny Rosselli Story," by Ed Becker and Charles
Rappelye.
An additional good short reference is "The CIA's Greatest Hits" by Mark Zepezauer. There you
will find the reference to Carl Bernstein's classic "The CIA and the Media" which appeared in
Rolling Stone on Oct. 20, 1977.
Still another recent example of the CIA's control of the media is the spiking of Sally Denton's &
Roger Morris' story," THE CRIMES OF MENA" by Washington Post managing editor Bob
Kaiser even though the story had been legally vetted and cleared for publication. Indeed the
story, which details the CIA's involvement in drug trafficking, was already typeset and ready to
go when it was killed without any explanation.

Page 21 of 21 Jul 14, 2016 03:34:41AM MDT

10/10/2016 Operation Mockingbird
American History > The Assassination of JFK >
In 1948 Frank Wisner was appointed director of the Office of Special Projects. Soon afterwards it was
renamed the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). This became the espionage and counter-intelligence
branch of the Central Intelligence Agency. Wisner was told to create an organization that concentrated on
"propaganda, economic warfare; preventive direct action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition
and evacuation measures; subversion against hostile states, including assistance to underground
resistance groups, and support of indigenous anti-Communist elements in threatened countries of the
free world."
Later that year Wisner established Mockingbird, a program to influence the domestic American media.
Wisner recruited Philip Graham (Washington Post) to run the project within the industry. Graham himself
recruited others who had worked for military intelligence during the war. This included James Truitt,
Russell Wiggins, Phil Geyelin, John Hayes and Alan Barth. Others like Stewart Alsop, Joseph Alsop and
James Reston, were recruited from within the Georgetown Set. According to Deborah Davis, the author of
Katharine the Great (1979) : "By the early 1950s, Wisner 'owned' respected members of the New York
Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles."
In 1951 Allen W. Dulles persuaded Cord Meyer to join the CIA. However, there is evidence that he was
recruited several years earlier and had been spying on the liberal organizations he had been a member of
in the later 1940s. According to Deborah Davis, Meyer became Mockingbird's "principal operative".
One of the most important journalists under the control of Operation Mockingbird was Joseph Alsop,
whose articles appeared in over 300 different newspapers. Other journalists willing to promote the views
of the CIA included Stewart Alsop (New York Herald Tribune), Ben Bradlee (Newsweek), James Reston (New
York Times), C. D. Jackson (Time Magazine), Walter Pincus (Washington Post), Walter Winchell (New York Daily
Mirror), Drew Pearson, Walter Lippmann, William Allen White, Edgar Ansel Mowrer (Chicago Daily News),
Hal Hendrix (Miami News), Whitelaw Reid (New York Herald Tribune), Jerry O'Leary (Washington Star),
William C. Baggs (Miami News), Herb Gold (Miami News) and Charles L. Bartlett (Chattanooga Times).
According to Nina Burleigh, the author of A Very Private Woman, (1998) these journalists sometimes wrote
articles that were commissioned by Frank Wisner. The CIA also provided them with classified information
to help them with their work.
After 1953 the network was overseen by Allen W. Dulles, director of the Central Intelligence Agency. By
this time Operation Mockingbird had a major influence over 25 newspapers and wire agencies. These
organizations were run by people such as William Paley (CBS), Henry Luce (Time Magazine and Life
Magazine), Arthur Hays Sulzberger (New York Times), Helen Rogers Reid (New York Herald Tribune), Dorothy
Schiff (New York Post), Alfred Friendly (managing editor of the Washington Post), Barry Bingham (Louisville
Courier-Journal) and James S. Copley (Copley News Services).
http://spartacus-educational.com/JFKmockingbird.htm 1/38
The Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) was funded by siphoning of funds intended for the Marshall Plan.
Some of this money was used to bribe journalists and publishers. Frank Wisner was constantly looked for
ways to help convince the public of the dangers of communism. In 1954 Wisner arranged for the funding
the Hollywood production of Animal Farm, the animated allegory based on the book written by George
Orwell.
According to Alex Constantine (Mockingbird: The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA), in the 1950s,

"some 3,000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts".
Wisner was also able to restrict newspapers from reporting about certain events. For example, the CIA
plots to overthrow the governments of Iran and Guatemala.
Henry Luce, the owner of a large media empire, became a key figure in Operation Mockingbird. David
Halberstam has pointed out in The Powers That Be (1979): "Luce's politics hardened in the postwar years
and Time had become increasingly Republican in its tone. He had been stunned by Truman's defeat of
Dewey in 1948. Then in the fall of 1949 China had fallen, the Democratic administration had failed to save
Chiang, and that was too much; Truman, and even more Acheson, would have to pay the price. Time was
now committed and politicized, an almost totally partisan instrument. The smell of blood was in the air.
There was a hunger now in Luce to put a Republican back in power. It was as if Luce, between elections,
stood as the leader of the opposition, a kingmaker who had failed to produce a king. The fall of China and
the rise of a post-war anti-Communist mood had produced the essential issue to use against the
Democrats: softness on Communism."
Luce used his magazines to get Dwight D. Eisenhower elected as president. In 1953 Eisenhower appointed
Clare Booth Luce ambassador to Italy; the first American woman ambassador to a major country. Claudio
Accogli, a Italian historian, argues that luce was heavily involved in covert anti-communist activities with
local cia personnel. Larry Hancock adds: "With no-holds barred political activism and heavy spending
(including the support of the SIFAR/Italian Army Secret Service), Luce and the CIA managed to block the
probable takeover of the center-left governments, an alliance between Christian Democrats (DC) and the
Socialist Democratic Party (PSI)."
Jonathan P. Herzog, the author of The Spiritual-Industrial Complex: America's Religious Battle Against

Communism in the Early Cold War (2011), has argued that Luce was motivated by his religious faith: "While
he counted anti-Communists like Mundt, Cardinal Spellman, and Chambers as allies, he viewed the
Communist threat differently. In his view, it was a symptom and not a disease. Like his wife, Clare, he
understood faith as a psychological imperative sought by all people. If religious faith waned, other
dogmas would take its place. The success of Communism, then, was not attributable to its message but
rather to the fact that it offered people the spiritual certainty they no longer found in Christianity. All the
shocking anti-Communist propaganda and shopworn tributes to democracy that America could muster
would fail to arrest the Marxian surge. But if Americans filled the spiritual vacuum, if they made religious
faith commensurate with military and economic power, then Communism would dissipate."
Warren Hinckle has argued: "Henry Luce believed that a morally slanted press was a responsible press...
Life, the flagship picture book of the Luce fleet, afforded photojournalism some of its finest moments,
while the text accompanying the pictures that were worth thousands of words was slanted with an
ideological warp sufficient to stir Caxton in his grave." The cartoonist, Herbert Block, was equally critical:
"Luce's unique contribution to American journalism... is that he placed into the hands of the people
yesterday's newspaper and today's garbage homogenized into one neat package.
(If you are enjoying this article, please feel free to share. You can follow John Simkin on Twitter and
Google+ or subscribe to our monthly newsletter.)
Thomas Braden, head of the of International Organizations Division (IOD), played an important role in
Operation Mockingbird. Many years later he revealed his role in these events: "If the director of CIA
wanted to extend a present, say, to someone in Europe - a Labour leader - suppose he just thought, This
man can use fifty thousand dollars, he's working well and doing a good job - he could hand it to him and
never have to account to anybody... There was simply no limit to the money it could spend and no limit to
the people it could hire and no limit to the activities it could decide were necessary to conduct the war -
the secret war.... It was a multinational. Maybe it was one of the first. Journalists were a target, labor
unions a particular target - that was one of the activities in which the communists spent the most money."
In August, 1952, the Office of Policy Coordination and the Office of Special Operations (the espionage
division) were merged to form the Directorate of Plans (DPP). Frank Wisner became head of this new
organization and Richard Helms became his chief of operations. Mockingbird was now the responsibility
of the DPP.
J. Edgar Hoover became jealous of the CIA's growing power. He described the OPC as "Wisner's gang of
weirdos" and began carrying out investigations into their past. It did not take him long to discover that
some of them had been active in left-wing politics in the 1930s. This information was passed to who
started making attacks on members of the OPC. Hoover also gave McCarthy details of an affair that Frank
Wisner had with Princess Caradja in Romania during the war. Hoover, claimed that Caradja was a Soviet
agent.
Joseph McCarthy also began accusing other senior members of the CIA as being security risks. McCarthy
claimed that the CIA was a "sinkhole of communists" and claimed he intended to root out a hundred of
them. One of his first targets was Cord Meyer, who was still working for Operation Mockingbird. In
August, 1953, Richard Helms, Wisner's deputy at the OPC, told Meyer that Joseph McCarthy had accused
him of being a communist. The Federal Bureau of Investigation added to the smear by announcing it was
unwilling to give Meyer "security clearance". However, the FBI refused to explain what evidence they had
against Meyer. Allen W. Dulles and both came to his defence and refused to permit a FBI interrogation of
Meyer.
Joseph McCarthy did not realise what he was taking on. Wisner unleashed Mockingbird on McCarthy.
Drew Pearson, Joe Alsop, Jack Anderson, Walter Lippmann and Ed Murrow all went into attack mode and
McCarthy was permanently damaged by the press coverage orchestrated by Wisner.
Mockingbird was very active during the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala. People like Henry Luce
was able to censor stories that appeared too sympathetic towards the plight of Arbenz. Allen W. Dulles
was even able to keep left-wing journalists from travelling to Guatemala. This including Sydney Gruson of
the New York Times.
Frank Wisner was also interested in influencing Hollywood. As Hugh Wilford points out in The Mighty
Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (2008): “Fortunately for the CIA, two factors predisposed the major
Hollywood studios that dominated the industry to take a responsible position in the cultural Cold War.
One was a strong tendency toward self-censorship, the result of many years' experience avoiding the
commercially disastrous effects of giving offense to either domestic pressure groups like the American
Legion or foreign audiences. The other was the fact that the men who ran the studios were intensely
patriotic and anticommunist - they saw it as their duty to help their government defeat the Soviet threat."
Frank Wisner was helped by the fact that the House of Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), chaired
by J. Parnell Thomas, was carrying out an investigation into the Hollywood Motion Picture Industry. The
HUAC interviewed 41 people who were working in Hollywood. These people attended voluntarily and
became known as "friendly witnesses". During their interviews they named nineteen people who they
accused of holding left-wing views.
One of those named, Bertolt Brecht, a playwright, gave evidence and then left for East Germany. Ten
others: Herbert Biberman, Lester Cole, Albert Maltz, Adrian Scott, Samuel Ornitz, Dalton Trumbo, Edward
Dmytryk, Ring Lardner Jr., John Howard Lawson and Alvah Bessie refused to answer any questions and
were sent to prison and were blacklisted from the industry.
The CIA and FBI also provided right-wing television producer, Vincent Harnett, with information about left-
wing figures in the industry. In June 1950 Harnett published Red Channels, a pamphlet listing the names of
151 writers, directors and performers who they claimed had been members of subversive organisations
before the Second World War but had not so far been blacklisted.
Lee J. Cobb was one of those actors who was originally blacklisted but eventually cooperated with the
HUAC: “When the facilities of the government of the United States are drawn on an individual it can be
terrifying. The blacklist is just the opening gambit - being deprived of work. Your passport is confiscated.
That's minor. But not being able to move without being tailed is something else. After a certain point it
grows to implied as well as articulated threats, and people succumb. My wife did, and she was
institutionalized. In 1953 the HCUA did a deal with me. I was pretty much worn down. I had no money. I
couldn't borrow. I had the expenses of taking care of the children. Why am I subjecting my loved ones to
this? If it's worth dying for, and I am just as idealistic as the next fellow. But I decided it wasn't worth
dying for, and if this gesture was the way of getting out of the penitentiary I'd do it. I had to be
employable again.”
According to Frances Stonor Saunders, the author of Who Paid the Piper? (2000), Frank Wisner recruited

several important figures for Operation Mockingbird. This included former OSS filmmaker John Ford and
studio bosses Cecil B. DeMille (Paramount Pictures) and Darryl Zanuck (Twentieth Century-Fox).
Another important figure in this group was Howard Hughes, the boss of RKO Pictures. As Charles Higham
points out in Howard Hughes: The Secret Life (2004), this was also good for business: “Hughes’s crusade
against Communism” was “exacerbated by his desire to have Hughes Aircraft profit from the Korean and
any future anti-Soviet wars”. For example, in June 1950, General Ira Eaker "signed an across-the-board
agreement giving Hughes a monopoly in interceptors for the U.S. Air Force… despite the fact that it was in
breach of the Sherman anti-monopolies act… By the end of 1950, the war had made Hughes even richer
than before.”
Another important figure in this conspiracy was C. D. Jackson. He had joined the Office of Strategic
Services (OSS) in 1943. The following year he was appointed Deputy Chief at the Psychological Warfare
Division at Supreme Headquarters Allied Expeditionary Force (SHAEF). After the war, he became Managing
Director of Time-Life International. When it became clear that Dwight D. Eisenhower stood a good chance
of becoming president, the CIA arranged for Jackson to join his campaign. This involved Jackson writing
speeches for Eisenhower. Jackson was rewarded in February 1953 by being appointed as Special Assistant
to the President. This included the role of Eisenhower's liaison between the CIA and the Pentagon.
According to the Eisenhower Presidential Library files in Abilene, Kansas, Jackson's "area responsibility
was loosely defined as international affairs, cold war planning, and psychological warfare. His main
function was the coordination of activities aimed at interpreting world situations to the best advantage of
the United States and her allies and exploiting incidents which reflected negatively on the Soviet Union ,
Communist China and other enemies in the Cold War."
Jackson was also involved in Operation Mockingbird. This was revealed after the death of Jackson. On
December 15, 1971, Mrs. C.D. Jackson gave her husband’s papers to the Dwight D. Eisenhower Library.
This included details that Jackson was in contact with a CIA agent in Hollywood's Paramount Studios. The
agent is not named by Jackson but Frances Stonor Saunders claims in Who Paid the Piper? (2000) that it was
Carleton Alsop, a CIA agent employed by Frank Wisner. There is no doubt that Alsop was one of the CIA
agents working at Paramount. However, Hugh Wilford argues in The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played
America (2008) that it was a senior executive at Paramount, Lugi G. Laraschi, was the most important CIA
figure at the studio. Laraschi was the head of foreign and domestic censorship at the studio, whose job
was to "iron out any political, moral or religious problems". Other studios, including MGM and RKO, had
similar officers, and were probably CIA placements. In a private letter to Sherman Adams, Jackson claims
the role of these CIA placements was "to insert in their scripts and in their action the right ideas with the
proper subtlety".
Although the main objective of Operation Mockingbird was to influence the production of commercial
films the CIA also occasionally initiated film projects. The best documented instance of this concerns an
animated version of Animal Farm, a satirical allegory about Stalinism by George Orwell. The book was
highly popular when it was published in 1945 and it was only natural that the studios should be interested
in making a film of the book. The problem for the CIA was that Orwell was a socialist whose book attacked
both communism and capitalism. Therefore, it was important to make a film that restricted it to a
condemnation of Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union.
In 1950 Wisner’s OPC arranged for Joe Bryan to recruit anti-communist documentary-maker Louis de
Rochemont to produce a movie version of the tale. It was decided to get the film made in Britain to
disguise CIA involvement in the project. Rochemont employed the British animation studio of husband
and wife John Halas and Joy Batchelor to make the film. Most of the funding came from a CIA shell
corporation, Touchstone. E. Howard Hunt was one of those agents involved in the production of the film
whose role was to remove the socialist elements in Orwell’s allegory.
One unnamed member of the OPC sent a letter to John Halas called for the addition of scenes showing the
other farms (that represented capitalist countries) in a more flattering light. The most important demand
was to change the ending of Animal Farm. The CIA did not like the scene where the pigs and dogs face a
liberation-style uprising of the other animals. The letter included the following: “It is reasonable to expect
that if Orwell were to write the book today, it would be considerably different and that the changes would
tend to make it even more positively anti-Communist and possibly somewhat more favorable to the
Western powers.”
One of the main concerns of the CIA was the portrayal of race-relations in Hollywood movies. It was
argued that the left was using this issue to undermine the idea that America was a democracy based on
equal rights. Letters from Jackson sent to the producers of films called for scenes showing African
Americans mixing on equal terms with whites. One of Jackson’s proposals involved “planting black
spectators in a crowd watching a golf game in the Martin and Lewis comedy The Caddy”.
In 1955 Graham Greene published The Quiet American. The novel is set in Vietnam and involves the

relationship between Thomas Fowler and Alden Pyle. Fowler is a veteran British journalist in his fifties,
who has been covering the war in Vietnam for over two years. Pyle, the “Quiet American” of the title, is
officially an aid worker, but is really employed by the CIA. It is believed that the Pyle character is partly
based on that of Edward Lansdale.
Greene had worked for the British Secret Service during the Second World War. Although a fairly
successful novelist at the time, Greene was also employed by The Times and Le Figaro as a journalist.
Between 1951 to 1954 spent a long period of time in Saigon. In 1953 Lansdale became a CIA advisor on
special counter-guerrilla operations to French forces against the Viet Minh.
While it is true that Graham Greene admitted that he never had the "misfortune to meet" Lansdale, the
two men did know a lot about each other. Lansdale recalls that in 1954 he had dinner with Peg and Tilman
Durdin at the Continental Hotel in Saigon. Greene was also there having a meal with several French
officers. Lansdale claims that after he and the Durdins were leaving, Greene said something in French to
his companions and the men began booing him.
Lansdale definitely thought that Pyle was based on him. He told Cecil B. Currey on 15th February, 1984:
"Pyle was close to Trinh Minh Thé, the guerrilla leader, and also had a dog that went with him everywhere
- and I was the only American close to Trinh Minh Thé and my poodle Pierre went everything with me."
In the book Pyle is sent to Vietnam by his government, ostensibly as a member of the American Economic
Mission, but that assignment was only a cover for his real role as a CIA agent. According to one critic "Pyle
was the embodiment of well-meaning American-style politics, and he blundered through the intrigue,
treachery, and confusion of Vietnamese politics, leaving a trail of blood and suffering behind him." As
Fowler points out in the novel, Pyle was attempting to "win the East for Democracy". However, according
to Fowler, what the people of Vietnam really wanted was "enough rice" to eat. What is more: "They don't
want to be shot at. They want one day to be much the same as another. They don't want our white skins
around telling them what they want."
When the book was published in the United States in 1956 it was condemned as anti-American. Pyle
(Lansdale) is portrayed as someone whose belief in the justice of American foreign policy allows him to
ignore the appalling consequences of his actions. It was criticized by The New Yorker for portraying
Americans as murderers.
The director, producer and screenwriter, Joseph L. Mankiewicz was chosen to make the film of The Quiet
American. He visited Saigon in 1956 and was introduced to Edward Lansdale, whose cover was working at
the International Rescue Committee’s office. The most controversial scene in the book is the bombing of a
Saigon square in 1952 by a Vietnamese associate of Lansdale’s, General Trinh Minh Thé. In the novel,
Greene suggests that Pyle/Lansdale, was behind the bombing. Lansdale suggested to Mankiewicz that the
film should show that the bombing was “actually having been a Communist action”.
When he returned home Mankiewicz wrote to John O’Daniel, the chairman of the American Friends of
Vietnam that he intended to completely change the anti-American attitude of Greene’s book. This
included the casting of Second World War hero, Audie Murphy, as Alden Pyle.
In a letter that Edward Lansdale wrote to Ngo Dinh Diem he praised Mankiewicz’s treatment of the story
as “an excellent change from Mr. Greene’s novel of despair” and “that it will help win more friends for you
and Vietnam in many places in the world where it is shown."
As Hugh Wilford pointed out: “It was a brilliantly devious maneuver of postmodern literary complexity: by
helping to rewrite a story featuring a character reputedly based on himself, Lansdale had transformed an
anti-American tract into a cinematic apology for U.S. policy - and his own actions-in Vietnam.”
Graham Greene was furious with Mankiewicz’s treatment of his novel. "Far was it from my mind, when I
wrote The Quiet American that the book would become a source of spiritual profit to one of the most
corrupt governments in Southeast Asia."
In 1955 President Dwight Eisenhower established the 5412 Committee in order to keep a check on the
CIA's covert activities. The committee (also called the Special Group) included the CIA director, the
national security adviser, and the deputy secretaries at State and Defence and had the responsibility to
decide whether covert actions were "proper" and in the national interest. It was also decided to include
Richard B. Russell, chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. However, as Allen W. Dulles was
later to admit, because of "plausible deniability" planned covert actions were not referred to the 5412
Committee.
Dwight Eisenhower became concerned about CIA covert activities and in 1956 appointed David Bruce as a
member of the President's Board of Consultants on Foreign Intelligence Activities (PBCFIA). Eisenhower
asked Bruce to write a report on the CIA. It was presented to Eisenhower on 20th December, 1956. Bruce
argued that the CIA's covert actions were "responsible in great measure for stirring up the turmoil and
raising the doubts about us that exists in many countries in the world today." Bruce was also highly
critical of Mockingbird. He argued: "what right have we to go barging around in other countries buying
newspapers and handling money to opposition parties or supporting a candidate for this, that, or the
other office."
After Richard Bissell lost his post as Director of Plans in 1962, Tracy Barnes took over the running of
Mockingbird. According to Evan Thomas (The Very Best Men) Barnes planted editorials about political
candidates who were regarded as pro-CIA.
It has been argued by Larry Hancock, the author of Someone Would Have Talked (2006), that Virginia

Prewett was a close associate of David Attlee Phillips and was involved in promoting the activities of Alpha
66, led by Antonio Veciana: "Virginia Prewett appears to have been one of Phillips' significant media
contacts and certainly one of the most consistent sources of media coverage for Alpha 66 activities. The
other major source was Life magazine, part of the Luce Media family managed by Claire Booth Luce's
husband Henry Robinson "Harry" Luce (a member of the Citizens Committee to Free Cuba, along with
Phillips' friends Hal Hendrix and Paul Bethel). Articles by Prewitt and editorials by Time-Life provided the
strongest challenge to the Kennedy position on Cuba and were quite consistent with the type of
embarrass and back-to-the wall agendas Veciana attributed to Maurice Bishop."
In September, 1963, Hal Hendrix joined Scripps-Howard News Service as a Latin American specialist.
Instead of moving to Washington he remained in Miami "where his contacts were". In an article on 24th
September, 1963, Hendrix was able to describe and justify the coup that overthrew Juan Bosch, the
president of Dominican Republic. The only problem was the coup took place on the 25th September. Some
journalists claimed that Hendrix must have got this information from the CIA.
A few hours after John F. Kennedy had been killed, Hendrix provided background information to a
colleague, Seth Kantor, about Lee Harvey Oswald. This included details of his defection to the Soviet Union
and his work for the Fair Play for Cuba Committee. This surprised Kantor because he had this information
before it was released by the Federal Bureau of Investigation later that evening.
Assassination of John F. Kennedy Encyclopedia
William E. Kelly later explained: "Seith Kantor, a local Dallas reporter who was in the Press Bus in the
motorcade, knew something was wrong as they rode through Dealey Plaza, but the bus driver refused to
follow the rest of the motorcade to Parkland Hospital and instead drove to their original destination, the
Dallas Trade Mart. Once there however, Kantor got a ride to Parkand Hospital, where he interviewed a
number of local Dallas officials and had a brief conversation with Jack Ruby, who had frequently fed
Kantor interesting leads he developed into feature articles. While the Warren Commission rejected
Kantor’s sworn testimony that Ruby was at Parkland, Kantor did make some phone calls, including one to
his editor at the Scripps-Howard News Service (SHNS), and there are records of these calls. Years later, in
1975, Kantor learned that the records of one of the phone calls on that day was classified for reasons of
national security, so he filed a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request and obtained them to find out
the big secret. He discovered that after taking to his editor, he was told to call another SHNS
correspondent in Florida, Harold "Hal" Hendrix. From Florida, Hendrix supplied Kantor with detailed
background information on Lee Harvey Oswald, who had just been arrested and named as the chief
suspect in the assassination. Hendrix had more information in Florida than Kantor did at the scene of the
crime, and we later learn why Kantor’s call to Hendrix was considered worthy of being classified for
reasons of national security."
When John F. Kennedy was assassinated, Charles Douglas Jackson purchased the Zapruder Film on behalf
of Henry Luce. The author, David Lifton, points out in The Great Zapruder Film Hoax (2004) that: "Abraham
Zapruder in fact sold the film to Time-Life for the sum of $150,000 - about $900,000 dollars in today's
money... Moreover, although Life had a copy of the film, it did little to maximize the return on its
extraordinary investment. Specifically, it did not sell this unique property - as a film - to any broadcast
media or permit it to be seen in motion, the logical way to maximize the financial return on its
investment... A closer look revealed something else. The film wasn't just sold to Life - the person whose
name was on the agreement was C. D. Jackson." Luce published individual frames of Zapruder's film but
did not allow the film to be screened in its entirety.
Soon after the assassination Charles Douglas Jackson also successfully negotiated with Marina Oswald the
exclusive rights to her story. Peter Dale Scott argues in his book Deep Politics and the Death of JFK (1996)
that Jackson, on the urging of Allen Dulles, employed Isaac Don Levine, a veteran CIA publicist, to ghost-
write Marina's story. This story never appeared in print.
In 1963, John McCone, the director of the CIA, discovered that Random House intended to publish Invisible
Government by David Wise and Thomas Ross. McCone discovered that the book intended to look at his
links with the Military Industrial Congress Complex. The authors also claimed that the CIA was having a
major influence on American foreign policy. This included the overthrow of Mohammed Mossadegh in
Iran (1953) and Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala (1954). The book also covered the role that the CIA played in
the Bay of Pigs operation, the attempts to remove President Sukarno in Indonesia and the covert
operations taking place in Laos and Vietnam.
McCone called in Wise and Ross to demand deletions on the basis of galleys the CIA had secretly obtained
from Random House. The authors refused to made these changes and Random House decided to go
ahead and publish the book. The CIA considered buying up the entire printing of Invisible Government but
this idea was rejected when Random House pointed out that if this happened they would have to print a
second edition. McCone now formed a special group to deal with the book and tried to arrange for it to
get bad reviews. It was the first full account of America's intelligence and espionage apparatus. In the
book Wise and Ross argued that the "Invisible Government is made up of many agencies and people,
including the intelligence branches of the State and Defense Departments, of the Army, Navy and Air
Force". However, they claimed that the most important organization involved in this process was the CIA.
John McCone also attempted to stop Edward Yates from making a documentary on the CIA for the
National Broadcasting Company (NBC). This attempt at censorship failed and NBC went ahead and
broadcast this critical documentary.
In June, 1965, Desmond FitzGerald was appointed as head of the Directorate for Plans. He now took
charge of Mockingbird. At the end of 1966 FitzGerald discovered that Ramparts, a left-wing publication,
was planning to publish that the CIA had been secretly funding the National Student Association.
FitzGerald ordered Edgar Applewhite to organize a
campaign against the magazine. Applewhite later told
Evan Thomas for his book, The Very Best Men: "I had all
sorts of dirty tricks to hurt their circulation and financing.
The people running Ramparts were vulnerable to
blackmail. We had awful things in mind, some of which we
carried off."
This dirty tricks campaign failed to stop Ramparts
publishing this story in March, 1967. The article, written by
Sol Stern, was entitled NSA and the CIA. As well as
reporting CIA funding of the National Student Association
it exposed the whole system of anti-Communist front
organizations in Europe, Asia, and South America. It
named Cord Meyer as a key figure in this campaign. This
included the funding of the literary journal Encounter.
In May 1967 Thomas Braden responded to this by publishing an article entitled, I'm Glad the CIA is Immoral,

in the Saturday Evening Post, where he defended the activities of the International Organizations Division
unit of the CIA. Braden also confessed that the activities of the CIA had to be kept secret from Congress.
As he pointed out in the article: "In the early 1950s, when the cold war was really hot, the idea that
Congress would have approved many of our projects was about as likely as the John Birch Society's
approving Medicare."
Meyer's role in Operation Mockingbird was further exposed in 1972 when he was accused of interfering
with the publication of a book, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia by Alfred W. McCoy. The book was
highly critical of the CIA's dealings with the drug traffic in Southeast Asia. The publisher, who leaked the
story, had been a former colleague of Meyer's when he was a liberal activist after the war.
Further details of Operation Mockingbird was revealed as a result of the Frank Church investigations
(Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities) in 1975.
According to the Congress report published in 1976: "The CIA currently maintains a network of several
hundred foreign individuals around the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to
influence opinion through the use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct
access to a large number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies,
radio and television stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets." Church
argued that the cost of misinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year.
Frank Church showed that it was CIA policy to use clandestine handling of journalists and authors to get
information published initially in the foreign media in order to get it disseminated in the United States.
Church quotes from one document written by the Chief of the Covert Action Staff on how this process
worked (page 193). For example, he writes: “Get books published or distributed abroad without revealing
any U.S. influence, by covertly subsidizing foreign publicans or booksellers.” Later in the document he
writes: “Get books published for operational reasons, regardless of commercial viability”. Church goes
onto report that “over a thousand books were produced, subsidized or sponsored by the CIA before the
end of 1967”. All these books eventually found their way into the American market-place. Either in their
original form (Church gives the example of the Penkovskiy Papers) or repackaged as articles for American
newspapers and magazines.
In another document published in 1961 the Chief of the Agency’s propaganda unit wrote: “The advantage
of our direct contact with the author is that we can acquaint him in great detail with our intentions; that
we can provide him with whatever material we want him to include and that we can check the manuscript
at every stage… (the Agency) must make sure the actual manuscript will correspond with our operational
and propagandistic intention.”
Church quotes Thomas H. Karamessines as saying: “If you plant an article in some paper overseas, and it
is a hard-hitting article, or a revelation, there is no way of guaranteeing that it is not going to be picked up
and published by the Associated Press in this country” (page 198).
By analyzing CIA documents Church was able to identify over 50 U.S. journalists who were employed
directly by the Agency. He was aware that there were a lot more who enjoyed a very close relationship
with the CIA who were “being paid regularly for their services, to those who receive only occasional gifts
and reimbursements from the CIA” (page 195).
Church pointed out that this was probably only the tip of the iceberg because the CIA refused to “provide
the names of its media agents or the names of media organizations with which they are connected” (page
195). Church was also aware that most of these payments were not documented. This was the main point
of the Otis Pike Report. If these payments were not documented and accounted for, there must be a
strong possibility of financial corruption taking place. This includes the large commercial contracts that
the CIA was responsible for distributing. Pike’s report actually highlighted in 1976 what eventually
emerged in the 1980s via the activities of CIA operatives such as Edwin Wilson, Thomas Clines, Ted
Shackley, Raphael Quintero, Richard Secord and Felix Rodriguez.
Church also identified E. Howard Hunt as an important figure in Operation Mockingbird. He points out
how Hunt arranged for books to be reviewed by certain writers in the national press. He gives the
example of how Hunt arranged for a “CIA writer under contract” to write a hostile review of a Edgar Snow
book in the New York Times (page 198).
Church comes up with this conclusion to his examination of this issue: “In examining the CIA’s past and
present use of the U.S. media, the Committee finds two reasons for concern. The first is the potential,
inherent in covert media operations, for manipulating or incidentally misleading the American public. The
second is the damage to the credibility and independence of a free press which may be caused by covert
relationships with the U.S. journalists and media organizations.”
In February, 1976, George Bush, the recently appointed Director of the CIA announced a new policy:
“Effective immediately, the CIA will not enter into any paid or contract relationship with any full-time or
part-time news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news service, newspaper, periodical, radio or
television network or station.” However, he added that the CIA would continue to “welcome” the
voluntary, unpaid cooperation of journalists.
Carl Bernstein, who had worked with Bob Woodward in the investigation of Watergate, provided further
information about Operation Mockingbird in an article in The Rolling Stone in October, 1977. Bernstein
claimed that over a 25 year period over 400 American journalists secretly carried out assignments for the
CIA: "Some of the journalists were Pulitzer Prize winners, distinguished reporters who considered
themselves ambassadors-without-portfolio for their country. Most were less exalted: foreign
correspondents who found that their association with the Agency helped their work; stringers and
freelancers who were as interested it the derring-do of the spy business as in filing articles, and, the
smallest category, full-time CIA employees masquerading as journalists abroad."
It is almost certain that Bernstein had encountered Operation Mockingbird while working on his
Watergate investigation. For example, Deborah Davis (Katharine the Great) has argued that Deep Throat
was senior CIA official, Richard Ober, who was running Operation Chaos for Richard Nixon during this
period.
On 18th September, 1976, Orlando Letelier, who served as foreign minister under Salvador Allende, was
traveling to work at the Institute of Policy Studies in Washington when a bomb was ignited under his car.
Letelier and Ronni Moffitt, a 25 year old woman who was campaigning for democracy in Chile, both died
of their injuries.
According to Gaeton Fonzi, the author of The Last Investigation (1993), Virginia Prewett, who was working

for the Council for Inter-American Security, a right-wing think tank, attacked the journalists who assumed
that Chilean generals were involved in murdering Letelier. "She, too, suggested that Letelier may have
been sacrificed by leftists to turn world opinion and U.S. policy against the Pinochet regime."
According to researchers such as Steve Kangas, Angus Mackenzie and Alex Constantine, Operation
Mockingbird was not closed down by the CIA in 1976. For example, in 1998 Kangas argued that CIA asset
Richard Mellon Scaife ran "Forum World Features, a foreign news service used as a front to disseminate
CIA propaganda around the world." On 8th February, 1999, Kangas was found dead in the bathroom of
the Pittsburgh offices of Scaife. He had been shot in the head. Officially he had committed suicide but
some people believe he was murdered. In an article in Salon Magazine, (19th March, 1999) Andrew
Leonard asked: "Why did the police report say the gun wound was to the left of his head, while the
autopsy reported a wound on the roof of his mouth? Why had the hard drive on his computer been
erased shortly after his death? Why had Scaife assigned his No. 1 private detective, Rex Armistead, to look
into Kangas' past?
Google, Bing and Operation Mockingbird: The CIA and Search-Engine Results
The CIA and Search-Engine Results
Like 492 Tweet 7
By John Simkin (john@spartacus-educational.com) © September 1997 (updated August 2014).
Primary Sources
(1) Thomas Braden, Saturday Evening Post (20th May, 1967)
In the early 1950s, when the cold war was really hot, the idea that Congress would have approved many
of our (CIA) projects was about as likely as the John Birch Society's approving Medicare.
(2) John Playford, Political Scientists and the CIA, Australian Left Review (1968)
The role of US trade unions and student bodies in Cold War, projects inspired and financed by the huge,
international agency of subversion known as the Central Intelligence Agency, is now widely known in
Australia. Far less publicity has been given to the ties that were shown to exist between the CIA and the
US Information Agency (USIA), the propaganda arm of the US government, while nothing at all has
appeared in the press on the links revealed between the USIA and Dr. Evron M. Kirkpatrick, Executive
Director of the prestigious American Political Science Association (APSA), which has a membership of
about 16,000. 4 Before being appointed the first full-time Executive Director of APSA in 1954, Kirkpatrick
held a succession of senior posts in the State Department: Chief of the External Research Staff 1948-52,
Chief of the Psychological Intelligence and Research Staff 1952-54, and Deputy Director of the Office of
Intelligence Research 1954. In 1956 he edited Target: The World Communist Propaganda Activities in
1955, which was published by the Macmillan Co. of New York. In the Preface, he drew attention to the fact
that the US Government had devoted systematic attention to research on Communist propaganda:
“Many social scientists are aware of the work the government is doing and have seen some of its results;
many have participated in it. The present volume has been made possible only by drawing upon this
government research, and it is the product, therefore, of the work of many people.” In the following year,
Kirkpatrick edited and Macmillan published a companion volume entitled Year of Crisis - Communist
Propaganda Activities in 1956. Both works bear all the earmarks of a USIA operation...
Kirkpatrick has also been President of Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR) since its formation in
1955. A non-profit research organisation set up by a group of social Scientists, lawyers and businessmen
to help the USIA distribute more persuasive and polished literature both in the US and abroad, OPR
reads and gives expert opinion on books which USIA then plants with publishers, without the
sponsorship being publicized. It employed on a part-time basis, according to Kirkpatrick, more than a
hundred social scientists, many of them members of APSA. Sol Stern has correctly summed up OPR as “a
Cold War-oriented strategy organization.”
Kirkpatrick’s wife, Mrs. Jean J. Kirkpatrick, is a staff member of Trinity College in Washington DC, a
Catholic women’s college conducted by the Sisters of Notre Dame de Namur. From 1951 to 1953 she had
been an intelligence research analyst in the State Department, and since 1956 she has been a consultant
to OPR. Mrs. Kirkpatrick has also had close connections with the USIA. She edited and wrote the
introductory essay for The Strategy of Deception: A Study in World-Wide Communist Tactics, which was
published in 1963 by Farrar, Straus and Co. of New York, and made a “special alternate selection” by the
Book-of-the-Month Club. At no time was it mentioned that the USIA subsidised the book’s creation. The
USIA described its venture into covert publishing as the “book development program,” of which the USIA
official then in charge of it, Reed Harris, stated in testimony before the House of Representatives
Appropriations Subcommittee in March 1964:
This is a program under which we can have books written to our own specifications, books that would
not otherwise be put out, especially those books that have strong anti-communist content, and follow
other themes that are particularly useful for our program. Under the book development program, we
control the thing from the very idea down to the final edited manuscript.
Subsequently, the Director of the USIA, Leonard Marks, appeared before the same body in September
1966 and was asked why it was wrong “to let the American people know when they buy and read the
book that it was developed under government sponsorship?” His reply was straight to the point: “It
minimises their value.”
The USIA did not pay Farrar, Straus; it paid $US 16,500 to The New Leader, whose editor, the late S. M.
Levitas, conceived of the book and sold the idea to the USIA. A liberal militantly anti-Communist journal,
The New Leader was for more than thirty years under the editorship of Levitas, “a bitter anti-Communist
out of the East European Socialist tradition” who died in 1961. In recent years, The New Leader has lost
much of the blind anti-Communism which allowed it to accept too readily the positions of the “China
Lobby” and the “Vietnam Lobby.”
(3) Nina Burleigh, A Very Private Woman: The Life and Unsolved Murder of Presidential Mistress Mary Meyer
(1998)
The social connections with journalists were a crucial part of the CIA's propaganda machine. Chief
among CIA friends were the Alsop brothers. Joseph Alsop wrote a column with his brother Stewart for the
New York Herald Tribune and they occasionally penned articles at the suggestion of Frank Wisner, based
upon classified information leaked to them. In exchange, they provided CIA friends with observations
gathered on trips abroad. Such give-and-take was not unusual among the Georgetown set in the 1950s.
The CIA also made friends with Washington Post publisher Phil Graham, Post managing editor Alfred
Friendly, and New York Times Washington bureau chief James Reston, whose next-door neighbor was
Frank Wisner. Ben Bradlee, while working for the State Department as a press attache in the American
embassy in Paris, produced propaganda regarding the Rosenbergs' spying conviction and death
sentence in cooperation with the CIA... Some newspaper executives - Arthur Hays Sulzberger, publisher
of the New York Times, among them - actually signed secrecy agreements with the CIA...
When Carl Bernstein reported that one CIA official had called Stewart Alsop a CIA agent, Joe Alsop
defended his brother to Bernstein, saying: "I dare say he did perform some tasks-he just did the correct
things as an American.... The Founding Fathers (of the CIA) were close personal friends of ours.... It was a
social thing, my dear fellow."
Cord Meyer developed and nurtured his own friendships among journalists. He seconded the
nomination of Washington Post writer Walter Pincus for membership in the Waltz Group, a Washington
social organization. Pincus went on to become the Post's premier intelligence reporter. Cord also
maintained friendly ties with William C. Baggs of the Miami News and foreign-affairs writer Herb Gold.
Cord's ties to academia served him when he needed favors from publishers and journalists. In some
accounts, he and Time writer C. D. Jackson together recruited Steinem. According to his journal, Cord
dined at the Paris home of American novelist James Jones. He was also close to Chattanooga Times writer
Charles Bartlett throughout his life.
(4) Thomas Braden, interview included in the Granada Television program, World in Action: The Rise and Fall

of the CIA (June, 1975)
It never had to account for the money it spent except to the President if the President wanted to know
how much money it was spending. But otherwise the funds were not only unaccountable, they were
unvouchered, so there was really no means of checking them - "unvouchered funds" meaning
expenditures that don't have to be accounted for.... If the director of CIA wanted to extend a present, say,
to someone in Europe - a Labour leader - suppose he just thought, This man can use fifty thousand
dollars, he's working well and doing a good job - he could hand it to him and never have to account to
anybody... I don't mean to imply that there were a great many of them that were handed out as
Christmas presents. They were handed out for work well performed or in order to perform work well....
Politicians in Europe, particularly right after the war, got a lot of money from the CIA....
Since it was unaccountable, it could hire as many people as it wanted. It never had to say to any
committee - no committee said to it - "You can only have so many men." It could do exactly as it pleased.
It made preparations therefore for every contingency. It could hire armies; it could buy banks. There was
simply no limit to the money it could spend and no limit to the people it could hire and no limit to the
activities it could decide were necessary to conduct the war - the secret war.... It was a multinational.
Maybe it was one of the first.
Journalists were a target, labor unions a particular target - that was one of the activities in which the
communists spent the most money. They set up a successful communist labor union in France right after
the war. We countered it with Force Ouvriere. They set up this very successful communist labor union in
Italy, and we countered it with another union.... We had a vast project targeted on the intellectuals - "the
battle for Picasso's mind," if you will. The communists set up fronts which they effectively enticed a great
many particularly the French intellectuals to join. We tried to set up a counterfront. (This was done
through funding of social and cultural organizations such as the Pan-American Foundation, the
International Marketing Institute, the International Development Foundation, the American Society of
African Culture, and the Congress of Cultural Freedom.) I think the budget for the Congress of Cultural
Freedom one year that I had charge of it was about $800,000, $900,000, which included, of course, the
subsidy for the Congress's magazine, Encounter. That doesn't mean that everybody that worked for
Encounter or everybody who wrote for Encounter knew anything about it. Most of the people who
worked for Encounter and all but one of the men who ran it had no idea that it was paid for by the CIA.
(5) Angus Mackenzie, Secrets: The CIA War at Home (1997)
Following the buildup of U.S. troops in Vietnam and the assassination of Diem, Sheinbaum decided it was
his patriotic duty to publicize information that he hoped might put the brakes on U.S. involvement.
Writing about the connections between Michigan State University, the CIA, and the Saigon police (with
the help of Robert Scheer, a young investigative reporter), the Sheinbaum story was to appear in the June
1966 issue of Ramparts magazine. The article disposed that Michigan State University had been secretly
used by the CIA to train Saigon police and to keep an inventory of ammunition for grenade launchers,
Browning automatic rifles, and .50 caliber machine guns, as well as to write the South Vietnamese
constitution. The problem, in Sheinbaum's view, was that such secret funding of academics to execute
government programs undercut scholarly integrity. When scholars are forced into a conflict of interest,
he wrote, "where is the source of serious intellectual criticism that would help us avoid future Vietnams?"
Word of Sheinbaum's forthcoming article caused consternation on the seventh floor of CIA
headquarters. On April 18, 1966, Director of Central Intelligence William F. Raborn Jr. notified his director
of security that he wanted a "run down" on Ramparts magazine on a "high priority basis." This strongly
worded order would prove to be a turning point for the Agency. To "run down" a domestic news
publication because it had exposed questionable practices of the CIA was clearly in violation of the 1947
National Security Act's prohibition on domestic operations and meant the CIA eventually would have to
engage in a cover-up. The CIA director of security, Howard J. Osborn, was also told: "The Director
[Raborn] is particularly interested in the authors of the article, namely, Stanley Sheinbaum and Robert
Scheer. He is also interested in any other individuals who worked for the magazine."
Word of Sheinbaum's forthcoming article caused consternation on the seventh floor of CIA
headquarters. On April 18, 1966, Director of Central Intelligence William F. Raborn Jr. notified his director
of security that he wanted a "run down" on Ramparts magazine on a "high priority basis." This strongly
worded order would prove to be a turning point for the Agency. To "run down" a domestic news
publication because it had exposed questionable practices of the CIA was clearly in violation of the 1947
National Security Act's prohibition on domestic operations and meant the CIA eventually would have to
engage in a cover-up. The CIA director of security, Howard J. Osborn, was also told: "The Director
[Raborn] is particularly interested in the authors of the article, namely, Stanley Sheinbaum and Robert
Scheer. He is also interested in any other individuals who worked for the magazine."
Osborn's deputies had just two days to prepare a special briefing on Ramparts for the director. By
searching existing CIA files they were able to assemble dossiers on approximately twenty-two of the fifty-
five Ramparts writers and editors, which itself indicates the Agency's penchant for collecting information
on American critics of government policies. Osborn was able to tell Raborn that Ramparts had grown
from a Catholic lay journal into a publication with a staff of more than fifty people in New York, Paris, and
Munich, including two active members of the U.S. Communist Party. The most outspoken of the CIA
critics at the magazine was not a Communist but a former Green Beret veteran, Donald Duncan. Duncan
had written, according to then CIA Deputy Director Richard Helms, "We will continue to be in danger as
long as the CIA is deciding policy and manipulating nations." Of immediate concern to Raborn, however,
was Osborn's finding that Sheinbaum was in the process of exposing more CIA domestic organizations.
The investigation of Ramparts was to be intensified, Raborn told Osborn.
At the same time, Helms passed information to President Lyndon Johnson's aide, William D. Moyers,
about the plans of two Ramparts editors to run for Congress on an antiwar platform. Within days, the CIA
had progressed from investigating a news publication to sending domestic political intelligence to the
White House, just as a few members of Congress had feared nineteen years earlier.
Upon publication, Sheinbaum's article triggered a storm of protests from academicians and legislators
across the country who saw the CIA's infiltration of a college campus as a threat to academic freedom.
The outcry grew so loud that President Johnson felt he had to make a reassuring public statement and
establish a task force to review any government activities that might endanger the integrity of the
educational community. The task force was a collection of political statesmen--such as Attorney General
Nicholas Katzenbach and Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare John Gardner--but also included
Richard Helms, the CIA official who himself had been dealing in political espionage. The purpose of the
task force, it soon became clear, was to forestall further embarrassment and preclude any congressional
investigation of CIA operations. Helms, furthermore, organized an internal task force of directorate chiefs
to examine all CIA relationships with academic institutions but that review, from all appearances, was
designed only to ensure that these operations remained secret...
Meanwhile, CIA officers spent April and May of 1966 identifying the source of Ramparts's money. Their
target was executive editor Warren Hinckle, the magazine's chief fund-raiser and a man easy to track. He
wore a black patch over one eye and made no secret of the difficult state of the magazine's finances as
he continually begged a network of rich donors for operating funds. The agents also reported that
Hinckle had launched a $2.5 million lawsuit against Alabama Governor George Wallace for calling the
magazine pro-Communist (information that Osborn dutifully passed on to Raborn). The real point of the
CIA investigation, however, was to place Ramparts reporters under such dose surveillance that any CIA
officials involved in domestic operations would have time to rehearse cover stories before the reporters
arrived to question them.
Next, Raborn broadened the scope of his investigation of Ramparts's staff by recruiting help from other
agencies. On June 16, 1966, he ordered Osborn to "urge" the FBI to "investigate these people as a
subversive unit." Osborn forwarded this request to the FBI, expressing the CIA's interest in anything the
FBI might develop "of a derogatory nature." One CIA officer, who later inspected the CIA file of the
Ramparts investigation, said that the Agency was trying to find a way of shutting down the magazine that
would stand up in court, notwithstanding the constraints of the First Amendment...
On March 4, 1967, Richard Ober got a report from a person who attended a Ramparts staff meeting at
which magazine reporters had discussed their interviews of high executive branch government officials
and their attempts to meet with White House staff members. Now Ober knew who was saying what to
whom. Three days later, Ober's task force found out that a Ramparts reporter was going to interview a
CIA "asset": that is, someone under CIA control. In preparation, CIA officers told the asset how to handle
the reporter, and after the interview the asset reported back to the CIA.
On March 16, two of Ober's men drove from CIA headquarters to a nearby airport to pick up a CIA agent
who was a good friend of a Ramparts reporter. They went to a hotel, where the CIA agent was debriefed.
Then the agent and his case officers reviewed his cover story, which he went on to tell his Ramparts
contact as a means of obtaining more information. During the same period Ober was trying to recruit
five former Ramparts employees as informants. "Maybe they were unhappy," a CIA agent would later
explain. On April 4, Ober completed a status report on his Ramparts task force. His men had identified
and investigated 127 Ramparts writers and researchers, as well as nearly 200 other American civilians
with some link to the magazine.
Three more CIA officers joined Ober's team, bringing to twelve the number of full-time or part-time
officers coordinating intelligence and operations on Ramparts at the headquarters level. On April 5, 1967,
the task force completed its tentative assessment and recommendations, setting forth future actions--
which, the CIA was still insisting in 1994, cannot be released under the Freedom of Information Act. CIA
officer Louis Dube described the recommendations as "heady shit" but refused to be more specific.
It is known that Ober became fascinated with Ramparts advertisers. "One of our officers was in contact
with a source who provided us with information about Ramparts's advertising," Dube admitted. On April
28, a CIA analyst working for Ober tried to learn if the CIA had any friends who might have influence with
Ramparts advertisers, apparently with the intention of getting them to drop their accounts.
(6) Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Government Operations With Respect to Intelligence
Activities (April, 1976)
The Covert Use of Books and Publishing Houses: The Committee has found that the Central Intelligence
Agency attaches a particular importance to book publishing activities as a form of covert propaganda. A
former officer in the Clandestine Service stated that books are "the most important weapon of strategic
(long-range) propaganda." Prior to 1967, the Central Intelligence Agency sponsored, subsidized, or
produced over 1,000 books; approximately 25 percent of them in English. In 1967 alone, the CIA
published or subsidized over 200 books, ranging from books on African safaris and wildlife to
translations of Machiavelli's The Prince into Swahili and works of T. S. Eliot into Russian, to a competitor
to Mao's little red book, which was entitled Quotations from Chairman Liu.
The Committee found that an important number of the books actually produced by the Central
Intelligence Agency were reviewed and marketed in the United States:
* A book about a young student from a developing country who had studied in a communist country was
described by the CIA as "developed by (two areas divisions) and, produced by the Domestic Operations
Division... and has had a high impact in the United States as well as in the (foreign area) market." This
book, which was produced by the European outlet of a United States publishing house was published in
condensed form in two major U.S. magazines."
* Another CIA book, The Penkorsky Papers, was published in United States in 1965. The book was prepared

and written by omitting agency assets who drew on actual case materials and publication rights to the
manuscript were sold to the publisher through a trust fund which was established for the purpose. The
publisher was unaware of any US Government interest.
In 1967, the CIA stopped publishing within the United States. Since then, the Agency has published some
250 books abroad, most of them in foreign languages. The CIA has given special attention to publication
and circulation abroad of books about conditions in the Soviet Bloc. Of those targeted at audiences
outside the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, a large number has also been available in English.
Domestic "Fallout": The Committee finds that covert media operations can result in manipulating or
incidentally misleading the American public. Despite efforts to minimize it, CIA employees, past and
present, have conceded that there is no way to shield the American public completely from "fallout" in
the United States from Agency propaganda or placements overseas. Indeed, following the Katzenbach
inquiry, the Deputy Director for Operations issued a directive stating: "Fallout in the United States from a
foreign publication which we support is inevitable and consequently permissible."
The domestic fallout of covert propaganda comes from many sources: books intended primarily for an
English-speaking foreign audience; CIA press placements that are picked up by an international wire
service; and publications resulting from direct CIA funding of foreign institutes. For example, a book
written for an English-speaking foreign audience by one CIA operative was reviewed favorably by
another CIA agent in the New York Times. The Committee also found that the CIA helped create and
support various Vietnamese periodicals and publications. In at least one instance, a CIA supported
Vietnamese publication was used to propagandize the American public and the members and staff of
both houses of Congress. So effective was this propaganda that some members quoted from the
publication in debating the controversial question of United States involvement in Vietnam.
The Committee found that this inevitable domestic fallout was compounded when the Agency circulated
its subsidized books in the United States prior to their distribution abroad in order to induce a favorable
reception overseas.
The Covert Use of 11.5. Journalists and Media Institutions on, February 11, 1976, CIA Director George
Bush announced new guidelines governing the Agency's relationship with United States media
organizations: "Effective immediately, CIA will not enter into any paid or contractual relationship with any
full-time or part-time news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news service, newspaper, periodical,
radio or television network or station."
Agency officials who testified after the February 11, 1976, announcement told the Committee that the
prohibition extends to non-Americans accredited to specific United States media organizations.
The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world who
provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the use of covert
propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large number of newspapers and
periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and television stations, commercial book
publishers, and other foreign media outlets.
Approximately 50 of the assets are individual American journalists or employees of US media
organizations. Of these, fewer than half are "accredited" by US media organizations and thereby affected
by the new prohibitions on the use of accredited newsmen. The remaining individuals are non-accredited
freelance contributors and media representatives abroad, and thus are not affected by the new CIA
prohibition.
More than a dozen United States news organizations and commercial publishing houses formerly
provided cover for CIA agents abroad. A few of these organizations were unaware that they provided this
cover.
The Committee notes that the new CIA prohibitions do not apply to "unaccredited" Americans serving in
media organizations such as representatives of US media organizations abroad or freelance writers. Of
the more than 50 CIA relationships with United States journalists, or employees in American media
organizations, fewer than one half will be terminated under the new CIA guidelines.
The Committee is concerned that the use of American :journalists and media organizations for
clandestine operations is a threat to the integrity of the press. All American journalists, whether
accredited to a United States news organization or just a stringer, may be suspects when any are
engaged in covert activities.
(7) Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Government Operations With Respect to Intelligence
Activities (April, 1976)
In examining the CIA’s past and present use of the U.S. media, the Committee finds two reasons for
concern. The first is the potential, inherent in covert media operations, for manipulating or incidentally
misleading the American public. The second is the damage to the credibility and independence of a free
press which may be caused by covert relationships with the U.S. journalists and media organizations.
(8) Alex Constantine, Mockingbird: The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA (2000)
It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold war, when the CIA began a
systematic infiltration of the corporate media, a process that often included direct takeover of major
news outlets.
European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an
undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to
enter the cold war underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip
Graham,a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington
Post, was taken under Wisner's wing to direct the program code-named Mockingbird...
"World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March, 1947. "It is in the opening skirmish
stage already." The issue featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who called for the creation of
an "American Empire," "world-dominating in political power, set up at least in part through coercion
(probably including war, but certainly the threat of war) and in which one group of people ... would hold
more than its equal share of power."
George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947, explaining that "although
avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world and
ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of Wall Street were much more honest in
favoring a doctrine inevitably leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the
American flag."
by C.D. Jackson, formerly an executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold War
strategist...
CIA front, presented the intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and
even prying in the age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed
omniscient video surveillance technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition published
in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a
surveillance program that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of
Octopus could pick up audio and visual images with the equipment as far as 25 miles away. Hale Boggs
was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his disappearance in the midst of the Watergate
probe...
Some 3,000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. The
cost of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year by 1978, a
budget larger than the combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
(9) Deborah Davis, interviewed by Kenn Thomas of Steamshovel Press (1992)
Kenn Thomas: Let's get back to Ben Bradlee. I know part of what's in the book and part of what upset
those forces that caused the withdrawal of its first publication is what you've said about Ben Bradlee and
his connection to the Ethyl and Julius Rosenberg trial. Would you talk about that a bit?
Deborah Davis: In the first edition, the one that was recalled and shredded, I looked in State Department
lists for '52 and '53 when Bradlee was serving as a press attache supposedly in the American embassy in
Paris. This was during the Marshall Plan when the United States over in Europe had hundreds of
thousands of people making an intensive effort to keep Western Europe from going Communist. Bradlee
wanted to be part of that effort. So he was over in the American embassy in Paris and the embassy list
had these letters after his name that said USIE. And I asked the State Department what that meant and it
said United States Information Exchange. It was the forerunner of the USIA, the United States
Information Agency. It was the propaganda arm of the embassy. They produced propaganda that was
then disseminated by the CIA all over Europe. They planted newspaper stories. They had a lot of
reporters on their payrolls. They routinely would produce stories out of the embassy and give them to
these reporters and they would appear in the papers in Europe. It's very important to understand how
influential newspaper stories are to people because this is what people think of as their essential source
of facts about what is going on. They don't question it, and even if they do question it they have nowhere
else to go to find out anything else. So Bradlee was involved in producing this propaganda. But at that
point in the story I didn't know exactly what he was doing.
I published the first book just saying that he worked for USIE and that this agency produced propaganda
for the CIA. He went totally crazy after the book came out. One person who knew him told me then that
he was going all up and down the East Coast having lunch with every editor he could think of saying that
it was not true, he did not produce any propaganda. And he attacked me viciously and he said that I had
falsely accused him of being a CIA agent. And the reaction was totally out of proportion to what I had
said.
Kenn Thomas: You make a good point in the book that other people who have had similar kinds of--I
don't even know if you want to call them accusations--but reports that they in some way cooperated with
the CIA in the '5Os, that the times were different and people were expected to do that kind of thing out
of a sense of patriotism and they blow it off.
Deborah Davis : That's right. People say, yeah, this is what I did back then, you know. But Bradlee doesn't
want to be defined that way because, I don't know, somehow he thinks it's just too revealing of him, of
who he is. He doesn't want to admit a true fact about his past because somehow he doesn't want it
known that this is where he came from. Because this is the beginning of his journalistic career. This is
how he made it big.
Subsequent to my book being shredded in 1979, early 1980, I got some documents through the Freedom
of Information Act and they revealed that Bradlee had been the person who was running an entire
propaganda operation against Julius and Ethyl Rosenberg that covered forty countries on four
continents. He always claimed that he had been a low level press flack in the embassy in Paris, just a
press flack, nothing more. Julius and Ethyl Rosenberg had already been convicted of being atomic spies
and they were on death row waiting to be executed. And the purpose of Bradlee's propaganda operation
was to convince the Europeans that they really were spies, they really had given the secret of the atomic
bomb to the Russians and therefore they did deserve to be put to death.
The Europeans, having just very few years before defeated Hitler, were very concerned that the United
States was going fascist the way their countries had. And this was a very real fear to the Europeans. They
saw the same thing happening in the United States that had happened in their own countries. And so
Bradlee used the Rosenberg case to say, "No this isn't what you think it is. These people really did this
bad thing and they really do deserve to die. It doesn't mean that the United States is becoming fascist."
So he had a very key role in creating European public opinion and it was very, very important. This was
the key issue that was going to determine how the Europeans felt about the United States.
Some of the documents that I had showed him writing letters to the prosecutors of the Rosenbergs
saying "I'm working for the head of the CIA in Paris and he wants me to come and look at your files."
And this kind of thing. So in the second edition, which came out in 1987, I reprinted those documents, the
actual documents, the readers can see them and it's got his signature and it's very, very interesting. He
subsequently has said nothing about it at all. He won't talk about it all. He won't answer any questions
about it. So I guess the point about Bradlee is that he went from this job to being European bureau chief
for Newsweek magazine and to the executive editorship of the Post. So this is how he got where he is.
It's very clear line of succession. Philip Graham was Katharine Graham's husband, who ran the Post in
the '50s and he committed suicide in 1963. That's when Katharine Graham took over. Bradlee was close
friends with Allen Dulles and Phil Graham. The paper wasn't doing very well for a while and he was
looking for a way to pay foreign correspondents and Allen Dulles was looking for a cover. Allen Dulles
was head of the CIA back then and he was looking for a cover for some of his operatives so that they
could get in and out of places without arousing suspicion. So the two of them hit on a plan: Allen Dulles
would pay for the reporters and they would give the CIA the information that they found as well as give it
to the Post. So he helped to develop this operation and it subsequently spread to other newspapers and
magazines. And it was called Operation Mockingbird. This operation, I believe, was revealed for the first
time in my book.
(10) Evan Thomas, The Very Best Men: The Early Years of the CIA (1995)
He (Frank Wisner) considered his friends Joe and Stewart Alsop to be reliable purveyors of the company
line in their columns, and he would not hesitate to call Cyrus Sulzberger, the brother of the publisher of
the New York Times. "You'd be sitting there, and he'd be on the phone to Times Washington bureau chief
Scotty Reston explaining why some sentence in the paper was entirely wrong. "I want that to go to
Sulzberger!" he'd say. He'd pick up newspapers and edit them from the CIA point of view," said Braden.
(11) Deborah Davis, Katharine the Great (1979)
The Washington Post was in many ways like other "companies," as Walter Lippmann called the news

organizations, fighting deadlines, living uneasily with unions, suffering with "technical conditions (that)
do not favor genuine and productive debate." But the Post was also unique among news companies in
that its managers, living and working in Washington, thought of themselves simultaneously as
journalists, businessmen, and patriots, a state of mind that made them singularly able to expand the
company while promoting the national interest. Their individual relations with intelligence had in fact
been the reason that the Post Company had grown as fast as it did after the war; their secrets were its
corporate secrets, beginning with MOCKINGBIRD. Philip Graham's commitment to intelligence gave his
friends Frank Wisner and Allen Dulles an interest in helping to make The Washington Post the dominant
news vehicle in Washington, which they did by assisting with its two most crucial acquisitions, the Times-
Herald and WTOP. The Post men most essential to these transactions, other than Phil, were Wayne Coy,
the Post executive who had been Phil's former New Deal boss, and John S. Hayes, who replaced Coy in
1947 when Coy was appointed chairman of the Federal Communications Commission.
(12) Mary Louise, Mockingbird: CIA Media Manipulation (2003)
Starting in the early days of the Cold War (late 40's), the CIA began a secret project called Operation
Mockingbird, with the intent of buying influence behind the scenes at major media outlets and putting
reporters on the CIA payroll, which has proven to be a stunning ongoing success. The CIA effort to recruit
American news organizations and journalists to become spies and disseminators of propaganda, was
headed up by Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles, Richard Helms, and Philip Graham (publisher of The
Washington Post). Wisner had taken Graham under his wing to direct the program code-named
Operation Mockingbird and both have presumably committed suicide.
Media assets will eventually include ABC, NBC, CBS, Time, Newsweek, Associated Press, United Press
International (UPI), Reuters, Hearst Newspapers, Scripps-Howard, Copley News Service, etc. and 400
journalists, who have secretly carried out assignments according to documents on file at CIA
headquarters, from intelligence-gathering to serving as go-betweens. The CIA had infiltrated the nation's
businesses, media, and universities with tens of thousands of on-call operatives by the 1950's. CIA
Director Dulles had staffed the CIA almost exclusively with Ivy League graduates, especially from Yale
with figures like George Herbert Walker Bush from the "Skull and Crossbones" Society.
Many Americans still insist or persist in believing that we have a free press, while getting most of their
news from state-controlled television, under the misconception that reporters are meant to serve the
public. Reporters are paid employees and serve the media owners, who usually cower when challenged
by advertisers or major government figures. Robert Parry reported the first breaking stories about Iran-
Contra for Associated Press that were largely ignored by the press and congress, then moving to
Newsweek he witnessed a retraction of a true story for political reasons. In 'Fooling America: A Talk by
Robert Parry' he said, "The people who succeeded and did well were those who didn't stand up, who
didn't write the big stories, who looked the other way when history was happening in front of them, and
went along either consciously or just by cowardice with the deception of the American people."
Major networks are primarily controlled by giant corporations that are obligated by law, to put the profits
of their investors ahead of all other considerations which are often in conflict with the practice of
responsible journalism. There were around 50 corporations a couple of decades ago, which was
considered monopolistic by many and yet today, these companies have become larger and fewer in
number as the biggest ones absorb their rivals. This concentration of ownership and power reduces the
diversity of media voices, as news falls into the hands of large conglomerates with holdings in many
industries that interferes in news gathering, because of conflicts of interest. Mockingbird was an
immense financial undertaking with funds flowing from the CIA largely through the Congress for Cultural
Freedom (CCF) founded by Tom Braden with Pat Buchanon of CNN's Crossfire.
Media corporations share members of the board of directors with a variety of other large corporations
including banks, investment companies, oil companies, health care, pharmaceutical, and technology
companies. Until the 1980's, media systems were generally domestically owned, regulated, and national
in scope. However, pressure from the IMF, World Bank, and US government to deregulate and privatize,
the media, communication, and new technology resulted in a global commercial media system
dominated by a small number of super-powerful transnational media corporations (mostly US based),
working to advance the cause of global markets and the CIA agenda.
(13) David Guyatt, Subverting the Media (undated)
In an October 1977, article published by Rolling Stone magazine, Bernstein reported that more than 400
American journalists worked for the CIA. Bernstein went on to reveal that this cozy arrangement had
covered the preceding 25 years. Sources told Bernstein that the New York Times, America’s most
respected newspaper at the time, was one of the CIA’s closest media collaborators. Seeking to spread the
blame, the New York Times published an article in December 1977, revealing that “more than eight
hundred news and public information organisations and individuals,” had participated in the CIA’s covert
subversion of the media.
“One journalist is worth twenty agents,” a high-level source told Bernstein. Spies were trained as
journalists and then later infiltrated – often with the publishers consent - into the most prestigious media
outlets in America, including the New York Times and Time Magazine. Likewise, numerous reputable
journalists underwent training in various aspects of “spook-craft” by the CIA. This included techniques as
varied as secret writing, surveillance and other spy crafts.
The subversion operation was orchestrated by Frank Wisner, an old CIA hand who’s clandestine activities
dated back to WW11. Wisner’s media manipulation programme became known as the “Wisner
Wurlitzer,” and proved an effective technique for sending journalists overseas to spy for the CIA. Of the
fifty plus overseas news proprietary’s owned by the CIA were The Rome Daily American, The Manilla
Times and the Bangkok Post.
Yet, according to some experts, there was another profound reason for the CIA’s close relations with the
media. In his book, “Virtual Government,” author Alex Constantine goes to some lengths to explore the
birth and spread of Operation Mockingbird. This, Constantine explains, was a CIA project designed to
influence the major media for domestic propaganda purposes. One of the most important “assets” used
by the CIA’s Frank Wisner was Philip Graham, publisher of the Washington Post. A decade later both
Wisner and Graham committed suicide – leading some to question the exact nature of their deaths. More
recently doubts have been cast on Wisner’s suicide verdict by some observers who believed him to have
been a Soviet agent.
(14) Michael Hasty, Secret Admirers: The Bushes and the Washington Post (5th February , 2004)
In an article published by the media watchdog group, Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR),
Henwood traced the Washington Post's Establishment connections to Eugene Meyer, who took control of
the Post in 1933. Meyer transferred ownership to his daughter Katherine and her husband, Philip
Graham, after World War II, when he was appointed by Harry S. Truman to serve as the first president of
the World Bank. Meyer had been "a Wall Street banker, director of President Wilson's War Finance
Corporation, a governor of the Federal Reserve System, and director of the Reconstruction Finance
Corporation," Henwood wrote.
Philip Graham, Meyer's successor, had been in military intelligence during the war. When he became the
Post's publisher, he continued to have close contact with his fellow upper-class intelligence veterans -
now making policy at the newly formed CIA - and actively promoted the CIA's goals in his newspaper.
The incestuous relationship between the Post and the intelligence community even extended to its hiring
practices. Watergate-era editor Ben Bradlee also had an intelligence background; and before he became
a journalist, reporter Bob Woodward was an officer in Naval Intelligence. In a 1977 article in Rolling Stone
magazine about CIA influence in American media, Woodward's partner, Carl Bernstein, quoted this from
a CIA official: "It was widely known that Phil Graham was somebody you could get help from." Graham
has been identified by some investigators as the main contact in Project Mockingbird, the CIA program to
infiltrate domestic American media. In her autobiography, Katherine Graham described how her
husband worked overtime at the Post during the Bay of Pigs operation to protect the reputations of his
friends from Yale who had organized the ill-fated venture.
After Graham committed suicide, and his widow Katherine assumed the role of publisher, she continued
her husband's policies of supporting the efforts of the intelligence community in advancing the foreign
policy and economic agenda of the nation's ruling elites. In a retrospective column written after her own
death last year, FAIR analyst Norman Solomon wrote, "Her newspaper mainly functioned as a helpmate
to the war-makers in the White House, State Department and Pentagon." It accomplished this function
(and continues to do so) using all the classic propaganda techniques of evasion, confusion, misdirection,
targeted emphasis, disinformation, secrecy, omission of important facts, and selective leaks.
Graham herself rationalized this policy in a speech she gave at CIA headquarters in 1988. "We live in a
dirty and dangerous world," she said. "There are some things the general public does not need to know
and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its
secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows."
(15) Doug Henwood, The Washington Post: The Establishment's Paper (January, 1990)
After World War II, when Harry Truman named this lifelong Republican as first president of the World
Bank, Meyer made his son-in-law, Philip L. Graham, publisher of the paper. Meyer stayed at the Bank for
only six months and returned to the Post as its chairman. But with Phil Graham in charge, there was little
for Meyer to do. He transferred ownership to Philip and Katharine Graham, and retired.
Phil Graham maintained Meyer's intimacy with power. Like many members of his class and generation,
his postwar view was shaped by his work in wartime intelligence; a classic Cold War liberal, he was
uncomfortable with McCarthy, but quite friendly with the personnel and policies of the CIA. He saw the
role of the press as mobilizing public assent for policies made by his Washington neighbors; the public
deserved to know only what the inner circle deemed proper. According to Howard Bray's Pillars of the
Post, Graham and other top Posters knew details of several covert operations - including advance
knowledge of the disastrous Bay of Pigs invasion - which they chose not to share with their readers.
When the manic-depressive Graham shot himself in 1963, the paper passed to his widow, Katharine.
Though out of her depth at first, her instincts were safely establishmentarian. According to Deborah
Davis' biography, Katharine the Great, Mrs. Graham was scandalized by the cultural and political
revolutions of the 1960s, and wept when LBJ fused to run for reelection in 1968. (After Graham asserted
that the book as "fantasy," Harcourt Brace Jovanovich pulled 20,000 copies of Katharine the Great in
1979. The book as re-issued by National Press in 87.)
The Post was one of the last major papers to turn against the Vietnam War. Even today, it hews to a hard
foreign policy line - usually to the right of The New York Times, a paper not known or having transcended
the Cold War.
There was Watergate, of course, that model of aggressive reporting by the Post. But even here, Graham's
Post was doing the establishment's work. As Graham herself said, the investigation couldn't have
succeeded without the cooperation of people inside the government willing to talk to Bob Woodward
and Carl Bernstein.
These talkers may well have included the CIA; it's widely suspected that Deep Throat was an Agency man
(or men). Davis argues that Post editor Ben Bradlee knew Deep Throat, and may even have set him up
with Woodward. She produces evidence that in the early 1950s, Bradlee crafted propaganda for the CIA
on the Rosenberg case for European consumption. Bradlee denies working "for" the CIA, though he
admits having worked for the U.S. Information Agency - perhaps distinction without a difference.
In any case, it's clear that a major portion of the establishment wanted Nixon out. Having accomplished
this, there was little taste for further crusading. Nixon had denounced the Post as "Communist" during
the 1950s. Graham offered her support to Nixon upon his election in 1968, but he snubbed her, even
directing his allies to challenge the Post Co.'s TV license in Florida a few ears later. The Reagans were a
different story - for one thing, Ron's crowd knew that seduction was a better way to get good press than
hostility. According to Nancy Reagan's memoirs, Graham welcomed Ron and Nancy to her Georgetown
house in 1981 with a kiss. During the darkest days of Iran-Contra, Graham and Post editorial page editor
Meg GreenfieId - lunch and phone companions to Nancy throughout the Reagan years - offered the First
Lady frequent expressions of sympathy. Graham and the establishment never got far from the Gipper.
(16) Carl Bernstein, CIA and the Media, Rolling Stone Magazine (20th October, 1977)
In 1953, Joseph Alsop, then one of America’s leading syndicated columnists, went to the Philippines to
Alsop is one of more than 400 American journalists who in the past twenty-five years have secretly
carried out assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency, according to documents on file at CIA
headquarters.
Some of these journalists’ relationships with the Agency were tacit; some were explicit. There was
cooperation, accommodation and overlap. Journalists provided a full range of clandestine services - from
simple intelligence gathering to serving as go-betweens with spies in Communist countries. Reporters
shared their notebooks with the CIA. Editors shared their staffs. Some of the journalists were Pulitzer
Prize winners, distinguished reporters who considered themselves ambassadors-without-portfolio for
their country. Most were less exalted: foreign correspondents who found that their association with the
Agency helped their work; stringers and freelancers who were as interested it the derring-do of the spy
business as in filing articles, and, the smallest category, full-time CIA employees masquerading as
journalists abroad. In many instances, CIA documents show, journalists were engaged to perform tasks
for the CIA with the consent of the managements America’s leading news organizations.
The history of the CIA’s involvement with the American press continues to be shrouded by an official
policy of obfuscation and deception...
Among the executives who lent their cooperation to the Agency were William Paley of the Columbia
Broadcasting System, Henry Luce of Time Inc., Arthur Hays Sulzberger of the New York Times, Barry
Bingham Sr. of the Louisville Courier-Journal and James Copley of the Copley News Service. Other
organizations which cooperated with the CIA include the American Broadcasting Company, the National
Broadcasting Company, the Associated Press, United Press International, Reuters, Hearst Newspapers,
Scripps-Howard, Newsweek magazine, the Mutual Broadcasting System, The Miami Herald, and the old
Saturday Evening Post and New York Herald-Tribune. By far the most valuable of these associations,
according to CIA officials, have been with The New York Times, CBS, and Time Inc.
From the Agency’s perspective, there is nothing untoward in such relationships, and any ethical
questions are a matter for the journalistic profession to resolve, not the intelligence community...
Many journalists were used by the CIA to assist in this process and they had the reputation of being
among the best in the business. The peculiar nature of the job of the foreign correspondent is ideal for
such work; he is accorded unusual access, by his host country, permitted to travel in areas often off-limits
to other Americans, spends much of his time cultivating sources in governments, academic institutions,
the military establishment and the scientific communities. He has the opportunity to form long-term
personal relationships with sources and -- perhaps more than any other category of American operative -
is in a position to make correct judgments about the susceptibility and availability of foreign nationals for
recruitment as spies.
The Agency’s dealings with the press began during the earliest stages of the Cold War. Allen Dulles, who
became director of the CIA in 1953, sought to establish a recruiting-and-cover capability within America’s
most prestigious journalistic institutions. By operating under the guise of accredited news
correspondents, Dulles believed, CIA operatives abroad would be accorded a degree of access and
freedom of movement unobtainable under almost any other type of cover.
American publishers, like so many other corporate and institutional leaders at the time, were willing us
commit the resources of their companies to the struggle against “global Communism.” Accordingly, the
traditional line separating the American press corps and government was often indistinguishable: rarely
was a news agency used to provide cover for CIA operatives abroad without the knowledge and consent
of either its principal owner; publisher or senior editor. Thus, contrary to the notion that the CIA era and
news executives allowed themselves and their organizations to become handmaidens to the intelligence
services. “Let’s not pick on some poor reporters, for God’s sake,” William Colby exclaimed at one point to
the Church committee’s investigators. “Let’s go to the managements. They were witting” In all, about
twenty-five news organizations (including those listed at the beginning of this article) provided cover for
the Agency...
Many journalists who covered World War II were close to people in the Office of Strategic Services, the
wartime predecessor of the CIA; more important, they were all on the same side. When the war ended
and many OSS officials went into the CIA, it was only natural that these relationships would continue.
Meanwhile, the first postwar generation of journalists entered the profession; they shared the same
political and professional values as their mentors. “You had a gang of people who worked together
during World War II and never got over it,” said one Agency official. “They were genuinely motivated and
highly susceptible to intrigue and being on the inside. Then in the Fifties and Sixties there was a national
consensus about a national threat. The Vietnam War tore everything to pieces - shredded the consensus
and threw it in the air.” Another Agency official observed: “Many journalists didn’t give a second thought
to associating with the Agency. But there was a point when the ethical issues which most people had
submerged finally surfaced. Today, a lot of these guys vehemently deny that they had any relationship
with the Agency.”
The CIA even ran a formal training program in the 1950s to teach its agents to be journalists. Intelligence
officers were “taught to make noises like reporters,” explained a high CIA official, and were then placed
in major news organizations with help from management. “These were the guys who went through the
ranks and were told, “You’re going to be a journalist,” the CIA official said. Relatively few of the 400-some
relationships described in Agency files followed that pattern, however; most involved persons who were
already bona fide journalists when they began undertaking tasks for the Agency. The Agency’s
relationships with journalists, as described in CIA files, include the following general categories:
* Legitimate, accredited staff members of news organizations - usually reporters. Some were paid; some
worked for the Agency on a purely voluntary basis.
* Stringers and freelancers. Most were payrolled by the Agency under standard contractual terms.
* Employees of so-called CIA “proprietaries.” During the past twenty-five years, the Agency has secretly
bankrolled numerous foreign press services, periodicals and newspapers -- both English and foreign
language -- which provided excellent cover for CIA operatives.
* Columnists and commentators. There are perhaps a dozen well-known columnists and broadcast
commentators whose relationships with the CIA go far beyond those normally maintained between
reporters and their sources. They are referred to at the Agency as “known assets” and can be counted on
to perform a variety of undercover tasks; they are considered receptive to the Agency’s point of view on
various subjects.
Murky details of CIA relationships with individuals and news organizations began trickling out in 1973
when it was first disclosed that the CIA had, on occasion, employed journalists. Those reports, combined
with new information, serve as casebook studies of the Agency’s use of journalists for intelligence
purposes.
The New York Times - The Agency’s relationship with the Times was by far its most valuable among
newspapers, according to CIA officials. [It was] general Times policy to provide assistance to the CIA
whenever possible...
CIA officials cite two reasons why the Agency’s working relationship with the Times was closer and more
extensive than with any other paper: the fact that the Times maintained the largest foreign news
operation in American daily journalism; and the close personal ties between the men who ran both
institutions...
The Columbia Broadcasting System - CBS was unquestionably the CIA’s most valuable broadcasting
asset. CBS president William Paley and Allen Dulles enjoyed an easy working and social relationship. Over
the years, the network provided cover for CIA employees, including at least one well-known foreign
correspondent and several stringers; it supplied outtakes of newsfilm to the CIA; established a formal
channel of communication between the Washington bureau chief and the Agency; gave the Agency
access to the CBS newsfilm library; and allowed reports by CBS correspondents to the Washington and
New York newsrooms to be routinely monitored by the CIA. Once a year during the 1950s and early
1960s, CBS correspondents joined the CIA hierarchy for private dinners and briefings...
At the headquarters of CBS News in New York, Paley’s cooperation with the CIA is taken for granted by
many news executives and reporters, despite the denials. Paley, 76, was not interviewed by Salant’s
investigators. “It wouldn’t do any good,” said one CBS executive. “It is the single subject about which his
memory has failed.”
At Newsweek, Agency sources reported, the CIA engaged the services of several foreign correspondents
and stringers under arrangements approved by senior editors at the magazine...
“To the best of my knowledge:’ said [Harry] Kern, [Newsweek’s foreign editor from 1945 to 1956]
“nobody at Newsweek worked for the CIA.... The informal relationship was there. Why have anybody sign
anything? What we knew we told them [the CIA] and the State Department.... When I went to
Washington, I would talk to Foster or Allen Dulles about what was going on .... We thought it was
admirable at the time. We were all on the same side.” CIA officials say that Kern's dealings with the
Agency were extensive...
When Newsweek was purchased by the Washington Post Company, publisher Philip L. Graham was
informed by Agency officials that the CIA occasionally used the magazine for cover purposes, according
to CIA sources. “It was widely known that Phil Graham was somebody you could get help from,” said a
former deputy director of the Agency... But Graham, who committed suicide in 1963, apparently knew
little of the specifics of any cover arrangements with Newsweek, CIA sources said...
Information about Agency dealings with the Washington Post newspaper is extremely sketchy. According
to CIA officials, some Post stringers have been CIA employees, but these officials say they do not know if
anyone in the Post management was aware of the arrangements...
Other major news organizations - according to Agency officials, CIA files document additional cover
arrangements with the following news gathering organizations, among others: the New York Herald
Tribune, Saturday Evening Post, Scripps-Howard Newspapers, Hearst Newspapers, Associated Press,
United Press International, the Mutual Broadcasting System, Reuters and The Miami Herald...
“And that's just a small part of the list,” in the words of one official who served in the CIA hierarchy. Like
many sources, this official said that the only way to end the uncertainties about aid furnished the Agency
by journalists is to disclose the contents of the CIA files - a course opposed by almost all of the thirty-five
present and former CIA officials interviewed over the course of a year.
The CIA’s use of journalists continued virtually unabated until 1973 when, in response to public
disclosure that the Agency had secretly employed American reporters, William Colby began scaling down
the program. In his public statements, Colby conveyed the impression that the use of journalists had
been minimal and of limited importance to the Agency.
He then initiated a series of moves intended to convince the press, Congress and the public that the CIA
had gotten out of the news business. But according to Agency officials, Colby had in fact thrown a
protective net around his most valuable intelligence assets in the journalistic community...
At the headquarters of CBS News in New York, Paley’s cooperation with the CIA is taken for granted by
many news executives and reporters, despite the denials. Paley, 76, was not interviewed by Salant’s
investigators. “It wouldn’t do any good,” said one CBS executive. “It is the single subject about which his
memory has failed.”
Time and Newsweek magazines. According to CIA and Senate sources, Agency files contain written
agreements with former foreign correspondents and stringers for both the weekly news magazines. The
same sources refused to say whether the CIA has ended all its associations with individuals who work for
the two publications. Allen Dulles often interceded with his good friend, the late Henry Luce, founder of
Time and Life magazines, who readily allowed certain members of his staff to work for the Agency and
agreed to provide jobs and credentials for other CIA operatives who lacked journalistic experience.
At Newsweek, Agency sources reported, the CIA engaged the services of several foreign correspondents
and stringers under arrangements approved by senior editors at the magazine...
After Colby left the Agency on January 28th, 1976, and was succeeded by George Bush, the CIA
announced a new policy: “Effective immediately, the CIA will not enter into any paid or contract
relationship with any full-time or part-time news correspondent accredited by any US news service,
newspaper, periodical, radio or television network or station.” ... The text of the announcement noted
that the CIA would continue to “welcome” the voluntary, unpaid cooperation of journalists. Thus, many
relationships were permitted to remain intact.
(17) David Guyatt, Subverting the Media (undated)
In discussing the assassination of John F. Kennedy, Dan Rather, the well-loved anchorman for CBS
Television, described the now famous Zapruder film that captured footage of the shot which killed
President John F. Kennedy. The movie, taken by amateur cameraman, Abraham Zapruder, was quickly
snapped-up by Life magazine for $250,000.00. Although Life published still frames of the movie, the 18
second film was kept under lock and key – not to be seen by Americans until 1975.
But Rather’s remarks were misleading. He told his viewers that the film showed JFK falling forward –
confirming the official view that Kennedy had been shot from behind. However, the film clearly showed
Kennedy lurching violently backwards, evidence of a frontal shot. To add to the confusion, the Warren
Commission report printed two frames of the film in reverse – again implying a rear shot - an accident
the FBI typified as a “printing error.”
Meanwhile, still pictures lifted from the Zapruder film were also published by Life magazine. Remarkably,
they too were published in reverse order, thereby creating the impression that the President had been
shot from behind by lone gunman Lee Harvey Oswald. Until the film was shown to Americans in its
entirity, no one was the wiser. Following the broadcast in 1975, a massive controversy followed giving
rise to ongoing allegations of conspiracy.
The Zapruder film clearly showed President Kennedy had also been shot from the front. The result
immeasurably strengthened the charge - that had been bubbling in the background – that the President
had been assassinated as a result of a well orchestrated conspiracy, and that this was covered-up to
protect the guilty, who many now believe involved senior figures in the CIA and US military. Not least it
was pointed out that Henry Luce, the founder of Life magazine was a close personal friend of Allen
Dulles, the Director of the CIA. Moreover, the individual who purchased the Zapruder film for Life
magazine was C.J. Jackson, formerly a “psychological warfare” consultant to the President.
Inevitably, these events were to lead to accusations that the media were culpable of the worst form of
toadying and propaganda. This, in turn raised serious questions about the role and integrity of the mass
media. Some years later, Washington Post reporter, Carl Bernstein – who came to fame with his
colleague Bob Woodward, for their expose of the Nixon administration’s illegal re-election campaign
activities, known as “Watergate” – dropped a media bombshell on an unsuspecting America.
dated back to WW11. Wisner’s media manipulation programme became known as the “Wisner
Wurlitzer,” and proved an effective technique for sending journalists overseas to spy for the CIA. Of the
fifty plus overseas news proprietary’s owned by the CIA were The Rome Daily American, The Manilla
Times and the Bangkok Post.
influence the major media for domestic propaganda purposes. One of the most important “assets” used
by the CIA’s Frank Wisner was Philip Graham, publisher of the Washington Post. A decade later both
Wisner and Graham committed suicide – leading some to question the exact nature of their deaths. More
recently doubts have been cast on Wisner’s suicide verdict by some observers who believed him to have
been a Soviet agent.
Meanwhile, however, Wisner had “implemented his plan and owned respected members of the New York
Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communication vehicles, plus stringers…” according to Deborah Davis
in her biography of Katharine Graham – wife of Philip Graham - and current publisher of the Washington
Post. The operation was overseen by Allen Dulles, Director of Central Intelligence. Operation Mockingbird
continued to flourish with CIA agents boasting at having “important assets” inside every major news
outlet in the country.” The list included such luminaries of the US media as Henry Luce, publisher of Time
Magazine, Arthur Hays Sulzberger, of the New York Times and C.D. Jackson of Fortune Magazine,
according to Constantine.
But there was another aspect to Mockingbird, Constantine reveals in an Internet essay. Citing historian C.
Vann Woodward’s New York Times article of 1987, Ronald Reagan, later to become President of the US,
was a FBI snitch earlier in his life. This dated back to the time when Reagan was President of the Actor’s
Guild. Woodward says that Reagan “fed the names of suspect people in his organisation to the FBI
secretly and regularly enough to be assigned an informer’s code number, T.10.” The purpose was to
purge the film industry of “subversives.”
As these stories hit the news, Senate investigators began to probe the CIA sponsored manipulation of the
media – the “Fourth Estate” that supposedly was dedicated to acting as a check and balance on the
excesses of the executive. This investigation was, however, curtailed at the insistence of Central
Intelligence Agency Directors, William Colby and George Bush – who would later be elected US President.
The information gathered by the Senate Select Intelligence Committee chaired by Senator Frank Church,
was “deliberately buried” Bernstein reported.
Despite this suppression of evidence, information leaked out that revealed the willing role of media
executives to subvert their own industry. “Let’s not pick on some reporters,” CIA Director William Colby
stated during an interview. “Let’s go to the managements. They were witting.” Bernstein concluded that
“America’s leading publishers allowed themselves and their news services to become handmaidens to
the intelligence services.” Of the household names that went along with this arrangement were:
Columbia Broadcasting System, Copley News Service – which gave the CIA confidential information on
antiwar and black protestors – ABC TV, NBC, Associated Press, United Press International, Reuters,
Newsweek, Time, Scripps-Howard, Hearst Newspapers and the Miami Herald. Bernstein additionally
stated that the two most bullish media outlets to co-operate were the new York Times and CBS
Television. The New York Times even went so far as to submit stories to Allen Dulles and his replacement,
John McCone, to vet and approve before publication.
Slowly, the role of Mockingbird in muzzling and manipulating the press began to be revealed. In 1974,
two former CIA agents, Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks, published a sensational book entitled “The
CIA and the Cult of Intelligence.” The book caused uproar for the many revelations it contained. Included
amongst them was the fact that the, until then, widely respected Encounter magazine was indirectly
funded by the CIA. The vehicle used to covertly transfer funds to Encounter and many other publications,
was the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF)– a CIA front. A decade earlier, in 1965, the CCF was
renamed Forum World Features (FWF) and purchased by Kern House Enterprises, under the direction of
John Hay Whitney, publisher of the International Herald Tribune and former US Ambassador to the
United Kingdom.
The Chairman of Forum World Features was Brian Crozier, who resigned his position shortly before the
explosive book went on sale. Crozier, a former “Economist” journalist, was a “contact” of Britain’s Secret
Intelligence Service (MI6). His employment to head up the CIA financed Forum World Features in 1965,
caused a row with MI6 who felt the CIA had breached the secret agreement between the UK and USA by
recruiting one of their own assets.
Crozier’s media style was more discrete than Mockingbird. He preferred, when possible, to insert his pre-
spun propaganda stories to unwitting members of the media, who would reprint them unaware of the
bias they contained. In time, Crozier would go on to head up a shadowy anti subversive and dirty tricks
group called the “61,” that sought to counter communist propaganda. Another group of which he was a
member was the Pinay Cercle – a right wing Atlanticist group funded by the CIA - that claimed credit for
getting Margaret Thatcher elected as British Prime Minister.
Another propaganda operation, run from Lisburn barracks in Northern Ireland, and under nominal
British Army control, participated in extensive media manipulation around the same time. Known as
“Clockwork Orange” this involved the construction of propaganda material designed to discredit
prominent members of the then Labour government as well as some in the Conservative shadow
cabinet. Especially targeted was then Prime Minister Harold Wilson. Clockwork Orange relied heavily on
forged documents that would be given to selected journalists for publication. Many of these forgeries
sought to demonstrate secret communist ties – or east bloc intelligence affiliations – amongst high
profile politicians.
The aim was to destabilise Wilson and the Labour government by falsely showing them to be soft on
communism or even pro communist. This operation clearly favoured a right wing Conservative
administration under the leadership of Mrs. Thatcher. In the event, Wilson resigned, said to have been
sickened by the numerous personal snipe attacks against him. During the time he was under siege,
Wilson experienced numerous break ins at his office, as well as having his phone lines tapped -courtesy
of unnamed officials in the security service, it is believed. By 1979 the Conservative party was returned to
power.
Yet, with the demise of the cold war the motive for media propaganda has collapsed. Or has it? James
Lilly, former Director of Operations at the CIA later became Director of Asian studies at the American
Enterprise Institute – a think tank heavily staffed by former intelligence types. Lilly, in giving testimony to
a Senate committee during 1996 observed: “Journalists, I think, you don’t recruit them. We can’t do that.
They’ve told us not to do that. But you certainly sit down with your journalists, and I’ve done this and the
Station Chief has done it, others have done it…”
But even as the cold war rationale for subverting the media recedes into the distance, press
manipulation continues anon. A classified CIA report surfaced in 1992, that revealed the Agency’s public
affairs office “… has relationships with reporters from every major wire service, newspaper, news weekly,
and television network in the nation.” The report added that the benefits of these continued contacts
had been fruitful to the CIA by turning “Intelligence failure stories into intelligence success stories…”
Basking in a glow of self satisfaction, the report continued “In many cases, we have persuaded reporters
to postpone, change, hold or even scrap stories that could have adversely affected national security
interests.”
But the last word goes to Noam Chomsky. A Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, Chomsky has extensively investigated the role of today’s media. His analysis is un-nerving.
The democratic postulate, Chomsky says, “is that the media are independent and committed to
discovering and reporting the truth…” Despite this axiom, Chomsky finds that the media supports
“established power” and is “responsive to the needs of government and major power groups.” He
additionally argues that the media is a mechanism for pervasive “thought control” of elite interests and
that ordinary citizens need to “undertake a course of intellectual self-defence to protect themselves from
manipulation and control…” The covert role of the media has now apparently shifted its focus. One time
expediter of the “cold war,” it now clamours for the extension of “corporate power.”
(18) Steve Kangas, The Origins of the Overclass (1998)
The wealthy have always used many methods to accumulate wealth, but it was not until the mid-1970s
that these methods coalesced into a superbly organized, cohesive and efficient machine. After 1975, it
became greater than the sum of its parts, a smooth flowing organization of advocacy groups, lobbyists,
think tanks, conservative foundations, and PR firms that hurtled the richest 1 percent into the
stratosphere.
The origins of this machine, interestingly enough, can be traced back to the CIA. This is not to say the
machine is a formal CIA operation, complete with code name and signed documents. (Although such
evidence may yet surface - and previously unthinkable domestic operations such as MK-ULTRA, CHAOS
and MOCKINGBIRD show this to be a distinct possibility.) But what we do know already indicts the CIA
strongly enough. Its principle creators were Irving Kristol, Paul Weyrich, William Simon, Richard Mellon
Scaife, Frank Shakespeare, William F. Buckley, Jr., the Rockefeller family, and more. Almost all the
machine's creators had CIA backgrounds.
During the 1970s, these men would take the propaganda and operational techniques they had learned in
the Cold War and apply them to the Class War. Therefore it is no surprise that the American version of
the machine bears an uncanny resemblance to the foreign versions designed to fight communism. The
CIA's expert and comprehensive organization of the business class would succeed beyond their wildest
dreams. In 1975, the richest 1 percent owned 22 percent of America’s wealth. By 1992, they would nearly
double that, to 42 percent - the highest level of inequality in the 20th century.
How did this alliance start? The CIA has always recruited the nation’s elite: millionaire businessmen, Wall
Street brokers, members of the national news media, and Ivy League scholars. During World War II,
General "Wild Bill" Donovan became chief of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the forerunner of the
CIA. Donovan recruited so exclusively from the nation’s rich and powerful that members eventually came
to joke that "OSS" stood for "Oh, so social!"
Another early elite was Allen Dulles, who served as Director of the CIA from 1953 to 1961. Dulles was a
senior partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, which represented the Rockefeller empire
and other mammoth trusts, corporations and cartels. He was also a board member of the J. Henry
Schroeder Bank, with offices in Wall Street, London, Zurich and Hamburg. His financial interests across
the world would become a conflict of interest when he became head of the CIA. Like Donavan, he would
recruit exclusively from society’s elite...
Although many people think that the CIA’s primary mission during the Cold War was to "deter
communism," Noam Chomksy correctly points out that its real mission was "deterring democracy." From
corrupting elections to overthrowing democratic governments, from assassinating elected leaders to
installing murderous dictators, the CIA has virtually always replaced democracy with dictatorship. It
didn’t help that the CIA was run by businessmen, whose hostility towards democracy is legendary. The
reason they overthrew so many democracies is because the people usually voted for policies that multi-
national corporations didn't like: land reform, strong labor unions, nationalization of their industries, and
greater regulation protecting workers, consumers and the environment...
Journalism is a perfect cover for CIA agents. People talk freely to journalists, and few think suspiciously of
a journalist aggressively searching for information. Journalists also have power, influence and clout. Not
surprisingly, the CIA began a mission in the late 1940s to recruit American journalists on a wide scale, a
mission it dubbed Operation MOCKINGBIRD. The agency wanted these journalists not only to relay any
sensitive information they discovered, but also to write anti-Communist, pro-capitalist propaganda when
needed.
The instigators of MOCKINGBIRD were Frank Wisner, Allan Dulles, Richard Helms and Philip Graham.
Graham was the husband of Katherine Graham, today’s publisher of the Washington Post. In fact, it was
the Post’s ties to the CIA that allowed it to grow so quickly after the war, both in readership and
influence.
MOCKINGBIRD was extraordinarily successful. In no time, the agency had recruited at least 25 media
organizations to disseminate CIA propaganda. At least 400 journalists would eventually join the CIA
payroll, according to the CIA’s testimony before a stunned Church Committee in 1975. (The committee
felt the true number was considerably higher.) The names of those recruited reads like a Who's Who of
journalism...
The CIA also secretly bought or created its own media companies. It owned 40 percent of the Rome Daily
American at a time when communists were threatening to win the Italian elections. Worse, the CIA has
bought many domestic media companies. A prime example is Capital Cities, created in 1954 by CIA
businessman William Casey (who would later become Reagan’s CIA director). Another founder was
Lowell Thomas, a close friend and business contact with CIA Director Allen Dulles. Another founder was
CIA businessman Thomas Dewey. By 1985, Capital Cities had grown so powerful that it was able to buy an
entire TV network: ABC.
propaganda outlets throughout the media is appalling. The reason why America was so oblivious to CIA
crimes in the 40s and 50s was because the media willingly complied with the agency. Even today, when
the immorality of the CIA should be an open-and-shut case, "debate" about the issue rages in the
media...
In the mid-1970s, at this historic low point in American conservatism, the CIA began a major campaign to
turn corporate fortunes around. They did this in several ways. First, they helped create numerous
foundations to finance their domestic operations. Even before 1973, the CIA had co-opted the most
famous ones, like the Ford, Rockefeller and Carnegie Foundations. But after 1973, they created more.
One of their most notorious recruits was billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife. During World War II, Scaife's
father served in the OSS, the forerunner of the CIA. By his mid-twenties, both of Scaife's parents had
died, and he inherited a fortune under four foundations: the Carthage Foundation, the Sarah Scaife
Foundation, the Scaife Family Foundations and the Allegheny Foundation. In the early 1970s, Scaife was
encouraged by CIA agent Frank Barnett to begin investing his fortune to fight the "Soviet menace." From
1973 to 1975, Scaife ran Forum World Features, a foreign news service used as a front to disseminate CIA
propaganda around the world. Shortly afterwards he began donating millions to fund the New Right.
(19) CIA Document Concerning Criticism of the Warren Report (undated)
1. From the day of President Kennedy's assassination on, there has been speculation about the
responsibility for his murder. Although this was stemmed for a time by the Warren Commission report,
(which appeared at the end of September 1964), various writers have now had time to scan the
Commission's published report and documents for new pretexts for questioning, and there has been a
new wave of books and articles criticizing the Commission's findings. In most cases the critics have
speculated as to the existence of some kind of conspiracy, and often they have implied that the
Commission itself was involved. Presumably as a result of the increasing challenge to the Warren
Commission's report, a public opinion poll recently indicated that 46% of the American public did not
think that Oswald acted alone, while more than half of those polled thought that the Commission had left
some questions unresolved. Doubtless polls abroad would show similar, or possibly more adverse
results.
2. This trend of opinion is a matter of concern to the U.S. government, including our organization. The
members of the Warren Commission were naturally chosen for their integrity, experience and
prominence. They represented both major parties, and they and their staff were deliberately drawn from
all sections of the country. Just because of the standing of the Commissioners, efforts to impugn their
rectitude and wisdom tend to cast doubt on the whole leadership of American society. Moreover, there
seems to be an increasing tendency to hint that President Johnson himself, as the one person who might
be said to have benefited, was in some way responsible for the assassination.
Innuendo of such seriousness affects not only the individual concerned, but also the whole reputation of
the American government. Our organization itself is directly involved: among other facts, we contributed
information to the investigation. Conspiracy theories have frequently thrown suspicion on our
organization, for example by falsely alleging that Lee Harvey Oswald worked for us. The aim of this
dispatch is to provide material countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists, so as to
inhibit the circulation of such claims in other countries. Background information is supplied in a classified
section and in a number of unclassified attachments.
3. Action. We do not recommend that discussion of the assassination question be initiated where it is not
already taking place. Where discussion is active [business] addresses are requested:
a. To discuss the publicity problem with and friendly elite contacts (especially politicians and editors),
pointing out that the Warren Commission made as thorough an investigation as humanly possible, that
the charges of the critics are without serious foundation, and that further speculative discussion only
plays into the hands of the opposition. Point out also that parts of the conspiracy talk appear to be
deliberately generated by Communist propagandists. Urge them to use their influence to discourage
unfounded and irresponsible speculation.
b. To employ propaganda assets to [negate] and refute the attacks of the critics. Book reviews and
feature articles are particularly appropriate for this purpose. The unclassified attachments to this
guidance should provide useful background material for passing to assets. Our ploy should point out, as
applicable, that the critics are (I) wedded to theories adopted before the evidence was in, (I) politically
interested, (III) financially interested, (IV) hasty and inaccurate in their research, or (V) infatuated with
their own theories. In the course of discussions of the whole phenomenon of criticism, a useful strategy
may be to single out Epstein's theory for attack, using the attached Fletcher article and Spectator piece
for background. (Although Mark Lane's book is much less convincing than Epstein's and comes off badly
where confronted by knowledgeable critics, it is also much more difficult to answer as a whole, as one
becomes lost in a morass of unrelated details.)
4. In private to media discussions not directed at any particular writer, or in attacking publications which
may be yet forthcoming, the following arguments should be useful:
a. No significant new evidence has emerged which the Commission did not consider. The assassination is
sometimes compared (e.g., by Joachim Joesten and Bertrand Russell) with the Dreyfus case; however,
unlike that case, the attack on the Warren Commission have produced no new evidence, no new culprits
have been convincingly identified, and there is no agreement among the critics. (A better parallel, though
an imperfect one, might be with the Reichstag fire of 1933, which some competent historians (Fritz
Tobias, AJ.P. Taylor, D.C. Watt) now believe was set by Vander Lubbe on his own initiative, without acting
for either Nazis or Communists; the Nazis tried to pin the blame on the Communists, but the latter have
been more successful in convincing the world that the Nazis were to blame.)
b. Critics usually overvalue particular items and ignore others. They tend to place more emphasis on the
recollections of individual witnesses (which are less reliable and more divergent - and hence offer more
hand-holds for criticism) and less on ballistics, autopsy, and photographic evidence. A close examination
of the Commission's records will usually show that the conflicting eyewitness accounts are quoted out of
context, or were discarded by the Commission for good and sufficient reason.
c. Conspiracy on the large scale often suggested would be impossible to conceal in the United States,
esp. since informants could expect to receive large royalties, etc. Note that Robert Kennedy, Attorney
General at the time and John F. Kennedy's brother, would be the last man to overlook or conceal any
conspiracy. And as one reviewer pointed out, Congressman Gerald R. Ford would hardly have held his
tongue for the sake of the Democratic administration, and Senator Russell would have had every political
interest in exposing any misdeeds on the part of Chief Justice Warren. A conspirator moreover would
hardly choose a location for a shooting where so much depended on conditions beyond his control: the
route, the speed of the cars, the moving target, the risk that the assassin would be discovered. A group of
wealthy conspirators could have arranged much more secure conditions.
d. Critics have often been enticed by a form of intellectual pride: they light on some theory and fall in love
with it; they also scoff at the Commission because it did not always answer every question with a flat
decision one way or the other. Actually, the make-up of the Commission and its staff was an excellent
safeguard against over-commitment to any one theory, or against the illicit transformation of
probabilities into certainties.
e. Oswald would not have been any sensible person's choice for a co-conspirator. He was a "loner,"
mixed up, of questionable reliability and an unknown quantity to any professional intelligence service.
f. As to charges that the Commission's report was a rush job, it emerged three months after the deadline
originally set. But to the degree that the Commission tried to speed up its reporting, this was largely due
to the pressure of irresponsible speculation already appearing, in some cases coming from the same
critics who, refusing to admit their errors, are now putting out new criticisms.
g. Such vague accusations as that "more than ten people have died mysteriously" can always be
explained in some natural way e.g.: the individuals concerned have for the most part died of natural
causes; the Commission staff questioned 418 witnesses (the FBI interviewed far more people, conduction
25,000 interviews and re interviews), and in such a large group, a certain number of deaths are to be
expected. (When Penn Jones, one of the originators of the "ten mysterious deaths" line, appeared on
television, it emerged that two of the deaths on his list were from heart attacks, one from cancer, one
was from a head-on collision on a bridge, and one occurred when a driver drifted into a bridge
abutment.)
5. Where possible, counter speculation by encouraging reference to the Commission's Report itself.
Open-minded foreign readers should still be impressed by the care, thoroughness, objectivity and speed
with which the Commission worked. Reviewers of other books might be encouraged to add to their
account the idea that, checking back with the report itself, they found it far superior to the work of its
critics.
(20) Mark Lane, Plausible Denial (1991)
More than a decade after the assassination, when I won a lawsuit against various police and spy
organizations in the United States district court in Washington, D.C., pursuant to the order of the court, I
received many long-suppressed documents.
Among them was a top-secret CIA report. It stated that the CIA was deeply troubled by my work in
questioning the conclusions of the Warren Report and that polls that had been taken revealed that
almost half of the American people believed as I did. The report stated, "Doubtless polls abroad would
show similar, or possibly more adverse, results." This "trend of opinion," the CIA said, "is a matter of
concern" to "our organization." To counter developing opinion within the United States, the CIA
suggested that steps be taken. It should be emphasized, the CIA said, that "the members of the Warren
Commission were naturally chosen for their integrity, experience, and prominence. They represented
both major parties, and they and their staff were deliberately drawn from all sections of the country. Just
because of the standing of the commissioners, efforts to impugn their rectitude and wisdom tend to cast
doubt on the whole leadership of American society.
The purpose of the CIA secret document was apparent. In this instance, there was no need for incisive
analysis. The CIA report stated "The aim of this dispatch is to provide material for countering and
discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists, so as to inhibit the circulation of such claims in other
countries. Background information is supplied in a classified section and in a number of unclassified
attachments." The commission had been chosen in such a fashion so that it might subsequently be
asserted that those who questioned its finding, by comparing the known facts to the false conclusions
offered by the commission, might be said to be subversive.
Who were these people who wished to throw suspicion upon the leaders of the land? The CIA report
listed them as Mark Lane, Joachim Joesten, as well as a French writer, Leo Sauvage. Most of the criticism
was directed at me. The CIA directed that this matter be discussed with "liaison and friendly elite
contacts (especially politicians and editors)," instructing these persons "that further speculative
discussion only plays into the hands of the opposition." The CIA continued: "Point out also that parts of
the conspiracy talk appear to be deliberately generated by Communist propagandists. Urge them to use
their influence to discourage unfounded and irresponsible speculation." The CIA was quite specific about
the means that should be employed to prevent criticism of the report:
"Employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the critics. Book reviews and feature
articles are particularly appropriate for this purpose. The unclassified attachments to this guidance
should provide useful background material for passage to assets. Our play should point out, as
applicable, that the critics are (i) wedded to theories adopted before the evidence was in, (ii) politically
interested, (iii) financially interested, (iv) hasty and inaccurate in their research, or (v) infatuated with
their own theories. In the course of discussions of the whole phenomenon of criticism, a useful strategy
may be to single out Edward Jay Epstein's theory for attack, using the attached Fletcher Knebel article
and Spectator piece for background." According to the CIA, my book, Rush to Judgment, was "much
more difficult to answer as a whole." The agency document did not list any errors in the book.
Just in case the book reviewers did not get the point, the CIA offered specific language that they might
incorporate into their critiques. "Reviewers" of the books "might be encouraged to add to their account
the idea that, checking back with the Report itself, they found it far superior to the work of its critics."
Among those who criticized Rush to Judgment and other books along lines similar to those suggested by
the CIA were the New York Times, the Washington Post, the Los Angeles Times, and, especially, Walter
Cronkite and CBS. Among those who did not march in lockstep with the intelligence agencies' effort to
destroy the First Amendment were the Houston Post; Norman Mailer, who reviewed Rush to Judgment in
the United States and Len Deighton, who reviewed it in London.
The question persists, in view of the elaborate and illegal program undertaken by the CIA to malign
American citizens and to discourage publishers from printing dissents from the Warren Commission
Report, as to the motivation for these efforts. Again, we turn to the CIA dispatch: "Our organization itself
is directly involved: among other facts, we contributed information to the investigation." Yes, the CIA was
directly involved and it did make its contribution to the investigation. What else the CIA did to constitute
its "direct" involvement in the assassination was left unsaid by the authors of its report.
Let us focus at this point upon the information that the CIA contributed. Its major contribution was the
presentation of the Mexico City story to Earl Warren. The CIA seemed desperately concerned that its
Mexico City story might be questioned. Indeed, it was this aberrant behavior by the CIA with this aspect
of the case that led me to focus more intently on the case.
The first book review of Rush to Judgment was never printed in any newspaper or journal, at least not in
the form in which the review originally appeared. The book was published in mid-August 1966. Before I
saw the printer's proofs, the CIA had obtained a copy. On August 2, 1966, the CIA published a document
entitled "Review of Book - Rush to Judgment by Mark Lane." I did not learn the existence of that
document for almost a decade. The review centered upon statements I had written about Oswald in
Mexico City: "On pages 351 and 352, Lane discusses the photograph of the unknown individual which
was taken by the CIA in Mexico City. The photograph was furnished by this Agency to the FBI after the
assassination of President Kennedy. The FBI then showed it to Mrs. Marguerite Oswald who later claimed
the photograph to be that of lack Ruby. A discussion of the incident, the photograph itself, and related
affidavits, all appear in the Commission's Report (Vol. XI, p. 469; Vol. XVI, p. 638). Lane asserts that the
photograph was evidently taken in front of the Cuban Embassy in Mexico City on 27 September 1963, and
that it was furnished to the FBI on the morning of 22 November."
The concern about my relatively nonincriminating disclosure was surprising to me at the time, however,
a decade after the assassination it became apparent that the case that the CIA had so painstakingly
constructed, placing Oswald in Mexico City at the two embassies, had fallen apart as if it were a house of
cards. Not one material bit of evidence remained. It was a new day. The war in Vietnam and crimes
committed by authorities, including President Nixon, were beginning to convince the American people
that simplistic explanations of past national tragedies might be challenged. Statements by leaders of
government or federal police officials were no longer sacrosanct.
(21) Karl Cohen, The Guardian (7th March, 2003)
The CIA's choice of George Orwell's Animal Farm to produce as an animated film almost makes sense.
Almost, but not quite, because the book's ending shows both the pigs and humans joined together as
corrupt and evil powers. To use Animal Farm for its purpose, as Stonor Saunders reveals, the CIA's Office
of Policy Coordination, which directed covert government operations, had two members of their
Psychological Warfare Workshop staff obtain the screen rights to the novel. Howard Hunt, who became
infamous as a member of the Watergate break-in team, is identified as head of the operation. His contact
in Hollywood was Carleton Alsop, brother of writer Joseph Alsop, who was working undercover at
Paramount. Working with Alsop was Finis Farr, a writer living in Los Angeles.
It was Alsop and Farr who went to England to negotiate the rights to the property from Sonia Orwell. Mrs
Orwell probably knew Farr as she moved in literary and artistic circles as an assistant to the editor of
Horizon magazine. This is well documented in The Girl from the Fiction Department by Hilary Spurling.
Mrs Orwell signed after Alsop and Farr agreed to arrange for her to meet her hero, Clark Gable. "As a
measure of thanks", a CIA official named Joe Bryan made the arrangements for the meeting, according
to The Paper Trail, edited by Jon Elliston.
Hunt selected Louis De Rochemont to be the film's producer at Paramount. Before the war, in 1935, De
Rochemont had created The March of Time, a new form of screen journalism that combined the newsreel
and documentary film into a 15- to 20-minute entertaining short that went behind the news to explain
the significance of an event. The March of Time, sponsored by the Time-Life Company, was a popular
monthly series for over a decade before ending in 1951.
Hunt probably chose De Rochemont because he had once worked for him on The March of Time series.
De Rochemont had also worked on socially and politically sensitive films for many years. He produced the
anti-Nazi spy film The House on 92nd Street (1945) and Lost Boundaries (1949), one of the first racially
aware films (it is about a black doctor who passes for white until he is unmasked by the black
community).
A recently published book, British Cinema and the Cold War: the State, Propaganda and the Consensus
by Tony Shaw, suggests De Rochemont chose Halas and Batchelor to animate the film as production
costs were lower in England and because he questioned the loyalty of some American animators. The
House Un-American Activities Committee hearings on communists in the film industry began in earnest
in 1951 (Disney testified at short-lived hearings that were held in 1947) and several people in the
animation industry were blacklisted, careers were ruined or disrupted.
On the other hand, Vivien Halas, daughter of the film's co-directors John Halas and Joy Batchelor,
suggests the real reason they got the contract is that Louis De Rochemont was a Navy buddy and good
friend of screenwriters-producers Philip Stapp and Lothar Wolff. De Rochemont had worked with them in
the Navy's film unit and Vivien's mother had worked closely with Stapp in 1949 on a Marshall Plan film
produced by Halas and Batchelor, The Shoemaker and the Hatter. Eventually Stapp and Wolff would be
hired to work on Animal Farm's script.
Although the decision on what firm to hire came at a bleak moment for some American animation
companies (the film could have been produced in Los Angeles by a studio whose reputation was beyond
reproach), I suspect Halas and Batchelor's reputation, personal friendships and budgetary restraints
were important factors in the decision to award them the contract.
Animal Farm was the first animated feature produced in England. John Halas (1912-1995) was born in
Budapest and had worked as an animator before moving to Paris. He moved to England and in 1940
formed Halas and Batchelor with Joy Batchelor (1914-1991), a British animator and scriptwriter. They
were married a year later. During the war they were kept busy with training, propaganda and other
forms of government-sponsored films.
The animation firm was awarded the contract to make the feature in November 1951 and it was
completed in April 1954. It is logical to assume that before the contract was signed De Rochemont made
it quite clear that the film would not be identical to the book and he may have had a rough script or other
guidelines. Vivien says that during the production, the script went through several changes before it was
finalised...
Vivien recalls, "The changes came about as the film evolved. There were at least nine versions of the
script and heated discussions about the end. My mother especially felt it was wrong to change the
ending." She has a tape recording of her father saying that the ending they used offers a glimmer of
hope for the future. In an interview on British television in 1980, he defended the ending as being
necessary to give the audience hope for the future. "You can not send home millions in the audience
being puzzled"...
The film did well at the box office and the reviews were favourable, but some critics suggested people
should read the book to learn what was left out. The film was later distributed around the world by the
United States Information Agency (USIA) through its overseas libraries.
(22) Hugh Wilford, The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America (2008)
Fortunately for the CIA, two factors predisposed the major Hollywood studios that dominated the
industry to take a "responsible" position in the cultural Cold War. One was a strong tendency toward self-
censorship, the result of many years' experience avoiding the commercially disastrous effects of giving
offense to either domestic pressure groups like the American Legion or foreign audiences. The other was
the fact that the men who ran the studios were intensely patriotic and anticommunist - they saw it as
their duty to help their government defeat the Soviet threat.
This spontaneous willingness of the moviemakers to cooperate with U.S. officialdom manifested itself in
many ways. Some ways were overt (boosting the Army or Navy in war movies, for example, or helping
the United States Information Agency make pro-American documentaries), others covert. The most
dramatic instance of the latter was Militant Liberty, a multi-agency propaganda campaign devised in 1954
with the aim of embedding American-style democratic values in foreign cultures, especially in such new
theaters of the Cold War as Central America, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia. (Secret planning
documents identified "target" countries for "testing" the program, including Japan.)
Although the architects of Militant Liberty did not limit themselves to cinema other "informational"
techniques discussed included letter-writing and leader exchanges - they did attach particular
importance to film production, reflecting the common assumption of Cold War western propagandists
that the moving image was the most appropriate medium for "Third World" audiences. Among the
several Hollywood personalities who volunteered their services for this program were eminent director
and former OSS filmmaker John Ford; the cinematic embodiment of the American masculine ideal, actor
John Wayne; and world-famous studio boss/director Cecil B. DeMille (who had already agreed to serve as
film consultant to the recently created USIA). Along with a few other key studio players, such as
Twentieth Century-Fox boss Darryl Zanuck, this group composed what Frances Stonor Saunders has
called the "Hollywood consortium," an informal but powerful group of movie artists and moguls who
shared the belief that (in the words of foreign market specialist Eric Johnston), "We need to make certain
our films are doing a good job for our nation and our industry."
First World War | Second World War | The Tudors | British History | Vietnam War | Military History | Watergate |

Assassination of JFK | Assocation Football | Normans | American West | Famous Crimes | Black People in Britain |
The Monarchy | Blitz | United States | Cold War | English Civil War | Making of the United Kingdom | Russia | Germany |
The Medieval World | Nazi Germany | American Civil War | Spanish Civil War | Civil Rights Movement | McCarthyism |
Slavery | Child Labour | Women's Suffrage | Parliamentary Reform | Railways | Trade Unions | Textile Industry |
Russian Revolution | Travel Guide | Spartacus Blog | Winston Churchill | John F. Kennedy | Lyndon B. Johnson |
Robert F. Kennedy | Queen Victoria | J. Edgar Hoove | Ku Klux Klan | Martin Luther King | Adolf Hitler | Joseph Stalin |
Jim Crow Laws | Benito Mussolini | Franklin D. Roosevelt | Abraham Lincoln | Lee Harvey Oswald |
Black History Facts 365
http://blackhistorymonth2014.com
Author : Darlene Dancy
Tagged as : media disception, media mind control, Operation Mockingbird
Date : April 14, 2014
Operation Mockingbird: Are You Chatting With a CIA

Agent Online?
oday, Operation Mockingbird has evolved into a new brand of media control. CIA Agents are now hired
and given shill accounts on social media outlets like Facebook to argue any ideology they are instructed
to. The agents have up to 10 fake shill accounts used to troll and create the illusion of having a genuine
network of friends. They will defend current administration decisions with relentless irrational
stubbornness that one can only be paid to do. The government is using tax money to spread lies and
disinformation to the public. Is this the best use for our tax money?
Are you chatting with a CIA Agent online? It’s possible you may already have. Last year Abby Martin
from RT’s “Breaking the Set” reported on an up to date Operation Mockingbird where the CIA packed a
building full of CIA agents with the sole purpose of misleading the public.
In the congressional hearing from 1976 (below) listen to how many agents are in the media to write false
stories.
According to the Congress report published in 1976:
1/7
“The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world who
publishers, and other foreign media outlets.”
- See more at: http://asheepnomore.net/2014/04/01/operation-mockingbird-chatting-cia-agent-

online/#sthash.Aq2P6snO.dpuf
Operation Mockingbird was a secret Central Intelligence Agency(CIA) campaign to influence

media to promote false propaganda or print misleading stories. Operation Mockingbird was the
brainstorm project of Frank Wisner in collaboration with Cord Meyer and Allen W. Dulles who
are listed as the “principal operatives” of Operation Mockingbird.
Operation Mockingbird was a secret Central Intelligence Agency(CIA) campaign to influence media to
promote false propaganda or print misleading stories. Operation Mockingbird was the brainstorm project
of Frank Wisner in collaboration with Cord Meyer and Allen W. Dulles who are listed as the “principal
operatives” of Operation Mockingbird.
2/7
Today, Operation Mockingbird has evolved into a new brand of media control. CIA Agents are now hired
and given shill accounts on social media outlets like Facebook to argue any ideology they are instructed
to. The agents have up to 10 fake shill accounts used to troll and create the illusion of having a genuine
network of friends. They will defend current administration decisions with relentless irrational
stubbornness that one can only be paid to do. The government is using tax money to spread lies and
disinformation to the public. Is this the best use for our tax money?
Are you chatting with a CIA Agent online? It’s possible you may already have. Last year Abby Martin
from RT’s “Breaking the Set” reported on an up to date Operation Mockingbird where the CIA packed a
building full of CIA agents with the sole purpose of misleading the public.
In the congressional hearing from 1976 (below) listen to how many agents are in the media to write false
stories.

publishers, and other foreign media outlets.”
- See more at: http://asheepnomore.net/2014/04/01/operation-mockingbird-chatting-cia-agent-

online/#sthash.Aq2P6snO.dpuf
3/7
Today, Operation Mockingbird has evolved into a new brand of media control. CIA Agents are
now hired and given shill accounts on social media outlets like Facebook to argue any ideology
they are instructed to. The agents have up to 10 fake shill accounts used to troll and create the
illusion of having a genuine network of friends. They will defend current administration decisions
with relentless irrational stubbornness that one can only be paid to do. The government is using
tax money to spread lies and disinformation to the public. Is this the best use for our tax money?
Are you chatting with a CIA Agent online? It’s possible you may already have. Last year Abby
Martin from RT’s “Breaking the Set” reported on an up to date Operation Mockingbird where
the CIA packed a building full of CIA agents with the sole purpose of misleading the public.
In the congressional hearing from 1976 (below) listen to how many agents are in the media to
write false stories.
4/7
“The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the
world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the
use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large
number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and
television stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets.”
By the year 1953 Operation Mockingbird dictated information in over 25 newspapers and wire
agencies. These organizations were run by people with well-known right-wing views such as
William Paley (CBS), Henry Luce (Time and Life Magazine), Arthur Hays Sulzberger (New York
Times), Alfred Friendly (managing editor of the Washington Post), Jerry O’Leary (Washington
Star), Hal Hendrix (Miami News), Barry Bingham, Sr., (Louisville Courier-Journal), James
Copley (Copley News Services) and Joseph Harrison (Christian Science Monitor).
5/7
Even Rolling Stone claimed that a journalist Joseph Alsop was under the control of Operation
Mockingbird in 1977. His articles appeared in over 300 different newspapers. Other journalists
alleged by Rolling Stone Magazine to have been willing to promote the views of the CIA
6/7
included Stewart Alsop (New York Herald Tribune), Ben Bradlee (Newsweek), James Reston
(New York Times), Charles Douglas Jackson (Time Magazine), Walter Pincus (Washington
Post), William C. Baggs (The Miami News), Herb Gold (The Miami News) and Charles Bartlett
(Chattanooga Times). According to Nina Burleigh (A Very Private Woman), these journalists
sometimes wrote articles that were commissioned by Frank Wisner. The CIA also provided
them with classified information to help them with their work.
The Smith-Mundt Modernization Act of 2012, passed as part of the 2013 National Defense
Authorization Act, will allow the CIA to flood America with more government propaganda. Well
now openly anyway. They are now telling us they will be lying to us on purpose to misguide and
push their agenda. They are openly admitting to crime.
source:wideawakeamerica.com
By the year 1953 Operation Mockingbird dictated information in over 25 newspapers and wire
agencies. These organizations were run by people with well-known right-wing views such as
William Paley (CBS), Henry Luce (Time and Life Magazine), Arthur Hays Sulzberger (New York
Times), Alfred Friendly (managing editor of the Washington Post), Jerry O’Leary (Washington
Star), Hal Hendrix (Miami News), Barry Bingham, Sr., (Louisville Courier-Journal), James
Copley (Copley News Services) and Joseph Harrison (Christian Science Monitor). - See more
at: http://asheepnomore.net/2014/04/01/operation-mockingbird-chatting-cia-agent-
online/#sthash.Aq2P6snO.dpufBy the year 1953 Operation Mockingbird dictated information in
over 25 newspapers and wire agencies. These organizations were run by people with well-
known right-wing views such as William Paley (CBS), Henry Luce (Time and Life Magazine),
Arthur Hays Sulzberger (New York Times), Alfred Friendly (managing editor of the Washington
Post), Jerry O’Leary (Washington Star), Hal Hendrix (Miami News), Barry Bingham, Sr.,
(Louisville Courier-Journal), James Copley (Copley News Services) and Joseph Harrison
(Christian Science Monitor). - See more at: http://asheepnomore.net/2014/04/01/operation-
mockingbird-chatting-cia-agent-online/#sthash.Aq2P6snO.dpuf
7/7
Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)
10/10/2016 mockingbird
EVERYTHING YOU EVER WANTED TO KNOW ABOUT THE CIA BUT WERE AFRAID TO
FIND OUT...
"If in the first act you introduce a gun, by the third act you have to use it." - Anton Chekov

By Mary Louise

The CIA's secret activities, covert missions, and connections of control are all done under the pretense
and protection of national security with no accountability whatsoever, at least in their minds.
Considering the public is held accountable for everything we think, say, and do there is something
seriously wrong with this picture. The CIA is the President's secret army, who have been and continue
to be conveniently above the law with unlimited power and authority, to conduct a reign of terror
around the globe. The "old boy network" of socializing, talking shop, and tapping each other for favors
outside the halls of government made it inevitable that the CIA and Corporate America would become
allies, thus the systematic infiltration and takeover of the media. Under the guise of 'American'
objectives and lack of congressional oversight, the CIA accomplish their exploits by using every trick
in the book (and they know quite a few) that they actually teach in the notorious "School of the
Americas", nicknamed the "School of Dictators" and "School of Assassins" by critics.
The Association for Responsible Dissent estimates that 6 million people had died by 1987 as a result of
CIA covert operations, called an "American Holocaust" by former State Department official William
Blum. In 1948, the CIA recreated its covert action wing called the Office of Policy Coordination with
Wall Street lawyer Frank Wisner as its first director. Another early elitist who served as Director of the
CIA from 1953 to 1961 was Allen Dulles, a senior partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and
Cromwell, which represented the Rockefeller empire and other trusts, corporations, and cartels.
Mockingbird, with the intent of buying influence behind the scenes at major media outlets and putting
reporters on the CIA payroll, which has proven to be a stunning ongoing success. The CIA effort to
recruit American news organizations and journalists to become spies and disseminators of propaganda,
was headed up by Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles, Richard Helms, and Philip Graham (publisher of The
Washington Post). Wisner had taken Graham under his wing to direct the program code-named
Media assets will eventually include ABC, NBC, CBS, Time, Newsweek, Associated Press, United
Press International (UPI), Reuters, Hearst Newspapers, Scripps-Howard, Copley News Service, etc.
and 400 journalists, who have secretly carried out assignments according to documents on file at CIA
headquarters, from intelligence-gathering to serving as go-betweens. The CIA had infiltrated the
nation's businesses, media, and universities with tens of thousands of on-call operatives by the 1950's.
CIA Director Dulles had staffed the CIA almost exclusively with Ivy League graduates, especially
from Yale with figures like George Herbert Walker Bush from the "Skull and Crossbones" Society.
Many Americans still insist or persist in believing that we have a free press, while getting most of their
news from state-controlled television, under the misconception that reporters are meant to serve the
http://www.magickriver.net/mockingbird.htm 1/28
public. Reporters are paid employees and serve the media owners, who usually cower when challenged
by advertisers or major government figures.
Robert Parry reported the first breaking stories about Iran-Contra for Associated Press that were largely
ignored by the press and congress, then moving to Newsweek he witnessed a retraction of a true story
for political reasons. In 'Fooling America: A Talk by Robert Parry' he said, "The people who succeeded
and did well were those who didn't stand up, who didn't write the big stories, who looked the other way
when history was happening in front of them, and went along either consciously or just by cowardice
with the deception of the American people."
Major networks are primarily controlled by giant corporations that are obligated by law, to put the
profits of their investors ahead of all other considerations which are often in conflict with the practice
of responsible journalism. There were around 50 corporations a couple of decades ago, which was
considered monopolistic by many and yet today, these companies have become larger and fewer in
number as the biggest ones absorb their rivals. This concentration of ownership and power reduces the
diversity of media voices, as news falls into the hands of large conglomerates with holdings in many
industries that interferes in newsgathering, because of conflicts of interest.
Mockingbird was an immense financial undertaking with funds flowing from the CIA largely through
the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) founded by Tom Braden with Pat Buchanon of CNN's
Crossfire. Media corporations share members of the board of directors with a variety of other large
corporations including banks, investment companies, oil companies, health care, pharmaceutical, and
technology companies. Until the 1980's, media systems were generally domestically owned, regulated,
and national in scope. However, pressure from the IMF, World Bank, and US government to deregulate
and privatize, the media, communication, and new technology resulted in a global commercial media
system dominated by a small number of super-powerful transnational media corporations (mostly US
based), working to advance the cause of global markets and the CIA agenda. The first tier of the nine
giant firms that dominate the world are Time Warner/AOL, Disney/ABC, Bertelsmann, Viacom/CBS,
Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation/Fox, General Electric/NBC, Sony, Universal/Seagram, Tele-
Communications, Inc. or TCI and AT&T.
This is just the head of the octopus which has its second and third tier tentacles working together in
unison or feigned division. This would include The Washington Post/Newsweek, The New York
Times/Weekly Standard, Tribune Co., US News, Gannett/USA Today, Dow Jones/Wall Street Journal,
Washington Times, Knight-Ridder, etcetera. A good site to visit for more information is Fairness and
Accuracy in Reporting, a public interest media watchdog group, at www.fair.org/index.html,
www.fair.org/mediafiles/index.html and www.fair.org/extra/9711/gmg.html.
Media propaganda tactics include blackouts, misdirections, expert opinions to echo the Establishment
line, smears, defining popular opinions, mass entertainment distractions, and Hobson's Choice (the
media presents the so-called conservative and liberal positions). "Who Controls the Media? The
Subversion of the Free Press by the CIA, The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation
Mockingbird", "The CIA: America's Premier International Terrorist Organization", and "Virtual
Government: CIA Mind Control Operations in America" by Alex Constantine are an excellent source
of information on this topic: www.alexconstantine.50megs.com/the_cia_and.html and
www.alexconstantine.50megs.com.
David Guyatt has written books and many articles including one entitled "Subverting the Media" at
www.deepblacklies.co.uk/subverting_the_media.htm. Then there are two articles called "A Timeline of
CIA Atrocities" and "The Origins of the Overclass" by Steve Kangas that are very informative
although from a more liberal perspective. Steve will not be writing anymore articles as he is no longer
with us, having unfortunately met his untimely death that was 'apparently' from a self-inflicted gunshot
wound. If you read about him on his web page that is still available, you will see that he did not seem
like a person who was suffering from deep depression. In his memory, please take the time to read
what he wrote at www.korpios.org/resurgent/CIAtimeline.html,

www.korpios.org/resurgent/CIAtimeline.html, and www.korpios.org/resurgent/index.html.
CNN aired "Valley of Death" in June of 1998 and Time magazine (both owned by Time-Warner) ran a
story about a secret mission called Operation Tailwind and the activities of SOG, Studies and
Observations Group, a secret elite commando unit of the Army's Special Forces that used lethal nerve
gas (sarin), on a mission to Laos designed to kill American defectors. Suddenly the network was awash
in denials and the story was hushed up, as usual. Acknowledged use of this gas coming at a time when
the U.S. government was trying to get Saddam to comply with weapons inspections, was an
embarrassment to say the least. What hypocrisy! Having actually used the weapons on our own troops,
then complaining and accusing Saddam of potential use of stored similar weapons, of which some
were manufactured in and supplied by the U.S. The broadcast was prepared after exhaustive research
and rooted in considerable supportive data. To decide for yourself what the truth is read Floyd Abrams'
report on the CNN site at www.cnn.com/US/9807/02/tailwind.findings/index.html.
Washington Post, having gained access to what the CIA was trying to keep from congress about its
program of using journalists at home and abroad, in deliberate propaganda campaigns. It was later
revealed that Woodward was a Naval intelligence briefer to the White House and knew many insiders
including General Alexander Haig. A high-level source told Bernstein, "One journalist is worth twenty
agents." CFR/Trilateralist Katharine Graham, in a 1988 speech given to senior CIA employees at
Agency headquarters said, "We live in a dirty and dangerous world. There are some things the general
public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can
take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows."
Maybe that's another reason why folks get the impression that a suspicious agenda lurks behind the
headlines. "25 Ways to Suppress Truth: Rules of Disinformation" and "8 Traits of the
Disinformationalist" at www.proparanoid.com/truth.htm, sums it up very well.
Ralph McGehee was a CIA agent for 25 years, mainly in South-East Asia where he witnessed bombing
and napalming of villages, which caused him to examine closely what the CIA was really all about. He
has written about Vietnam's onfocus="if(this.blur)this.blur();">Phoenix Program and after a long battle
with CIA censors, he published the book "Deadly Deceits" in 1983. Ralph has been harassed by the
CIA and FBI, involving bodily injury, and his CIABASE website was shut down on Spring of 2000.
He copied some reports that can be found at:
onfocus="if(this.blur)this.blur();">http://serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/ciabase_report_1.htm (and 2.htm),
onfocus="if(this.blur)this.blur();">http://serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/death_squads.htm, and
onfocus="if(this.blur)this.blur();">http://www.thirdworldtraveler.com/CIA/Deadly_Deceits.html.
He concluded that the CIA is not now nor has it ever been a central intelligence agency but rather the
covert action arm of the President's foreign policy advisors, of which disinformation is a large part of
its responsibility and the American people are the primary target of its lies.
One of the primary reasons John F. Kennedy was assassinated had to do with the fact he dared to
interfere in the framework of power. Kennedy was intent on exercising his ELECTED powers and not
allowing them to be usurped by power-crazed individuals in the intelligence community, threatening to
"splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the wind." There were four things that filled the
CIA with rage and sealed his fate; JFK fired Allen Dulles, was in the process of founding a panel to
investigate the CIA's numerous crimes, put a damper on the breadth and scope of the CIA, and limited
their ability to act under National Security Memoranda 55. There is such an overwhelming amount of
information pertaining to the CIA that it is impossible to cover it all in one book, much less an article.
Personally, I have come to the conclusion that the media is not only influenced by the CIA..... the
media is the CIA. Many Americans think of their supposedly free press as a watchdog on government,
mainly because the press itself shamelessly promotes that myth.
One of the first tenets for the control of a population is to control all sources of information the
population receives and mostly because of the pervasive CIA and Operation Mockingbird, the
mainstream American Press is a controlled multi-national corporate/government megaphone. They are
up to their eyeballs in dirty deeds and there will never be an end to the corruption that prevails unless
the CIA is abolished. Otherwise, the CIA will just keep on using their tricks of propaganda, stuffed
ballot boxes, purchased elections, extortion, blackmail, drug trafficking, sexual intrigue, kidnapping,
beating, torture, intimidation, economic sabotage, false stories about opponents in the local media,
infiltration and disruption of opposing political parties, demolition and evacuation procedures, death
squads, and politically motivated assassinations. The CIA is the epitome of organized crime run
amuck! onfocus="if(this.blur)this.blur();">http://www.prisonplanet.com/analysis.html

Central Intelligence Agency

Official Media Relations Site
In an effort to provide the American people with accurate information about the CIA,
its mission, and the contributions Agency employees make to national security, the
Media Relations Division staff works with print and broadcast journalists on a daily
basis. The Office of Public Affairs believes that accurate media coverage of aspects of
the Agency’s work will build better public understanding of our efforts. The Division's
objective is to be as helpful and responsive to the media as possible while still
protecting classified information, including intelligence sources and methods. To
accomplish this goal, the Media Relations Division staff establishes professional
relationships with print and broadcast reporters, responds to press inquiries on a wide
range of issues, develops media strategies in advance of newsworthy events or
background briefings for U.S. media.
onfocus="if(this.blur)this.blur();">http://www.cia.gov/cia/public_affairs/media.html
A Short Peek into the Future

By Wade Inganamort
Click. Click. Click. The familiar sound violently awoke Sam, sending shockwaves
down his spine. Click. Click. Click. His first voluntary reaction was to think - Is it
me? Do they know? Wondering how far away they were, he threw back the standard
issue gray bedding and planted his feet firmly on the cold cement floor. His mind was
racing in one consistent direction: escape. Grabbing his overcoat, he stumbled to the
door, while checking the pockets to ensure that he still had the document. I must get rid
of it, he thought. Why did I have to be so damn curious? Click. Click. Click. The
sound was getting closer. How he wished that he didn't have this chip in his arm, then
he could've just slipped away weeks ago. It's now or never, he whispered to himself. His
left hand was cleching the document in his pocket as he turned the doorknob. Swoosh.
A dart flew by his right temple. It was too late. Click. Click. Click. There they were,
his worse nightmare come true; a fleet of ten six-legged Lynxmotion Hexapod II walking
robots were approaching from the end of the hallway. They were increasing speed, but
from hearing so many rumors, the Hexapods were not what he feared. They were but
mere slaves, doing reconnaissance as part of a distributed sensor network, relaying the
triangulated information back to their master, ROBART.
ROBART he knew, was rather slow with his dual treads powered by 12-volt electric
wheelchair motors. Escape was a matter of evading the Hexapods before he was
remotely located by GPS from the signals that his subdermal microchip - Digital Angel
was emitting. But where would he go? This sector's grid monitor prevented any free-
roaming, unless a travel plan was first logged from a public Digital Angel uplink
terminal. Click. Click. Click. He made a dash to the right, hoping to get a small head
start and immediately felt the first of six steel tipped darts enter his neck. Consciousness
began to fade away. His left hand was still tightly gripping the illegal document.
ROBART's remote camera zooms in on the torn Xeroxed paper as the puppetmasters
3,000 miles away can just barely read a portion of the title: The Constitution of the
United Sta......
"We have money to blow up bridges over the Tigris and Euphrates and we don't have money to build bridges in our major
cities. We have money to destroy the health of the Iraqi people and we don't have enough money to repair the health of our
own people in this country. There is something fundamentally wrong with the direction this administration is taking its
foreign policy, and I intend to change that if I am elected president of the United States." - Dennis Kucinich on CNN's
Crossfire: Friday February 21, 2003.
"They hang the man and flog the woman who steal the goose from the Common. But the other man they let go loose
who steal the Common from the goose." - Olde English Nursery Rhyme

By Steve Kangas
The wealthy have always used many methods to accumulate wealth, but it was not until the mid-1970s
that these methods coalesced into a superbly organized, cohesive and efficient machine. After 1975, it
became greater than the sum of its parts, a smooth flowing organization of advocacy groups, lobbyists,
think tanks, conservative foundations, and PR firms that hurtled the richest 1 percent into the
stratosphere.
The origins of this machine, interestingly enough, can be traced back to the CIA. This is not to say the
machine is a formal CIA operation, complete with code name and signed documents. (Although such
evidence may yet surface — and previously unthinkable domestic operations such as MK-ULTRA,
CHAOS and MOCKINGBIRD show this to be a distinct possibility.) But what we do know already
indicts the CIA strongly enough. Its principle creators were Irving Kristol, Paul Weyrich, William
Simon, Richard Mellon Scaife, Frank Shakespeare, William F. Buckley, Jr., the Rockefeller family, and
more. Almost all the machine's creators had CIA backgrounds.
During the 1970s, these men would take the propaganda and operational techniques they had learned in
the Cold War and apply them to the Class War. Therefore it is no surprise that the American version of
the machine bears an uncanny resemblance to the foreign versions designed to fight communism. The
CIA's expert and comprehensive organization of the business class would succeed beyond their wildest
dreams. In 1975, the richest 1 percent owned 22 percent of America’s wealth. By 1992, they would
nearly double that, to 42 percent — the highest level of inequality in the 20th century. How did this
alliance start?
The CIA has always recruited the nation’s elite: millionaire businessmen, Wall Street brokers,
members of the national news media, and Ivy League scholars. During World War II, General "Wild
Bill" Donovan became chief of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), the forerunner of the CIA.
Donovan recruited so exclusively from the nation’s rich and powerful that members eventually came to
joke that "OSS" stood for "Oh, so social!" Another early elite was Allen Dulles, who served as Director
of the CIA from 1953 to 1961. Dulles was a senior partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and
Cromwell, which represented the Rockefeller empire and other mammoth trusts, corporations and
cartels. He was also a board member of the J. Henry Schroeder Bank, with offices in Wall Street,
London, Zurich and Hamburg. His financial interests across the world would become a conflict of
interest when he became head of the CIA. Like Donavan, he would recruit exclusively from society’s
elite.
By the 1950s, the CIA had riddled the nation’s businesses, media and universities with tens of
thousands of part-time, on-call operatives. Their employment with the agency took a variety of forms,
which included: Leaving one's profession to work for the CIA in a formal, official capacity. Staying in
one's profession, using the job as cover for CIA activity. This undercover activity could be full-time,
part-time, or on-call. Staying in one's profession, occasionally passing along information useful to the
CIA. Passing through the revolving door that has always existed between the agency and the business
world.
Historically, the CIA and society’s elite have been one and the same people. This means that their
interests and goals are one and the same as well. Perhaps the most frequent description of the
intelligence community is the "old boy network," where members socialize, talk shop, conduct
business and tap each other for favors well outside the formal halls of government. Many common
traits made it inevitable that the CIA and Corporate America would become allies. Both share an
intense dislike of democracy, and feel they should be liberated from democratic regulations and
oversight. Both share a culture of secrecy, either hiding their actions from the American public or lying
about them to present the best public image. And both are in a perfect position to help each other.
How? International businesses give CIA agents cover, secret funding, top-quality resources and
important contacts in foreign lands. In return, the CIA gives corporations billion-dollar federal
contracts (for spy planes, satellites and other hi-tech spycraft). Businessmen also enjoy the romantic
thrill of participating in spy operations. The CIA also gives businesses a certain amount of protection
and privacy from the media and government watchdogs, under the guise of "national security."
Finally, the CIA helps American corporations remain dominant in foreign markets, by overthrowing
governments hostile to unregulated capitalism and installing puppet regimes whose policies favor
American corporations at the expense of their people. The CIA’s alliance with the elite turned out to be
an unholy one. Each enabled the other to rise above the law. Indeed, a review of the CIA’s history is
one of such crime and atrocity that no one can reasonably defend it, even in the name of
anticommunism.
Before reviewing this alliance in detail, it is useful to know the CIA’s history of atrocity first. The
Crimes of the CIA During World War II, the OSS actively engaged in propaganda, sabotage and
countless other dirty tricks. After the war, and even after the CIA was created in 1947, the American
intelligence community reverted to harmless information gathering and analysis, thinking that the
danger to national security had passed. That changed in 1948 with the emergence of the Cold War. In
that year, the CIA recreated its covert action wing, innocuously called the Office of Policy
Coordination. Its first director was Wall Street lawyer Frank Wisner. According to its secret charter, its
responsibilities included propaganda, economic warfare, preventive direct action, including sabotage,
antisabotage, demolition and evacuation procedures; subversion against hostile states, including
assistance to underground resistance groups, and support of indigenous anti-communist elements in
threatened countries of the free world. By 1953, the dirty tricks department of the CIA had grown to
7,200 personnel and commanded 74 percent of the CIA’s total budget.
The following quotes describe the culture of lawlessness that pervaded the CIA: Stanley Lovell, a CIA
recruiter for "Wild Bill" Donovan: "What I have to do is to stimulate the Peck's Bad Boy beneath the
surface of every American scientist and say to him, 'Throw all your normal law-abiding concepts out
the window. Here's a chance to raise merry hell. Come help me raise it.'" 1 George Hunter White,
writing of his CIA escapades: "I toiled wholeheartedly in the vineyards because it was fun, fun, fun...
Where else could a red-blooded American boy lie, kill, cheat, steal, rape and pillage with the sanction
and blessing of the all-highest?" 2 A retired CIA agency caseworker with twenty years experience: "I
never gave a thought to legality or morality. Frankly, I did what worked."
Blessed with secrecy and lack of congressional oversight, CIA operations became corrupt almost
immediately. Using propaganda stations like Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, the CIA felt
justified in manipulating the public for its own good. The broadcasts were so patently false that for a
time it was illegal to publish transcripts of them in the U.S. This was a classic case of a powerful
organization deciding what was best for the people, and then abusing the powers it had helped itself to.
During the 40s and 50s, most of the public was unaware of what the CIA was doing. Those who knew
thought they were fighting the good fight against communism, like James Bond. However, they could
not keep their actions secret forever, and by the 60s and 70s, Americans began learning about the
agency’s crimes and atrocities.3
It turns out the CIA has:

- Corrupted democratic elections in Greece, Italy and dozens of other nations;
- Been involved to varying degrees in at least 35 assassination plots against foreign heads of state or
prominent political leaders. Successful assassinations include democratically elected leaders like
Salvador Allende (Chile) and Patrice Lumumba (Belgian Congo); also CIA-created dictators like
Rafael Trujillo (Dominican Republic) and Ngo Dinh Diem (South Vietnam); and popular political
leaders like Che Guevara. Unsuccessful attempts range from Fidel Castro to Charles De Gaulle.
- Helped launch military coups that toppled democratic governments, replacing them with brutal
dictatorships or juntas.
The list of overthrown democratic leaders includes Mossadegh (Iran, 1953), Arbenz (Guatemala,
1954), Velasco and Arosemena (Ecuador, 1961, 1963), Bosch (Dominican Republic, 1963), Goulart
(Brazil, 1964), Sukarno (Indonesia, 1965), Papandreou (Greece, 1965-67), Allende (Chile, 1973), and
dozens of others. Undermined the governments of Australia, Guyana, Cambodia, Jamaica and more;
Supported murderous dictators like General Pinochet (Chile), the Shah of Iran, Ferdinand Marcos
(Phillipines), "Papa Doc" and "Baby Doc" Duvalier (Haiti), General Noriega (Panama), Mobutu Sese
Seko (Ziare), the "reign of the colonels" (Greece), and more; Created, trained and supported death
squads and secret police forces that tortured and murdered hundreds of thousands of civilians, leftists
and political opponents, in Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Haiti, Bolivia, Cuba, Mexico, Uruguay,
Brazil, Chile, Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand, Iran, Turkey, Angola and others; Helped run the "School
of the Americas" at Fort Benning, Georgia, which trains Latin American military officers how to
overthrow democratic governments. Subjects include the use of torture, interrogation and murder;
Used Michigan State "professors" to train Diem’s secret police in torture; Conducted economic
sabotage, including ruining crops, disrupting industry, sinking ships and creating food shortages; Paved
the way for the massacre of 200,000 in East Timor, 500,000 in Indonesia and one to two million in
Cambodia; Launched secret or illegal military actions or wars in Nicaragua, Angola, Cuba, Laos and
Indochina; Planted false stories in the local media; Framed political opponents for crimes, atrocities,
political statements and embarrassments that they did not commit; Spied on thousands of American
citizens, in defiance of Congressional law; Smuggled Nazi war criminals and weapon scientists into the
U.S., unpunished, for their use in the Cold War; Created organizations like the World Anti-Communist
League, which became filled with ex-Nazis, Nazi sympathizers, Italian terrorists, Japanese fascists,
racist Afrikaaners, Latin American death squad leaders, CIA agents and other extreme right-wing
militants; Conducted Operation MK-ULTRA, a mind-control experiment that gave LSD and other
drugs to Americans against their will or without their knowledge, causing some to commit suicide;
Penetrated and disrupted student antiwar organizations; Kept friendly and extensive working relations
with the Mafia; Actively traded in drugs around the world since the 1950s to fund its operations.
The Contra/crack scandal is only the tip of the iceberg – other notorious examples include Southeast
Asia’s Golden Triangle and Noriega’s Panama. Had their fingerprints all over the assassinations of
John F. Kennedy, Robert F. Kennedy, Martin Luther King, Jr., and Malcom X. Even if the CIA is not
responsible for these killings, the sheer amount of CIA involvement in these cases demands answers;
And then routinely lied to Congress about all of the above. The Association for Responsible Dissent
estimates that by 1987, 6 million people had died as a result of CIA covert operations.4 Former State
Department official William Blum correctly calls this an "American Holocaust." We should note that
the CIA gets away with this because it is not accountable to democratic government. Former CIA
officer Philip Agee put it best: "The CIA is the President's secret army." Prior to 1975, the agency
answered only to the President (creating all the usual problems of authoritarianism). And because the
CIA’s activities were secret, the President rarely had to worry about public criticism and pressure. After
the 1975 Church hearings, Congress tried to create congressional oversight of the CIA, but this has
failed miserably.
One reason is that the congressional oversight committee is a sham, filled with Cold Warriors,
conservatives, businessmen, and even ex-CIA personnel. The Business Origins of CIA Crimes
Although many people think that the CIA’s primary mission during the Cold War was to "deter
communism," Noam Chomksy correctly points out that its real mission was "deterring democracy."
From corrupting elections to overthrowing democratic governments, from assassinating elected leaders
to installing murderous dictators, the CIA has virtually always replaced democracy with dictatorship. It
didn’t help that the CIA was run by businessmen, whose hostility towards democracy is legendary. The
reason they overthrew so many democracies is because the people usually voted for policies that multi-
national corporations didn't like: land reform, strong labor unions, nationalization of their industries,
and greater regulation protecting workers, consumers and the environment. So the CIA’s greatest
"successes" were usually more pro-corporate than anti-communist. Citing a communist threat, the CIA
helped overthrow the democratically elected Mohammed Mossadegh government in Iran in 1953. But
there was no communist threat — the Soviets stood back and watched the coup from afar. What really
happened was that Mossadegh threatened to nationalize British and American oil companies in Iran.
Consequently, the CIA and MI6 toppled Mossadegh and replaced him with a puppet government,
headed by the Shah of Iran and his murderous secret police, SAVAK. The reason why the Ayatollah
Khomeini and his revolutionaries took 52 Americans hostage in Tehran in 1979 was because the CIA
had helped SAVAK torture and murder their people. Another "success" was the CIA’s overthrow of the
democratically elected government of Jacabo Arbenz in Guatemala in 1954. Again, there was no
communist threat.
The real threat was to Guatemala’s United Fruit Company, a Rockefeller-owned firm whose
stockholders included CIA Director Allen Dulles. Arbenz threatened to nationalize the company, albeit
with generous compensation. In response, the CIA initiated a coup that overthrew Arbenz and installed
the murderous dictator Castillo Armas. For four decades, CIA-backed dicatators would torture and
murder hundreds of thousands of leftists, union members and others who would fight for a more
equitable distribution of the country’s resources. Another "success" story was Chile. In 1973, the
country’s democratically elected leader, Salvadore Allende, nationalized foreign-owned interests, like
Chile’s lucrative copper mines and telephone system. International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT)
offered the CIA $1 million to overthrow Allende — which the CIA allegedly refused — but paid
$350,000 to his political opponents. The CIA responded with a coup that murdered Allende and
replaced him with a brutal tyrant, General Augusto Pinochet. Pinochet tortured and murdered
thousands of leftists, union members and political opponents as economists trained at the University of
Chicago under Milton Friedman installed a "free market" economy. Since then, income inequality has
soared higher in Chile than anywhere else in Latin America.
Even when the communist threat was real, the CIA first and foremost took care of the elite. In
testimony before Congress in the early 50s, it artificially inflated Soviet military capabilities. A
notorious example was the "bomber gap" that later turned out to be grossly exaggerated. Another was
"Team B," a group of hawkish CIA analysts who seriously distorted Soviet military data. These scare
tactics worked. Congress awarded giant defense contracts to the U.S. military-industrial complex. And
not even the fall of the Soviet Union and the demise of American defense contracts have stopped the
CIA from serving the elite. Journalist Robert Dreyfuss writes: Since the end of the Cold War,
Washington has been abuzz with talk about using the CIA for economic espionage. Stripped of
euphemism, economic espionage simply means that American spies would target foreign companies,
such as Toyota, Nissan and Honda, and then covertly pass stolen trade secrets and technology to U.S.
corporate executives.5 If this isn’t bad enough, a worse problem arises in that the CIA doesn’t hand
over this technology to every American auto-related company, but only the Big Three: Ford, Chrysler
and General Motors. In a 1975 interview, Ex-CIA agent Philip Agee summed up his personal
observations of the agency: To the people who work for it, the CIA is known as The Company.
The Big Business mentality pervades everything. Agents, for instance, are called assets. The man in
charge of the United Kingdom desk is said to have the "U.K. account"… American multinational
corporations have built up colossal interests all over the world, and you can bet your ass that wherever
you find U. S. business interests, you also find the CIA… The multinational corporations want a
peaceful status quo in countries where they have investments, because that gives them undisturbed
access to cheap raw materials, cheap labor and stable markets for their finished goods. The status quo
suits bankers, because their money remains secure and multiplies. And, of course, the status quo suits
the small ruling groups the CIA supports abroad, because all they want is to keep themselves on top of
the socioeconomic pyramid and the majority of their people on the bottom. But do you realize what
being on the bottom means in most parts of the world? Ignorance, poverty, often early death by
starvation or disease…
Remember, the CIA is an instrument of the President; it only carries out policy. And, like everyone
else, the President has to respond to forces in the society he's trying to lead, right? In America, the
most powerful force is Big Business, and American Big Business has a vested interest in the Cold
War.6
The CIA had no trouble recruiting elites who sought a more exciting life. Between 1948 and 1959,
more than 40,000 American individuals and companies acted as sources for the U.S.intelligence
community.7 Let’s look at each area of recruitment, and see how they enabled the CIA to conduct its
crimes:
Big Business
The CIA co-opted big business right from the start, beginning with the most famous billionaire of the
time: Howard Hughes. Hughes had inherited his father’s million-dollar tool and die company at age 19.
Anxious to expand his fortune, he made a conscientious decision "to go where the money is" - namely,
government. With a few well-placed bribes, Hughes secured defense contracts to build military planes.
The result was the Hughes Aircraft company. By 1940, he had also acquired a controlling interest in
Trans World Airlines. His government connections and international airline soon caught the attention
of the CIA, and the two began a lifelong relationship. Hughes, whom the CIA dubbed "The
Stockbroker," became the agency’s largest contractor. Not only did he let the CIA use his business
firms as fronts, but he also funded countless CIA operations. Perhaps the most notorious was Operation
Jennifer, an allegedly failed attempt to recover nuclear codes from a sunken Soviet submarine. Hughes’
right-hand security man, Robert Maheu, was a CIA agent who at one time represented the CIA in
negotiations with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro. The CIA’s contacts with big business quickly
spread. The agency showed a preference for international companies, public relations firms, media
companies, law offices, banks, financiers and stockbrokers. The CIA didn’t limit its activities to
recruiting businessmen; sometimes the CIA bought or created entire companies outright. One benefit
of co-opting big business was that the CIA was able to create a secret source of funds other than from
government. With stock portfolios multiplying their profits, it’s impossible now to say how flush the
CIA really is.
If Congress ever cut off funds for a mission, the business fraternity could easily replace them, either by
donations or even setting up profitable businesses in the target country. In fact, this is precisely what
happened during the Iran/Contra scandal. By allying itself with the business community, the CIA
received the funds and ability it needed to remove itself from democratic control. The Media
influence and clout.
Not surprisingly, the CIA began a mission in the late 1940s to recruit American journalists on a wide
scale, a mission it dubbed Operation MOCKINGBIRD. The agency wanted these journalists not only
to relay any sensitive information they discovered, but also to write anti-communist, pro-capitalist
propaganda when needed. The instigators of MOCKINGBIRD were Frank Wisner, Allan Dulles,
Richard Helms and Philip Graham. Graham was the husband of Katherine Graham, today’s publisher
of the Washington Post. In fact, it was the Post’s ties to the CIA that allowed it to grow so quickly after
the war, both in readership and influence.8 MOCKINGBIRD was extraordinarily successful. In no
time, the agency had recruited at least 25 media organizations to disseminate CIA propaganda.
At least 400 journalists would eventually join the CIA payroll, according to the CIA’s testimony before
a stunned Church Committee in 1975. (The committee felt the true number was considerably higher.)
The names of those recruited reads like a Who's Who of journalism: Philip and Katharine Graham
(Publishers, Washington Post) William Paley (President, CBS) Henry Luce (Publisher, Time and Life
magazine) Arthur Hays Sulzberger (Publisher, N.Y. Times) Jerry O'Leary (Washington Star) Hal
Hendrix (Pulitzer Prize winner, Miami News) Barry Bingham Sr., (Louisville Courier-Journal) James
Copley (Copley News Services) Joseph Harrison (Editor, Christian Science Monitor) C.D. Jackson
(Fortune) Walter Pincus (Reporter, Washington Post) ABC NBC Associated Press United Press
International Reuters Hearst Newspapers Scripps-Howard Newsweek magazine Mutual Broadcasting
System Miami Herald Old Saturday Evening Post New York Herald-Tribune Perhaps no newspaper is
more important to the CIA than the Washington Post, one of the nation’s most right-wing dailies. Its
location in the nation’s capitol enables the paper to maintain valuable personal contacts with leading
intelligence, political and business figures. Unlike other newspapers, the Post operates its own bureaus
around the world, rather than relying on AP wire services.
Owner Philip Graham was a military intelligence officer in World War II, and later became close
friends with CIA figures like Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles, Desmond FitzGerald and Richard Helms. He
inherited the Post by marrying Katherine Graham, whose father owned it. After Philip’s suicide in
1963, Katharine Graham took over the Post. Seduced by her husband’s world of government and
espionage, she expanded her newspaper’s relationship with the CIA. In a 1988 speech before CIA
officials at Langley, Virginia, she stated: We live in a dirty and dangerous world. There are some things
that the general public does not need to know and shouldn’t. I believe democracy flourishes when the
government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and when the press can decide whether to print
what it knows. This quote has since become a classic among CIA critics for its belittlement of
democracy and its admission that there is a political agenda behind the Post’s headlines. Ben Bradlee
was the Post’s managing editor during most of the Cold War. He worked in the U.S. Paris embassy
from 1951 to 1953, where he followed orders by the CIA station chief to place propaganda in the
European press.9 Most Americans incorrectly believe that Bradlee personifies the liberal slant of the
Post, given his role in publishing the Pentagon Papers and the Watergate investigations. But neither of
these two incidents are what they seem.
The Post merely published the Pentagon Papers after The New York Times already had, because it
wanted to appear competitive. As for Watergate, we’ll examine the CIA’s reasons for wanting to bring
down Nixon in a moment. Someone once asked Bradlee: "Does it irk you when The Washington Post
is made out to be a bastion of slanted liberal thinkers instead of champion journalists just because of
Watergate?" Bradlee responded: "Damn right it does!"10 It would be impossible to elaborate in this
short space even the most important examples of the CIA/media alliance. Sig Mickelson was a CIA
asset the entire time he was president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961. Later he went on to become
president of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, two major outlets of CIA propaganda. The CIA also
secretly bought or created its own media companies. It owned 40 percent of the Rome Daily American
at a time when communists were threatening to win the Italian elections. Worse, the CIA has bought
many domestic media companies. A prime example is Capital Cities, created in 1954 by CIA
businessman William Casey (who would later become Reagan’s CIA director).
Another founder was Lowell Thomas, a close friend and business contact with CIA Director Allen
Dulles. Another founder was CIA businessman Thomas Dewey. By 1985, Capital Cities had grown so
powerful that it was able to buy an entire TV network: ABC. For those who believe in "separation of
press and state," the very idea that the CIA has secret propaganda outlets throughout the media is
appalling. The reason why America was so oblivious to CIA crimes in the 40s and 50s was because the
media willingly complied with the agency. Even today, when the immorality of the CIA should be an
open-and-shut case, "debate" about the issue rages in the media. Here is but one example: In 1996, The
San Jose Mercury News published an investigative report suggesting that the CIA had sold crack in
Los Angeles to fund the Contra war in Central America. A month later, three of the CIA’s most
important media allies — The Washington Post, The New York Times and The Los Angeles Times —
immediately leveled their guns at the Mercury report and blasted away in an attempt to discredit it.
Who wrote the Post article? Walter Pincus, longtime CIA journalist. The dangers here are obvious.
Academia By the early 50s, CIA Director Allen Dulles had staffed the CIA almost exclusively with Ivy
League graduates, especially from Yale. (A disproportionate number of CIA figures, like George Bush,
come from Yale’s "Skull and Crossbones" Society.) CIA recruiters also approached thousands of other
professors to work in place at their universities on a part-time, contract basis. Not stopping at recruiting
scholars, the agency would go on to create several departments at elite universities, including Harvard's
Russian Research Center and the Center for International Studies at MIT.
Although most academics were supportive of the CIA in the 50s, most were unaware of its abuses. In
the 60s, academia would become outraged to learn that anti-communist organizations like the National
Student Association were actually creations of the CIA. The most audacious CIA front was the
Congress for Cultural Freedom, an organization that attracted liberal, freethinking artists and
intellectuals who nonetheless deplored communism. By the late 60s and 70s, growing reports of CIA
crimes and atrocities had deeply alienated academia. Scholars were further troubled to learn that the
CIA had penetrated and disrupted student antiwar groups. Unlike business and the media, academia
overwhelmingly denounced the CIA after the Vietnam era. This eventually forced the CIA to turn to
new places to find their analysts and scholars. The most important source was the conservative think-
tank movement, which it helped to create. More on this later.
dominate the new covert-action wing in 1948. All were staunchly conservative, fiercely anti-
communist and socially elite. Just a few of the many Catholic operatives included future CIA directors
William Colby, William Casey, and John McCone.
Another well-known personality from this period was William F. Buckley, Jr., editor of the National
Review and gadfly host of TV’s Firing Line. Buckley, it turns out, served as a CIA agent in Mexico
City, and his experiences there served as fodder for his Blackford Oakes spy novels. There were
several reasons for this influx of Catholic elites. First, Wisner (himself a Wall Street lawyer) had an
extensive and glamorous circle of friends to recruit from. Second, Italy was in constant crisis in the
1940s, both during World War II and after. Throughout this troubled period, the American intelligence
community’s greatest ally in Italy was the Roman Catholic Church. The Roman Catholic Church, of
course, is one of the most anti-communist organizations in the world. The Marxist doctrine of atheism
threatens Catholic theology, and its equality threatens the Church’s strict tradition of hierarchy and
authoritarianism. When Hitler invaded Communist Russia, the Vatican openly approved. Jesuit
Michael Serafian wrote: "It cannot be denied that [Pope] Pius XII's closest advisors for some time
regarded Hitler's armoured divisions as the right hand of God."11 But Hitler persecuted Catholics as
well, and ultimately drove the Church to the Americans. In 1943, the Vatican reached a secret
agreement with OSS Chief Donovan — himself a devout Catholic — to let the Holy See become the
center of Allied spy operations in Italy.
Donovan considered the Church to be one of his prize intelligence assets, given its global power,
membership and contacts. He cultivated this alliance by sending America’s most prestigious Catholics
to the Vatican to establish rapport and forge an alliance. After the war, half of Europe lay under
Communist control, and the Italian communist party threatened to win the 1948 elections. The prospect
of communism ruling over the heart of Catholicism terrified the Vatican. Once again, American
intelligence gathered their most prestigious Catholics to strengthen ties with the Vatican. Because this
was the first mission of the new covert action division, the American Catholic agents acquired
positions of power early on, and would dominate covert operations for the rest of the Cold War. At a
public level, the U.S. government sunk $350 million in social and military aid into Italy to sway the
vote. On a secret level, Wisner spent $10 million in black budget funds to steal the elections. This
included disseminating propaganda, beating up left-wing politicians, intimidating voters and disrupting
leftist parties. The dirty tricks worked — the Communists lost, and the Catholic Americans’ success
permanently secured their power within the CIA.
The Knights of Malta12
Nazism and Communism. It rewarded them by making them Knights of Malta, or members of the
Sovereign Military Order of Malta (SMOM). SMOM is one of the oldest and most elite religious
orders in the Catholic Church. Until recently, it limited its membership to Italians and foreign heads of
state. In 1927, however, an exception was made for the United States, given its emerging status as a
world power. SMOM opened an American branch, awarding knighthood or damehood to several
American Catholic business tycoons. This group was so conservative that one, John Raskob, the
Chairman of General Motors, actually became involved in an aborted military plot to remove Franklin
Roosevelt from the White House. SMOM has also been embarrassed by knighting or giving awards to
countless people who later turned out to be Nazi war criminals. This is the sort of culture that thrives
within the leadership of SMOM. Officially, the Knights of Malta are a global charity organization. But
beginning in the 1940s, knighthood was granted to countless CIA agents, and the organization has
become a front for intelligence operations. SMOM is ideal for this kind of activity, because it is
recognized as the world’s only landless sovereignty, and members enjoy diplomatic immunity. This
allows agents and supplies to pass through customs without interference from the host country. Such
A partial list of the Knights and Dames of Malta reads like a Who’s Who of American Catholicism:
William Casey – CIA Director. John McCone – CIA Director. William Colby – CIA Director. William
Donovan – OSS Director. Donovan was given an especially prestigious form of knighthood that has
only been given to a hundred other men in history. Frank Shakespeare – Director of such propaganda
organizations as the U.S. Information Agency, Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty. Also executive
vice-president of CBS-TV and vice-chairman of RKO General Inc. He is currently chairman of the
board of trustees at the Heritage Foundation, a right-wing think tank. William Simon – Treasury
Secretary under President Nixon. In the private sector, he has become one of America’s 400 richest
individuals by working in international finance. Today he is the President of the John M. Olin
Foundation, a major funder of right-wing think tanks. William F. Buckley, Jr. – CIA agent,
conservative pundit and mass media personality. James Buckley – William’s brother, head of Radio
Free Europe and Radio Liberty. Clare Boothe Luce - The grand dame of the Cold War was also a Dame
of Malta. She was a popular playwright and the wife of the publishing tycoon Henry Luce, who
cofounded Time magazine. Francis X Stankard - CEO of the international division of Chase Manhattan
Bank, a Rockefeller institution. (Nelson Rockefeller was also a major CIA figure.) John Farrell –
President, U.S. Steel Lee Iacocca – Chairman, General Motors William S. Schreyer – Chairman,
Merrill Lynch. Richard R. Shinn – Chairman, Metropolitan Life Insurance Company. Joseph Kennedy
– Founder of the Kennedy empire. Baron Hilton – Owner, Hilton Hotel chain. Patrick J. Frawley Jr. –
Heir, Schick razor fortune. Frawley is a famous funder of right-wing Catholic causes, such as the
Christian Anti-Communist Crusade. Ralph Abplanalp - Aerosol magnate. Martin F. Shea - Executive
vice president of Morgan Guaranty Trust. Joseph Brennan - Chairman of the executive committee of
the Emigrant Savings Bank of New York. J. Peter Grace – President, W.R. Grace Company. He was a
key figure in Operation Paperclip, which brought Nazi scientists and spies to the U.S. Many were war
criminals whose atrocities were excused in their service to the CIA. Thomas Bolan – Of Saxe, Bacon
and Bolan, the law firm of Senator McCarthy's deceased aide Roy Cohn. Bowie Kuhn – Baseball
Comissioner Cardinal John O'Connor – Extreme right-wing leader among American Catholics, and
fervent abortion opponent. Cardinal Francis Spellman – The "American Pope" was at one time the
most powerful Catholic in America, an arch-conservative and a rabid anti-communist. Cardinal
Bernard Law - One of the highest-ranking conservatives in the American church. Alexander Haig –
Secretary of State under President Reagan. Admiral James D. Watkins – Hard-line chief of naval
operations under President Reagan. Jeremy Denton – Senator (R–Al). Pete Domenici – Senator (R-
New Mexico). Walter J. Hickel - Governor of Alaska and secretary of the interior. When this group
gets together, obviously, the topics are spying, business and politics. The CIA has also used other
religious and charity organizations as fronts. For example, John F. Kennedy -- another anticommunist
Roman Catholic who greatly expanded covert operations -- created the U.S. Peace Corps to serve as
cover for CIA operatives. The CIA has also made extensive use of missionaries, with the blessings of
many right-wing, anticommunist Christian denominations.
But the World Grows Wise…
It was only a matter of time before other nations caught on to these fronts. They learned that when the
CIA comes to their countries to commit their crimes and atrocities, they come disguised as American
journalists, businessmen, missionaries and charity volunteers. Unfortunately, foreigners are now
targeting these professions as hostile. In Lebanon, terrorists held U.S. journalist Terry Anderson
hostage for nearly seven years, on the not unreasonable assumption that he was a spy. Whether or not
this was true is beside the point. The CIA has put all Americans abroad at risk, whether they are CIA
agents or not. In hearings before the Senate in 1996, many organizations urged Congress to stop using
their professions as CIA cover. Don Argue of the National Association of Evangelicals testified: "Such
use of missionary agents for covert activities by the CIA would be unethical and immoral."13 From the
Cold War to the Class War As noted above, academia was the first major institution to denounce the
crimes of the CIA. Why? One reason is that scholars conduct their own extensive research into world
affairs, so naturally they were the first to learn the truth. This is the main reason why protest against the
Vietnam War and the CIA erupted first among students on the nation’s campuses. By the end of the
Vietnam War, the CIA had suffered a "brain drain" as its academic allies became its most articulate,
passionate and eloquent critics. The social revolutions of the 60s terrified the CIA. James Jesus
Angleton, chief of counter-intelligence and a truly paranoid man, was convinced the Soviets had
masterminded the entire antiwar movement.
FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover shared his conviction. The CIA had always spied on student groups
throughout the 60s, but in 1968 President Johnson dramatically stepped up the effort with Operation
CHAOS. This initially called for 50 CIA agents to go undercover as student radicals, penetrate their
antiwar organizations and root out the Russian spies who were causing the rebellion. Tellingly, they
never found a single spy. The agents also began a campaign of wire-tapping, mail-opening, burglary,
deception, intimidation and disruption against thousands of protesting American civilians. By the time
Operation CHAOS wound down in 1973, the CIA had spied on 7,000 Americans, 1,000 organizations
and traded information on more than 300,000 persons with various law agencies.14 When academia
learned of this, its outrage grew. The loss of academia was only the first blow for the CIA. Other
disasters quickly followed; in the early 70s, the CIA was trying desperately to stave off a growing
number of scandals. The first was Watergate. The CIA’s fingerprints were all over Watergate. First, we
should note the CIA had clear motives for helping oust Nixon. He was the ultimate "outsider," a poor
California Quaker who grew up feeling bitter resentment towards the elite "Eastern establishment."
Nixon, for all his arch-conservatism, was surprisingly liberal on economic issues, enfuriating
businessmen with statements like "We are all Keynesians now." He created a whole host of new
agencies to regulate business, like the FDA, EPA and OSHA. He signed the Clean Air and Clean Water
Acts, which forced businesses to clean up their toxic emissions. He imposed price controls to fight
inflation, and took the nation fully off the gold standard. Nixon also strengthened affirmative action.
Even his staffers were famously anti-elitist, like Kevin Philips, who would eventually write the bible
on inequality during the 1980s, The Politics of Rich and Poor.
Add to this Nixon’s withdrawal from Vietnam and Détente with China and the Soviet Union. Nixon
and his Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, had not only tried to remove control of foreign policy from
the CIA, but had also taken measures to bring the CIA itself under control. Not surprisingly, Nixon and
his CIA Director, Richard Helms, couldn’t stand each other. (Nixon fired him for failing to cover up for
Watergate.) Clearly, Nixon was fighting at cross-purposes with the CIA and the nation’s elite. As it
turns out, the CIA had inside knowledge of Nixon’s dirty work. Nixon had created his own covert
action team, "The Committee to Reelect the President," more amusingly known by its acronym,
CREEP. The team consisted of two CIA agents — E. Howard Hunt and James McCord — as well as
former FBI agent G. Gordon Liddy. They also employed four Cubans with long CIA histories. In fact,
a CIA front called the Mullen Company funded their activities, which ranged from disrupting
Democratic campaigns to laundering Nixon’s illegal campaign contributions. The CIA not only had
intimate knowledge of Nixon’s crimes, but it also acted as though it wanted the world to know them.
When the FBI began investigating Watergate, Nixon tried using the CIA to cover up for him. At first
the CIA half-heartedly complied, telling the FBI that the investigation would endanger CIA operations
in Mexico. But a few weeks later it gave the FBI a green light again to proceed again with their
investigation. Furthermore, Watergate was exposed by the CIA’s main newspaper in America, The
Washington Post. One of the two journalists who investigated the scandal, Robert Woodward, had only
recently become a journalist. Previously Woodward had worked as a Naval intelligence liaison to the
White House, privy to some of the nation’s highest secrets. He would later write a sympathetic portrait
of CIA Director Bill Casey in a book entitled Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA. It was Woodward who
personally knew and interviewed "Deep Throat," the unnamed source who revealed inside information
on Nixon’s activities. Many Watergate researchers consider one of Woodward’s old intelligence
contacts to be a prime candidate for Deep Throat.15 Despite all the facts of CIA involvement,
Woodward and Bernstein made virtually no mention of the CIA in their Watergate reporting.
Even during Senate hearings on Watergate, the CIA somehow managed to stay out of the spotlight. In
1974, the House would clear the CIA of any involvement in Watergate. The CIA was not as lucky in
1974, when the Senate held hearings on James Jesus Angleton’s illegal surveillance of American
citizens. These disclosures resulted in his firing. But that was nothing compared to the 1975 Church
Committee. This Senate investigation looked into virtually every type of CIA crime, from assassination
to secret war to manipulating the domestic media. The "reforms" that resulted from these hearings
were mostly cosmetic, but the details that emerged shattered the CIA’s reputation forever. Interestingly
enough, the two Senators who held these hearings — Frank Church and Otis Pike — were both
defeated for reelection, despite a 98 percent reelection rate for incumbents. The CIA wasn’t the only
conservative institution that found itself embattled in the early 70s. This was a bad time for
conservatives everywhere. America had lost the war in Vietnam. U.S. corporations had to cope with
the rise of OPEC. The anti-poverty programs of Roosevelt’s New Deal and Johnson’s Great Society
were causing a major redistribution of wealth. And Nixon was making things worse with his own anti-
poverty and regulatory programs. Between 1960 and 1973, these efforts cut poverty in half, from 22 to
11 percent. Meanwhile, between 1965 and 1976, the richest 1 percent had gone from owning 37
percent of America’s wealth to only 22 percent.16 At a 1973 Conference Board meeting of top
American business leaders, executives declared: "We are fighting for our lives," "We are fighting a
delaying action," and "If we don’t take action now, we will see our own demise. We will evolve into
another social democracy."17 The CIA to the rescue In the mid-1970s, at this historic low point in
American conservatism, the CIA began a major campaign to turn corporate fortunes around.
They did this in several ways. First, they helped create numerous foundations to finance their domestic
operations. Even before 1973, the CIA had co-opted the most famous ones, like the Ford, Rockefeller
and Carnegie Foundations. But after 1973, they created more. One of their most notorious recruits was
billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife. During World War II, Scaife's father served in the OSS, the
forerunner of the CIA. By his mid-twenties, both of Scaife's parents had died, and he inherited a
fortune under four foundations: the Carthage Foundation, the Sarah Scaife Foundation, the Scaife
Family Foundations and the Allegheny Foundation. In the early 1970s, Scaife was encouraged by CIA
agent Frank Barnett to begin investing his fortune to fight the "Soviet menace."18 From 1973 to 1975,
Scaife ran Forum World Features, a foreign news service used as a front to disseminate CIA
propaganda around the world. Shortly afterwards he began donating millions to fund the New Right.
Scaife's CIA roots are typical of those who head the new conservative foundations. By 1994 the most
active were: Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation Carthage Foundation Earhart Foundation Charles G.
Koch David H. Koch Claude R. Lambe Philip M. McKenna J.M. Foundation John M. Olin Foundation
Henry Salvatori Foundation Sarah Scaife Foundation Smith Richardson Foundation Between 1992 and
1994, these foundations gave $210 million to conservative causes. Here is the breakdown of their
donations: $88.9 million for conservative scholarships; $79.2 million to enhance a national
infrastructure of think tanks and advocacy groups; $16.3 million for alternative media outlets and
watchdog groups; $10.5 million for conservative pro-market law firms; $9.3 million for regional and
state think tanks and advocacy groups; $5.4 million to "organizations working to transform the nations
social views and giving practices of the nation's religious and philanthropic leaders."19 The political
machine they built is broad and comprehensive, covering every aspect of the political fight. It includes
right-wing departments and chairs in the nation’s top universities, think tanks, public relations firms,
media companies, fake grassroots organizations that pressure Congress (irreverently known as
"Astroturf" movements), "Roll-out-the-vote" machines, pollsters, fax networks, lobbyist organizations,
economic seminars for the nation’s judges, and more.
And because corporations are the richest sector of society, their greater financing overwhelms similar
efforts by Democrats. Besides creating foundations, the CIA helped organize the business community.
There have always been special interest groups representing business, like the U.S. Chamber of
Commerce and the National Association of Manufacturers, and the CIA has long been involved with
them. However, after 1973, a spate of powerful new groups would come into existence, like the
Business Roundtable and the Trilateral Commission. These organizations quickly became powerhouses
in promoting the business agenda. Their efforts clearly succeeded. With the 1975 SUN-PAC decision,
corporations persuaded government to legalize corporate Political Action Committees (the lobbyist
organizations that bribe our government). By 1992, corporations formed 67 percent of all PACs, and
they donated 79 percent of all campaign contributions to political parties.20 In two landmark elections
— 1980 and 1994 — corporations gave heavily and one-sidedly to Republicans, turning one or both
houses of Congress over to the GOP. Democratic incumbents were shocked by the threat of being
rolled completely out of power, so they quietly shifted to the right on economic issues, even though
they continued a public façade of liberalism. Corporations went ahead and donated to Democratic
incumbents in all other elections, but only as long as they abandoned the interests of workers,
consumers, minorities and the poor. As expected, the new pro-corporate Congress passed laws favoring
the rich: between 1975 and 1992, the amount of national household wealth owned by the richest 1
percent soared from 22 to 42 percent.21 The CIA also helped create the conservative think tank
movement. Prior to the 70s, think tanks spanned the political spectrum, with moderate think tanks
receiving three times as much funding as conservative ones. At these early think tanks, scholars
typically brainstormed for creative solutions to policy problems. This would all change after the rise of
conservative foundations in the early 70s. The Heritage Foundation opened its doors in 1973, the
recipient of $250,000 in seed money from the Coors Foundation.
A flood of conservative think tanks followed shortly thereafter, and by 1980 they overwhelmed the
scene. The new think tanks turned out to be little more than propaganda mills, rigging studies to
"prove" that their corporate sponsors needed tax breaks, deregulation and other favors from
government. Of course, think-tank studies are useless without publicity, and here the CIA proved
especially valuable. Using propaganda techniques it had perfected at the Voice of America and Radio
Free Europe, the CIA and its allies turned American AM radio into a haven for conservative talk show
hosts. Yes — Rush Limbaugh uses the same propaganda techniques that Muscovites once heard from
Voice of America. The CIA has also developed countless other media outlets, like Capital Cities
(which eventually bought ABC), major PR firms like Hill & Knowlton, and of course, all the Agency’s
connections in the national news media.22 The following is a typical example of how the "New Media"
operates. As most political observers know, the Republicans suffer from a "gender gap," in which
women prefer Democrats by huge majorities. This is, in fact, why Clinton has twice won the
presidency. But, curiously enough, as the 90s progressed, conservative female pundits began popping
up everywhere in the media. Hard-right pundits like Ann Coulter, Kellyanne Fitzpatrick, Laura
Ingraham, Barbara Olson, Melinda Sidak, Anita Blair and Whitney Adams conditioned us to the idea
of the conservative woman. This phenomenon was no accident. It turns out that Richard Mellon Scaife
donated $450,000 over three years to the Independent Women's Forum, a booking agency that heavily
seeds such female conservative pundits into the media.23
Conclusion
The most obvious criticism of the New Overclass is that their political machine is undemocratic. Using
subversive techniques once aimed at communists, and with all the money they ever need to succeed,
the Overclass undemocratically controls our government, our media, and even a growing part of
academia. These institutions in turn allow the Overclass to control the supposedly "free" market. It
doesn't win all the time, of course — witness Bill Clinton's impeachment trial — but it does score an
endless string of other victories elsewhere, all to the detriment of workers, consumers, women,
minorities and the poor.
We need to fight it with everything we've got.

Endnotes:
1. Mind Manipulators, Scheflin and Opton. p.241.
2. Captain George White in a letter to Dr. Sidney Gottlieb.
3. All history concerning CIA intervention in foreign countries is summarized from William Blum’s encyclopedic work, Killing
Hope: U.S. Military and CIA Interventions since World War II (Monroe, Maine: Common Courage Press, 1995). Sources for
domestic CIA operations come from Jonathan Vankin and John Whalen’s The 60 Greatest Conspiracies of All Time (Secaucus, N.J.:
Citadel Press, 1997). Information about CIA drug running can be found at http://www.magnet.ch/serendipity/cia/blum1.html and
4. Coleman McCarthy, "The Consequences of Covert Tactics" Washington Post, December 13, 1987.
5. Robert Dreyfuss, "Company Spies," Mother Jones. Website: http://www.mojones.com/mother_jones/MJ94/dreyfuss.html 6. Philip
Agee: The Playboy Interview. Website: http://www.connix.com/~harry/agee.htm
7. Lara Shohet, "Intelligence, Academia and Industry," The Final Report of the Snyder Commission, Edward Cheng and Diane C.
Snyder, eds., (Princeton Unversity: The Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, January 1997). Website:
9. Deborah Davis, Katharine the Great and the Washington Post, 2nd ed. (Bethesda MD: National Press, 1987)
10. "Forum for Ben Bradlee," Watergate 25. Website: http://discuss.washingtonpost.com/zforum/97/bradlee.htm.
11. Lewy, Guenter, The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany (London and New York, 1964), pp. 249-250.
12. National Catholic Reporter, Jan 89, Mar 89, Apr 89, May 89, "Nazis, the Vatican and the CIA," Covert Action Information
Bulletin, Winter 1986, Number 25 Website: http://www.mosquitonet.com/~prewett/knightsofmaltalist.html.
13. Anthony Collings, "Journalists tell Senate they want no CIA ties," CNN, July 18, 1996. Website:
http://www.cnn.com/US/9607/18/spies.journalists/.
16. Edward N. Wolff, "How the Pie is Sliced" The American Prospect no. 22 (Summer 1995), pp. 58-64. Website:
http://epn.org/prospect/22/22wolf.html.
17. Quoted in Leonard Silk and David Vogel, Ethics and Profits (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1976), pp. 44-47.
19. Study conducted by National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy, July 1997, as reported by the National Education
Association. Website: http://www.nea.org/publiced/paycheck/paychkf.html.
21. Wolff.
22. For CIA involvement in Capital Cities/ABC, see Dennis Mazzocco, Networks of Power (Boston: South End Press, 1994). For
CIA involvement in the PR industry, see John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton, Toxic Sludge is Good for You! (Monroe, Maine:
Common Courage Press, 1995), pp. 49-51,153,157,160-63.
http://www.salonmag.com/news/1998/04/20news.html http://www.korpios.org/resurgent/L-overclass.html

Here's just a snippet from Carl Bernstein's famous 1977 article entitled "The CIA & The Media" from Rolling Stone, 10/20/77.
Anyone with access to a library should try to find this - it's a truly breakthrough piece - 16 pages long in the reprint!
In 1953, Joseph Alsop, then one of America's leading syndicated columnists, went to the Philippines to
Alsop is one of more than 400 American journalists who in the past 25 years have secretly carried out
assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency according to documents on file at CIA headquarters.
Some of these journalists' relationships with the Agency were tacit; some were explicit. There was
cooperation, accommodation and overlap. Journalists provided a full range of clandestine services -
from simple intelligence-gathering to serving as go-betweens with spies in Communist countries.
Reporters shared their notebooks with the CIA. Editors shared their staffs. Some of the journalists were
Pulitzer Prize winners, distinguished reporters who considered themselves ambassadors without
portfolio for their country. Most were less exalted: foreign correspondents who found that their
association with the Agency helped their work; stringers and freelancers who were as interested in the
derring-do of the spy business as in filing articles; and, the smallest category, full-time CIA employees
masquerading as journalists abroad. In many instances, CIA documents show, journalists were engaged
to perform tasks for the CIA with the consent of the managements of America's leading news
organizations.
The history of the CIA's involvement with the American press continues to be shrouded by an official
policy of obfuscation and deception for the following principal reasons: The use of journalists has been
among the most productive means of intelligence-gathering employed by the CIA. Although the
agency has cut back sharply on the use of reporters since 1973 (primarily as a result of pressure from
the media), some journalists are still posted abroad. Further investigation into the matter, CIA officials
say, would inevitably reveal a series of embarrassing relationships in the 1950's and 1960's with some
of the most powerful organizations and individuals in American journalism. Among the executives
who lent their cooperation to the Agency were William Paley of the Columbia Broadcasting System,
Henry Luce of Time Inc., Arthur Hays Sulzberger of the New York Times, Barry Bingham Sr. of the
Louisville Courier-Journal, and James Copley of the Copley News Services. Other organizations which
cooperated with the CIA include the American Broadcasting Company, the National Broadcasting
Company, the Associated Press, United Press International, Reuters, Hearst Newspapers, Scripps-
Howard, Newsweek magazine, the Mutual Broadcasting System, the Miami Herald and the old
Saturday Evening Post and New York Herald-Tribune. By far the most valuable of these associations,
according to CIA officials, have been with the New York Times, CBS and Time Inc.
onfocus="if(this.blur)this.blur();">http://www.realhistoryarchives.com/media/ciamedia.htm

Title: A Report on CIA Infiltration and Manipulation of the Mass Media
original source: onfocus="if(this.blur)this.blur();">www.geocities.com/cpa_blacktown/20000318mediaoverb.htm
Should CIA agents be allowed to pose as journalists to further the aims of their clandestine activities? Members of a Council on
Foreign Relations task force on the future of U.S. intelligence in the post-Cold War world say yes, and a CIA official recently came
forward to admit that the Agency already occasionally does so despite regulations barring the practice. But is this a breaking story or
just the latest chapter in a spy story that traces its roots back to the 1950's? While they may act like strangers in public, the press and
the CIA have a sordid past that spans more than four decades.

The CIA-press connection traces its roots back to the early days of the Cold War, when Allen Dulles (who became CIA director in
1953) began courting the nation's most prestigious journalistic institutions for Agency operations. The mood of the day precluded the
need for secretive infiltration, as Carl Bernstein points out in his 1977 expose on the topic. "American publishers, like so many other
corporate and institutional leaders at the time, were willing to commit the resources of their companies to the struggle against global
Communism," he writes. "Accordingly, the line separating the American press corps was often indistinguishable." That's not to say
that reporters acted as spies in the James Bond sense. Media outlets offered services that fell into the broad categories of providing
"cover" for CIA operatives (i.e. jobs and credentials) or sharing information gathered by reporters on staff. While the Agency ran a
formal training program in the 50's that attempted to teach rank-and-file agents to be reporters, this was among the least common of
the more than 400 relationships with the press described in CIA files. Most involved were journalists before their involvement with
the CIA began. Reporters, especially foreign correspondents, typically served as "eyes and ears" for the CIA. Often they were briefed
by agents before a trip and debriefed when they returned; they shared their notebooks, relayed things that they had seen or overheard
and offered their impressions.
More complex arrangements found reporters planting misinformation for the Agency or serving as liaisons between agents and
foreign contacts, often in return for information or access. "In return for our giving them information, we'd ask them to do things that
fit their roles as journalists but that they wouldn't have thought of unless we put it in their minds," one agent told Bernstein. "For
instance, a reporter in Vienna would say to our man, 'I met an interesting second secretary at the Czech Embassy.' We'd say, 'Can you
get to know him? And after you get to know him, can you assess him? And then, could you put him in touch with us - would you
mind us using your apartment?'" Another senior CIA official offered the following description of "reporting" by cooperating
journalists: "We would ask them, 'Will you do us a favor? We understand that you're going to be in Yugoslavia. Have they paved the
streets? Where did you see planes? Were there any signs of military presence? How many Soviets did you see? If you happen to meet
a Soviet, get his name and spell it right." It was a symbiotic relationship: reporters got the scoop and the spooks got the dirt.
Correspondents with Agency ties were highly valued by their bosses for the stories they brought home. And agents saw in the press a
perfect vehicle for information gathering: who else besides a reporter enjoyed such free access in a foreign country, could cultivate so
many sources among foreign governments and elites and ask lots of probing questions without arousing suspicion? CIA-press
operations in the 50's and 60's relied heavily on journalists working in Latin America and Western Europe. Members of the press were
used as go-betweens to deliver messages and money to European Christian Democrats and also helped the Agency track the
movements of people coming from Eastern Europe. Additionally, the CIA owned 40 percent of the Rome Daily American, a now-
defunct English-language newspaper in Italy. Reporters funneled CIA dollars to opponents of Salvador Allende in Chile and wrote
anti-Allende propaganda stories for CIA proprietary publications in that country.
By Bernstein's account, two of the Agency's most valuable relationships in the 60's were with reporters who covered Latin America:
Hal Hendrix, a Pulitzer Prize winner from the Miami News, and Jerry O'Leary of the Washington Star. CIA files on Hendrix (who
went on to become a high-ranking official at ITT) detail information that he provided agents about Cuban exiles in Miami. O'Leary's
file lists him as a valued asset in both Haiti and the Dominican Republic, although he denies having a formal relationship with the
Agency. "I might call them up and say something like, "Papa Doc has the clap, did you know that? and they'd put it in the file,"
O'Leary told Bernstein. "I don't consider that reporting for them. It's useful to be friendly to them, and generally I felt friendly to
them. But I think that they were more helpful to me than I was to them."

To greater and lesser degrees, many journalists at the time shared the belief that relationships with the intelligence community were
useful and that lending aid was the right thing to do. "Many (journalists working with the CIA) had gone to the same schools as their
CIA handlers, moved in the same circles, shared fashionably liberal, anti-Communist political values, and were part of the 'old boy'
network that constituted something of an establishment elite in the media, politics and academia of postwar America," Bernstein
writes. "The most valued lent themselves for reasons of national service, not money." This was true of syndicated columnist Joseph
Alsop, who is open and unapologetic about his extensive CIA ties. Alsop's tasks in the 50's included a trip to Laos to investigate
whether American reporters there were using anti-American sources and a visit to the Philippines at the behest of the CIA, who
believed that his presence there might influence the outcome of an election. "I'm proud they asked me and proud to have done it,"
Alsop said of his involvement. "The notion that a newspaperman doesn't have a duty to his country is perfect balls." According to one
high-ranking official, Alsop's brother Stewart, also a columnist, was a CIA agent. He was rumored to have been particularly useful in
obtaining information from foreign governments, planting misinformation and tipping off the Agency about potential foreign recruits,
although his brother denies this.
"I was closer to the Agency than Stew was, though Stew was very close," Joseph Alsop once said. "I dare say he did perform some
tasks -- he just did the correct thing as an American." Also notable is New York Times columnist C.L. Sulzberger (CFR), who the CIA
lists as a valuable source of information throughout the 50's. Sulzberger claims that he "would never get near the spook business," but
admits to sharing information with agents, many of whom were close personal friends: "I'm sure they consider me an asset. They can
ask me questions. They find out you're going to Slobovia and they say, 'Can we talk to you when you get back?' Or they'll want to
know if the head of the Ruritanian government is suffering from psoriasis. But I never took an assignment from one of those guys."
However, Sulzberger does "think" that he signed a secrecy agreement with the CIA (as did his uncle, Times publisher Arthur Hays
Many CIA officials long for the days when there were more journalists like Sulzberger and the Alsops. "There was a time when it
wasn't considered a crime to serve your government," one official bitterly told Bernstein. "This all has to be considered in the context
of the morality of the times, rather than the against latter-day standards -- and hypocritical standards at that."
"(I)n the Fifties and Sixties there was a national consensus about a national threat. The Vietnam War tore everything to pieces --
shredded the consensus and threw it in the air." But another agent remarked in Bernstein's expose, "there was a point when the ethical
issues which most people submerged finally surfaced. Today a lot of these guys vehemently deny that they had any relationship with
the Agency."

A flurry of public attention began to cast doubts upon the ethics of a press wedded to the Central Intelligence Agency after a
Washington Star-News story by Oswald Johnson reported that the CIA had three dozen American newsmen on its payroll at that time
(November 1973). Then-CIA director William Colby (CFR) leaked this information to Johnson, fearing an embarrassing fallout after
both the Star-News and New York Times approached him to ask if any of their staff members were receiving payments from the
Agency. (A Times investigation four years later showed the number of CIA-funded journalists to be closer to 50; Bernstein's expose in
Rolling Stone that same year claimed it was more like 400.) By now, the times they had a-changed: In a 1974 article in the Columbia
Journalism Review, former reporter Stuart Loory chastised fellow journalists for their history of chumming it up with the CIA and for
their lax coverage of the issue once it came to light.
"There is little question that if even one American overseas carrying a press card is paid by the CIA, then all Americans with those
credentials are suspect," he wrote. "We automatically... consider Soviet and Chinese newsmen as mouthpieces and informants for their
governments, while at the same time congratulating ourselves for our independence. Now we know that some of that independence
has, with the stealth required of clandestine operations, been taken away from us -- or given away."
In 1975, the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence headed by Frank Church (the Church Committee) focused its attention on the
Agency's use of American news outlets. The CIA went to great lengths to curtail this part of the committee's investigation, though,
and some members of the committee later admitted that the Agency was able to get the upper hand. Colby and his successor, George
Bush (CFR, TC), were able to convince the Senate that a full inquiry would cripple their intelligence-gathering capabilities and would
unleash a "witch-hunt" on the nation's reporters, editors and publishers. "The Agency was extremely clever about it and the committee
played right into its hands," one congressional source told Carl Bernstein. "Church and some of the other members were much more
interested in making headlines than in doing serious, tough investigating. The Agency pretended to be giving up a lot whenever it was
asked about the flashy stuff -- assassinations and secret weapons and James Bond operations. Then, when it came to things they didn't
want to give away, that were much more important to the Agency, Colby in particular called in his chits. And the committee bought
it." Former intelligence officer William Bader (who returned to the Agency as a deputy to Stansfield Turner) and David Aaron (who
later served as deputy to President Carter's national security advisor) supervised the committee's investigation of the CIA-press angle.
CIA director Bush balked at all of Bader's requests for specific information about the scope of the Agency's media activities. Under
pressure from the entire committee, Bush finally agreed to pull records on journalists and have his deputies condense them into one-
paragraph summaries. The Agency would not make the raw files available, and neither the names of journalists nor their affiliations
would be included. More than 400 summaries were compiled (a number that officials acknowledge was probably on the low side) in
an attempt to give committee members "a broad, representative picture." "We never pretended it was a total description of the range of
activities over 25 years, or the number of journalists that have done things for us," one official conceded. Still, even these sketchy
details were enough for the committee to conclude that the CIA's relationships with the press were of a far greater magnitude than
they had expected -- and that they needed to know more. But Bush was intransigent.
Heated confrontations produced a bizarre agreement: Bader and director of the committee staff William Miller (CFR) could have
access to 25 "sanitized" files from among the 400 (still without journalists' identities). Church and committee vice-chairman John
Tower would see five unsanitized files to verify that the CIA had included all but the names. No information on current CIA-press
relationships would be divulged, and the whole deal was contingent upon Bader, Miller, Church and Tower's promises not to reveal
the files' contents to the other committee members. In the end, with time running out on the committee, the senators decided to drop
the matter and leave a more detailed investigation to the CIA oversight committee that would succeed them. The committee
interviewed none of the reporters, editors, publishers or broadcast executives detailed in the files. And although members concluded
that "from the CIA point of view this was the highest, most sensitive covert program of all," and "a much larger part of the operational
system than had been indicated," this was hardly part of the official findings when they were made public.
The committee dedicated a scant ten pages of its final report to covert relationships with the media. The information included in the
report was vague and misleading and, according to committee member Gary Hart, "hardly reflected what we found." Bernstein offered
the following commentary on the Church committee's output: "No mention was made of the 400 summaries or what they showed.
Instead the report noted blandly that some fifty recent contacts had been studied by the committee staff -- thus conveying the
impression that the Agency's dealings with the press had been limited to those instances. Colby's misleading public statements about
the use of journalists were repeated without serious contradiction or elaboration. The role of cooperating news executives was given
short shrift. The fact that the Agency had concentrated its relationships in the most prominent sectors of the press went unmentioned.
That the CIA continued to regard the press as up for grabs was not even suggested."
A source close to the Church committee remarked on the investigation that, "if this stuff got out some of the biggest names in
journalism would get smeared." So just who was involved, and what was the nature of their relationships with the intelligence
community? The following is a sampling of prominent organizations identified by Carl Bernstein and other researchers as high profile
news outlets with low profile ties to the CIA. CBS: CIA Broadcasting System? Bernstein asserts that a good relationship between
former CIA director Allen Dulles and former CBS president William Paley (CFR) made the network the CIA's most valuable
broadcasting asset. "Over the years," Bernstein writes, "the network provided cover for CIA employees, including at least one well-
known foreign correspondent and several stringers; it supplied outtakes of newsfilm to the CIA; established a formal channel of
communications between the Washington bureau chief and the agency; and allowed reports by CBS correspondents... to be routinely
monitored by the CIA." Paley chose Sig Mickelson (CFR), president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961, as his liaison with the CIA.
Mickelson (who went on to become president of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty) recalls complaining about having to use a pay
phone to contact the CIA, and later installing a private line that bypassed the CBS switchboard for this purpose. A CBS investigation
of his files revealed that he was involved in passing on CBS film and outtakes to CIA officials in exchange for payment and that he
regularly forwarded copies of CBS' internal newsletter to his CIA handlers. The same investigation revealed that two CBS employees
-- stringer Austin Goodrich and Frank Kearns, a network reporter from 1958-1971 -- were undercover CIA operatives.
Mickelson has discussed his CIA activities with Bernstein and others. "When I moved into the job I was told by Paley that there was
an ongoing relationship with the CIA," he has recalled. "He introduced me to two agents who he said would keep in touch. We all
discussed the Goodrich situation and the film arrangements. I assumed that this was the normal relationship at the time. This was at
the height of the Cold War and I assumed the communications media were cooperating -- though the Goodrich matter was
compromising." Mickelson's successor Richard Salant says he continued some of these practices when he took the CBS helm. "I said
no on talking to the reporters, and let them see broadcast tapes, but no outtakes," he explains. "This went on for a number of years --
into the Seventies."
Sign of the Times
The New York Times was for the CIA in the realm of newspapers what CBS was to the Agency among broadcasters. Publisher Arthur
Hays Sulzberger (CFR) arranged for cover for approximately 10 CIA employees between 1950 and 1966 as part of his general policy
of providing assistance to the CIA whenever possible. According to CIA officials, the Agency's ties to the Times were stronger than to
any other papers because of its large foreign news operation and because of close ties between publisher Sulzberger and director
Dulles (a relationship described by one staff member as "the mighty dealing with the mighty.") The output of this close relationship
generally included reporting for CIA agents and "spotting" new prospective foreign operatives. Sulzberger is said to have signed a
secrecy agreement with the Agency in the 1950's -- some say he did so as a pledge not to reveal the classified information he was
privy to; others claim it was a pact never to reveal the Times' dealings with the CIA. Former Times reporter Wayne Phillips said CIA
agents approached and tried to recruit him as an undercover operative in 1952, advising him that the Agency has a "working
relationship" with Sulzberger. A Freedom of Information Act request later revealed that agents hoped to put him to work as an "asset"
abroad.
The Times ran a story about the attempted recruitment in 1976, in which Arthur Ochs Sulzberger (CFR) asserted that he had "never
heard of the Times being approached, either in my capacity as publisher or as the son of the late Mr. Sulzberger." A CIA Post?
Bernstein's former employers at the Washington Post escaped his expose unscathed, but other investigators have documented
extensive CIA ties at the paper. According to John Kelly of CounterSpy magazine, Post reporter Walter Pincus (CFR) worked for the
CIA in 1959 as an Agency trained and funded delegate sent to the International Youth Festival in Vienna to disrupt the festival and
spy on fellow Americans. After briefing agents on his activities and taking a pledge of secrecy, he went on attend youth conferences in
Ghana and Guinea. Pincus claims that he was offered, but turned down, a permanent CIA position, although he did attend a political
meeting in New Delhi at the Agency's request before going on to bigger and better things at the Post. Pincus has written several pieces
sympathetic to CIA operations. He published an article just prior to the release of Bernstein's Rolling Stone expose downplaying the
article's claims, even though his report essentially let Post publisher Katherine Graham off the hook.
Reporter Russell Warren Howe also has a long history of CIA service. In 1958, he once said, his "days as an asset had just begun." He
worked for the CIA proprietary "Information Bulletin, Ltd." and its successor, "Forum Service" (later known as Forum World
Features), in addition to the CIA-funded "Africa Report and "Survey." Howe was fully aware of his employer's CIA ties, referring
once to the FWF as "the principal CIA media in the world." According to the Church Committee, the Post management was aware
that one of their reporters worked for a CIA publication, and that on several occasions they knowingly reprinted propaganda from that
paper in the Post. Philip Geyelin (CFR) on the other hand was a CIA agent before taking a job as a Post reporter. Geyelin joined the
Agency for 11 months during a leave from the Wall Street Journal. While at the Journal, CIA memos about Geyelin (which number in
the hundreds, according to CounterSpy) described him as "a CIA resource" and a "willing collaborator." Geyelin has come to the
CIA's defense in the Post: in response to a statement by Post ombudsman Charles Seib that the CIA should stick to dirty work, the
press should inform the public, "and never the twain can meet," Geyelin replied that to the contrary, agents and journalists were "all
searching for the same nuggets of truth about the outside world." He took this a step further when he protested Congressional efforts
to regulate CIA-media ties, invoking journalists' constitutional right to be co-opted by spooks.
"(I)n its zeal to restrict the freedom of the agency to subvert the press," he wrote, "Congress could wind up making a law that would
in fact abridge -- or threaten to abridge -- some part of the freedom of the press that the First Amendment was intended to protect."
Publisher Katherine Graham is a member of the Council on Foreign Relations with close ties to former CIA directors Dulles and
William Casey (CFR). She hired CIA-linked Wackenhut Security Corporation to break up a Post union strike, and invited former
Deputy Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach (CFR) to join the Post's board of directors despite his well-documented past as a CIA
apologist. Katzenbach is said to have asked a past Post editorial page editor to tone down an upcoming editorial about the CIA, and he
chaired a presidential panel that "investigated" CIA domestic operations (but actually served as a rubber stamp for the Agency's
activities). While he asserted that both the FBI and CIA were "the most decent and effective intelligence agencies in the world,"
Katzenbach had first hand knowledge of the seedier side of intelligence: the Church committee produced several memos documenting
his suggestions to J. Edgar Hoover that he might undertake wiretap operations as part of the Bureau's campaign to discredit Martin
Luther King, Jr.
Time and Life founder Henry Luce was considered one of the CIA's most cooperative sources in the media. Luce, another of Dulles'
personal friends in the media, was said to freely allow staff members to work with the CIA and willingly provide credentials for
agents who lacked journalistic experience. Throughout the 50's and 60's Time correspondents attended CIA briefing dinners, and Luce
encouraged his foreign correspondents to meet with CIA officials after returning from trips abroad. C.D. Jackson, a Life magazine
vice president in the early 1960's, co-authored a CIA study on reorganization of the intelligence community during his tenure at Time-
Life, and approved specific plans for granting cover to CIA operatives. Former Life managing editors Edward Thompson and George
Hunt told Stuart Loory that they regularly allowed military intelligence agents to come to the Life office to look at photos and, since
they were public domain, sometimes gave them prints. CIA agents were allowed to interview correspondents returning from overseas
assignments too, Hunt said, although he did not consider this to be "working with" intelligence agencies. "We never cooperated with
the CIA," Hunt claimed. "We didn't have any of that nonsense going on at Life."
Other News Outlets With Documented CIA Ties Management at the Christian Science Monitor admitted the paper had an ongoing
relationship with the CIA throughout the 1950's and early 60's. Joseph Harrison, who became editor in 1950, said he discovered that
agents paid frequent visits to the news office to get information on Monitor stories. "I inherited the situation and I continued it," he
said of the arrangement, which included allowing the Agency access to uncut versions of stories and letters from Monitor foreign
correspondents. While Johnson characterized such activities as "helping out as an American," he drew the line at pursuing stories at
the Agency's behest or allowing his employees to moonlight with the CIA. "That," according to his distinction, "would have been
espionage." CIA files show that ABC News provided cover for agents throughout the 1960's. During the Church committee hearings
the Agency refused to reveal whether its relationship with the network was ongoing. As with ties to other high profile news outlets,
arrangements were made at the highest level, with the full knowledge of network executives.
CIA officials claim that Sam Jaffe and one other unnamed correspondent performed clandestine tasks for the Agency. Jaffe admits that
he was approached by agents who offered to get him a job with CBS, who would send him on assignment in Moscow if he agreed to
cooperate, but claims he never agreed to the deal. Jaffe did go on to do some work for CBS, though, and said he believed that the CIA
had a hand in getting him the assignment. One of the more unusual accounts of the CIA-press connection involves the Louisville
Courier-Journal. Undercover operative Robert H. Campbell spent three months at the paper as a reporter in 1964-1965 as part of an
arrangement made by the Agency and Courier-Journal executive editor Norman Issacs. The first account of Campbell's tenure at the
paper appeared in a front-page story in 1976 -- in the Courier-Journal (one of the few self-investigative pieces written on this topic).
James Herzog reported that Campbell had been hired in spite of the fact that he could not type and knew little about newswriting.
"Norman said that when he was in Washington, he had been called to lunch with some friend of his who was with the CIA [who]
wanted to send this young fellow down to get him a little knowledge of newspapering," the paper's former managing editor recalled in
the article. CIA sources say that the Courier-Journal arrangements were made so that Johnson could amass a record of journalistic
experience (he also worked briefly for the Hornell, New York Evening Tribune).
The Agency even sent funds to the Courier-Journal to pay Johnson's salary. These same sources claim that the deal was made with
Issacs and approved by the paper's publisher, but neither man recalls being involved. "All I can do is repeat the simple truth," Issacs
said in response to Herzog's story, "that never, under any circumstances or at any time, have I ever knowingly hired a government
agent." But, he added, "none of this is to say that I couldn't have been 'had.'" But clues were there. No one looked into Johnson's
credentials when he was hired, and his file included the curious notation "Hired for temporary work -- no reference checks completed
or needed." Johnson's journalistic prowess (or lack thereof) should have given him away: his editors characterized his work as
"unreadable" and it was never published. If that was not clue enough, his penchant for announcing to patrons at a bar a few steps from
his office that he was a CIA agent should have done the trick. Who else? Bernstein compiled the following list of additional
organizations known to have provided CIA cover: the New York Herald-Tribune, the Saturday Evening Post, Scripps-Howard
Newspapers, Hearst Newspapers, the Associated Press, United Press International, the Mutual Broadcasting System, Reuters and the
Miami Herald.
The CFR Report on "Making Intelligence Smarter" A Council on Foreign Relations task force thrust the CIA-media connection back
into the spotlight this year with the release of their report on post-Cold War intelligence. "Making Intelligence Smarter," released in
February 1996, stresses the importance of "human intelligence" in successful clandestine operations. But many of the "innovations"
the CFR suggests for cases when "the targeted activity is not easily captured by reconnaissance or eavesdropping," are all too familiar.
"Clandestine operations for whatever purpose currently are circumscribed by a number of legal and policy constraints," the report
states. "These deserve review to avoid diminishing the potential contribution of this instrument. At a minimum, the Task Force
recommended that a fresh look be taken at limits on the use of nonofficial 'covers' for hiding and protecting those involved in
clandestine activities." Though the task force doesn't explicitly address the use of the press as cover, the implication is obvious. If
nothing else, the Church committee investigation showed CIA-press relationships to be among the Agency's most secret -- and most
valuable -- operations for nearly two decades. And congressional scrutiny, however ineffectual, led the Agency to codify the
constraints alluded to in the report.
Former CIA director William Colby claimed in 1973 to have scaled back covert media operations in response to mounting criticism of
the practice. His successor, George Bush, issued a statement pledging that the Agency would not enter into "paid or contractual
relationships with full- or part-time news correspondents from accredited news organizations" when he took the Agency helm in
1976. (The statement was ambiguous on stringers and other news staffers, and included a statement that the Agency would "welcome"
journalists' voluntary, unpaid cooperation. Stansfield Turner, Bush's replacement, put these assurances in writing the following year.
Contrary to the report's implication that all "nonofficial" covers are currently off limits, there is a loophole in the policy Turner drafted
in 1977 allowing for exceptions "with the specific approval" of the Director of Central Intelligence. An unnamed source brought the
loophole to attention of the Washington Post last month, indicating that such exceptions had been made "in extraordinarily rare
circumstances" in the past 19 years. At least one such exception was granted for a CIA agent posing as a reporter during the Iranian
hostage crisis. Spies R Not Us? Reaction from the press to the CFR report has been mixed. Many have invoked the First Amendment
and uttered platitudes about the separation of press and state, while remaining silent about the two institutions' sordid pasts. Notably
absent from both the CFR's report and the media's reaction is any historical frame of reference: the issue is presented as a stand-alone
current event, taken out of its context as a legacy of CIA meddling and media complicity.
Evan Thomas, an assistant editor at Newsweek told the Post that while there were "inherent conflicts" in using the press as cover,
"You would not want to rule out forever an opportunity in which a journalist might be the only one who could help in a desperate
situation." But Jim Naureckas, editor of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting's journal Extra!, seemed to have a better appreciation of
the underlying implications. "Under no circumstance should CIA agents pose as journalists," he said. "Given the CIA's record in
setting up fake press organs and manipulating the press, they have really lost the right to get involved with journalists. You can't
combine their work with journalism, which is about the free and open exchange of ideas." Washington Times columnist Ken Adelman
charged that the uproar was much ado about nothing. "That such verbal waffling aroused such a ruckus says a great deal," he wrote in
his March 6, 1996 column. "Not so much about the Council or the CIA -- but about the narcissism of today's journalists." Contrary to
the policy of his predecessors, Post executive editor Leonard Downie, Jr. said he was disturbed by the possibility that the CIA had
either used journalistic organizations for cover or recruited journalists. Independence from the government, he said, was essential for
both credibility and the safety of correspondents.
Will economic warfare replace the Cold War in the New World Order? In the wake of the Cold War, debate has erupted over the future
use of intelligence agencies by the U.S. government. Many of America's political and business elite want to see a shift towards
economic intelligence, to counter other nations' economic intelligence ops, as well as to further the goals of international capitalism. It
is therefore especially noteworthy that the CFR issued the report on "Making Intelligence Smarter." The roster of the Council on
Foreign Relations is a Who's Who directory of the political, military, and economic elite in the United States. President Clinton's
administration is staffed by nearly 100 of the CFR's 3,000 members. It has been said by political commentators on both the left and
the right that if you want to find out what U.S. foreign policy will be next year, you should read the CFR's periodical Foreign Affairs
this year. Members of the CFR exert influence over a gigantic portion of the media in America.
Many of the newspeople who operated with the CIA in the past were or are CFR members. The chief directors and news anchors of
CBS, ABC, NBC, Time Inc., Public Broadcast Service, CNN, Newsweek, and many other major media outlets are CFR members. So
are many CEOs and board members at Chase Manhattan Corp., Chemical Bank, Citicorp, Shell Oil, AT&T, General Motors, General
Electric, and other multinational corporations. It is also worth noting that three of the Task Force panel members who wrote the
"Making Intelligence Smarter" report included past or present journalists. Leslie Gelb, CFR president, is a former foreign affairs
columnist and Op-Ed page editor for The New York Times. Henry Grunwald is former Editor-in-Chief of Time magazine, and Jessica
Mathews is a Post columnist. Critics of the CFR on both sides of the political spectrum voice strong opposition to the Council's
agenda of expansion of multinational capitalism and world government -- what has become known as the New World Order.
A report from the CFR such as "Making Intelligence Smarter" will therefore make plenty of waves. The fact that the report was
composed in part by members of the working press who are also CFR members is a brazen conflict of interest, in light of the CFR's
history. Will there be a shift in CIA/media operations towards global economic intelligence and propaganda? Only time will tell as the
debate rages on. But if history serves as any sort of lesson, we could be standing on the threshold of a new flap of covert media
manipulation. Sources "The CIA and the Media: How America's Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central
Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered it Up," Rolling Stone, October 20, 1977, p.55-67. "CIA in America,"
CounterSpy, Spring 1980, p. 42-43. "Washington Post -- Speaking for Whom?" CounterSpy, May-July 1981, p. 13-19. Loch K.
Johnson, America's Secret Power: the CIA in a Democratic Society, New York: Oxford University Press, 1989, p. 182-311.
"'Loophole Revealed in Prohibition on CIA Use of Journalistic Cover," New York Times, February 16, 1996, p. A24. "Making
Intelligence Smarter," report of a task force of the Council on Foreign Relations, 1996. "Disinformation and Mass Deception:
Democracy as a Cover Story," Covert Action Information Bulletin, Spring-Summer 1983, p. 3-12. "The CIA's use of the press: a
'mighty Wurlitzer,'" Columbia Journalism Review, September/October 1974, p. 9-18. http://www.911-strike.com/CIAinmedia.htm
O'Reilly's Information Tech CIA Connection ::: Download Presentation In-Q-Tel, Inc. is a private, venture capital firm chartered by
the CIA. In-Q-Tel strives to extend the Agency's access to new IT companies, solutions, and approaches to address their priority
problems. In-Q-Tel invests in technologies that addresses critical CIA needs, and that can also become commercially viable.
"You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month." CIA operative discussing with Philip
Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and prices of journalists willing to peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories.
"Katherine The Great," by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991) As terrible as it is to live in a nation where the
press in known to be controlled by the government, at least one has the advantage of knowing the bias is present, and to adjust for it.
In the United States of America, we are taught from birth that our press is free from such government meddling. This is an insideous
lie about the very nature of the news institution in this country. One that allows the government to lie to us while denying the very fact
of the lie itself. The Alex Constantine Article Tales from the Crypt,The Depraved Spies, and Moguls of the CIA's Operation
MOCKINGBIRD by Alex Constantine.
Who Controls the Media? Soulless corporations do, of course. Corporations with grinning, double-breasted executives, interlocking
directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. Coca-Cola. Disney. Newspapers should have mastheads that
mirror the world: The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser . It is beginning to dawn on a growing
number of armchair ombudsmen that the public print reports news from a parallel universe - one that has never heard of politically-
motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking thefts, mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets fattened
by cocaine sales - a place overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their best behavior. In this idyllic land,
the most serious infraction an official can commit is a the employment of a domestic servant with (shudder) no residency status. This
unlikely land of enchantment is the creation of MOCKINGBIRD. It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold
war, when the CIA began a systematic infiltration of the corporate media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news
outlets. In this period, the American intelligence services competed with communist activists abroad to influence European labor
unions. With or without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an undercover State Department official assigned to the
Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy
Coordination. Philip Graham, a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington Post,
was taken under Wisner's wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
"By the early 1950s," writes former Village Voice reporter Deborah Davis in Katharine the Great, "Wisner 'owned' respected
members of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles, plus stringers, four to six hundred in all,
according to a former CIA analyst." The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a templar for German and American corporations
who wanted their points of view represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and wire agencies
consenting to act as organs of CIA propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary views, among them William
Paley (CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times). Activists curious about the
workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled to find in FOIA documents that agents boasting in CIA office memos of their
pride in having placed "important assets" inside every major news publication in the country.
It was not until 1982 that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have acted as case officers to agents in the
field. "World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March, 1947. "It is in the opening skirmish stage already." The issue
featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who called for the creation of an "American Empire," "world-dominating in
political power, set up at least in part through coercion (probably including war, but certainly the threat of war) and in which one
group of people ... would hold more than its equal share of power."
George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947, explaining that "although avoiding typical Hitlerian
phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of
Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the
American flag." On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the CIA and William Paley, a wartime colonel and
the founder of CBS. A firm believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to work
undercover at the behest of his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation's media, Allen Dulles. Paley's designated go-
between in his dealings with the CIA was Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961. The CIA's assimilation of old
guard fascists was overseen by the Operations Coordination Board, directed by C.D. Jackson, formerly an executive of Time
magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold War Strategy.
In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who quit a year later, disgusted at the administration's political infighting. Vice
President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war strategist. "Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice
Department's Office of Special Investigations, took "a small boy's delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft - the hidden
microphones, the 'black' propaganda." Nixon especially enjoyed his visit to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis in the "special
forces" drilling at covert operations. One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence underground was heroin smuggler
Hubert von Blücher, the son of A German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained by the Abwehr, the German
military intelligence division, while still a civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit of the German Army until forced out for
medical reasons in 1944, according to his wartime records. He worked briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on a movie
entitled One Day ..., and finished out the war flying with the Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling
of Nazi loot out of the country. His exploits were, in part, the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the knockover
of the Reichsbank at the end of the war. In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named Huberto von
Bleucher Corell, he immediately paid court to Eva Peron, presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from the
wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?).
Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the Hotel Plaza to deliver German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the birth of
the National Socialist Party in Argentina, among other forms of Nazi revival. In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at
the Color Corporation of America in Hollywood. He eked out a living writing scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can
be heard on a film set in the Amazon, produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Düsseldorf, West
Germany, and established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical warfare agents for the government. At the
Industrie Club in Düsseldorf in 1982, von Blücher boasted to journalists, "I am chief shareholder of Pan American Airways. I am the
best friend of Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I am thus the biggest financier ever to
appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by these people over their second bottle of brandy."
Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken dreams of world-moving affluence were, in their time, Moses
Annenberg, publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the CIA/mob-anchored publisher of the TV Guide. Like most
American high-rollers, Annenberg lived a double life. Moses, his father, was a scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter were
indicted in 1939 for tax evasions totalling many millions of dollars - the biggest case in the history of the Justice Department. Moses
pled guilty and agreed to pay the government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims, penalties and interest debts.
Moses received a three-year sentence. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary. Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty
Republican. On the campaign trail in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet.
"This is the topping on the cake," Bush's regional campaign director told the Los Angeles Times. The Bush team met at Annenberg's
plush Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands, California. It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the
state's social and contributor registers built over a quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose acting career
was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD. The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's recruitment by the
Crusade for Freedom, a CIA front, presented the intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even
prying in the age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient video surveillance technology
in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace.
Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program that turned any television set with
tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual images with the equipment as far as 25 miles
away. Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his disappearance in the midst of the Watergate probe. In 1952,
at MCA, Actors' Guild president Ronald Reagan - a screen idol recruited by MOCKINGBIRD's Crusade for Freedom to raise funds
for the resettlement of Nazis in the U.S., according to Loftus - signed a secret waiver of the conflict-of-interest rule with the mob-
controlled studio, in effect granting it a labor monopoly on early television programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part
owner. Furthermore, historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan had "fed the names
of suspect people in his organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned 'an informer's code number, T-10.' His
No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former intelligence officer and in the immediate postwar period UPI's
Moscow correspondent. Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's Phil Graham, according to Deborah Davis.
Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film simian from CIA and Mafia heroin operations. Among other
organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell Thomas threw in to launch the infamous Resorts International,
the corporate front for Lansky's branch of the federally-sponsored mob family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities. Another of
the investors was James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated $100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This was the
year that Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the issuance of a
gambling license to the company, citing Mafia ties. In 1954, this same circle of investors, all Catholics, founded the broadcasting
company notorious for overt propagandizing and general spookiness. The company's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey,
who clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after he was appointed CIA director by Ronald Reagan in 1981.
"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The Invisible Government to describe the agency's intertwining
interests in the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who took to the airwaves. "Daily, East and West beam
hundreds of propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-
price transistor has given the hidden war a new importance," enthused one foreign correspondent.
A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda push. One of them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR),
received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the CIA through private foundations and trusts. OPR research was the basis of a
television series that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People and Politics, a "study" of the American political
system in 21 weekly installments. In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia combination that formed Cap
Cities sank its claws into the film studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army during the war by a criminal
investigation of Chicago mobsters in the film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by the CIA, played sidekick to
Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled
his office after the dictator's.
The only honest job Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan
Foy, a former producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative on the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia
investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson, publisher of the Hollywood Reporter. In the
1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of the CIA's covert operations budget. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract
CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. The cost of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an
estimated $265 million a year by 1978, a budget larger than the combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely with the intelligence services - in fact, 23 employees were full-time
Most consumers of the corporate media were - and are - unaware of the effect that the salting of public opinion has on their own
beliefs. A network anchorman in time of national crisis is an instrument of psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. He
is a creature from the national security sector's chamber of horrors. For this reason consumers of the corporate press have reason to
examine their basic beliefs about government and life in the parallel universe of these United States.
"I see in the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country. As a result of the
war, corporations have been enthroned and an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will
endeavor to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of the people until all wealth is aggregated in a few hands and the
Republic is destroyed." -- President Abraham Lincoln, Nov. 21, 1864

The world of the mass media is shrinking. How a handful of companies came to exercise such control over the media is one of the
astonishing stories of our time. But there are real consequences to what's happening that affect democracy and consumers. Merging
Media Approximate number of newspapers in North America: 1800 Approximate number of magazines in North America: 11,000
Approximate number of radio stations in North America: 11,000 Approximate number of television stations in North America: 2000
Approximate number of book publishers in North America: 3000 Number of companies owning a controlling interest in the media
listed above in 1984: 50 Number of companies owning a controlling interest in the media listed above in 1987: 26 Number of
companies owning a controlling interest in the media listed above in 1996: 10 The Massing of the Media # THE LAW: Many media
watchers point to the Telecommunications Act of 1996 as crucial to the growth of media giants. The Act lowered some long-standing
limits on the number of media outlets that any one company could own in any single market. For television there's currently a cap
limiting any one company from reaching more than 35 percent of the national audience. The Federal Communications Commission's
(FCC) website has a complete listing of public hearings on this issue and a facility for filing comments online.
TELEVISION: The U.S. seems awash with TV choices. Between cable, dish and digital channels, choices number in the hundreds. A
recent study by THE ECONOMIST found that though the market continues to grow, most people routinely watch only 15 channels.
The top ten cable channels and the five networks still make up 90% of the watching audience. And what are they watching? American
cable fare breaks down as follows:
Entertainment — 36.6%
Children's programming — 21.1%
News — 14.1%
Nature/Education — 11.1%
Women — 7.0%
Music — 5.4%
Sport — 4.7%
NEWS: A few years ago, newspeople were lamenting the results of a study by Harvard's Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and
Public Policy which showed a marked decrease in international news coverage from 45% in the 1970s to just 14% in 1995. In the
wake of September 11, some news organizations were revitalized. Overseas bureaus were saved from closure and hard news seemed
important again — but the companies lost money. Just this week, CNN announced its biggest prime-time audience of 2002 for...the
arrest of Robert Blake.
Media analysis
Andrew Tyndall watches the news every night and publishes the results in the Tyndall Report. Here's a round-up of the top stories on
the three big networks for selected weeks past from the Tyndall Report: July 19-31, 2001 (av. number of minutes):
- Disappearance of Chandra Levy (24 minutes)

- Human embryo stem cell research (14 minutes)
- Shark attacks (14 minutes)
April 8-12, 2002

- Enron bankruptcy (12 minutes)
- Anti-U.S. sentiment in Islamic world (10 minutes)
- Catholic pedophile priests (10 minutes)
October 14-18, 2002

- DC sniper (76 minutes)
- Iraq: Saddam Hussein (28 minutes)
- Bali bombings (19 minutes)
Andrew Tyndall also recently completed an evaluation of three major cable news networks for THE NEWSHOUR WITH JIM
LEHRER. Although he found that the three had different presentations and viewpoints — the news they covered was similar in
content (and very male-dominated). Read the whole report at Cable News Wars.
BOOKS: Big media holds sway over more than the airwaves, many conglomerates have interest in major publishing houses as well.
- TimeWarner -- Warner Books/Little Brown/Time-Life

- Viacom -- Simon and Schuster/Pocket Books, etc.
- Bertelsmann is the largest book publisher in the United States
- Walt Disney - Hyperion/Talk Miramax Books
- Vivendi International - Houghton Mifflin Links and add'l info: http://www.pbs.org/now/politics/fcc.html

The Telecommunications Act of 1996 is the first major overhaul of telecommunications law in almost 62 years.
The goal of this new law is to let anyone enter any communications business -- to let any communications
business compete in any market against any other. http://www.fcc.gov/telecom.html Milestones in the History
of Media and Politics Robert McChesney comments, "And the founding fathers...their legacy here is very rich.
They understood that setting up a diverse, well funded media system with a broad range of viewpoints was the
essence of building of the oxygen for democracy. And it took conscious policies. It didn't happen naturally —
you had to work at it." What events have shaped the media's role in reporting politics since the beginning of
American history? And how has the press developed in the years since the Bill of Rights outlined its freedoms?
NOW's history of media and politics takes us to the early recorded instances of journalism for some
background. In Renaissance Europe, newsletters containing information about everything from wars and
economic conditions to social customs were handwritten and circulated among merchants. By the late 1400's,
the first printed forerunners of the newspaper appeared in Germany as pamphlets or broadsides, often highly
sensationalized in content. In the English-speaking world, the first successfully published title was THE
WEEKLY NEWES. View the front page of CORANT OR WEEKLY NEWES, FROM ITALY, GERMANY,
HUNGARIA, POLONIA, BOHEMIA, FRANCE, AND THE LOW-COUNTRIES published in London on
October 11, 1621. In the 1640's and 50's, it was followed by a multitude of different titles in the similar
newsbook format. Another prominent early paper (today the oldest continually published paper in the world)
was the LONDON GAZETTE. See the GAZETTE coverage of the Great Fire of London. Publication of
information about contemporary affairs began in North America in the early 18th century, but they did not yet
resemble the newspapers of today. In fact, at first, the notion that "news" should provide timely accounts of
recent events was not self-evident. Read about some of the milestones in America's history of media and
politics: More: http://www.pbs.org/now/politics/mediahistory.html

Below are sites which contain more information about the issue of media deregulation and ways to take action
on either side of the issue. The FCC site provides an area to make views on deregulation known, and provides
contact information for the agency. Center for Digital Democracy The Web site of the Center for Digital
Democracy, a nonprofit organization dedicated to preserving media diversity, provides information regarding
the issue of media concentration. The Center highlights the 1945 Supreme Court decision (Associated Press v.
United States) which maintains that mergers that narrow the dissemination of information are unconstitutional.
Colombia Journalism Review: Who Owns What? "Who Owns What?" by the Colombia Journalism Review
(CJR) features a list of media conglomerates and what they own. The page also provides a selected list of
articles from the CJR archive on media concentration. Consumer Federation of America The Consumer
Federation of America provides press releases, studies, brochures, and testimony to educate the American
public about telecommunications issues and to advocate for pro-consumer policies. Consumers Union:
Nonprofit Publisher of Consumer Reports The Consumers Union Web page, devoted to telephone-
telecommunications regulation, provides a long list of articles, studies, and research describing how the
deregulation of the telecommunications industry in 1996 has hurt consumers. Economic and Political
Consequences of the 1996 Telecommunications Act Thomas Hazlett of the American Enterprise Institute argues
that the 1996 Telecommunications Act resulted both in benefits to consumers and in "megamergers" that have
benefited stockholders and market function. He contends that increased competition in the market had an effect
on the political process, where the Telecommunications industry outspent all other industries in political
contributions.
The Federal Communication Commission is an independent government organization accountable to Congress.

The FCC regulates "interstate and international communications by radio, television, wire, satellite and cable"
within U.S. jurisdiction. The FCC Web site features a special section on media ownership which includes
information on the Broadcast-Newspaper Cross-Ownership Rule and the Local Radio Ownership Rule in the
form of announcements, press releases, and policy studies. The Telecommunications Act of 1996 This Federal
Communications Commission (FCC) Web page is devoted to the landmark Telecommunications Act of 1996,
which promoted deregulation of the telecommunication industry (cable, long distance telephone service, local
telephone service, and broadband) to create a competitive communications market and deliver better services
and prices to consumers. The Web site features the complete text of the legislation and provides relevant FCC
materials related to the implementation and guidelines of the Act. FRONTLINE: The Merchants of Cool -
Media Giants On PBS.org, the FRONTLINE Web site features a diagram of the seven largest media
conglomerates and their numerous holdings. This information is provided within a larger context, asking how
media mega-mergers and the products they sell affect children's psychological development.
http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/cool/giants/
What's Wrong With This Picture? Crispin Miller of THE NATION magazine describes and analyzes the media
cartel that has integrated all cultural industries into a few large corporations. Miller fears that American culture
http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?i=20020107&s=miller FCC and Media Deregulation sites:

And having justified Bush/Cheney's coup, the media continue to betray American democracy. Media devoted to
the public interest would investigate the poor performance by the CIA, the FBI, the FAA and the CDC, so that
those agencies might be improved for our protection--but the news teams (just like Congress) haven't bothered
to look into it. So, too, in the public interest, should the media report on all the current threats to our security--
including those far-rightists targeting abortion clinics and, apparently, conducting bioterrorism; but the
telejournalists are unconcerned (just like John Ashcroft). So should the media highlight, not play down, this
government's attack on civil liberties--the mass detentions, secret evidence, increased surveillance, suspension
of attorney-client privilege, the encouragements to spy, the warnings not to disagree, the censored images,
sequestered public papers, unexpected visits from the Secret Service and so on. And so should the media not
parrot what the Pentagon says about the current war, because such prettified accounts make us complacent and
preserve us in our fatal ignorance of what people really think of us--and why--beyond our borders. And there's
much more--about the stunning exploitation of the tragedy, especially by the Republicans; about the links
between the Bush and the bin Laden families; about the ongoing shenanigans in Florida--that the media would
let the people know, if they were not (like Michael Powell) indifferent to the public interest. In short, the news
divisions of the media cartel appear to work against the public interest--and for their parent companies, their
advertisers and the Bush Administration. The situation is completely un-American. It is the purpose of the press
to help us run the state, and not the other way around. As citizens of a democracy, we have the right and
obligation to be well aware of what is happening, both in "the homeland" and the wider world. Without such
knowledge we cannot be both secure and free. We therefore must take steps to liberate the media from
oligopoly, so as to make the government our own. http://www.thenation.com/doc.mhtml?
i=20020107&c=2&s=miller Media Access Project is a non-profit, public interest law firm which promotes the
public's First Amendment right to hear and be heard on the electronic media of today and tomorrow.
ACT NOW.... TOP ISSUES: http://www.mediaaccess.org/programs/
"If in the first act you introduce a gun, by the third act you have to use it." -- Anton Chekov
"Fear not the path of truth for the lack of people walking on it." -- Robert F. Kennedy
"A political battle is merely a skirmish fought with muskets; a philosophical battle is a nuclear war."
-- Ayn Rand
"What distinguishes the New Right from other American reactionary movements and what it shares
with the early phase of German fascism, is its incorporation of conservative impulses into a system
of representation consisting largely of media techniques and media images." — Philip Bishop: The
New Right and the Media
"I spent thirty-three years and four months in active military service as a member of this country's most
agile military force, the Marine Corps. I served in all commissioned ranks from Second Lieutenant to
Major-General. And during that period, I spent most of my time being a high class muscle-man for Big
Business, for Wall Street and for the Bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for capitalism." --
Major General Smedley Butler, 1933
"In a time of universal deceit, telling the truth becomes a revolutionary act." -- George Orwell
MetaMagic MediaMinistry @ Abracadabra Communications

onfocus="if(this.blur)this.blur();">http://metamagic.org
Hidden Elitist Conspiracies? Visit BeamShip MUTANEX http://mutanex.com

News of the Strange & Supernatural Mark Fiore's FlashToon ::: "Preemptive Diplomacy" http://metamagic.org/strange
BACK TO THE MOON
http://911review.org/Wiki/OperationMockingbird.shtml
911review.org
International Advocates For Health Freedom. Operation Mockingbird The
[WWW]
[WWW]
Subversion Of America's Free Press By The CIA. March 24, 2000.
"You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred
dollars a month." CIA operative discussing with Philip Graham, editor Washington
Post, on the availability and prices of journalists willing to peddle CIA propaganda
and cover stories. "Katherine The Great," by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan
Square Press, 1991)
As terrible as it is to live in a nation where the press in known to be controlled by

the government, at least one has the advantage of knowing the bias is present,
and to adjust for it. In the United States of America, we are taught from birth that
our press is free from such government meddling. This is an insideous lie about
the very nature of the news institution in this country. One that allows the
government to lie to us while denying the very fact of the lie itself.
Tales from the Crypt The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation
MOCKINGBIRD By Alex Constantine.
[WWW]
Soulless corporations do, of course. Corporations with grinning, double-breasted

executives, interlocking directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital. Dow.
General Electric. Coca-Cola. Disney. Newspapers should have mastheads that
mirror the world: The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield
Intelligentser . It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair
ombudsmen that the public print reports news from a parallel universe - one that
has never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA - Mafia banking
thefts, mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets
fattened by cocaine sales - a place overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and
Mafia are usually on their best behavior. In this idyllic land, the most serious
infraction an official can commit __is a the employment of a domestic servant with
(shudder) no residency status.
It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold war, when the
CIA began a systematic infiltration of the corporate media, a process that often
included direct takeover of major news outlets.
In this period, the American intelligence services competed with communist

activists abroad to influence European labor unions. With or without the
cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an undercover State Department
official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the
cold war underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy
Page 1 of 27 Coordination. Philip Graham, - a graduate of the Army Intelligence School

Apr 26, 2015 in
05:57:36AM MDT
Coordination. Philip Graham, - a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in
Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under Wisner's
wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
"By the early 1950s," writes former Village Voice reporter Deborah Davis in
Katharine the Great, "Wisner 'owned' respected members of the New York Times,
Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles, plus stringers, four to six
hundred in all, according to a former CIA analyst." The network was overseen by
Allen Dulles, a templar for German and American corporations who wanted their
points of view represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25
newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of CIA propaganda.
Many of these were already run by men with reactionary views, among them
William Paley (CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays
Sulzberger (N.Y. Times).
Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been appalled
to f__ind in FOIA documents that agents boasting in CIA office memos of their
pride in having placed "important assets" inside every major news publication in
the country. It was not until 1982 that the Agency openly admitted that reporters
on the CIA payroll have acted as case officers to agents in the field.
"World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March, 1947. "It is in
the opening skirmish stage already." The issue featured an excerpt of a book by
James Burnham, who called for the creation of an "American Empire,"
"world-dominating in political power, set up at least in part through coercion
(probably including war, but certainly the threat of war) and in which one group of
people ... would hold more than its equal share of power."
George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947,
explaining that "although avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a
superior people taking over the world and ruling it, began to appear in the press,
whereas the organs of Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine
inevitably leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the
American flag."
On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the CIA and
William Paley, a wartime colonel and the founder of CBS. A firm believer in "all
forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to
work undercover at the behest of his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the
nation's media, Allen Dulles. Paley's designated go-between in his dealings with
the CIA was Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961.
The CIA's assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the Operations
Coordination Board, directed by C.D. Jackson, formerly an executive of Time
magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold War Strategy. In 1954 he
was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who quit a year later, disgusted at the
administration's political infighting. Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller
as the key cold war strategist.
"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice Department's Office
of Special Investigations, took "a small boy's delight in the arcane tools of the
Page 2 of 27 intelligence craft - the hidden microphones, the 'black' propaganda." Nixon
Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT
of Special Investigations,
http://911review.org/Wiki/OperationMockingbird.shtml took "a small boy's delight in the arcane tools of the
intelligence craft - the hidden microphones, the 'black' propaganda." Nixon
especially enjoyed his visit to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis in the
"special forces" drilling at covert operations.
One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence underground was

heroin smuggler Hubert von Blcher, the son of A German ambassador. Hubert
often bragged that that he was trained by the Abwehr, the German military
intelligence division, while still a civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit
of the German Army until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his
wartime records. He worked briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on a
movie entitled One Day ..., and finished out the war flying with the Luftwaffe, but
not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling of Nazi loot out of the
country. His exploits were, in part, the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold,
an account of the knockover of the Reichsbank at the end of the war.
In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named Huberto

von Bleucher Corell, he immediately paid court to Eva Peron, presenting her with
an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from the wealth of artifacts confiscated
by the SS from Europe's Jews?). Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the
Hotel Plaza to deliver German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the birth
of the National Socialist Party in Argentina, among other forms of Nazi revival.
In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color Corporation of
America in Hollywood. He eked out a living writing scripts for the booming movie
industry. His voice can be heard on a film set in the Amazon, produced by Walt
Disney. Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Dsseldorf, West
Germany, and established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but
anti-chemical warfare agents for the government. At the Industrie Club in
Dsseldorf in 1982, von Blcher boasted to journalists, "I am chief shareholder of
Pan American Airways. I am the best friend of Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel
in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I am thus the biggest financier ever to
appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed up by these people over their second
bottle of brandy."
Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken dreams of
world-moving affluence were, in their time, Moses Annenberg, publisher of The
Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the CIA / mob -anchored publisher of
the TV Guide. Like most American high-rollers, Annenberg lived a double life.
Moses, his father, was a scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter were
indicted in 1939 for tax evasions totalling many millions of dollars - the biggest
case in the history of the Justice Department. Moses pled guilty and agreed to pay
the government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims, penalties
and interest debts. Moses received a three-year sentence. He died in Lewisburg
Penitentiary.
Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. On the

campaign trail in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's
kitchen cabinet. "This is the topping on the cake," Bush's regional campaign
director told the Los Angeles Times. The Bush team met at Annenberg's plush
Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands, California. It was at the Annenberg mansion
Page 3 of 27 that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the state's social and contributor registers MDT
Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM
that Nixon's cabinet was chosen, and the state's social and contributor registers
built over a quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose
The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's recruitment by the

Crusade for Freedom, a CIA front, presented the intelligence world with
unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda and even prying in the age of Big
Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient
video surveillance technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first
edition published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according to
federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program that turned any
television set with tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could
Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his disappearance
in the midst of the Watergate probe.
In 1952, at MCA, Actors' Guild president Ronald Reagan - a screen idol recruited
by MOCKINGBIRD's Crusade for Freedom to raise funds for the resettlement of
Nazis in the U.S., according to Loftus - signed a secret waiver of the
conflict-of-interest rule with the mob-controlled studio, in effect granting it a labor
monopoly on early television programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a
part owner. Furthermore, historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New York
Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan had "fed the names of suspect people in his
organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned 'an informer's
code number, T-10.' His FBI file indicates intense collaboration with producers to
'purge' the industry of subversives."
No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former intelligence

officer and in the immediate postwar period UPI's Moscow correspondent.
Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's Phil Graham,
according to Deborah Davis.
Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film simian from
CIA and Mafia heroin operations. Among other organized-crime Republicans,
Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell Thomas threw in to launch the infamous
Resorts International, the corporate front for Lansky's branch of the
federally-sponsored mob family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities.
Another of the investors was James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated
$100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This was the year that Resorts
bought into Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New jersey attempted, with no
success, to spike the issuance of a gambling license to the company, citing Mafia
ties.
In 1954, this same circle of investors, all Catholics, founded the broadcasting
company notorious for overt propagandizing and general spookiness. The
company's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey, who clung to his
shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after he was appointed CIA
director by Ronald Reagan in 1981.
"Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The Invisible
Page 4 of 27 Government to describe the agency's intertwining interests inApr
the26,emergence of MDT
2015 05:57:36AM
"Black radio" was
the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The Invisible
Government to describe the agency's intertwining interests in the emergence of
the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who took to the airwaves. "Daily, East
and West beam hundreds of propaganda broadcasts at each other in an
unrelenting babble of competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-price
transistor has given the hidden war a new importance," enthused one foreign
correspondent.
A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda push. One of

them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR), received hundreds of
thousands of dollars from the CIA through private foundations and trusts. OPR
research was the basis of a television series that aired in New York and
Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People and Politics, a "study" of the American
political system in 21 weekly installments.
In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia combination
that formed Cap Cities sank its claws into the film studios and labor unions.
Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army during the war by a criminal
investigation of Chicago mobsters in the film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset
probably assassinated by the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia
Pictures mogul who visited Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to
Hollywood remodeled his office after the dictator's. The only honest job Rosselli
ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion
productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli,
Capone's representative on the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia
investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy
Wilkerson, publisher of the Hollywood Reporter.
In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of the CIA's
covert operations budget. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract CIA employees were
eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. The cost of disinforming the world cost
American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year by 1978, a budget larger
than the combined expenditures of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely with the
intelligence services - in fact, 23 employees were full-time employees of the
Agency.
Most consumers of the corporate media were - and are -unaware of the effect that
the salting of public opinion has on their own beliefs. A network anchorman in time
of national crisis is an instrument of psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD
media. He is a creature from the national security sector's chamber of horrors. For
this reason consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic
A Letter to the Washington Post by Julian C. Holmes April 25, 1992 Richard
Harwood, Ombudsman The Washington Post 1150 15th Street NW Washington,
DC 20071
Dear Mr. Harwood,

Page 5 of 27 Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT
Dear Mr. Harwood,
Your Ad Here
Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit of hard
news, just let drop the faintest rumor of a government "conspiracy", and a klaxon
horn goes off in the news room. Aroused from apathy in the daily routine of
reporting assignations and various other political and social sports events, editors
and reporters scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning: the
greatest single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government
It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any of
these frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to Post readers with a
salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs spun by the wacko
"CONSPIRACY THEORISTS".
Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the idea
that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had conspired to do wrong
(*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta
discussed some of the conspirators, the Post sprang to protect its readers, and
the conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column before printing it (*2).
But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In 1986,
the Christic Institute, an interfaith center for law and public policy, had filed a
lawsuit alleging a U.S. arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing to
the CIA - Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets (*3). In
1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work on our bizarre,
illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this discovery process
by disparaging the charges of conspiracy and by publishing false information
about the drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on
Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles
Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only a partial correction
and declined to print a letter of complaint from Rangel (*5).

Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity in
the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the arms/drug conspiracy evaporating, the
ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball to exorcise from
our minds a newly emerging threat to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise"
conspiracy (*7). But close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara
Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart,
books with the same title, "October Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a member of the
Reagan / Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of
Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the staff of the National
Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991
respectively, Honegger and Sick published their evidence of how the Republicans
made a deal to supply arms to Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United
Page 6 of 27 States hostages until after the November 1980 election. The Apr
purpose
26, 2015of05:57:36AM
this deal MDT
States hostages until after the November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal
was to quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October surprise). which
would have bolstered the reelection prospects for President Carter.
Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October

1988, Playboy Magazine ran an expose "An Election Held Hostage"; FRONTLINE
did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a conference of distinguished
journalists, joined by 8 of the former hostages, challenged the Congress to "make
a full, impartial investigation" of the election/hostage allegations. The Post
reported the statement of the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself
which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10). On
February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly
authorized an "October Surprise" investigation by a task force of 13 congressmen
headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired the House of Representatives
Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named as chief team counsel Larry
Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank was indicted in 1988
(*11).
arms-for-drugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver North's lies,and as
Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he derailed House Resolution 485
which had asked President Reagan to answer questions about Contra support
activities of government officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John Hull
(from Hamilton's home state), was charged in Costa Rica with "international drug
trafficking and hostile acts against the nation's security", Hamilton and 18 fellow
members of Congress tried to intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias
Sanchez into handling Hull's case "in a manner that will not complicate U.S.-Costa
Rican relations" (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the Costa
Rican response that declared Hull's case to be "in as good hands as our 100 year
old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all citizens" (*15).
theories, it is difficult to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves


"Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the
Department of Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben...of Germany. ...By its
cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the United States was effectively prevented
from developing or producing [for World War-II] any substantial amount of
U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about dosages of

radiation "almost certain to produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that
contaminated people residing near the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford,
Page 7 of 27 Washington (*19). Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT
contaminatedpeople residing near the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford,
Washington (*19).
Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in getting around to

cleaning up the Nation's dangerous nuclear weapons sites (*20). State and local
governments back the nuclear industry's secret public relations strategy (*21).
comprehensive cancer centers, have misled and confused the public and
Congress by repeated claims that we are winning the war against cancer. In fact,
the cancer establishment has continually minimized the evidence for increasing
cancer rates which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while
discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable eposures to industrial
carcinogens in the air, food, water, and the workplace." (*22).
The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq "is yet
another example of the President's people conspiring to keep both Congress and
the American people in the dark" (*23).
If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of doing business in this
country.
Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend $100

million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated history of Columbus in
America (*25). along the lines of the Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the two
worlds", (*26). rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish
Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from the

INSLAW company of sophisticated, law-enforcement computer software which
"now point to a widespread conspiracy implicating lesser Government officials in
the theft of INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot
Richardson (*28).
Or Watergate.
knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of Crooks and Criminals International"
(BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence agencies did their secret banking (*31), and
where bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way of doing
business" (*32).

Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to
replace electric transportation with gas- and diesel-powered buses and to
monopolize the sale of buses and related products to transportation companies
throughout the country" [in, among others, the cities of New York, Philadelphia,
Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33).
Page 8 of 27 Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). and
Apr 26, 2015 the U.S.MDT
05:57:36AM

covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a worldwide epidemic of

pelvic infections." (*35).
Or that cooperation between Mc Donnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA
resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door
which failed in flight killing all 364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on
March 3, 1974 (*36).
Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES).

that was sold by manufacturers who ignored tests which showed DES to be
carcinogenic; and who acted "in concert with each other in the testing and
marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).

corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of their savings. This "arrogant
disregard from the White House, Congress and corporate world for the interests
and rights of the American people" will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of
Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General Electric



Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover
up the nature of our decades-old war against the people of Nicaragua
a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure
for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into a more repressive force (*43).
Page 9 of 27 Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary ofApr

State Henry
26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT
Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry
Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the
purpose of disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and
to lie about these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA
Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored terrorism
(*46).

1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter,
the O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties (*47).
companies and the British and U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically
after Iran nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And
the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister
Muhammed Mossadegh (*49).
Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice Lumumba

(*50).
Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert
Dole, Senator George Mitchell, various U.S. Government agencies, and members
of both Houses of the Congress to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for
the presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).
Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to head the CIA, in
the face of "unmistakable evidence that Gates lied about his role in the
Iran-Contra scandal" (*52).
USAID funds by any country "for the promotion of birth control or abortion" (*54).
Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector

Gramajo with the U.S. Army to design "programs to build civilian-military
cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning,
Georgia; five of the nine soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El
Salvador are graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel
(*56).

Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of South

Page 10 of 27 election (*58). Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT

election (*58).
Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The Satanic

Verses in paperback (*61).
offers little comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a really
important conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big business or big government.
Your Ad Here
Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of the
Iranian government to help out U.S. oil companies; or like our illegal war against
Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and the Canal; or like monopoly
control of broadcasting that facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public
importance (*62). When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away,
public confidence in the conspiring officials can erode -- depending on how
seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public trust.
Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to see as a real
threat to its corporate security.
Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver Stone's
movie "JFK", which reexamines the U.S. Government's official (Warren
Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting alone, killed President John F.
Kennedy. The movie also is the story of New Orleans District Attorney Jim
Garrison's unsuccessful prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in
connection with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy
assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not be served
by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us from our war against
Vietnam.

suggested by "JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken
Ringle, George Will, Phil Mc Combs, and Michael Isikoff, have been called up to
man the bulwarks against public sentiment which has never supported the
government's non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that the
Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both the FBI and CIA
had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63) and that the 1979 Report of
the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that President Kennedy
was probably killed "as a result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number
of Post stories have been used as vehicles to discredit "JFK" as just another
conspiracy (*65).
Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen Rosenfeld,
and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They
ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had second thoughts about escalating
the Vietnam War and declaim that there is no historical justification for this idea.
Page 11 of 27 Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief05:57:36AM
Apr 26, 2015 L. MDT
Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L.
Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have each
authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not enthusiastic about
staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just continues ranting against the
possibility of a high-level assassination conspiracy while offering little justification
for its arguments.
An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable behavior is

George Lardner Jr's contribution to the Post's campaign against the movie.
Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie was completed, and the third
upon its release. In May, six months before the movie came out, Lardner obtained
a copy of the first draft of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed
in the Post the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this article, (*69).
Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile statements from a former Garrison
associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner does not tell the reader that subsequent to
the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government criminal action brought against
Garrison, Government witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for
prosecution, admitted under oath that in a May 1972 interview with a New Orleans
television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S. Government's case against
Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of the Garrison acquittal
mentions this controversy, but when I recently asked Lardner about this, he was
not clear as to whether he remembered it (*71).
justification for his unauthorized possession of the early draft ofthe movie (*72).
He also defended his reference to Pershing Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as
a writer "of gothic fiction".
ridiculed the film's thesis that following the Kennedy assassination, President
Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited
a memorandum issued by Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says
this memorandum was written before the assassination, and that it "was a
continuation of Kennedy's policy". In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day
before the assassination by Mc George Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National
Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it. Following
the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version provided for escalating
the war against Vietnam (*74) -- facts that Lardner avoided.
part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current
readers of this newspaper find meaningful discussion of the Warren Commission's
secret doubts about both the FBI and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA
headquarters instructing co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the "new
wave of books and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and]
conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on our organization"
and to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison and friendly elite contacts,
especially politicians and editors "and to "employ propaganda assets to answer
Page 12 of 27 and refute the attacks of the critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles
Apr 26, are
2015 05:57:36AM MDT
and refute the attacks of the critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are
particularly appropriate for this purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to provide
material for countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists..."
(*77).
In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great, the
story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties with
Washington's powerful elite, a number of whom were with the CIA.
Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim that
Bradlee had "produced CIA material" (*78). Understandably sensitive about this
kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,"Miss
Davis is lying ...I never produced CIA material ...what I can do is to brand Miss
Davis as a fool and to put your company in that special little group of publishers
who don't give a shit for the truth". The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the book;
Web Site:
HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of contract and damage
Home Page
to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis published her book elsewhere
Search
with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply involved with
About Donate
producing cold-war/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about
911Review.Com
his association with people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently taken no
action to contest the xetensive documentation presented by Deborah Davis in the
Top Topics:
second and third editions of her book (*80).
FrontPage And it's not as if the Post were new to conspiracy work.

Conspiracy Of Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the function of
Silence the press was more often than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the
Political Art government, was one of the architects of what became a widespread practice:the
Anthrax Attacks use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA" (*81). This scandal was known by
Inside Job its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl
Leahy Vs Bernstein cites a former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was widely known that
Ashcroft 200406 Phil Graham was someone you could get help from" (*82). More recently the Post
McMedia provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to print his
Patriot Act name for over a year up until the day his indictmen twas announced ...for crimes
Building 7 Collapse committed in his official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).
Guardian
Muslims Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the
Suspend Physics availability and prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA man recalls,
Latest Headlines "You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred
OngoingCoverup dollars a month" (*84). One may wish to consider Philip Graham's philosophy
Air Force Stand along with a more recent statement from his wife Katharine Graham, current
down Chairman of the Board of the Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the
Coverup By news media, Mrs. Graham said: "A second challenge facing the media is how to
White House prevent terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The point is
Flight 77 that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and we've learned better
BlackBoxes how and where to draw the line, though the decisions are often difficult" (*85).
Flights
In His Own Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified that our elite
Words and our high-level public officials may be exposed as conspirators behind Contra
InsiderTrading drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the assassination of President Kennedy.
This fear is truly remarkable in that, like most of us and like most institutions, the
OpenAndFairTrials
Page 13 of 27 Post runs its business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs --a05:57:36AM MDT
Apr 26, 2015
This fear is truly
remarkable in that, like most of us and like most institutions, the
OpenAndFairTrials Post runs its business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs --a
Pentagon Attack conspiracy "to act or work together toward the same result or goal" (*86). But
Cctv Video where the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it pretends
Prior Knowledge that conspiracies associated with big business or government are "coincidence".
Osama Bin Asset Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration inherent in having to maintain this
BinLaden dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver Stone and suggests that Stone may actually
Bin Laden believe that the Post's opposition to Stone's movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner
Confession assures us that Stone's complaints are "groundless and paranoid and smack of
Cia Visas For Mc Carthyism" (*87).
Patsies
Experienced So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those who
Skeptics investigate conspiracies?
Hijackers Alive
AndWell The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because they need
Hijackers Patsies something "neat and tidy" (*88) that "plugs a gap no other generally accepted
Pentagon Attack theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always the safest and most likely
Flight77 explanation for any conjunction of curious circumstances ..." (*90).
Flight 77 Sites
Pentagon Attack And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory" is what
Damage the Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a conspiracy. In other
Pentagon Attack words, some things just "happen". And, besides, conspiracy to do certain things
Debris would be a crime; "coincidence" is a safer bet.
Pentagon Attack
Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as Executive
Fire
Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91)
Pentagon Attack
recently issued a warning about presidential candidates "who have begun to
Legend
mutter about a press conspiracy". Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss
Pentagon Mascal
these charges as "symptoms of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs
Pentagon Plane
members of the American political class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by
Rotor
the mutterers; they used the "C" word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded
Pentagon Strike
his off-the-cuff comment into an entire column -- ending it with:"We are the new
Flight 77 Patsies
journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing waters of political
Flight77
conformity. But conspirators we ain't".
Witnesses
Killtown
Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the

Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the
PentagonAttackHole
December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A Reporter Looks Back in
Pentagon Attack
Anger -- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime". Therein he discussed the
Videos
difficulties in convincing editors to accept important news stories. He illustrated
Pentagon Attack
the article with his own experiences at the Post, where he says he was known as
Witnesses Blast
"the biggest pain in the ass in the office" (*93).
Sept 11 WebSites
Grable,Rosalee Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands of editors is a
TrustedNewsSites matter of random coincidence?
influence from fellow editors or from management? Would Harwood have us
believe that at the countless office "meetings" in which news people are ever in
attendance, there is no discussion of which stories will run and which ones will
find inadequate space? That there is no advanced planning for stories or that
there are no cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
Twin
Page 14 of 27 Towers news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran,Apr (*94) a Post
26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT
there are no cooperative
http://911review.org/Wiki/OperationMockingbird.shtml efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
Twin Towers news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a Post
Whats Next journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to that the
Post lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about as
More topics... likely as Barbara Bush entertaining guests at a soup kitchen.
Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman
#########
######### Ben Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account of wire-service control
######### over news: "The largely anonymous men who control the syndicate and wire
service copy desks and the central wire photo machines determine at a single
decision what millions will see and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these
gatekeepers preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press
agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches untouched
out the front door as 'news'" (*95).
When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge Clarence
Thomas violated U.S. law when he failed to remove himself from a case in which
he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million judgment against the Ralston Purina
Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the animal feed empire, is the family fortune of
Thomas' mentor, Senator John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the
Thomas malfeasance to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word article
######### (*97). Would Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this
######### matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of
coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if
she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?
Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's Public Citizen.
Titled All the Vice President's Men, it documents "How the Quayle Council on
Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health, Safety, and Environmental
Programs". Three months later, Post journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward
published "The President's Understudy", a seven-part series on Vice President
Quayle. Although this series does address Quayle's role with the Competitiveness
Council, its handling of the Council's disastrous impact on America is inadequate.
It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle memorabilia: youth,
family, college record, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations,
wealthy friends, government associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth
-- revealing little about Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's problems,
or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and never mentioning the
comprehensive Nader study of Quayle's record in the Bush Administration (*98).
Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did both of
them forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to mention it? Did these
two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever discuss together their jointly
authored stories? Did they decide to publish such a barren set of articles because
it would enhance their reputations? How did management feel about the use of
precious news space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages were
dedicated to this twaddle without people "acting or working together toward the
same result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?
On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New York
Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:
Page 15 of 27 TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL

Apr 26,RACE
2015 05:57:36AM MDT
TSONGAS DROPPED OUT OF THE PRESIDENTIAL RACE
CLEARING CLINTON'S PATH
TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR
PATH TOWARD SHOWDOWN WITH BUSH
This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions of whether

the news media collective mindset is really different from that of any other cartel
--like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a
combination of independent commercial enterprises designed to limit competition"
(*101).
Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post "conspire" to
keep its staff and its newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of
mediocrity? The Post would respond that the question is absurd. In that I am not
privy to the Post's telephone conversations, I can only speculate on how closely
the media elite must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it
takes a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are "safe", and
that experienced reporters don't have to ask.
communicates within its own corporate structure and with other members of the
cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in public, namely, how it
shapes and censors the news.
Sincerely,
Julian C. Holmes
Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news media, And -
maybe a few others.


Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to Robert
Gates.
Page 16 of 27 2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't
Apr 26, 2015 WantMDT
05:57:36AM
to Extradite", Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). as
it appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..
3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO

Conspiracy, etc., United States District Court, Southern District of Florida,
Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.
3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs to
U.S.", Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.
3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews with
Robert Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990.
3. 5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University
ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181.
5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to

Drug Smuggling", Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.
5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington Post,
July 24,1987, p.A3.


6b. Mary Mc Grory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10,
1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs? Senate
Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's Office",
Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.

6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by the
Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations of the
Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December
4. 7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian
7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of the
1980 'Hostage- Deal' Story Is Still Full of Holes", Washington Post, April 21,
1991,p.B2.
Page 17 of 27 8a. Barbara Honegger, October Surprise, New York: Tudor,

Apr 26, 1989.
2015 05:57:36AM MDT
5. 9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage",

June 14,1991,p.A4.
10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office

6. 11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into '
OctoberSurprise'", Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11.

7. See note 5a, p.180-1.
13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.
13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra

Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November
1987, p.139-141.

Republic of Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier,
Lee Hamilton, Dave Mc Curdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim Bunning,
Frank Mc Closkey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas
Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton,
Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob Mc Ewen;
January 26, 1989.
14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S.
-- Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in

Case of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6,
Page 18 of 27 1989. Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT

1989.
11. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th
Cong., 2nd Session (1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime
and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press, Macmillan,
1978, p.93.
1992, p.1K.
p.15.
22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need for
PublicPolicy Reform", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.E947-9.

March 10, 1992.
23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL

Scandal", Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.
23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal Adviser,
Memorandum to Jeanne S. Archibald et al, "Meeting on congressional
requests for information and documents", April 8, 1991; Congressional
Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285.
15. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991 Letter
to"Friends", p.1.
16. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus -- Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is
Hired to Promote Smithsonian Project", Washington Post, November 18,
1991, p.Bus.8.

Page 19 of 27 Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT
prepared by Burrelle's Information Services. The quote is from New York
District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his own independent
investigation of BCCI.
19. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from
an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.
22. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra
ClubBooks, 1989 paperback edition, p.227.
23. See note 33, p.136-7.
Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33, p.157.
25. See note 33, p.164-171.
26. See note 33, p.172-180.
29. See note 33, p.217.
30. See note 33, p.235.
31. See note 33, p.277-288.
32. See note 33, p.323.
34. William Blum, The CIA -- A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books Ltd.,
1986,p.232-243.
45b. See note 44, p.284-291.
35. See note 17, p.18.
p.145-7.
Books, 1977,p.521.
48b. "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission, December 2,

1949. Cited in 48a, p.521.
49a. See note 44, p.67-76.
49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.
36. Ralph W. Mc Gehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square

Page 20 of 27 Publications, 1983,p.60. Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT
36. RalphW. Mc Gehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square
37. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections in
Nicaragua". Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4, 1989
by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of 64 to 35.
40. "The U.S. and the Vatican on Birth Control", Time, February 24, 1992,
p.35.

56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion",
News Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia
31903.

January 29,1992, p.18.

59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video",

WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20.


March 19, 1991, p.A1.


44. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions",
Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.A1.
45. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback",
Washington Post, March 14, 1992, p.D1.
Page 21 of 27 62b. See note 47b, p.63-76. Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT
62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.
46. David E. Scheim, Contract on America -- The Mafia Murder of President

John F.Kennedy, New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988, p.viii.
47. See note 63, p.28.
1991, p.B3.
65b. George Lardner Jr., "On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland", Washington
Post, May19, 1991, p.D1.
65c. George Lardner, "...Or Just a Sloppy Mess", Washington Post, June 2,
1991,p.D3.
65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories -- When Do

We Dig Up BillCasey?", Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19.
65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned --Warren Commission

1991, p.D14.


65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't -- In 'JFK', Stone Assassinates
the Truth", Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2.
December 20,1991, p.55.
65k. Phil Mc Combs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire --In Defending His
'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning",
Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1.
65l. George F. Will, "'JFK': Paranoid History", Washington Post, December

26, 1991,p.A23.

December 27, 1991.
Page 22 of 27 65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Shadow Play", Washington

AprPost, December
26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT
27, 1991, p.A21.

65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! --Why Did Oliver Stone

Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?", Washington Post,
December 29, 1991,p.C2.
65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts -- Moviegoers

Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone", Washington Post,
January 2, 1992, p.B1.

65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington Post,

January 10,1992, p.A19.

65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories --Good on Film, But
the Motivation Is All Wrong", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.G1.
65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie --America's Resort to

65w. Richard Cohen, "Oliver's Twist", Washington Post Magazine, January

19, 1992, p.5.

January 21,1992, p.A17.

65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is
characterized as "conspiracy plot theories", Washington Post, March 8,
Papers". Published in The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers,
Volume V,p.211-247.
Page 23 of 27 Second Indochina War, Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972,
Apr 26, 2015 p.
05:57:36AM MDT
67b. Peter
Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy -- The Secret Road to the
215-224.
67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing,
Costa Mesa CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416.
67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.
Your Ad Here
67f. Peter Dale Scott, Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9, 1992,
p.290.
68a. See note 65b.
68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK
Assassination", Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.
50. See note 65b.

51. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner Books,
1988, 315/318.
53. See note 65c.
54. See note 65i.
55. See note 67e, p.438-450.
56. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington Post,
Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8.


20, 1975, p.A1.
57. "Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report", New York Times,
79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship -- Killing 'Katharine The Great'", The
Nation, November 12, 1983.
Page 24 of 27 79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National
Apr 26, Press, MDT
2015 05:57:36AM
59. Davis says, "...corporate documents that became available during my

subsequent lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman,
William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great] had
been "processed and converted into waste paper"".
79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men -- A Suppressed Book About
Washington Post Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again" National
Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.
Press, 1991. "...publishers who don't give a shit", p.iv-v; bullying HBJ into
recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..
60. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See note
79d, p.304.
61. See note 79d, p.119-132.
October 20, 1977, p.63.
83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington Post,

September 15, 1988. The letter asks for the Post's rationale for its policy of
protecting government covert actions, and whether this policy is still in
effect.
Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the Post's protection of the identity of CIA
agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, "America needs to confront its own
recent history as well as protect the interests of its citizens, and both can be
accomplished by outlawing peacetime covert activity. This would contribute
more to thesecurity of Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and
elite strike forces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists."

Harwood's two- sentence letter reads, "We have a long-standing policy of
not naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual circumstances. We
applied that policy to Fernandez."
63. See note 79d, p.131.

64. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover
Terrorist Acts", Washington Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.
65. "conspire", 4Random House Dictionary of the English Language,
67. See note 65y.
68. See note 65n.
69. See note 65d.
Page 25 of 27 Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT
70.

p.C6.
71. p. 29-32.

Inc., April 25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared in
878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials; "Jerry" Brown in
485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In those 28, Agran's
name appeared 76 times, Clinton's 151, and Brown
94b. Colman Mc Carthy, "What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?",

Washington Post, February 1, 1992. Washington Post columnist Mc Carthy
tells how television and party officials have kept presidential candidate Larry
Agran out of sight. The Post's own daily news-blackout of Agran is not
discussed.
94c. Scot Lehigh, "Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little Chance For
the Big Prize", Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.

96a. 28 USC Section 455. "Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the United
States shall disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his impartiality
might reasonably be questioned." [emphasis added]
96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court -- Nominee 'Unfit to
Sit' For Failing to Recuse In Ralston Purina Case", Legal Times, August 26,
1991.
96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge Clarence

Thomas to become a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds of
his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to U.S. Senator Joseph R. Biden,
October 15, 1991.
p.A1.

76. See note 86.
Page 26 of 27 Washington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21. This article explains
Apr 26,that
2015 05:57:36AM MDT
77.
Association of Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore drilling
and nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict, pledged to
work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil drilling, nuclear
power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be offered by key House
members".
A good source on the Washington Post and Katharine Graham's attempt

to suppress the Davis book,"Katherine The Great,", which was largely
successful, is Carol Felsenthal's, "Power and Privilege at the Post, the
Katharine Graham Story."
For more information on Johnny Rosselli and Moses and Walter Annenberg,
an excellent source is "All American Mafioso, the Johnny Rosselli Story," by
Ed Becker and Charles Rappelye.
An additional good short reference is "The CIA's Greatest Hits" by Mark

Zepezauer. There you will find the reference to Carl Bernstein's classic "The
CIA and the Media" which appeared in Rolling Stone on Oct. 20,
Still another recent example of the CIA's control of the media is the
spiking of Sally Denton's & Roger Morris' story,"The Crimes Of Mena" by
Washington Post managing editor Bob Kaiser even though the story had
been legally vetted and cleared for publication. Indeed the story, which
details the CIA's involvement in drug trafficing, was already typeset and
ready to go when it was killed without explanation.
[WWW]
The price of freedom now is very high: Contribute
Page 27 of 27 Apr 26, 2015 05:57:36AM MDT

http://rense.com/politics6/mockingbird.htm
Operation Mockingbird - The Subversion Of America's Free Press By The

CIA rense.com

"You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month." CIA
operative discussing with Philip Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and prices of
journalists willing to peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories. "Katherine The Great," by Deborah Davis
(New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991)



directorates, labor squabbles and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. Coca-Cola. Disney. Newspapers
should have mastheads that mirror the world: The Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield
Intelligentser . It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that the public print
reports news from a parallel universe - one that has never heard of politically-motivated assassinations,
CIA-Mafia banking thefts, mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with secret budgets
fattened by cocaine sales - a place overrun by lone gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their
best behavior. In this idyllic land, the most serious infraction an official can commit __is a the employment
of a domestic servant with (shudder) no residency status.



State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold
war underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip Graham, __a
graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was
taken under Wisner's wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.

"By the early 1950s," writes formerVillage Voice reporter Deborah Davis in Katharine the Great, "Wisner
'owned' respected members of the New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles,
plus stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a former CIA analyst." The network was overseen by
Allen Dulles, a templar for German and American corporations who wanted their points of view represented
in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act
as1organs
Page of 24 of CIA propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary
Octviews,
10, 2016among them
04:52:05AM MDT
as organs of CIA propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary views, among them
William Paley (CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y.
Times).

inside every major news publication in the country. It was not until 1982 that the Agency openly admitted
that reporters on the CIA payroll have acted as case officers to agents in the field.


George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce in 1947, explaining tha__t
"although avoiding typical Hitlerian phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world
and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of Wall Street were much more honest in
favoring a doctrine inevitably leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the American
flag."


strategist.

"Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigations,
took "a small boy's delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft - the hidden microphones, the 'black'

Blcher, the son of A German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained by the Abwehr,
the German military intelligence division, while still a civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit of the
German Army until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his wartime records. He worked
briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on a movie entitled One Day ..., and finished out the war flying
with the Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling of Nazi loot out of the
country. His exploits were, in part, the subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the

the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?). Hubert then met with Martin Bormann
Page at
2 ofthe
24 Hotel Plaza to deliver German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the Oct
birth
10,of the04:52:05AM
2016 National MDT
at the Hotel Plaza to deliver German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the birth of the National

Amazon, produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he returned to Buenos Aires, then Dsseldorf, West
Germany, and established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical warfare agents for the
government. At the Industrie Club in Dsseldorf in 1982, von Blcher boasted to journalists, "I am chief
shareholder of Pan American Airways. I am the best friend of Howard Hughes. The Beach Hotel in Las
Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I am thus the biggest financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights
tales dreamed up by these people over their second bottle of brandy."

Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken dreams of world-moving affluence were,
in their time, Moses Annenberg, publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the
life. Moses, his father, was a scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter were indicted in 1939 for
tax evasions totalling many millions of dollars - the biggest case in the history of the Justice Department.
Moses pled guilty and agreed to pay the government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax claims,
penalties and interest debts. Moses received a three-year sentence. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.

Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. On the campaign trail in April, 1988,
George Bush flew into Los Angeles to woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet. "This is the topping on the cake,"
Bush's regional campaign director told the Los Angeles Times. The Bush team met at Annenberg's plush
Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands, California. It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet
was chosen, and the state's social and contributor registers built over a quarter-century of state political
dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose acting career was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.

prying in the age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the possibilities when he installed omniscient
video surveillance technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition published in the U.S.
by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance
program that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast transmitter. Agents of Octopus could

Watergate probe.

monopoly on early television programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner. Furthermore,
historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987, reported that Reagan had "fed the
names of suspect people in his organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned 'an
informer's code number, T-10.' His FBI file indicates intense collaboration with producers to 'purge' the

No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former intelligence officer and in the immediate
postwar period UPI's Moscow correspondent. Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's
Page 3 of 24 Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT

federally-sponsored mob family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities. Another of the investors was
James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated $100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This
was the year that Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New jersey attempted, with no
success, to spike the issuance of a gambling license to the company, citing Mafia ties.


the airwaves. "Daily, East and West beam hundreds of propaganda broadcasts at each other in an
unrelenting babble of competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-price transistor has given the
hidden war a new importance," enthused one foreign correspondent.

A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda push. One of them, Operations and
Policy Research, Inc. (OPR), received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the CIA through private
foundations and trusts. OPR research was the basis of a television series that aired in New York and
Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People and Politics, a "study" of the American political system in 21 weekly
installments.

by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably
assassinated by the CIA, played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited Italy's
Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood remodeled his office after the dictator's. The
only honest job Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret investor) at Eagle Lion
productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative
on the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn. Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling




Page 4 of 24 Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT




A Letter to the Washington Post by Julian C. Holmes ________________
April 25, 1992 Richard Harwood, Ombudsman The Washington Post 1150 15th Street NW Washington,
DC 20071

Dear Mr. Harwood,

Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit of hard news, just let drop the
faintest rumor of a government "conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room. Aroused from
apathy in the daily routine of reporting assignations and various other political and social sports events,
editors and reporters scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning: the greatest single threat to
herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government stability -- the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!

It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted by any of these frightful spectres,
but their presence is announced to Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs


Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule the idea that Oliver North and his
CIA-associated gangsters had conspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack
Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the Post sprang to protect its readers,
and the conspirators, by censoring the Anderson column before printing it (*2).

But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an
interfaith center for law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S. arms-for-drugs trade that
helped keep weapons flowing to the CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets
(*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work on our bizarre, illegal war against
Nicaragua (*4). The Post contributed to this discovery process by disparaging the charges of conspiracy
and by publishing false information about the drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House
Subcommittee on Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman Charles Rangel
(D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only a partial correction and declined to print a letter of

Operations confirmed U.S. Government complicity in the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the arms/drug
conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and retained Hosenball to exorcise
from our minds a newly emerging threat to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise" conspiracy (*7). But
close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and then Gary Sick who authored
independently, two years apart, books with the same title, "October Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a
member of the Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick, professor of Middle East
Politics at Columbia University, was on the staff of the National Security Council under Presidents Ford,
Carter, and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick published their evidence of how
Page 5the Republicans
of 24 made a deal to supply arms to Iran if Iran would delay release of the
Oct52
10,United States MDT
2016 04:52:05AM
the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States
hostages until after the November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal was to quash the possibility of a
pre-election release(an October surprise). which would have bolstered the reelection prospects for
President Carter.

Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In October 1988, Playboy Magazine ran
an expose "An Election Held Hostage"; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a
conference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former hostages, challenged the Congress to
"make a full, impartial investigation" of the election/hostage allegations. The Post reported the statement of
the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building
Auditorium (*10). On February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives begrudgingly
authorized an "October Surprise" investigation by a task force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton
(D-IN). who had chaired the House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named as
chief team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI when the Bank was indicted in 1988
(*11).

Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing the U.S. arms-for-drugs operation
(*12). He had accepted Oliver North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he
derailed House Resolution 485 which had asked President Reagan to answer questions about Contra
support activities of government officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John

Hull (from Hamilton's home state). was charged in Costa Rica with "international drug trafficking and
hostile acts against the nation's security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to intimidate
Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling Hull's case "in a manner that will not complicate
U.S.-Costa Rican relations" (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the Costa Rican response
that declared Hull's case to be "in as good hands as our 100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide
to all citizens" (*15).

Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy theories, it is difficult to avoid the
fact that so much wrongdoing involves government or corporate conspiracies:

In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery, surveillance, false arrests, and
violence to illegally harass U.S.citizens in the 60's (*16).

destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other leaders"
(*17).

"Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice to be
conspiring with I.G.Farben...of Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the United States
was effectively prevented from developing or producing [fo rWorld War-II] any substantial amount of

produce thyroid abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing near the nuclear weapons
factory at Hanford, Washington (*19).

dangerous nuclear weapons sites (*20). State and local governments back the nuclear industry's secret
public relations strategy (*21).
Page 6 of 24 Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT

"The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some twenty comprehensive cancer
centers, have misled and confused the public and Congress by repeated claims that we are winning the
war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment has continually minimized the evidence for increasing
cancer rates which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat, while discounting or ignoring the
causal role of avoidable eposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and the workplace."
(*22).

The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq "is yet another example of the
President's people conspiring to keep both Congress and the American people in the dark" (*23).


Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf War by the Pentagon and much of the
news media (*24).

distorted and truncated history of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the Smithsonian
Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26). rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish

sophisticated, law-enforcement computer software which "now point to a widespread conspiracy
implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney
General Elliot Richardson (*28).

Or Watergate.

Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where the White House knew of the criminal
activities at "the Bank of Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S. intelligence
agencies did their secret banking (*31), and where bribery of prominent American public officials "was a
way of doing business" (*32).

Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of California, Firestone, and E. Roy
Fitzgerald, among others, for criminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with gas- and
diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of buses and related products to transportation
companies throughout the country" [in, among others, the cities of New York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St.
Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake City, and Los Angeles] (*33).

Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT). and the U.S. Department of
Transportation to overlook safety defects in the 1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by General
Motors in the early 60's (*34).

Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield intrauterine contraceptive, and
which ignored repeated warnings of the Shield's hazards and which "stonewalled, deceived, covered up,
and

covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections." (*35).

Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and the FAA resulted in failure to
enforce
Page 7 of 24 regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing
Octall
10,364
2016passengers
04:52:05AM MDT
enforce regulations regarding the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all 364 passengers
on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974 (*36).

Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold by
manufacturers who ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who acted "in concert with
each other in the testing and marketing of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).

Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to
relieve depositors of their savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White House, Congress and corporate
world for the interests and rights of the American people" will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of billions
of dollars (*38).

surreptitiously in hotel rooms to fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial equipment (*39).


Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of medical problemsrelating to
asbestos (*41).

Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies "agreed not to engage in any effective
price competition" (*42).

Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to cover up the nature of our
decades-old war against the people of Nicaragua

a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police
to reorganize into a more repressive force (*43).

Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in the Chilean election process with
military aid, covert actions, and an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of the legitimately
elected government and the assassination of President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).

Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and CIA Director
William Colby to finance terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's plans for peaceful
elections in October 1975, and to lie about these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And
CIA Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this U.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46).

Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade Panama in 1989 and thereby violate
the Constitution of the United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the Panama Canal Treaties
(*47).

Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of American oil companies and the British and
U.S. governments to strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil
Company in 1951. And the subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime Minister Muhammed
Mossadegh (*49).


Page 8 Or
of 24the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole,
OctSenator George MDT
10, 2016 04:52:05AM
Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush, Senator Robert Dole, Senator George
Mitchell, various U.S. Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the Congress to buy the
1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).


Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's Solidarity Movement and Hasten the Demise

Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban the use of USAID funds by any
country "for the promotion of birth control or abortion" (*54).


Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer Hector Gramajo with the U.S. Army to
design "programs to build civilian-military cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of the Americas (SOA) at
Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are
graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel (*56).


Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of South Vietnam to delay the Paris
Peace Talks until after the 1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).




Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post offers little comment unless
conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a really important conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big
business or big government.

Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of the Iranian government to help
out U.S. oil companies; or like our illegal war against Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and the
Canal; or like monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates corporate censorship on issues of public
importance (*62). When the camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in the
conspiring officials can erode -- depending on how seriously the citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have
violated the public trust. Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to see as a real
threat to its corporate security.

Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on Oliver Stone's movie "JFK", which
reexamines the U.S. Government's official (Warren Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting
alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story of New Orleans District Attorney Jim
Garrison's unsuccessful prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection with the
Page 9assassination.
of 24 And the movie proposes that the Kennedy assassination was the work of 2016
Oct 10, conspirators
04:52:05AM MDT
assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy assassination was the work of conspirators
whose interests would not be served by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us from our
war against Vietnam.

The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along lines suggested by "JFK". Senior
Post journalists like Charles Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael Isikoff,
have been called up to man the bulwarks against public sentiment which has never supported the
government's non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that the Senate Intelligence
Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren
Commission" (*63) and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on Assassinations found that
President Kennedy was probably killed "as a result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number of
Post stories have been used as vehicles to discredit "JFK" as just another conspiracy (*65).

Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard
Cohen, George Will, and George Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had
second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that there is no historical justification for
this idea. Seasoned journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L. Fletcher Prouty, and
investigators David Scheim and John Newman have each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that
Kennedy was not enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just continues ranting
against the possibility of a high-level assassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its
arguments.

An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable behavior is George Lardner Jr's
contribution to the Post's campaign against the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie
was completed, and the third upon its release. In May, six months before the movie came out, Lardner
obtained a copy of the first draft of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the Post the
contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with
hostile statements from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner does not tell the reader that
subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a U.S. Government criminal action brought against Garrison,
Government witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted under oath that in a
May 1972 interview with a New Orleans television reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S.
Government's case against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of the Garrison acquittal
mentions this controversy, but when I recently asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he
remembered it (*71).

Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his way through a justification for his unauthorized
possession of the early draft ofthe movie (*72). He also defended his reference to Pershing Gervais by
lashing out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".

When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73). He again ridiculed the film's thesis
that following the Kennedy assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to de-escalate the
Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner
says this memorandum was written before the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of Kennedy's
policy". In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before the assassination by McGeorge Bundy
(Kennedy's Assistant for National Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it.
Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version provided for escalating the war against
Vietnam (*74) -- facts that Lardner avoided.


The
Page 10 Warren
of 24 Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for the most partOctconducted in secret.
10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT
The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for the most part conducted in secret.
This fact is buried in the Post (*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find meaningful discussion of
the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both the FBI and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA
headquarters instructing co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the "new wave of books and articles
criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and] conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown
suspicion on our organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison and friendly elite contacts,
especially politicians and editors "and to "employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of
the critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are particularly appropriate for this purpose. ...The aim of
this dispatch is to provide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the conspiracy theorists..."
(*77).

Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties with Washington's powerful elite, a number of whom
were with the CIA.

material" (*78). Understandably sensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher Harcourt
Brace Jovanovich ,"Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced CIA material ...what I can do is to brand Miss
Davis as a fool and to put your company in that special little group of publishers who don't give a shit for the
truth". The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for
breach of contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis published her book
elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated Bradlee to have been deeply involved with producing
cold-war/CIA propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his association with people in the
CIA are false, but he has apparently taken no action to contest the xetensive documentation presented by


**************************

Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the function of the press was more often
than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the government, was one of the architects of what became a
widespread practice:the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA" (*81). This scandal was known by
its code name Operation MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a former
CIA deputy director as saying, "It was widely known that Phil Graham was someone you could get help
from" (*82). More recently the Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing to
print his name for over a year up until the day his indictmen twas announced ...for crimes committed in his
official capacity as CIA station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).

******************
Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the availability and prices of
journalists were discussed, a former CIA man recalls, "You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call
girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One may wish to consider Philip Graham's philosophy
along with a more recent statement from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the
Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs. Graham said: "A second challenge
facing the media is how to prevent terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The point
is that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and we've learned better how and where to

Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified that our elite and our high-level public
officials
Page 11 of 24 may be exposed as conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, OctoberOctSurprise, or the MDT
10, 2016 04:52:05AM
officials may be exposed as conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the
assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in that, like most of us and like most
institutions, the Post runs its business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs -- a conspiracy "to act
or work together toward the same result or goal" (*86). But where the Post really parts company from just
plain people is when it pretends that conspiracies associated with big business or government are
"coincidence". Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He
lashes out at Oliver Stone and suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post's opposition to
Stone's movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that Stone's complaints are "groundless and paranoid
and smack of McCarthyism" (*87).


The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because they need something "neat and tidy"
(*88) that "plugs a gap no other generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always the
safest and most likely explanation for any conjunction of curious circumstances ..." (*90).

And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory" is what the Post espouses when it
would prefer not to admit to a conspiracy. In other words, some things just "happen". And, besides,
conspiracy to do certain things would be a crime; "coincidence" is a safer bet.

Protective Order of Coincidence Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about presidential candidates
"who have begun to mutter about a press conspiracy". Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these
charges as "symptoms of the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American political
class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers; they used the "C" word against the PRESS!
And Harwood exploded his off-the-cuff comment into an entire column -- ending it with:"We are the new
journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing waters of political conformity. But conspirators we
ain't".

Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran of the Washington Post, now chairs
the Fund for Investigative Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A Reporter
Looks Back in Anger -- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate Crime". Therein he discussed the difficulties in
convincing editors to accept important news stories. He illustrated the article with his own experiences at
the Post, where he says he was known as "the biggest pain in the ass in the office" (*93).

coincidence?

And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by editors without influence from fellow
editors or from management? Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless office "meetings" in
which news people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of which stories will run and which ones
will find inadequate space? That there is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no cooperative
efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry
Agran, (*94) a Post journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran equal to that the Post
lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let's face it: these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush
entertaining guests at a soup kitchen.

Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling
less than the truth in his account of wire-service control over news: "The largely anonymous men who
control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire photo machines determine at a
single
Page 12 of 24 decision what millions will see and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that Oct
these gatekeepers
10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT
single decision what millions will see and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers
preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press agentry sneaks in the back door of

When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge Clarence Thomas violated U.S.
law when he failed to remove himself from a case in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million
judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the animal feed empire, is the family
fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas
malfeasance to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97). Would Harwood have us
believe that the almost complete blackout on this matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was
a matter of coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston Purina if she had wanted
to? Can a brick swim?

Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's Public Citizen. Titled All the Vice
President's Men, it documents "How the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health,
Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post journalists David Broder and Bob
Woodward published "The President's Understudy", a seven-part series on Vice President Quayle.
Although this series does address Quayle's role with the Competitiveness Council, its handling of the
Council's disastrous impact on America is inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about
Quayle memorabilia: youth, family, college record, Christianity, political aspirations, intellectual aspirations,
wealthy friends, government associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth -- revealing little about
Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's problems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and
never mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle's record in the Bush Administration (*98).

Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did both of them forget? Or did one, or
the other, or both decide not to mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever discuss
together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to publish such a barren set of articles because it
would enhance their reputations? How did management feel about the use of precious news space for
such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages were dedicated to this twaddle without people "acting or
working together toward the same result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?



TSONGAS ABANDONS CAMPAIGN LEAVING CLINTON CLEAR PATH TOWARD SHOWDOWN WITH
BUSH



This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions of whether the news media collective
mindset is really different from that of any other cartel -- like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or manufacturing
cartels, a cartel being "a combination of independent commercial enterprises designed to limit competition"
(*101).


Page 13 of 24 AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT

Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post "conspire" to keep its staff and its
newspaper from wandering too far from the safety of mediocrity? The Post would respond that the question
is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post's telephone conversations, I can only speculate on how closely
the media elite must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes a new reporter to
learn what subjects are taboo and what are "safe", and that experienced reporters don't have to ask.

What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post communicates within its own
corporate structure and with other members of the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does
in public, namely, how it shapes and censors the news.

Sincerely,

Julian C. Holmes

Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news media, And - maybe a few others.
_______________________



2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the
Post censored, from the Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to Robert
Gates.

Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May 26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post (see
note 2a)..

2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Want to Extradite", Washington
Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note 2b). as it appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..

3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy, etc., United States District
Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.

November 16, 1986.

3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews with Robert Plumlee, contra
resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April 5, 1990.


5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics, University ofCalifornia Press, 1991,
p.179-181.

5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug Smuggling", Washington
Page 14 of 24 Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07. Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT
Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.


5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman Rangel's Letter- to-the-Editor of
July 22, 1987. It was printed in the Congressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7.

6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug Trail", Boston Globe, April 10,
1988.

6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10, 1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with
Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs? Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's
Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.

6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra -- The Coverup Continues", The Progressive, November 1988, p.24.

6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by the Subcommittee on Terrorism,
Narcotics, and International Operations of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate,
December 1988.

7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian Conspiracy Theory", Washington Post,
October 9, 1988, p.D1.

7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of the 1980 'Hostage- Deal' Story Is
Still Full of Holes", Washington Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2.




9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, "The Election Held Hostage", FRONTLINE, WGBH-TV,April 16, 1991.


10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium, Washington
DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The Fund For New Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New
York, NY, 10016.

11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into 'OctoberSurprise'", Washington Post,
February 6, 1992, p.A11.

11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The Guardian, December 11, 1991,
p.7.


12. See note 5a, p.180-1.

Page 15 of 24 13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1. Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT
13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.

13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No.
100-216, House Report No. 100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.

14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the Republic of Costa Rica; from
Members of the U.S. Congress David Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose
Oakar, Jim Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates, Douglas Bosco,
James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert

14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in U.S. -- Indiana Native Wanted on
Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990.


15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the Case of the Imprisonment of
Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February 6, 1989.


17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard-- The U.S. Role in the New World Order, Boston: South End
Press, 1991, p.121.

18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate, 77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942).,
part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin, The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press,


20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend -- Price Tag Mounts to Clean Up Nuclear
Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23, 1992, p.1K.




23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the BNL Scandal", Congressional Record,
March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.

23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War Iraq Policy", Congressional
Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.


Page 16 of 24 24a. Michio Kaku, "Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses", The
Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT


24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White Case", Variety Magazine, March 4,
1991, p.25.


26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus -- Luis Vasquez-Ajmac Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian


28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St. Louis Post/Dispatch, March 18,
1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A High-Tech Watergate", New York Times, October 21,1991.

29. "BCCI -- NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript prepared by Burrelle's Information
Services. The quote is from New York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his own

30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst; from an interview with Mark
Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.



33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco: Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback
edition, p.227.

34. See note 33, p.136-7.

35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon Shield, NewYork: Pantheon,
1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33, p.157.

36. See note 33, p.164-171.

37. See note 33, p.172-180.

38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House, 1990. The quote is from Ralph
Nader's Introduction, p.iii.

39. See note 33, p.217.

40. See note 33, p.235.

41. See note 33, p.277-288.

42. See note 33, p.323.
Page 17 of 24 Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT




45b. See note 44, p.284-291.

46. See note 17, p.18.

47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for Panama (James Abourezk et al).,
January 10, 1990; published in The Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163.




49a. See note 44, p.67-76.

49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.


51. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections in Nicaragua". Passed the U.S.
House of Representatives on October 4, 1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a
vote of 64 to 35.

52. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post", The Guardian,November 20, 1991,
p.6.




56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission", Benning Patriot, February 21,
1992, p.12.

56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans Expansion", News Release from S.O.A.
Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus, Georgia 31903.



59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against Police", Boston Globe, July
Page 18 of 24 28, 1991, p.1. Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT
28, 1991, p.1.

59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston Case", Washington Post, July 12,
1991, p.A3.

59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest Video", WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991,
p.A20.

59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called Homicide", Washington Post, May 18,
1991, p.B1.




60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got Millions", Washington Post, March 1,
1992, p.A1.

61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In Paperback", Washington Post, March 14,
1992, p.D1.


62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.




63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America -- The Mafia Murder of President John F.Kennedy, New York:

64. See note 63, p.28.




65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories -- When Do We Dig Up BillCasey?",


65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned -- Warren Commission Attorney Calls Stone Film 'A Big
Page 19 of 24 Lie'", Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14. Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT
Lie'", Washington Post, December 16, 1991, p.D14.

65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How About the Truth?", Washington
Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.


65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't -- In 'JFK', Stone Assassinates the Truth", Washington Post,


65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire -- In Defending His 'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the
Director Reveals His Rage and Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1.





65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! -- Why Did Oliver Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of
Johnny Carson?", Washington Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.

65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts -- Moviegoers Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts
That Oswald Acted Alone", Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.




65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories -- Good on Film, But the Motivation Is All Wrong",

65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie -- America's Resort to Conspiracy Thinking", Washington



65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken -- Conspiracy Theorists Are Everywhere", Washington Post,
January 28, 1992, p.E5.


65A.
Page 20 ofList
24 of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is characterized
Octas
10,"conspiracy plotMDT
2016 04:52:05AM
65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the Assassins is characterized as "conspiracy plot
theories", Washington Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12


67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon Papers". Published in The Senator
Gravel Edition of The Pentagon Papers, Volume V,p.211-247.


67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New printing, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for
Historical Review, 1990, p.402-416.

67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.



68a. See note 65b.

68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the JFK Assassination", Washington
Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.

69. See note 65b.


71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery Charge", Washington Post,
September 28, 1973, p.A3.

72. See note 65c.

73. See note 65i.

74. See note 67e, p.438-450.

75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington Post, Bookworld, January 26, 1992,
p.8.

76a. Tad Szulc, "New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe", Washington Star,September 19, 1975,
p.A1.

76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day -- 'This Bullet Business Leaves Me

20, 1975, p.A1.

76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission -- Dulles Proposed that the
Page 21 of 24 Minutes be Destroyed", Washington Star, September 21, 1975,p.A1.
Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT
Minutes be Destroyed", Washington Star, September 21, 1975,p.A1.



79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship -- Killing 'Katharine The Great'", The Nation, November 12, 1983.

chairman, William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great] had been "processed
and converted into waste paper"".

79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men -- A Suppressed Book About Washington Post Publisher
Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again" National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.

79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square Press, 1991. "...publishers who
don't give a shit", p.iv-v; bullying HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..


81. See note 79d, p.119-132.

82. Carl Bernstein, "The CIA and the Media -- How America's Most Powerful News Media Worked Hand in
Glove with the Central Intelligence Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up", Rolling Stone,
October 20, 1977, p.63.

83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington Post, September 15, 1988. The letter
asks for the Post's rationale for its policy of protecting government covert actions, and whether this policy is
still in effect.

83b. Daniel Brandt, "Little Magazines May Come and Go", The National Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the
Post's protection of the identity of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, "America needs to confront
its own recent history as well as protect the interests of its citizens, and both can be accomplished by
outlawing peacetime covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity of Americans than all the
counterterrorist proposals and elite strike forces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists."

83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988. Harwood's two- sentence letter
reads, "We have a long-standing policy of not naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual

84. See note 79d, p.131.

85. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist Acts", Washington Post, April
20, 1986, p.C1.

86. "conspire", 4Random House Dictionary of the English Language, Second Edition Unabridged, 1987.


Page 22 of 24 88. See note 65y. Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT
88. See note 65y.

89. See note 65n.

90. See note 65d.



93. p. 29-32.

94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services Inc., April 25, 1992. In 1991 and
1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared in 878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials; "Jerry"
Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In those 28, Agran's name appeared 76 times,
Clinton's 151, and Brown 105. In only 1 of those 28 did Agran's name appear in a headline.

Washington Post columnist McCarthy tells how television and party officials have kept presidential
candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's own daily news-blackout of Agran is not discussed.

February 25, 1992.

94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, "The Press Rejects a Candidate", Columbia Journalism Review,March/April,
1992.

95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The Press, NewYork: Harper and Row,
1972, p.36-7.

96a. 28 USC Section 455. "Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the United States shall disqualify himself in
any proceeding in which his impartiality might reasonably be questioned." [emphasis added]


96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court -- Nominee 'Unfit to Sit' For Failing to Recuse In
Ralston Purina Case", Legal Times, August 26, 1991.

96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge Clarence Thomas to become a Justice on
the U.S. Supreme Court on the grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to U.S. Senator Joseph
R. Biden, October 15, 1991.




99. See note 86.

100.
Page 23 ofThomas
24 W. Lippman, "Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers'", Washington Post,April
Oct 10,1, 1992,
2016 p.A21.MDT
04:52:05AM
100. Thomas W. Lippman, "Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers'", Washington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21.
This article explains that "representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Association of
Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore drilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests
often conflict, pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil drilling, nuclear power
and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be offered by key House members".


NOTES



1977.


Page 24 of 24 Oct 10, 2016 04:52:05AM MDT

10/10/2016 Pipe Dreams: the CIA, Drugs, and the Media
Pipe Dreams: the CIA, Drugs, and the Media
by Daniel Brandt and Steve Badrich

From NameBase NewsLine, No. 16, January-March 1997
Like some Russian high official

come to treat with Chechen rebels,
CIA Director John Deutch arrived
in force -- by heavily-armed
motorcade, and with helicopter
cover. SWAT teams swarmed over
the building that was Deutch's
destination.
But on November 15, 1996,

Deutch's destination was in fact
only the auditorium of Locke High
School in the beleaguered South Central neighborhood of Los Angeles: for a U.S. public servant,
not officially enemy territory at all. Still, the citizens who showed up to hear and question Deutch
were searched with a metal detector in return for the privilege.
And privilege it was. The post-Cold-War world had become so threatening to the CIA that Deutch
was taking the unprecedented step of showing up in public -- of walking, in fact, directly into a
popular firestorm. That evening, Deutch emphatically claimed that the CIA had no involvement
whatsoever with the crack-cocaine epidemic that is battering South Central. It was a message
Deutch's audience wasn't buying.
This event and its aftermath are well worth reflecting upon. Unfortunately, the defense of Deutch
and his agency by major U.S. media has proved far less illuminating than the narrow and ahistorical
way these same media have defined and framed the relevant issues. The ability of well-paid media
people to vaporize the known history of the CIA, to turn this history into a non-issue, is scary --
scarier, almost, than the long, lamentable, but extremely well-documented story of CIA involvement
with drug traffickers on four continents.
This essay will attempt to say something, yet again, both about the major media and about some of
the many mind-bending episodes, already on the public record, of CIA-drug-trafficker complicity.
The CIA's latest trials on this issue began in August 1996 with the now-notorious series on crack
cocaine in the San Jose Mercury News. In this series, reporter Gary Webb made the case that the
CIA, through the actions of several drug-dealing Nicaraguan contras it had funded, was involved in
the introduction of crack into Los Angeles during the 1980s.
Parallel stories have appeared in provincial papers before, and been ignored. But San Jose isn't in
Silicon Valley for nothing; the Mercury News boosted Webb's stories with its state-of-the-art
website, and a popular firestorm ensued. Soon Maxine Waters of the Congressional Black Caucus
was calling for an investigation, and the Senate Intelligence Committee had scheduled hearings.
Belatedly, the Washington Post, Los Angeles Times, and New York Times all recognized that, this
time around, they couldn't ignore the story. But instead of investigating the CIA, they investigated
their fellow journalists at the Mercury News. Quoting each other's stories to strengthen their
common case, editorialists, reporters, and columnists from all three papers attacked Webb's
http://www.namebase.net/news16.html 1/10
reporting -- or what they claimed Webb had reported -- as well as his ethics, his talk-show
appearances, his book proposal, his movie deal, his editors, and even a graphic on his newspaper's
website. Gary Webb, after all, is neither a Washingtonian nor a New Yorker.
There was nothing casual or accidental about this bashing. The L.A. Times had 25 reporters on the
story. The Post refused to print a reasoned letter from Mercury News editor Jerry Ceppos defending
the series, even after Ceppos provided a requested revision. Perhaps the low point of this campaign
was a story by Tim Golden of the New York Times, which explained that African-Americans are
more susceptible than their fellow citizens to conspiracy theories and paranoia.
But it's not necessarily paranoid to note what crack has done to our cities, or that the U.S. prison
population has tripled over the past 14 years, or that California now spends more on prisons than it
does on colleges and universities. And as the Mercury News noted: in 1993, snorters of powdered
cocaine drew an average sentence of three months, whereas crack smokers got an average of three
years. And 83 percent of those sent to prison for crack trafficking were African-American. If present
trends were to continue for another 14 years, a majority of African-American males between the
ages of 18 and 40 would be locked up.
Deutch's audience at Locke High, furthermore, had a more appropriate response than the
Washington Post did to Deutch's promise that the CIA would investigate itself: hoots and howls.
After all, the last internal CIA report on contras and drugs, completed in 1988, is still secret. "I don't
know why [Rep. Julian] Dixon is saluting Deutch's courage for coming here today," someone from
the audience complained at the floor microphone, "when everybody knows this building's got
hundreds of pigs in it. There's pigs behind those curtains, there's pigs on top of the roof. We're not
going to get no justice here today -- we're going to need a revolution."
And it's the major media, rather than the folks who turned out at Locke High, that are guilty of what
amounts to suppression of evidence on this issue. Consider media treatment of Jack Blum, former
special counsel to John Kerry's Senate subcommittee that investigated the CIA-contra-drug
connection. If senators will listen to anyone who can speak authoritatively on this issue, it's Blum.
On October 23, 1996, Blum told the Senate Intelligence Committee that although the CIA had not
itself sold crack in the inner city, it had "ignored the drug problem and subverted law enforcement to
prevent embarrassment and to reward our allies in the contra war.... A careful review of covert
operations in the Caribbean and South and Central America shows a forty-year connection between
crime and covert operations that has repeatedly blown back on the United States.... I would hope
that this inquiry goes beyond the narrow questions posed in the San Jose Mercury News story."
Blum's statement reviewed the same history of CIA complicity with drug traffickers that will be
touched on in this essay: CIA ties to the Mafia during World War II; its role in Burma in the 1950s;
in Laos in the 1960s; in Argentina and Bolivia in the 1970s; and in Central America and Afghanistan
in the 1980s. But Blum's 3,700 words of historical perspective raised the specter of exactly the kind
of inquiry that the major media don't want. ABC's Peter Jennings crunched Blum's reflections down
to a single sound bite, perversely out of context, in which Blum absolved the CIA of directly selling
drugs in Los Angeles. The two sentences on CNN's U.S. News Story Page on their website were
equally shameless: "Jack Blum, a former Senate investigator who looked into the matter during the
1980s, defended the CIA. 'No members of the staff of the CIA ... (were) in the cocaine business,' he
said."
In fairness we may note that the media were only following the government's lead on this issue. CIA
Inspector General Frederick Hitz lacks subpoena power and must produce a declassified report; for
additional powers, he must petition Congress. But Congressional "oversight" over the CIA is
unfortunately just that. The House Intelligence Committee is now chaired by Porter Goss (R-FL), a
former CIA operations officer who still hangs out with Agency friends. Its Senate counterpart is
under Arlen Specter (R-PA), whose major contribution to investigative history to date is the Warren
Commission's "magic bullet" theory.
Put simply, neither the major media nor Congress has the will, perhaps not even the power, to pursue
the real history of CIA activity. Maxine Waters (D-CA) fears that the investigations now in train will
fade away unless public pressure is maintained. To this end, Waters plans teach-ins on California
campuses this spring. A fourth contra-crack investigation is being conducted by Justice Department
Inspector General Michael Bromwich, a former narcotics prosecutor. But even though Bromwich's
intentions seem good, he can subpoena only Justice Department documents, and cannot compel
witnesses to testify.
Jack Blum is surely right to want to pursue all CIA-drugs investigations within the framework of the
larger history of the CIA -- even though one must surely question Blum's assumption that
established agencies are capable of doing this. Since the 1960s, evidence of corruption and official
lies has periodically made it onto the public record, but the worse the news, the more intense official
resistance has become.
What follows, nevertheless, is a quick sketch of what all such investigators -- and the public -- ought
to have firmly in mind. A variety of sources have been assembled here into a rough chronological
narrative. But the scope of this narrative is so great that only major chapters in the CIA's long
association with drugs can be mentioned. Still, as a big picture, it's better than nothing -- which is
what official sources and investigations, and well-heeled publishers and producers, threaten to give
us.
Back in 1936, Lucky Luciano, the boss of Mafia drug and prostitution rackets in New York City,
was finally convicted as a result of Thomas Dewey's prosecution, and sentenced to thirty to fifty
years. But in 1942 the Office of Naval Intelligence asked Meyer Lansky to seek Luciano's assistance
in getting New York waterfront workers to watch out for enemy agents and activity. Soon Luciano's
friends in Sicily, who had been severely repressed by Mussolini, were helping with the American
invasion there. In 1946 the ONI appealed to Luciano's parole board. He was released from prison
and deported to Italy -- where he built up a heroin syndicate.
The immediate postwar problem in places like Italy and France, from the point of view of both the
CIA and entrenched interests such as the Mafia, was that many Communists had been anti-fascist
Resistance fighters, and as such were attractive to voters. The Marshall Plan aimed not merely to
rebuild a war-torn Europe; it aimed to rebuild Europe in such a way that no Communists could ever
win an election. To this end, the CIA played a major role in administering Marshall Plan aid.
In Italy the CIA spent money to deny the 1948 elections to the Communists. By 1950 the Mafia
again controlled Sicily. The CIA was also paying the Corsican Mafia in Marseilles to undermine
Communist influence with striking workers. These Mafia syndicates were sufficiently well-protected
that in 1951 they opened their first heroin lab. By 1965 there were two dozen labs in Marseilles,
which together exported nearly five tons of heroin to the U.S. during that year.[1]
Heroin trafficking shifted in the 1960s and 1970s from the Turkey-Marseilles connection to the
Asian connection. For decades until the 1950s, the opium trade was sanctioned by colonial
administrations in Asia. By the early 1960s, the mountain areas of Southeast Asia -- the Golden
Triangle region -- produced most of the world's opium. Northeastern Burma was particularly
productive.
In the case of Burma, production before 1945 was insignificant -- as a province of India under the
British, most of the opium traded in Burma was produced in India. But in 1949, Chiang Kai-shek's
Nationalist Forces retreated from Mao's army to the mountains of northeast Burma. The CIA helped
maintain these troops, and sponsored two invasions of China. During their stay in Burma, the
Nationalist Chinese exacted opium quotas from Burma's peasants; failure to pay was punished by
the cutting off of fingers, hands, and feet. By the time the Nationalists fled in 1961, Burma had gone
from producing about seven tons of opium per year to producing as much as a thousand tons, or
about sixty percent of the world's production.[2]
In French-occupied Indochina, meanwhile, the Corsican syndicates were operating the opium trade
out of Saigon under the protection of French military intelligence. When France withdrew in 1955,
the U.S. inherited France's colonial politics and infrastructure. The U.S. worked with the same
peoples -- the Hmong in Laos -- that the French had used. And again, the American Mafia was
involved through their Corsican contacts. From Tampa, Florida, Santo Trafficante ran the Marseilles
connection in Cuba during the 1950s. In 1968 he visited Saigon to meet with Corsican syndicate
leaders. After 1970, Asian heroin began showing up in the U.S.
After the Cuban revolution, Trafficante's Mafia foot soldiers were mainly Cuban exiles.[3] In a 1982
interview, former CIA commando leader Grayston Lynch described what had once been the largest
CIA station in the world, located south of Miami from 1961-1964. This station issued orders to 400
case officers and 2,000 exiles, dispersed in "safe houses" from Miami to Tampa. Lynch concedes
that after the CIA cut off support, many of these exiles, trained in covert operations and smuggling,
turned to narcotics trafficking.[4] Given that the CIA had worked with Trafficante to assassinate
Castro in 1961,[5] the agency lacked sufficient ethical intelligence to worry that these Trafficante-
associated exiles might pose a criminal problem. They were considered merely a "disposal
problem," an institutional nuisance.
At the time all of these events were unfolding, they were secret history, unavailable in books and
newspapers. Then one day in 1970, the poet Allen Ginsberg stumbled onto the CIA-heroin
connection while sorting his files of clippings. He noticed that when sorted chronologically, U.S.
advances into the opium-producing areas of the Golden Triangle were followed, a few months later,
by clippings that reported a rise in heroin overdose deaths in American cities. The alternative press
fleshed out Ginsberg's insight, and the May 1971 Ramparts magazine featured a cover story on
South Vietnam's "Marshal Ky: The Biggest Pusher in the World." The major media ignored
everything until Sen. Ernest Gruening, a maverick from Alaska, opened hearings. At that point the
Washington Post and NBC News "discovered" this story, but soon buried it. Only the alternative
press kept it alive.[6]
South Vietnam was completely corrupted by a heroin trade whose immediate origin was in Laos.
The Hmong culture in Laos provided 30,000 men for the CIA's secret Laotian army under General
Vang Pao. But in the process, opium production took over Hmong culture; the Hmong grew only
enough rice for subsistence. To support the Hmong economy, the CIA's Air America transported raw
opium out of the Laotian hills to the labs. At this point the CIA begged off, and let the syndicates
and South Vietnamese officials take care of distribution. Double UOGlobe no.4 heroin, produced at
a Laotian lab owned by Gen. Ouane Rattikone, became particularly famous. By mid-1971, Army
medical officers estimated that fifteen percent of American GIs were addicted.
Veterans of Vietnam and Laos with intelligence connections, men such as Theodore Shackley
(former chief of the Miami station), his deputy Thomas Clines, Richard Secord, Oliver North, and
Felix Rodriguez, later became familiar names during the Iran-contra scandal of the 1980s. More
obscure was one Michael Hand, who had been a CIA contract agent in Laos. In 1973, Hand and his
partner Frank Nugan established the Nugan Hand Bank in Sydney.
A slew of top-level retirees from the CIA and U.S. military intelligence were associated with this
bank; William Colby served as its attorney. Nugan Hand collapsed spectacularly in 1980. After three
major investigations, Australian officials concluded that the bank had been primarily involved in
laundering money for arms and drug traffickers.[7] Apparently the CIA's infamous "disposal
problem" -- what to do with those nasty, well-trained former assets -- extends to its top-level former
executives and administrators.
Then there is the horrible tale of Afghanistan. Heroin there was also a well-kept secret, at least until
the Soviet withdrawal in 1989. Then the Washington Post was free to "discover" that Gulbuddin
Hekmatyar, the CIA's favorite guerrilla leader, had commanders under him who worked with
Pakistan's Inter Services Intelligence agency to run heroin labs in southwest Pakistan. "Since the
Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, U.S. narcotics policy in Afghanistan has been subordinated
to the war against Soviet influence there.... In 1989, Afghanistan was second only to Burma as a
producer of opium, growing 650 tons, nearly all of which was intended for heroin manufacturing, a
State Department report said."[8]
When Allen Ginsberg was sorting his clippings about heroin, his discovery of a correlation with CIA
activity in the Golden Triangle must have seemed dismaying enough, almost unbelievable.
Fortunately for Ginsberg, a proponent of LSD, he had no evidence that the CIA may have also been
behind the expansion of LSD distribution within the counterculture. But such evidence later came to
light.
Ginsberg, like most of the counterculture, saw LSD as a liberating experience. The drug was
nonaddictive, although it could be dangerous in the case of an overdose. A safe dosage, however,
was entirely an individual phenomenon, and could not even be objectively established. And it soon
became clear that LSD dramatically amplified tendencies that were already present in the individual
and the immediate environment. The exact dosage that might have seemed liberating in 1967 might
have been debilitating when ingested by the same individual in 1969, a banner year for agents
provocateurs and bad vibes.
In 1975, the Rockefeller Commission reported that the CIA had been testing LSD since the 1950s --
only to discover that the drug's effects were too unpredictable to make it a reliable tool for mind
control. Still, given what the CIA knew about LSD at this early date, it doesn't seem inconceivable
that the CIA may have hoped that greater availability of the powerful drug would undermine the
political effectiveness of the student movement and counterculture.
Evidence of the possible strategic use of LSD emerged in 1979, when Italian magistrate Giorgio
Floridia issued a report on the case of Ronald Stark, who had been arrested in Bologna for drug
trafficking in 1975. The magistrate ordered Stark's release on the grounds that he had been working
for U.S. intelligence since 1960. From 1969-1974, Stark was a major producer of LSD, with
factories first in Paris, then in Belgium and California, and a pipeline into the Brotherhood of
Eternal Love, the world's largest distributor.
Floridia cited Stark's frequent prison visits from Wendy M. Hansen at the U.S. consulate in
Florence, "Dear Ron" letters from Charles C. Adams at the U.S. embassy in London, addressed to
Stark's LSD lab in Brussels (these were seized by Italian police after his arrest), and his links with
Philip B. Taylor III at the U.S. consulate in Rome. (Taylor is now in Sao Paulo, Brazil.) According
to Floridia, Stark had done secret work for the Defense Department from 1960 to 1962, and had
received "periodic payments to him from Fort Lee, known to be the site of a CIA office." On his
release, Stark was ordered to report in to Italian police twice a week. But within days, Stark had left
the country. Bologna police believe that Stark was secretly flown from a NATO air base in Pisa or
Vicenza.
In 1984 an Italian parliamentary commission issued a report on domestic terrorism that included a
section on Ronald Stark. They concluded that Stark was an adventurer who was used by the CIA,
but were unable to determine when the association began. In 1982, Stark was arrested in Holland.
Charges were dropped the following year, and Stark was deported to a San Francisco jail, where
pending federal charges were dropped by the Justice Department. When Italy requested extradition
in 1984, U.S. officials sent a death certificate indicating that Stark had died of a heart attack.
Way back in 1969, Stark first approached the Brotherhood, wowing them with a kilogram of pure
LSD (more than they had ever seen), and claiming that he had a new, efficient production method.
Stark's lab in France was already a going concern, and the Brotherhood agreed to distribute his
product. When Stark shut down this lab in 1971 and opened a better one in Brussels, he boasted that
he had done so because of a timely tip from the CIA. In all, Stark made 20 kilograms of LSD,
enough for 50 million doses. Most of it was sold in the U.S. There's no proof that Stark was
anything more than an adventurer and an opportunist. But Carl Oglesby, former national president of
Students for a Democratic Society, sums up the Stark phenomenon as follows:
What we have to contemplate nevertheless is the possibility that the great American
acid trip, no matter how distinctive of the rebellion of the 1960s it came to appear, was
in fact the result of a despicable government conspiracy.... If U.S. intelligence bodies
collaborated in an effort to drug an entire generation of Americans, then the reason they
did so was to disorient it, sedate it and de-politicize it.[9]
Currently it's cocaine in the form of crack that's a major problem in the inner cities of America. Coca
leaf is grown on the high Andean plateaus of Bolivia and Peru, and until 1980 it was generally
refined in Colombia. After the Bolivian "cocaine coup," refinement of coca paste into cocaine
became more of a local affair, while Peru and Paraguay also increased their production. New
smuggling routes were established, and new strains of coca were bred that could thrive in the
lowlands of the Amazon basin. Cocaine soon glutted the market. Prices dropped dramatically during
the first half of the 1980s, which saw the appearance of crack -- a condensed, rock-like substance
that can be produced by cooking cocaine with water and baking soda on a kitchen stove. Crack is
smoked rather than snorted, a process which absorbs more of the drug into the body with less effort.
The 1980 cocaine coup in Bolivia was arranged by the Argentine military, which in 1976 seized
power in Argentina and proceeded to "disappear" about 11,000 of the country's own citizens.
Michael Levine, who was the DEA's country attache to Argentina and Uruguay in 1980, discovered
that the high-level Argentine military officers he was trying to bust for trafficking were well-
connected in Bolivia, and that the entire bunch were protected by the CIA. Some of the bloodiest
coup-makers in Bolivia were recruited by Klaus Barbie, a fugitive Nazi war criminal and long-time
CIA asset.[10]
Confirmation of the CIA's role came from testimony taken by the Kerry subcommittee in a closed
hearing on July 23, 1987. Leandro Sanchez Reisse was assigned by the Argentine military to set up
a money laundering front in Florida in 1977. He said that these fronts ran operations for and with the
CIA, including weapons shipments to Argentine personnel in Central America. In 1980, funds from
a major Bolivian trafficker were funneled to the Argentine military, which then sent ambulances
loaded with weapons to Bolivia. These were used in the 1980 coup engineered by Luis Arce Gomez
and Luis Garcia Meza, both of whom were connected to traffickers.[11]
The CIA, claiming that the Sandinistas in Nicaragua were sending arms to guerrillas in El Salvador,
paid Argentina to provide military training to contras in Central America. This arrangement ended in
1982, when the military government in Argentina lost power after the Falklands debacle. Within
several years, however, the contra war developed into a major CIA operation involving Cuban exiles
from Miami; former Nicaraguan guardsmen who fled during the 1979 revolution and regrouped in
Honduras; and assorted CIA adventurers with drug- and arms-trafficking connections.
Celerino Castillo fought in Vietnam from 1971-1972, where he saw the effects of drugs on U.S.
troops. By 1975 he was a Texas cop, later a detective working drug cases. In 1980, Castillo joined
the DEA and worked the streets of New York. He worked in Peru in 1984-1985, and Guatemala
from 1985-1990. While stationed in Guatemala, Castillo was the DEA agent in charge of anti-drug
operations in El Salvador from 1985-1987. During this period, he discovered that Oliver North's
contras were running cocaine from El Salvador's Ilopango airport.
Castillo did his best to bust them, but soon learned that the traffickers were protected by the CIA.
"By the end of 1988," he writes, "I realized how hopelessly tangled DEA, the CIA, and every other
U.S. entity in Central America had become with the criminals. The connections boggled my mind."
[12] Feeling his life was in danger, Castillo got out in a hurry in 1990. The DEA, meanwhile, was
increasing the pressure with an internal investigation of Castillo. His career was over and he
resigned. Lawrence Walsh's office extensively debriefed Castillo, but when Walsh released his
massive report in 1993, the narcotics connection was nowhere to be found. The combined House
and Senate Iran-contra hearings in 1987 also ignored the drug issue. Instead, investigators granted
immunity to Oliver North.
John Kerry's subcommittee, the "Senate Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International
Operations," began its investigations in 1987, held hearings in 1988 and 1989, and issued a 144-
page report on April 13, 1989.[13] At one point, the subcommittee took testimony from the head of
the Honduran DEA office, who described how it was closed down in June 1983, at a time when the
CIA station was doubling in size. Honduras was a major transit station for cocaine, thanks to their
corrupt military. It was clear to the CIA and Pentagon that the contra effort required the support of
Honduras, and that the price for this support was to overlook the cocaine traffic.
"I watched the CIA protect drug traffickers throughout my career as a DEA agent," says Michael
Levine. "I have put thousands of Americans away for tens of thousands of years for conspiracy with
less evidence than is available against Ollie North and CIA people."[14] Tom Cash, a former top
DEA official in Miami, agrees: "When you have those types of political upheavals and foreign
policy considerations of the President to start with, and at the same time have a drug prosecution to
contend with, drugs are going to be second. It is something we grappled with on a daily basis."[15]
One could, arguably, defend the mainstream press for refusing to follow up on stories as improbable,
and characters as fringey, as some of those we've considered here: an iconoclast poet like Ginsberg,
a shapeshifter like Stark, a low-level Serpico like Castillo. But the real indictment of the major
media on the CIA-drugs question is their inability to follow up on obvious leads occurring in major
stories taking place under floodlights in their own backyard.
Consider the case of Oliver North, known associate of drug traffickers. Oliver North's conviction for
three felonies (lying, cheating, and stealing) was reversed in 1990 because his case was muddied by
the Congressional grant of immunity. This meant that he could run for office, and in 1994 he was
nearly elected to the U.S. Senate. North's infamous notebooks, however, may yet return to haunt
him.
Ten months after the Kerry subcommittee subpoenaed these notebooks, they still lacked clean,
unexpurgated copies. Nevertheless, these notebooks contain dozens of references to contra drug
trafficking. In an e-mail message about General Jose Bueso Rosa from Honduras, who was involved
in a conspiracy to import 345 kilos of cocaine into Florida, North noted that U.S. officials would
"cabal quietly to look at options: pardon, clemency, deportation, reduced sentence." Even after
Panama's Manuel Noriega was exposed in the U.S. press as a drug runner, North met with him
because Noriega wanted help to "clean up his image." In exchange, Noriega offered North some
helpful anti-Sandinista sabotage.
Or consider the decision by the Post and other major media to throw away a truly sensational story:
the official declaration by Costa Rica, Central America's one shining light of democracy, that it
considered a number of major U.S. officials to be drug traffickers, and as such was barring them
from entering the country. The list here is nothing short of amazing: Oliver North himself, retired
air-force major general Richard Secord, Reagan's former national security advisor John Poindexter,
former U.S. Ambassador Lewis Tambs, and former CIA station chief Joseph Fernandez.
On July 22, 1989, the Associated Press ran this story, but they were virtually alone; some major
media buried this story, and the rest resolutely ignored it. When asked why, Post reporter Walter
Pincus gave a revealing response: "Just because a congressional commission in Costa Rica says
something, doesn't mean it's true."[16] (Before he joined the Post in the 1960s, Pincus traveled
abroad on a CIA subsidy to spy on student leaders from other countries.[17] Unsurprisingly, Pincus
was out in front of the pack of reporters that attacked the recent Mercury News story.)
When the major media turn aside from stories so sensational, and so easy to pursue, it's unlikely to
be an accident. And given that stories so high-profile go nowhere, it's not surprising that the same
thing happens to countless lower-profile stories that lack immediately-recognizable American
names. Space prevents giving even a "bullet" version of many stories that could be adduced here,
but consider the following items, at least:
Medellin trafficker Carlos Lehder testified at Noriega's 1991 trial that the Medellin cartel gave
$10 million to the contras.
FBI informant Wanda Palacio told the Kerry subcommittee that she saw cocaine being loaded
onto pilot Wallace Sawyer's plane in Barranquilla, Colombia in 1985. (Sawyer and his
Southern Air Transport L382, carrying guns this time, were shot down over Nicaragua one
year later. The flight logs from the plane, recovered by the Sandinistas, substantiated Palacio's
story.)
George Morales, a major cocaine trafficker, offered planes and cash to the contras; when
contra leader Adolfo Chamorro checked with the CIA, they said Morales was fine and to go
ahead with the deal.
Ramon Milian Rodriguez, the chief accountant for the Medellin cartel, testified to the Kerry
subcommittee that he transferred money to the contras and laundered more than $3 million for
the CIA, even after his indictment on drug charges in 1983.
In what was known as the Frogman Case, the U.S. Attorney in San Francisco, Joseph
Russoniello, returned $36,000 to an arrested cocaine dealer after contra leaders stipulated that
the money was earmarked for weapons. The Justice Department foiled Kerry's attempts to
investigate this. (Russoniello, by the way, is a member of the Association of Former
Intelligence Officers.)
Recently a Venezuelan, Gen. Ramon Guillen Davila, was indicted in Miami for smuggling
tons of cocaine. This is the only instance in which the CIA has acknowledged responsibility
for drugs being imported into the U.S. One CIA officer resigned and another was recalled to
Washington, but no CIA officials have been charged.
Or consider the blatant attempt by the Washington Post and its corporate sibling Newsweek to bury
the inconvenient results of Congressional investigations into CIA complicity with drug traffickers,
and then smear the investigators. On July 22, 1987, the Post ran an article whose headline seemed
perfectly clear: "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras to Drug Smuggling."
But Charles Rangel (D-NY), chairman of the House Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and
Control, wrote to the Post and complained, "Your headline says we drew one conclusion, while in
fact we reached quite a different one." Rangel's letter ended up buried in the Congressional Record
(August 6, 1987), because the Post refused to publish it. Two years later, when the Kerry
subcommittee report was released, the Post buried it on a back page, and devoted most of the short
article to Republican criticisms of Kerry. Newsweek called Kerry a "randy conspiracy buff."
When our major media behave more irresponsibly than Congress, and frequently only a few
members of Congress deserve our support, it's easy to see that we have a problem. The 1980s were a
repeat performance of the 1970s, when the stakes were larger. At that time it was a question of
organized assassinations and secret wars of aggression. Both Congress and the media were
interested, at least initially. But our media establishment took one look into the abyss and decided
that investigative journalism was not so profitable after all. Without the support of the media,
Congress quickly lost interest.[18]
Is it even necessary to write a conclusion to this tragic but also farcical story? Confronting his
outraged fellow citizens in South Central, CIA Director John Deutch thought he was offering a
reasonable extenuation when he remarked at one point: "Our case officers deal with bad people, very
bad people." But a moment's thought reveals the utter vacuity of this remark. The Cold War is over.
For the young, even its memory is fading away. What should fade away now are the rationalizations
that once led men like Deutch to justify cutting deals with tinhorn dictators and smack dealers.
Unfortunately, as Deutch's audience knew, the evil these men did lives after them -- on the streets of
South Central, and all over our unhappy global village. It's still going on. Why can't our press report
it?
1. Alfred W. McCoy, The Politics of Heroin: CIA Complicity in the Global Drug Trade (Brooklyn
NY: Lawrence Hill Books, 1991), pp. 29-63. This book is an expanded edition of Alfred W. McCoy,
The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia (New York: Harper & Row, 1972).
2. David Barsamian, "The Politics of Drugs: An Interview with Alfred McCoy," Z Magazine,
January 1991, pp. 64-74.
3. Henrik Krueger, The Great Heroin Coup: Drugs, Intelligence, and International Fascism (Boston:
South End Press, 1980), pp. 142-43.
4. Gary Moore, "The exiles who turned to drugs," St. Petersburg Times, 30 May 1982, pp. 1-A, 14-
A.
5. Central Intelligence Agency, Report on Plots to Assassinate Fidel Castro, 25 April 1967, pp. 19-
20, 25-31.
6. Chip Berlet, "How the Muckrakers Saved America," Alternative Media, Vol. 11, No. 1 (1979), pp.
5-7.
7. Jonathan Kwitny, The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope, Dirty Money, and the CIA (New
York: W. W. Norton & Company, 1987), 424 pages; McCoy, The Politics of Heroin, pp. 461-78.
8. James Rupert and Steve Coll, "U.S. Declines to Probe Afghan Drug Trade," Washington Post, 13
May 1990, pp. A1, A29.
9. Carl Oglesby, "The Acid Test and How It Failed," The National Reporter, Fall 1988, p. 10. The
information on Ronald Stark comes from three sources: Jonathan Marshall, "The Strange Career of
Ronald Hadley Stark," Intelligence/Parapolitics, November 1984, pp. 15-18; Martin A. Lee and
Bruce Shlain, Acid Dreams: The CIA, LSD and the Sixties Rebellion (New York: Grove Press,
1985), pp. 248-51, 279-82, 286-87; Philip Willan, Puppetmasters: The Political Use of Terrorism in
Italy (London: Constable and Company, 1991), pp. 308-16.
10. Michael Levine, The Big White Lie: The CIA and the Cocaine/Crack Epidemic (New York:
Thunder's Mouth Press, 1993), 472 pages.
11. David Corn, "The CIA and the Cocaine Coup," The Nation, 7 October 1991, p. 404-6.
12. Celerino Castillo III and Dave Harmon, Powderburns: Cocaine, Contras and the Drug War
(Oakville, Ontario: Mosaic Press -- Sundial, 1994), p. 208.
13. The most comprehensive discussion of the details in this report can be found in Peter Dale Scott
and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics: Drugs, Armies, and the CIA in Central America (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1991), 279 pages.
14. Geraldo Rivera Show, CNBC-TV, 9 October 1996, with guests Jack Blum, Michael Levine, and
Maxine Waters.
15. Warren Richey, "CIA Under Pressure to Divulge Info on Contras," Christian Science Monitor,
20 September 1996, p. 3.
16. "Censored News: Oliver North & Co. Banned from Costa Rica," Fairness & Accuracy in
Reporting, Extra!, October/November 1989, pp. 1, 5. See FAIR's website < http://www.fair.org/fair
> for more about major media and the CIA-cocaine story.
17. Walter Pincus, "How I Traveled Abroad On CIA Subsidy," San Jose Mercury, 18 February 1967,
p. 14.
18. Kathryn S. Olmsted, Challenging the Secret Government: The Post-Watergate Investigations of
the CIA and FBI (Chapel Hill NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 255 pages.
For references to more information on this topic, search for the proper names found in this essay by
using NameBase from our home page, a cumulative name index of 600 investigative books, plus 23
years of assorted clippings.
NameBase book reviews
http://www.thepeopleshistory.net/2014/07/operation-mockingbird-cia-and-propaganda.html
Operation Mockingbird: The CIA and Propaganda thepeopleshistory.net
"About a third of the whole CIA budget went to media propaganda operations... We're talking
about hundreds of millions of dollars a year just for that.....close to a billion dollars are being
spent every year by the United States on secret propaganda." Testimony of William Schapp to
Congress1
In 1948, the United States began the Marshall Plan, an initiative to help the devastated Europe recover
from the War. The CIA decided to siphon funds to create the Office of Policy Coordination, which would
become the covert action branch of the Agency.2 It was under this program that Operation Mockingbird, a
domestic propaganda campaign aimed at promoting the views of the CIA within the media, began. From
the onset, Operation Mockingbird was one of the most sensitive of the CIA's operations, with recruitment of
journalists and training of intelligence officers for propaganda purposes usually undertaken by Director
Allen Dulles himself or his direct peers.3

It is a false belief that the CIA 'infiltrated' unwitting media institutions. The recruitment of journalists was
frequently done with complicity from top management and ownership. Former CIA Director William Colby
claimed during the Church Committee investigative hearings, "Lets go to the managements. They were
witting." Among the organizations that would lend their help to the propaganda efforts was the New York
Times, Newsweek, Associated Press, and the Miami Herald. Providing cover to CIA agents was a part of
the New York Timespolicy, set by their late publisher, Arthur Hays Salzberger.4
The investigative committee of Frank Church, officially titled “Select Committee to Study Governmental
Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities”, uncovered a lot of evidence concerning Operation
Mockingbird and came to the conclusion that:
"The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world
who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinionthrough the use of
covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large number of
newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and television
stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets."5
Carl Bernstein, the reporter famous for his excellent investigation into the Watergate scandal, wrote that:
“(Joseph) Alsop is one of more than 400 American journalists who in the past twenty-five years
have secretly carried out assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency, according to
documents on file at CIA headquarters. Some of these journalists’ relationships with the
Agency were tacit; some were explicit. There was cooperation, accommodation and overlap.
Journalists provided a full range of clandestine services—from simple intelligence gathering to
serving as go betweens with spies in Communist countries. Reporters shared their notebooks
Page 1 of 4with the CIA. Editors shared their staffs. Some of the journalists were Pulitzer Prize winners,
Feb 21, 2016 05:51:48AM MST
with the CIA. Editors shared their staffs. Some of the journalists were Pulitzer Prize winners,
distinguished reporters who considered themselves ambassadors without portfolio for their
country. Most were less exalted: foreign correspondents who found that their association with
the Agency helped their work; stringers and freelancers who were as interested in the
derring-do of the spy business as in filing articles; and, the smallest category, full-time CIA
employees masquerading as journalists abroad. In many instances, CIA documents show,
journalists were engaged to perform tasks for the CIA with the consent of the managements of
America’s leading news organizations.”6
While a majority of Mockingbird operations were overseas, the goal was to have important, hard-hitting
stories to be circulated in the American press. Relationships with major United States media institutions
certainly helped with this goal. Bernstein lists The New York Times, CBS and Time inc. as the most
productive relationships the agency cultivated. They also created front organizations overseas who publicly
maintained an appearance of free press but privately were operated by the agency. An example of this is
the Rome Daily American, which was 40% owned by the CIA for three decades.7
Another strategy was developing relationships with major media owners who were known to harbor
right-wing views, such as William Paley of CBS, and then passing on information of journalists, actors and
screenwriters who harbored left-wing views. Information was also passed on to friendly congressmen such
as Joseph McCarthy. These men and women would then be blacklisted from the industry. Lee J. Cobb was
one such actor who was blacklisted, and recalled his experience:
“When the facilities of the government of the United States are drawn on an individual it can be
terrifying. The blacklist is just the opening gambit - being deprived of work. Your passport is
confiscated. That's minor. But not being able to move without being tailed is something else.
After a certain point it grows to implied as well as articulated threats, and people succumb. My
wife did, and she was institutionalized. In 1953 the HCUA (House UnAmerican Activities
Committee) did a deal with me. I was pretty much worn down. I had no money. I couldn't
borrow. I had the expenses of taking care of the children. Why am I subjecting my loved ones to
this? If it's worth dying for, and I am just as idealistic as the next fellow. But I decided it wasn't
worth dying for, and if this gesture was the way of getting out of the penitentiary I'd do it. I had
to be employable again.”8
The CIA went as far as to write scripts for Hollywood. One interesting example is the funding of the movie
version of Animal Farm in 1954, a book written just less than a decade earlier by George Orwell which
enjoyed large commercial success. The problem for the CIA was that Orwell was a socialist, and his book
attacked both capitalism and communism. To avoid this conflict, the CIA changed the ending of the
Hollywood version to portray capitalism in a more positive light.9
Domestic
Page 2 of 4 surveillance was also used on journalists who had published classified material.
Feb 21,In2016
one05:51:48AM
example,MST
Domestic surveillance was also used on journalists who had published classified material. In one example,
a physical surveillance post was set up at a Hilton Hotel in view of the office of Washington Post writer
Michael Getler.10 The operation defied the CIA's charter, which specifically prohibits domestic spying. The
operation was directed towards numerous members of the Washington press corp, and was signed off by
John F. Kennedy himself, in coordination with CIA director John McCone.11
One CIA document states: “Get books published or distributed abroad without revealing any U.S.
Influence, by covertly subsidizing foreign publicans or booksellers... Get books published for operational
reasons, regardless of commercial viability”. The Church Committee concluded that over 1000 books were
published under this directive.12
Some investigative journalists have claimed that Operation Mockingbird did not end in 1976 as the CIA
claims. For example, in 1998, researcher Steve Kangas claimed that conservative billionaire Richard
Mellon Scaife, who ran 'Forum World Features', a foreign news organization, was a CIA asset and used the
organization to disseminate propaganda for circulation in the United States.13 Kangas ended up dead with
a bullet hole in his head, in the office of Richard Scaife. It was ruled a suicide, although there were
discrepancies in the police report and the autopsy.14
The Church Committee's conclusion accurately reflects the problems associated with Operation
Mockingbird:
“In examining the CIA’s past and present use of the U.S. media, the Committee finds two
reasons for concern. The first is the potential, inherent in covert media operations, for
manipulating or incidentally misleading the American public. The second is the damage to the
credibility and independence of a free press which may be caused by covert relationships with
the U.S. journalists and media organizations.”15
While it is deplorable for citizens of countries to be subjected to a state-owned media, at least they can be
aware of the biases and filter information accordingly. We have been taught the lie from birth that the U.S.
press is free from government meddling. In a situation where the manipulation is completely covert, the
American public has been left unaware of the propaganda they have been ingesting for decades.
Food for Thought:
1. Why were the owners and management of large media institutions so willing to
Page 3 of 4 participate in a program that violated their journalistic integrity? Feb 21, 2016 05:51:48AM MST
participate in a program that violated their journalistic integrity?
2. Has the increasingly consolidated media industry made it easier for news to be
manipulated to fit 'the agenda' discussed in the One Party State?
3. Have MK-ULTRA entrapment or mind control techniques ever been used to target the
press?
1Testimony available here.

2Sallie Pasani “The CIA and the Marshall Plan,” excerpt available here.
5Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Government Operations With Respect to Intelligence
Activities. April 1976.
9John Simkin, “Operation Mockingbird.”
10New York Times, “Project Mockingbird: Spying on Reporters,” June 26, 2007
13Steve Kangas, “A Timeline of CIA Atrocities.”
14John Simkin, “Steve Kangas.”
15 Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Government Operations With Respect to Intelligence
Page 4 of 4 Feb 21, 2016 05:51:48AM MST

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Allegations worthy of consideration ...
Can’t
From an undated analysis by Mary Louise posted at Melt
PrisonPlanet.com (http://www.prisonplanet.com/analysis_louise_01_03_03_mockingbird.html):
Steel
"Starting in the early days of the Cold War (late 40's), the CIA began a secret project Beams
called Operation Mockingbird, with the intent of buying influence behind the scenes at
major media outlets and putting reporters on the CIA payroll, which has proven to be a Air
stunning ongoing success. The CIA effort to recruit American news organizations and Defense
journalists to become spies and disseminators of propaganda, was headed up by Frank Exercise
Wisner, Allen Dulles, Richard Helms, and Philip Graham (publisher of The Washington a
Post)." Month
Before
From an undated piece by Steve Kangas titled "The Origins of the
Overclass" (http://home.att.net/~Resurgence/Loverclass.html):
9/11
Was
"Journalism is a perfect cover for CIA agents. People talk freely to journalists, and few Based
think suspiciously of a journalist aggressively searching for information. Journalists also Around
have power, influence and clout. Not surprisingly, the CIA began a mission in the late Osama
1940s to recruit American journalists on a wide scale, a mission it dubbed Operation Bin
MOCKINGBIRD. The agency wanted these journalists not only to relay any sensitive Laden
information they discovered, but also to write anticommunist, procapitalist propaganda Carrying
when needed." Out an
Aerial
"Perhaps no newspaper is more important to the CIA than the Washington Post, one of
the nation's most rightwing dailies. Its location in the nation's capitol enables the paper
Attack
to maintain valuable personal contacts with leading intelligence, political and business on
figures. Unlike other newspapers, the Post operates its own bureaus around the world, Washington
rather than relying on AP wire services. Owner Philip Graham was a military intelligence
officer in World War II, and later became close friends with CIA figures like Frank Wisner, 9/11 Blogger receives no
Allen Dulles, Desmond FitzGerald and Richard Helms. He inherited the Post by marrying foundational or corporate
Katherine Graham, whose father owned it." money other than from the
ads on the left. We rely on
"Sig Mickelson was a CIA asset the entire time he was president of CBS News from your individual support.
1954 to 1961. Later he went on to become president of Radio Free Europe and Radio
Liberty, two major outlets of CIA propaganda." Onetime:
"The CIA also secretly bought or created its own media companies. It owned 40 percent $ 20.00 Donate

of the Rome Daily American at a time when communists were threatening to win the
Italian elections. Worse, the CIA has bought many domestic media companies. A prime Monthly:
example is Capital Cities, created in 1954 by CIA businessman William J. Casey (who
would later become Ronald Reagan's CIA director). Another founder was Lowell $ 5.00 Donate
Thomas, a close friend and business contact with CIA Director Allen Dulles. Another
founder was CIA businessman Thomas Dewey. By 1985, Capital Cities had grown so bitcoin
powerful that it was able to buy an entire TV network: ABC."
Username: *
http://911blogger.com/node/3529 1/7
"For those who believe in 'separation of press and state,' the very idea that the CIA has
secret propaganda outlets throughout the media is appalling. The reason why America
was so oblivious to CIA crimes in the 40s and 50s was because the media willingly Password: *
complied with the agency."
There are several copies online of "The Alex Constantine Article; Tales from the Crypt The Log in
Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation MOCKINGBIRD"
Create new account
[1] (http://www.alexconstantine.50megs.com/the_cia_and.html)
[2] (http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/POLITICS/MOCK/mockingbird.html) Request new password
"[In the late 40's] the American intelligence services competed with communist activists
abroad to influence European labor unions. With or without the cooperation of local
governments, Frank Wisner, an undercover State Department official assigned to the
Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war underground of
covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip Graham, a
graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the
Washington Post., was taken under Wisner's wing to direct the program codenamed
Operation MOCKINGBIRD."
"Most consumers of the corporate media were and are unaware of the effect that the
salting of public opinion has on their own beliefs. A network anchorman in time of Ads by Project
national crisis is an instrument of psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. He Wonderful! Your ad
here, right now: $0.03
is a creature from the national security sector's chamber of horrors. For this reason
consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic beliefs about
government and life in the parallel universe of these United States."
"Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham 'believing that the function of the
press was more often than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the government,
was one of the architects of what became a widespread practice: the use and
manipulation of journalists by the CIA'. This scandal was known by its code name
Operation MOCKINGBIRD."
There are many citations attached to "A Letter to the Washington Ads by Project
Wonderful! Your ad
Post" (http://home.gwi.net/~troberts/Julian/WashPostLetter.html) by Julian C. Holmes dated here, right now: $0.01
April 25, 1992.
From "Subverting the Media" (http://www.deepblacklies.co.uk/subverting_the_media.htm) by
David Guyatt:
"In an October 1977, article published by Rolling Stone magazine, Carl Bernstein
reported that more than 400 American journalists worked for the CIA. Bernstein went on
to reveal that this cozy arrangement had covered the preceding 25 years. Sources told
Bernstein that the New York Times, America's most respected newspaper at the time,
was one of the CIA's closest media collaborators. Seeking to spread the blame, the New
York Times published an article in December 1977, revealing that 'more than eight Ads by Project
hundred news and public information organisations and individuals,' had participated in Wonderful! Your ad
the CIA's covert subversion of the media. here, right now: $0.02
"As these stories hit the news, Senate investigators began to probe the CIA sponsored
manipulation of the media the 'Fourth Estate' that supposedly was dedicated to acting United
as a check and balance on the excesses of the executive. This investigation was, Airlines
however, curtailed at the insistence of Central Intelligence Agency Directors, William Held an
Colby and George H.W. Bush who would later be elected US President. The Exercise
information gathered by the Senate Select Intelligence Committee chaired by Senator So
Frank Church, was 'deliberately buried' Bernstein reported. Realistic
That Its
"Slowly, the role of Mockingbird in muzzling and manipulating the press began to be Personnel
revealed. In 1974, two former CIA agents, Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks, published Had to
a sensational book entitled "The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence" (ISBN 0440203368).
Be
The book caused uproar for the many revelations it contained."
Reassured
From "Myth of Liberal Media", posted at Democratic Underground (includes citation That
links) (http://www.democraticunderground.com/duforum/DCForumID45/1908.html), the 9/11
Democracy Unbound (scroll down) (http://www.democracyunbound.com/triplecrown.html), Attacks
and at Were
http://web.archive.org/web/20011217025849/www.geocities.com/alanjpakula/triplecrown.html 'Not a
(access via the Wayback Machine): Drill'
"After this embarrassment, it was necessary for the Right to use its own private network
to replace Mockingbird. As a result, there is now the Cato Institute, with Media Mogul Fourteen
Rupert Murdoch (Fox, NY Post, TV Guide) on the Board with ATT/TCI's Malone [10] . Facts
Another big contributor to Cato is Viacom, which recently acquired CBS. Consequently, About
CBS/Viacom is now headed by Sumner M. Redstone, who is yet another powerful right 9/11
wing figure with a WWII intelligence background [11] and apparent ties to OSS/CIA
figures [12] . Cato serves the purpose of infusing the Media with Right Wing Propaganda, Dr.
along with such organizations as Accuracy in Media (AIM), the Independent Women's Graeme
Forum, the Western Journalism Center and of course the Heritage Foundation (See MacQueen
Main Page for Details).
:
"The difference between the days of Operation Mockingbird and the present situation is Eyewitness
that, instead of actually placing network executives, publishers, editors, reporters and Evidence
pundits on the CIA payroll, their contemporary counterparts are now members of the of
Right Wing Think Tanks*. In addition to Cato's Murdoch, some high profile examples are Explosions
MSNBC's Laura Ingraham (a notorious 'Scaifette' from the Independent Women's Forum in the
[13] ) and ABC's John Stossel [14] . CNN's Kate O'Beirne is a Heritage fellow (and Twin
previous VP) who is a regular columnist for the National Review. Also, old Towers
Bonesman/CIA hand William F. Buckley, Jr. is the Editor of the archconservative Review.
The National Review's President and Chairman is none other than Thomas Rhodes, who Twenty
was recently a Heritage Board member. Other right wing journals financed by these
Years
sugardaddies (and mommies) include the American Spectator, Human Events and
Later:
Murdoch's Weekly Standard."
Facts
From Glen Yeadon's "From the streets of Little About
Beirut" (http://www.spiritone.com/~gdy52150/books.html) (2/28/03): the
OKC
"CIA censorship and mediapropagandizing was supposed to have stopped in the mid Bombing
1970s after the Church Committee investigated the CIA's Project Mockingbird. At the That Go
time, every major media outlet was infected with Mockingbird. Coexisting with Project Unreported
Mockingbird was a FBI operation named COINTELPRO. COINTELPRO was successful
in destroying not only leftist groups but also more importantly the press of the left.
Ramparts Magazine was a major target eliminated by COINTELPRO. In one short Head of
decade, the alternative press had been wiped out." the
FBI's
Anthrax
[edit]
Investigation
Says
SourceWatch Resources the
Whole
Herbert Allen
The CIA and journalism
Thing
Was a
[edit] Sham
External Links Tony
Szamboti
Greg Bishop, "The Covert News : On
Network," (http://www.antiqillum.com/glor/glor_007/covert_news.pdf) antiqillum.com, NIST's
no date. 9/11
Robert Lederer, "Apology to the Media," (http://www.iahf.com/20000916.html) Sins of
iahf.com, September 16, 2000.
Omission
Geoff Metcalf, "To Kill or Feed a
Mockingbird," (http://www.newswithviews.com/metcalf/metcalf8.htm) News with Views,
July 29, 2002. We
Cheryl Seal, "'Listen to the Mockingbird': Deconstructing the CIAStyle Disinformation Were
'Song' of the Washington Lied To
Post," (http://baltimore.indymedia.org/newswire/display/4244/index.php) Baltimore About
Independent Media, June 18, 2003. 9/11
Michael Hasty, "Secret admirers: The Bushes and the Washington Post" (Part Episode
1) (http://www.onlinejournal.com/Media/020504Hasty/020504hasty.html), Online 3 Erik
Journal, February 5, 2004. Larson
Retrieved from "http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Operation_Mockingbird"
William
Binney–
MediaWiki
former
GNU Free Documentation License 1.2 NSA
Technical
This page was last modified 16:34, 26 Jan 2005. Director
This page has been accessed 7634 times. signs
Content is available under GNU Free Documentation License 1.2. AE911Truth
About SourceWatch petition
Disclaimers
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agenda.It is a project of the Center for Media & Democracy; email bob AT Journal:
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are written with AT in place of the usual symbol, and we have removed "mail to" links. Engineers
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CIA
Director
George
Tenet
Facilitated
9/11
Thomas
Kean &
Lee
Hamilton
Call For
The
Release
Of The
28
Redacted
Pages
NY1
coverage
of the
High
Rise
Safety
Initiative
Counter
Intelligence
The
Interview
War
Crimes
and
9/11:
Why
Dick
and Don
Are
Suspects
Donald
Rumsfeld
and the
Demolition
of WTC
7
The
“Strategy
of
Tension”
in the
Cold
War
Period
The CIA
in
Kuwait:
Parallels
to a
9/11
Suspect
The
Holocaust,
Mind
Control,
and
9/11
The
9/11
Joint
Congressional
Inquiry
and 28
Missing
Pages
Victims’
families
demand
release
of 28
pages
from
9/11
report
WeAreChange
takes
the mic
after
Super
Bowl
XLVIII
to
address
the
nation
on 9/11
Getting
Real
About
Richard
Clarke
Targeting
the
President:
Evidence
of U.S.
Government
Training
Exercises
on 9/11
ReThink911
Fall
2013
Campaign
Recap |
WTC 7
Freefall
Collapse
Video
Goes
Worldwide
How to
Debunk
WTC
Thermite
New
Book
Reveals
9/11
Suspects
Saudi
Arabia
9/11
Connection
With
Senator
Bob
Graham
Meet
Lee
Harvey
Oswald,
Sheep
Dipped
Patsy
Published
on Nov
15,
2013
Jet Fuel
Caused
the
Incendiary
Explosions
in The
WTC
Lobby?
NIST
Replies
to
WTC7
Stiffeners
Inquiry
more
10/10/2016 Operation Mockingbird - Factbites
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Where results make sense Operation Mockingbird Find »
Topic: Operation Mockingbird
Operation Mockingbird Related Topics
Mockingbird was very active during the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz Allen Welsh Dulles
in Guatemala. Allen Dulles
Mockingbird was an immense financial undertaking with funds Operation Ajax
flowing from the CIA largely through the Congress for Cultural
Richard Helms
Freedom (CCF) founded by Tom Braden with Pat Buchanon of
CNN's Crossfire. Plausible deniability

Operation Mockingbird continued to flourish with CIA agents Operation Northwoods
boasting at having “important assets” inside every major news outlet House Select Committee on
in the country.” The list included such luminaries of the US media as Assassinations
Henry Luce, publisher of Time Magazine, Arthur Hays Sulzberger, of John McCone
the New York Times and C.D. Jackson of Fortune Magazine, Fritz Kolbe
Mohammed Mossadegh
www.spartacus.schoolnet.co.uk /JFKmockingbird.htm (13173 words)
John Foster Dulles
Bay of Pigs Invasion
Operation Mockingbird Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Populist
Operation Mockingbird is a Central Intelligence Agency operation Director of Central Intelligence
to influence domestic and foreign media, whose activities were made
Warren Commission
public during the Church Committee investigation in 1975 (published
1976).
Mockingbird was very active during the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz

in Guatemala during Operation PBSUCCESS.
Further details of Operation Mockingbird were revealed as a result
of the Frank Church investigations (Select Committee to Study
Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities) in
1975.
en.wikipedia.org /wiki/MOCKINGBIRD (2486 words)
Talk:Operation Mockingbird SourceWatch
For example it is claimed that Philip Graham was central to the operation and much is made of his
role as an innteligence officer in WWII.
Yes, there are plenty of websites referring to Operation Mockingbird but none go back to credible
primary sources; instead, they either refer to each other or make sweeping unreferenced claims

that don't deserve to be repeated here.
"The difference between the days of Operation Mockingbird and the present situation is that,
instead of actually placing network executives, publishers, editors, reporters and pundits on the
CIA payroll, their contemporary counterparts are now members of the Right Wing Think Tanks*.
www.sourcewatch.org /index.php?title=Talk:Operation_Mockingbird (1903 words)
http://www.factbites.com/topics/Operation-Mockingbird 1/7
Democratic Underground Forums "CIA Operation Mockingbird"
It was not until 1982 that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have acted
as case officers to agents in the field.
Operation Octopus, according to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program
that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast transmitter.
Operation Mockingbird was instigated the CIA's Frank Wisner, Allan Dulles and Richard Helms.
www.democraticunderground.com /duforum/DCForumID12/295.html (2486 words)
Deep Throat was part of Operation Mockingbird. ... (Site not responding. Last check: )
Operation Mockingbird was also used to ensure the right sort of coverage in the American media.
However, despite the help given by Philip Graham and other members of Operation Mockingbird,
by the summer of 1960 it was clear that LBJ was not going to get the nomination.
JFK would be given the full support of Operation Mockingbird as long as he took LBJ as his
runningmate.
www.apfn.net /messageboard/060705/discussion.cgi.55.html (2311 words)
Operation Mockingbird | The Agonist
Operation Mockingbird is a Central Intelligence Agency operation to influence domestic and
foreign media, whose activities were made public during the Church Committee investigation in
1975 (published 1976).
According to Carl Bernstein, over 400 reporters and editors were working for the CIA as part of

Operation Mockingbird.
Further details of Operation Mockingbird were revealed as a result of the Frank Church
investigations (Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence
Activities) in 1975.
agonist.org /chickadee/20070413/operation_mockingbird (1198 words)
Under the guise of 'American' objectives and lack of congressional oversight, the CIA accomplish
their exploits by using every trick in the book (and they know quite a few) that they actually teach in
the notorious "School of the Americas", nicknamed the "School of Dictators" and "School of
Assassins" by critics.
Another early elitist who served as Director of the CIA from 1953 to 1961 was Allen Dulles, a senior

partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, which represented the Rockefeller empire
and other trusts, corporations, and cartels.
One of the first tenets for the control of a population is to control all sources of information the
population receives and mostly because of the pervasive CIA and Operation Mockingbird, the
mainstream American Press is a controlled multinational corporate/government megaphone.
www.prisonplanet.com /analysis_louise_01_03_03_mockingbird.html (1773 words)
THE CIA CONTROLS THE MEDIA | CIA SECRET PROJECT "OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD &

CATO
In contrast to newspaper publishing the operations of a defendant broadcater have been subject
to elaborate governmental control extending to virtually all aspects of the broadcast industry.
The CIA secret project 'Operation Mockingbird' media control and/or manipulation concerns all

fifty (50) states and every United States citizen in violation of the First AmendmentRight to a Free
Press.
The act states that the FCC should assess the "character...of the applicant to operate the station,"
and ensure that the "public interest...would be served by the granting" of a license.
www.freewebs.com /medialawsuit (12893 words)
OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD
Perhaps the most notorious was Operation Jennifer, an allegedly failed attempt to recover nuclear
codes from a sunken Soviet submarine.
And although members concluded that "from the CIA point of view this was the highest, most

sensitive covert program of all," and "a much larger part of the operational system than had been
indicated," this was hardly part of the official findings when they were made public.
Many of the newspeople who operated with the CIA in the past were or are CFR members.
www.apfn.org /apfn/ciamedia.htm (16040 words)
Friends of Liberty Pipeline News disagrees w/ Fahey on Bob Novak/Operation MOCKINGBIRD
Ted had a loose tongue, was going senile (not a jab at the dear man: he died of Alzheimer's) when
I knew him, and he told me quite a lot of things; was still 85% "there" when I knew him, but people
could tell he was experiencing the symptoms of onsetAlzheimer's.
Well I was referring only to Buckley and the OSS, the mockingbird stuff is where the conspiracy
buff skeptic kicks in.
I admire Rove for his ability and I am very disappointed in the missteps that the Bush admin has
made since November, Tancredo is one of the few members of the House who is worth his salary,
Ron Paul and the libertarians have it wrong on many important issues including the war on terror
imho.
sianews.com /modules.php?name=News&file=article&sid=2553 (938 words)
UK Gay News Operation ‘Mockingbird’: County Rallies to Aid Dying Lesbian
Operation ‘Mockingbird’: County Rallies to Aid Dying Lesbian
Today, people across the world are standing with Laurel Hester, a dying lesbian New Jersey police
officer, by sending copies of the classic book To Kill a Mockingbird to the officials in Ocean
County, who are refusing to grant pension benefits to Hester and her partner Stacie Andree.
According to Jensen, sending copies of the book seemed the perfect way to express disapproval
over the actions of Ocean County’s “freeholders,” the Republican officials, who have so far refused
to grant Hester, and all lesbian and gay couples, domestic partnership benefits.
www.ukgaynews.org.uk /Archive/2006jan/0901.htm (1176 words)
CIA Disinformation in Action, Operation Mockingbird and the Washington Post
Nestled within the over 100 footnotes and the not quite as many individual examples of supression
and distrotions of truth, and even fabrications of 'truth', is a rootmost clue to the real problem a
problem which reader should take care not to miss grasping...
The significance is amplified when it is understood that Mockingbird was not simply the sell out of
a newspaper.
educateyourself.org /cn/ciadisinfoinaction28mar05.shtml (7516 words)
Pipe Dreams: the CIA, Drugs, and the Media
A careful review of covert operations in the Caribbean and South and Central America shows a
fortyyear connection between crime and covert operations that has repeatedly blown back on the
United States....
Lynch concedes that after the CIA cut off support, many of these exiles, trained in covert
operations and smuggling, turned to narcotics trafficking.[4] Given that the CIA had worked with
Trafficante to assassinate Castro in 1961,[5] the agency lacked sufficient ethical intelligence to
worry that these Trafficanteassociated exiles might pose a criminal problem.
Within several years, however, the contra war developed into a major CIA operation involving
Cuban exiles from Miami; former Nicaraguan guardsmen who fled during the 1979 revolution and
regrouped in Honduras; and assorted CIA adventurers with drug and armstrafficking connections.
www.namebase.org /news16.html (5273 words)
[No title]
"important assets" inside every major news publication in the country.
citizens, destabilizing the society, and conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and
other leaders" (*17).
...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers preside over an operation in which an
appalling amount of press agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches
www.psychicspy.com /ciamed.txt (9192 words)
(DV) Fitrakis: Mark Hyman Stepford Spook and the New Operation Mockingbird
Hyman is the Vice President for Corporate Relations for Sinclair Broadcasting, which owns and
operates programs or provides sales services affiliated with the top six TV networks in the country:
ABC, NBC, CBS, Fox, UPN and Warner Brothers.
During the heyday of the Cold War, the CIA allegedly instituted the notorious Operation
Mockingbird to make sure the American mass media sang patriotic hymns in unison.
Just like the coup in Florida in the 2000 election, the CIA’s timetested tactics throughout the world
are now being overly practiced on the U.S. population.
www.dissidentvoice.org /Oct04/Fitrakis1012.htm (802 words)
mockingbird
Former State Department official William Blum correctly calls this an "American Holocaust." We
should note that the CIA gets away with this because it is not accountable to democratic
government.
He was a key figure in Operation Paperclip, which brought Nazi scientists and spies to the U.S.

Many were war criminals whose atrocities were excused in their service to the CIA.
At a minimum, the Task Force recommended that a fresh look be taken at limits on the use of
nonofficial 'covers' for hiding and protecting those involved in clandestine activities." Though the
task force doesn't explicitly address the use of the press as cover, the implication is obvious.
www.magickriver.net /mockingbird.htm (19135 words)
[No title] (Site not responding. Last check: )
In writing of the CIA's Operation Mockingbird, Alex Constantine details the inception and
implementation of intelligence infiltration into media.
I’ve studied and interviewed enough to know that not only are intelligence operatives placed inside
newsrooms; not only is the Federal Government generating fake newscasts with impunity; and, not
only do I believe many of the newscasters (O’Reilly, Matthews, Hannity, etc.) are in on it; but, the
scheme truly is obviously simple.
Under the auspices of “fighting Communism,” (that supreme 20th Century banker’s scheme),
globalist operatives created Mockingbird.
philadelphians.50megs.com /opmock.html (1313 words)
QTMagazine.com Operation Mockingbird: Supporters Rally to Aid of Dying Lesbian In the

classic novel To Kill a ... (Site not responding. Last check: )
Today, people across North America are standing with Laurel Hester, a dying New Jersey police
officer, by sending copies of the classic book To Kill a Mockingbird to the officials in Ocean
County, who are refusing to grant pension benefits to Hester and her partner.

The protest is the brainchild of Michael Jensen, a writer of the political blog, The Big Gay Picture
(www.biggaypicture.com).
Hester had not spoken to the press about her life or her fight with the county until doing the
interview with Jensen.
www.qtmagazine.com /article.cfm?section=9&id=8096 (597 words)
Washington Post's role in Operation Mockingbird (Site not responding. Last check: )
The chief puppeteer of the Mockingbird network Allen Dulles, a corporazi working for both
German and American corporations.
Independent journalist Alex Constantine writes, "Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25 newspapers

and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of CIA propaganda.
A fairytale about how Bremer is wellrespected and wellliked by the Iraqi leaders and how he is in
complete control of the country.
www.apfn.net /MESSAGEBOARD/112205/discussion.cgi.39.html (1613 words)
MOCKINGBIRD The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA
"important assets" inside every major news publication in the country.
It was not until 1982 that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have acted
as case officers to agents in the field.
Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's Phil Graham, according to Deborah
Davis.
www.whatreallyhappened.com /RANCHO/POLITICS/MOCK/mockingbird.html (8351 words)
Operation Mockingbird The Subversion Of America's Free Press By The CIA (Site not

responding. Last check: )
Operation Mockingbird The Subversion Of America's Free Press By The CIA
Tales from the Crypt The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation MOCKINGBIRD
CIA" (*81).
www.rense.com /politics6/mockingbird.htm (9439 words)
CIA "OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD' | CIA SECRET PROJECT OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD IS
VIOLATION OF THE FIRST AMENDMENT RIGHT TO A ...
Anything less renders any discussion meaningless and unworthy in their opinion, and anyone who
disagrees is obviously stupid and they generally put it in exactly those terms.
Twist or amplify any fact which could be taken to imply that the opponent operates out of a hidden
personal agenda or other bias.
They tend to operate in selfcongratulatory and complementary packs or teams.
www.freewebs.com /operationmockingbird (8059 words)
Creepy Mockingbird Propaganda Tactics (Site not responding. Last check: )
(Conspiracy Nation, 10/26/05) Operation Mockingbird was (is) a CIA operation which
influenced (influences) mass media "news." It was discovered in 1975 by the Church Committee
investigation.
The Operation Mockingbird played a role in the toppling of the Nixon presidency in 1974, a
"Silent Coup."
At the time, Americans were hoodwinked into believing a "heroic press," and especially the
Washington Post, had saved the nation.
www.shout.net /~bigred/Mockingbird.html (535 words)
ROCKFISH Seafood Grill Restaurant Locations: DFW Metroplex
With a sleek finish and urban edge, this Rockfish is in the trendy Mockingbird Station retail
development.
FROM CENTRAL EXPRESSWAY: Take the Mockingbird Lane exit and turn east on
Mockingbird.
ROCKFISH will be on your left in Mockingbird Station.
www.rockfishseafood.com /dfwmetroplex.htm (444 words)
Subject: Operation Mockingbird The Subversion Of America's Free Press By The CIA: Control
of the Masses from Tit to Tomb (Or Why You Never Learned of the Codex Vitamin Issue in the
Mainstream Media)
IAHF List: People ask me all the time why they never see any reports in the mainstream media

about the Codex vitamin issue or other health freedom issues unless they are articles attacking
vitamins and alternative medicine.
Most consumers of the corporate media were and are unaware of the effect that the salting of
public opinion has on their own beliefs.
www.iahf.com /usa/20000916a.html (9778 words)
Who controls the Media? Operation Mockingbird Gold & Silver Forum
General Discussion Any subject may be discussed here that does not fit into the other forums.
In this idyllic land, the most serious infraction an official can commitis a the employment of a
domestic servant with (shudder) no residency status.This unlikely land of enchantment is the
creation of Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
Operation Mockingbird, created with the purpose of total control of the mass media, buying
newspapers, magazines, tv channels and infiltrating Hollywood to influence and control public
opinion.
goldismoney.info /forums/showthread.php?t=9978 (2921 words)
[No title]
CIA, The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation
Operation Tailwind and the activities of SOG, Studies and
Mockingbird, the mainstream American Press is a controlled
www.perspectives.com /forums/forum71/33874.html (2599 words)
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10/10/2016 THE MIGHTY WURLITZER PLAYS ON by Gary Webb Chapter 14 from In the Buzzsaw edited by Kristina Borjesson
THE MIGHTY WURLITZER PLAYS ON

by Gary Webb
Chapter 14 from In the Buzzsaw edited by Kristina Borjesson
Webb was an investigative reporter for nineteen years focusing on government and private sector
corruption and winning more than thirty journalism awards. He was one of six reporters at the San
Jose Mercury News to win a 1990 Pulitzer Prize for general news reporting for a series of stories on
Northern California's 1989 earthquake. He also received the 1997 Media Hero Award from the 2nd
Annual Media & Democracy Congress, and in 1996 was named Journalist of the Year by the Bay
Area Society of Professional Journalists. In 1994, Webb won the H. L. Mencken Award given by
the Free Press Association for a series in the San Jose Mercury News on abuses in the state of
California's drug asset forfeiture program. And in 1980, Webb won an Investigative Reporters and
Editors (IRE) Award for a series that he coauthored at the Kentucky Post on organized crime in the
coal industry. Prior to 1988, Webb worked as a statehouse correspondent for the Cleveland Plain
Dealer and was a reporter for the San Jose Mercury News where the "Dark Alliance" series broke in
1996. Months later, Webb was effectively forced out of his job after the San Jose Mercury News
retracted their support for his story. He is now a consultant to the California State Legislature's Joint
Audit Committee.
If we had met five years ago, you wouldn't have found a more staunch defender of the newspaper industry than
me. I'd been working at daily papers for seventeen years at that point, doing no-holds barred investigative
reporting for the bulk of that time. As far as I could tell, the beneficial powers the press theoretically exercised
in our society weren't theoretical in the least. They worked.
I wrote stories that accused people and institutions of illegal and unethical activities. The papers I worked for
printed them, often unflinchingly, and many times gleefully. After these stories appeared, matters would
improve. Crooked politicians got voted from office or were forcibly removed. Corrupt firms were exposed and
fined. Sweetheart deals were rescinded, grand juries were impaneled, indictments came down, grafters were
bundled off to the big house. Taxpayers saved money. The public interest was served.
It all happened exactly as my journalism-school professors had promised. And my expectations were pretty
high. I went to journalism school while Watergate was unfolding, a time when people as distantly connected to
newspapering as college professors were puffing out their chests and singing hymns to investigative reporting.
Bottom line: If there was ever a true believer, I was one. My first editor mockingly called me "Woodstein," after
a pair of Washington Post reporters who broke the Watergate story. More than once I was accused of neglecting
my daily reporting duties because I was off "running around with your trench coat flapping in the breeze." But in
the end, all the sub rosa trench coat-flapping paid off. The newspaper published a seventeen-part series on
organized crime in the American coal industry and won its first national journalism award in half a century.
From then on, my editors at that the subsequent newspapers allowed me to work almost exclusively as an
investigative reporter.
I had a grand total of one story spiked during my entire reporting career. That's it. One. (And in retrospect it
wasn't a very important story either.) Moreover, I had a complete freedom to pick my own shots, a freedom my
editors wholeheartedly encouraged since it relieved them of the burden of coming up with story ideas. I wrote
my stories the way I wanted to write them, without anyone looking over my shoulder or steering me in a certain
direction. After the lawyers and editors went over them and satisfied themselves that we had enough facts
behind us to stay out of trouble, they printed them, usually on the front page of the Sunday edition, when we had
our widest readership.
In seventeen years of doing this, nothing bad had happened to me. I was never fired or threatened with dismissal
http://whale.to/b/mighty__wurlitzer.html 1/9
if I kept looking under rocks. I didn't get any death threats that worried me. I was winning awards, getting
raises, lecturing college classes, appearing on TV shows, and judging journalism contests.
So how could I possibly agree with people like Noam Chomsky and Ben Bagdikian, who were claiming the
system didn't work, that it was steered by powerful special interests and corporations, and existed to protect the
power elite? Hell, the system worked just fine, as far as I could tell. It encouraged enterprise. It rewarded
muckraking.
And then I wrote some stories that made me realize how sadly misplaced my bliss had been. The reason I'd
enjoyed such smooth sailing for so long hadn't been, as I'd assumed, because I was careful and diligent and good
at my job. It turned out to have nothing to do with it. The truth was that, in all those years, I hadn't written
anything important enough to suppress.
In 1996, I wrote a series of stories, entitled Dark Alliance, that began this way:
For the better part of a decade, a Bay Area drug ring sold tons of cocaine to the Crips and Bloods
Street Gangs of Los Angeles and funneled millions in drug profits to a Latin American guerilla army
run by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, a Mercury News investigation has found.
This drug network opened the first pipeline between Colombia's cocaine cartels and the black
neighborhoods of Los Angeles, a city now known as the "crack" capital of the world. The cocaine
that flooded in helped spark a crack explosion in urban America -- and provided the cash and
connections needed for L.A.'s gangs to buy automatic weapons.
It is one of the most bizarre alliances in modern history: the union of a U.S. backed army
attempting to overthrow a revolutionary socialist government and the Uzi-toting "gangstas" of
Compton and South Central Los Angeles.
The three-day series was, at its heart, a short historical account of the rise and fall of a drug ring and its impact
on black Los Angeles. It attempted to explain how shadowy intelligence agencies, shady drugs and arms dealers,
a political scandal, and a long-simmering Latin American civil was had crossed paths in South Central Los
Angeles, leaving behind a legacy of crack use. Most important, it challenged the widely held belief that crack
use began in African American neighborhoods not for any tangible reason but mainly because of the kind of
people who lived in them. Nobody was forcing them to smoke crack, the argument went, so they only have
themselves to blame. They should just say no.
That argument never seemed to make much sense to me because drugs don't just appear magically on street
corners in black neighborhoods. Even the most rabid hustler in the ghetto can't sell what he doesn't have. If
anyone was responsible for the drug problems in a specific area. I thought, it was the people who were bringing
the drugs in.
And so Dark Alliance was about them -- the three cocaine traffickers who supplied the South Central market
with literally tons of pure cocaine from the early 1980s to the early 1990s. What made the series so controversial
is that two of the traffickers I named were intimately involved with a Nicaraguan paramilitary group known as
the Contras, a collection of ex-military men, Cuban exiles, and mercenaries that the CIA was using to destabilize
the socialist government of Nicaragua. The series documented direct contact between the drug traffickers who
were bringing the cocaine into South Central and the two Nicaraguan CIA agents who were administering the
Contra project in Central America. The evidence included sworn testimony from one of the traffickers -- now a
valued government informant -- that one of the CIA agents huddled in the kitchen of a house in San Francisco
with one of the traffickers and had interviewed the photographer, who confirmed its authenticity. Pretty
convincing stuff, we thought.
Over the course of three days, Dark Alliance advanced five main arguments: First, that the CIA-created Contras
had been selling cocaine to finance their activities. This was something the CIA and the major media had
dismissed or denied since the mid-1980s, when a few reporters first began writing about Contra drug dealing.
Second, that the Contras had sold cocaine in the ghettos of Los Angeles and that their main customer was L.A.'s
biggest crack dealer. Third, that elements of the U.S. government knew about this drug ring's activities at the
time and did little if anything to stop it. Fourth, that because of the time period and the areas in which it
operated, this drug ring played a critical role in fueling and supplying the first mass crack cocaine market in the
United States. And fifth, that the profits earned from this crack market allowed the Los Angeles-based Crips and
bloods to expand into other cities and spread crack use to other black urban areas, turning a bad local problem
into a bad national problem. This led to panicky federal drug laws that were locking up thousands of small-time,
black crack dealers for years but never denting the crack trade.
It wasn't so much a conspiracy that I had outlined as it was a chain-reaction--bad ideas compounded by stupid
political decisions and rotten historical timing.
Obviously this wasn't the kind of story that a reporter digs up in an afternoon. A Nicaraguan journalist and I had
been working on it exclusively for more than a year before it was published. And despite the topic of the story, it
had been tedious work. Spanish-language undercover tapes, court records, and newspaper articles were
laboriously translated. Interviews had to be arranged in foreign prisons. Documents had to be pried from
unwilling federal agencies, or specially declassified by the National Archives. Ex-drug dealers and ex-cops had
to be tracked down and persuaded to talk on the record. Chronologies were pieced together from heavily
censored government documents and old newspaper stories found scattered in archives from Managua to Miami.
In December 1995, I wrote a lengthy memo to my editors, advising them of what my Nicaraguan colleague and I
had found, what I thought the stories would say, and what still needed to be done to wrap them up. It also to help
my editor explain our findings to her bosses, who had not yet signed off on the story, and most of whom had no
idea I'd been working on it.
**Two months ago, in an unheard-of response to a Congressional vote, black prison inmates across the country
staged simultaneous revolts to protest Congress' refusal to make sentences for crack cocaine the same as for
powder cocaine. Both before and after the prison riots, some black leaders were openly suggesting that crack
was part of a broad d government conspiracy that has imprisoned or killed an entire generation of young black
men.
Imagine if they were right. What if the US government was, in fact, involved in dumping cocaine into California
-- selling it to black gangs in South Central Los Angeles, for instance -- sparking the most destructive drug
epidemic in American history?
That's what this series is about.
With the help of recently declassified documents, FBI reports, DEA undercover tapes, secret grand jury
transcripts and archival records from both here and abroad, as well as interviews with some of the key
participants, we will show how a CIA-linked drug and stolen car network -- based in, of all places, the Peninsula
-- provided weapons and tons of high-grade, dirt cheap cocaine to the very person who spread crack through LA
and from there into the hinterlands.
A bizarre -- almost fatherly -- bond between an elusive CIA operative and an illiterate but brilliant car thief from
LA's ghettos touched off a social phenomenon -- crack and gang-power -- that changed our lives in ways that are
still to be felt. That day these two men met was literally ground zero for California's crack explosion, and the
myriad of calamities that have flowed from it (AIDS, homelessness, etc.)
This is also the story of how an ill-planned and oftentimes irrational foreign policy adventure -- the CIA's
"secret" was in Nicaragua from 1980 to 1986 -- boomeranged back to the streets of America, in the long run
doing far more damage to us than to our supposed "enemies" in Central America.
For, as this series will show, the dumping of cocaine on LA's street gangs was the "back-end" of a covert effort to
arm and equip the CIA's ragtag army of anti-Communist "Contra" guerrillas. While this has long been solid -- if
largely ignores -- evidence of a CIA-Contra-cocaine connection, no one has ever asked the question: "Where did
all the cocaine go once it got here?"
Now we know.
Moreover, we have compelling evidence that the kingpins of this Bay Area cocaine ring -- men connected to the
assassinated Nicaraguan dictated dictator Anastasio Somoza and his murderous National Guard -- enjoyed a
unique relationship with the U.S. government that has continued to this day.
*In a meeting to discuss the memo, I recounted to my editors the sorry history of how the Contra-cocaine story
had been ridiculed and marginalized by the Washington press corps in the 1980s, and that we could expect
similar reactions to this series. If they didn't want to pursue this, now was the time to pull back, before I flew
down to Central America and started poking around finding drug dealers to interview. But if we did, we needed
to go full-bore on it, and devote the time and space to tell it right. My editors agreed. My story memo made the
rounds of the other editors' offices and, as far as I know, no one objected. I was sent to Nicaragua to do
additional reporting, and the design team at Mercury Center -- the newspaper's online edition -- began mapping
our a Web page.
At the end of my memo, I'd suggested to my editors that we use the Internet to help us demonstrate the story's
soundness and credibility which, based on past stories critical of the CIA, was sure to come under attack by both
the government and the press.
**I have proposed to Bob Ryan [director of Mercury Center] that we do a special Merc Center/World Wide Web
version of this series. The technology is extant to allow readers to download the series' supporting
documentation through links to the actual text. For example, when we are quoting grand jury testimony, a click
of the mouse would allow the reader to see and/or download the actual grand jury transcript.
Since this whole subject has such a high unbelievability factor built into it, providing our backup documentation
to our readers -- and the rest of the world over the Internet -- would allow them to judge the evidence for
themselves. It will also make it all the more difficult to dismiss our findings as the fantasies of a few drug
dealers.
To my knowledge, this has never been attempted before. It would be a great way to showcase Merc Center and,
at the same time use computer technology to set new standards for investigative reporting.
* The editors jumped at the idea. From our perch as the newspaper of Silicon Valley, we could see the future the
World Wide Web offered. Newspapers were scrambling to figure out a way to make the transition to
cyberspace. The Mercury's editors were among the first to do it right, and were looking for new barriers to
break. A special Internet version of Dark Alliance was created as a high-profile way of advertising the Mercury's
Web presence and bringing visitors into the site. Plus, the newspaper could boast (and later did) that it had
published the first interactive online expose in the history of American journalism.
I remember being almost giddy as I sat with Merc Center's editors and graphics designers, picking through the
pile of once-classified information we were going to unleash on the world. We had photos, undercover tape
recordings, and federal grand jury testimony. In addition, we had interviews with guerrilla leaders, tape-recorded
Supreme Court files, Congressional records, and long-secret documents unearthed during the Iran-Contra
investigation. For the first time, any reader with a computer and a sound card could see what we'd found -- could
actually read it for themselves -- and listen in while the story's participants plotted, scheme, and confessed. And
they could do it from anywhere in the world, even if they had no idea where San Jose, California, was.
After four months of writing, rewriting, editing, and reediting, my editors pronounced themselves satisfied and
signed off. The first installment of Dark Alliance appeared simultaneously on the streets and on the Web on
August 18, 1996.
The initial public reaction was dead silence. No one jumped up to deny any of it. Nor did the news media rush
to share our discoveries with others. The stories just sat there, as if no one seemed to know what to make of
them.
Admittedly, Dark Alliance was an unusual story to have appeared in a mainstream daily newspaper, no just for
what it said, but for what it was. It wasn't a news story per se; nearly everything I wrote about had happened a
dozen years earlier. Because my editors and I had sometimes vehemently disagreed about the scope and nature
of the stories during the writing and editing process, the result was a series of compromises, an odd mixture of
history lesson, news feature, analysis, and expose. It was not an uplifting story; it was a sickening one. The bad
guys had triumphed and fled the scene unscathed, as often happens in life. And there was very little anyone
could do about it now, ten years after the fact.
So, I wasn't really surprised that my journalistic colleagues weren't pounding down the follow-up trail. Hell, I
thought it was a strange story myself.
Had it been published even a year of two earlier, it likely would have vanished without a trace at that point.
Customarily, if the rest of the nation's editors decide to ignore a particular story, it quickly withers and dies, like
a light-starved plant. With the exception of newspapers in Seattle, some small cities in Northern California, and
Albuquerque, Dark Alliance got the silent treatment big time. No one would touch it.
But no one had counted on the enormous popularity of the Web site. Almost from the moment the series
appeared, the Web page was deluged with visitors from all over the world. Students in Denmark were standing
in line at their college's computer waiting to read it. E-mails came in from Croatia, Japan, Colombia, Harlem,
and Kansas City, dozens of them, day after day. One day we had more than 1.3 million hits. (The site eventually
won several awards from computer journalism magazines.)
Once Dark Alliance became the talk of the Internet (in large part because of the technical wizardry and sharp
graphics of the Web page), talk radio adopted the story and ran with it. For the next two months, I did more than
one hundred radio interviews, in which I was asked to sum up what the three-day long series said in its many
thousands of words. Well, I would reply, it said a lot of things. Take your pick. Usually, the questions focused
on the CIA's role, and whether I was suggesting a giant CIA conspiracy. We didn't know the CIA's exact role
yet, I would say, but we have documents and court testimony showing CIA agents were meeting with these drug
traffickers to discuss drug sales and weapons trafficking. An so, figure it out. Did the CIA know or not? The
response would come back --So you're saying that the CIA "targeted" black neighborhoods for crack sales?
Where's your evidence of that? And it would go on and one.
There were other distractions as well. Film agents and book agents began calling. One afternoon Paramount
Studios whisked me down to have lunch with two of the studio's biggest producers, the men who brought Tom
Clancy's CIA novels to the screen, to talk about "film possibilities" for the still-unfolding story. This was about
the time I realized the wind speed of the shit storm I had kicked up.
The rumbles the series was causing from black communities was unnerving a lot of people. College students
were holding protest rallies in Washington, D.C., to demand an official investigation. Residents of South Central
marched on city hall and held candlelight vigils. The Los Angeles City Council soon joined the chorus, as did
both of California's U.S. senators, the Oakland city council, the major of Denver, the Congressional Black
Caucus, Jesse Jackson, the NAACP, and at least a half dozen congressional members, mostly African American
women whose districts included crack-ridden inner cities. Black civil rights activists were arrested outside the
CIA after sealing off the agency's entrance with yellow crime scene tape. The story was developing a political
momentum all of its own, and it was happening despite a virtual news blackout from the major media.
Some Washington journalists were alarmed. Where is the rebuttal? Why hasn't the media risen in revolt against
this story?" CNN's Reliable Sources, Kalb expressed frustration that the story was continuing to get out despite
the best efforts of the press to ignore it. "It isn't a story that simply got lost" Kalb complained, during the show,
"It, in fact, has resonated and echoed and echoed and the question is, Where is the media knocking it down?"
It was an interesting comment because it foretold the way the mainstream press finally did respond to Dark
Alliance. A revolt by the biggest newspapers in the country, something columnist Alexander Cockburn would
later describe in his book White Out as "one of the most venomous and factually insane assaults...in living
memory."
I remember arguing with a producer at an CNN news show shortly before I was to go on the air that I didn't want
him asking me to explain "my allegations" because these stories weren't my allegations. I was a journalist
reporting events that had actually occurred. You could document them, and we had.
"Well, you got understand my position," he mumbled. "The trafficking, CNN's position is that these events may
not have napped?" I snapped, "What the fuck is that? When did we give the CIA the power to define reality?"
After nearly a month of silence, the CIA responded. It admitted nothing. It was confident that its agents weren't
dealing drugs. But to dispel all the rumors and unkind suggestions my series had raised, the agency would have
its inspector general take a look into the matter.
The black community greeted this pronouncement with unconcealed contempt. "You think you can come down
here and tell us that you're going to investigate yourselves, and expect us to believe something is actually gone
happen?" one woman yelled at CIA director John Dutch, who appeared in Compote, California, in November
1996 to personally promise the city a thorough investigation. "How stupid do you think we are?"
The conservative press and right-wing political organizations were equally hostile to the idea of a CIA crack
investigation, but for different reasons. It meant the story was gaining legitimacy, and might lead to places that
supporters of the Regain and Bush administrations would rather not see it go. John Dutch was blasted on the
front page of the Washington Times (which had also helped finance the Contras, hosting fundraisers and
speaking engagements for Contra leaders while supporting their cause editorially) as a dangerous liberal who
was undermining morale at the CIA by even suggesting there might be truth to the stories.
Ultimately, it was public pressure that forced the national newspapers into the fray. Protests were held outside
the building by media watchdogs and citizens groups, who wondered how the Los Angeles Times building by
media watchdogs and citizens groups, who wondered how the Times could continue to ignore a story that had
such an impact on the city's black neighborhoods. In Washington, black media outlets were ridiculing the Post
for its silence, considering the importance the story held for most of Washington's citizens.
When the newspapers of record spoke, they spoke in unison. Between October and November, the Washington
Post, the New York Times and the Los Angeles Times published lengthy stories about the CIA drug issue, but
spent precious little time exploring the CIA's activities. Instead, my reporting and I became the focus of their
scrutiny. After looking into the issue for several weeks, the official conclusion reached by all three papers: Much
ado about nothing. No story here. Nothing worth pursuing. The series was "flawed," they contended. How?
Well, there was no evidence the CIA knew anything about it, according to unnamed CIA officials the newspapers
spoke to. The drug traffickers we identified as Contras didn't have "official" positions with the organization and
didn't really give them all that much drug money. This was according to another CIA agent, Adolfo Calero, the
former head of the Contras, an the man whose picture we had just published on the Internet, huddled in a kitchen
with one of the Contra drug traffickers. Calero's apparent involvement with the drug operation was never
mentioned by any of the papers; his decades-long relationship with the CIA was never mentioned either.
Additionally, it was argues, this quasi-Contra drug ring was small potatoes. One of the Contra traffickers had
only sold five tons of cocaine during his entire career, the Washington Post sniffed, badly misquoting a DEA
report we'd posted on the Web site. According to the Post's analysis, written by a former CIA informant, Walter
Pincus, who was then covering the CIA for the Post, this drug ring couldn't have made a difference in the crack
market because five tons wasn't nearly enough to go around. Eventually, those assertions would be refuted by
internal records released by both the CIA and the Justice Department, but at the time they were classified.
"I'm disappointed in the 'what's the big deal' tone running through the Post's critique," Mercury News editor
Jerry Ceppos complained to the Post in a letter it refused to publish. "If the CIA knew about these illegal
activities being conducted by its associates, federal law and basic morality required that it notify domestic
authorities. It seems to me that this is exactly the kind of story that a newspaper should shine a light on."
Ceppos posted a memo on the newsroom bulletin board, stating that the Mercury News would continue "to
strongly support the conclusions the series drew and will until someone proves them wrong." It was remarkable,
Ceppos wrote, that the four Post reporters assigned to debunk the series "could not find a single significant
factual error."
Privately, though, my editors were getting nervous. Never before had the three biggest papers devoted such
energy to kicking the hell out of a story by another newspaper. It simply wasn't done, and it worried them. They
began a series of maneuvers designed to deflect or at least stem the criticism from the national media. Five
thousand reprints of the series were burned because the CIA logo was used as an illustration. My follow-up
stories were required to contain a boilerplate disclaimer that said we were not accusing the CIA of direct
knowledge, even though the facts strongly suggested CIA complicity. But those stunts merely fueled the
controversy, making it appear as if we were backing away from the story without admitting it.
Ironically, the evidence we were continuing to gather was making the story even stronger. Long-missing police
records surfaced. Cops who had tried to investigate the Contra drug ring and were rebuffed came forward. We
tracked down one of the Contras who personally delivered drug money to CIA agents, and he identified them by
name, on the record. He also confirmed that the amounts he'd carried to Miami and Costa Rica were in the
millions. More records were declassified from the Iran-Contra files, showing that contemporaneous knowledge
of this drug operation reached to the top levels of the CIA's covert operations division, as well as into the DEA
and the FBI.
But the attacks from the other newspapers had taken the wind out of my editors' sails. Despite the advances we
were making on the story, the criticism continued. We were being "irresponsible" by printing stories suggesting
CIA complicity without any admissions or printing stories suggesting CIA complicity without any admissions of
"a smoking gun." The series was now described frequently as "discredited," even though nothing had surfaced
showing that any of the facts were incorrect. At my editor's request, I wrote another series following up on the
first three parts: a package of four stories to run over two days. They never began to edit them.
Instead, I found myself involved in hours-long conversations with editors that bordered on the surreal.
"How do we know for sure that these drug dealers were the first big ring to start selling crack in South Central?"
editor Jonathan Krim pressed me during one such confab. "Isn't it possible there might have been others before
them?"
"There might have been a lot of things, Jon, but we're only supposed to deal in what we know," I replied. "The
crack dealers I interviewed said they were the first. Cops is South Central said they were the first. and that they
controlled the entire market. They wrote it in reports that we have. I haven't found anything saying otherwise,
not one single name, and neither did the New York Times, the Washington Post or the L.A. Times. So what's the
issue here?"
"But how can we say for sure they were the first?" Krim persisted. "Isn't it possible there might have been
someone else and they never got caught and no one ever knew about them? In that case, your story would be
wrong."
I had to take a deep breath to keep from shouting. "If you're asking me whether I accounted for people who
might never have existed, the answer is no," I said. "I only considered people with names and faces. I didn't
take phantom drug dealers into account."
A few months later, the Mercury News officially backed away from Dark Alliance, publishing a long column by
Jerry Ceppos apologizing for "shortcomings" in the series. While insisting that the paper stood behind its "core
findings," we didn't have proof that top CIA officials knew about this, and we didn't have proof that millions of
dollars flowed from this drug ring, Ceppos declared, even though we did and weren't printing it. There were
gray areas that should have been fleshed out more. Some of the language used could have led to
misimpressions. And we "oversimplified" that outbreak of crack in South Central. The New York Times hailed
Ceppos for setting a brave new standard for dealing with "egregious errors" and splashed his apology on their
front page, the first time the series had ever been mentioned there.
I quit the Mercury News not too long after that.
When the CIA and Justice Department finished their internal investigations two years later, the classified
documents that were released showed just how badly I had fucked up. The CIA's knowledge and involvement
had been far greater than I'd ever imagined. The drug ring was even bigger than I had portrayed. The
involvement between the CIA agents running the Contras and the drug traffickers was closer than I had written.
And agents and officials of the DEA had protected the traffickers from arrest, something I'd not been allowed to
print. The CIA also admitted having direct involvement with about four dozen other drug traffickers or their
companies, and that this too had been known and effectively condoned by the CIA's top brass.
In fact, at the start of the Contra war, the CIA and Justice Department had worked out an unusual agreement that
permitted the CIA not to have to report allegations of drug trafficking by its agents to the Justice Department. It
was a curious loophole in the law, to say the least.
Despite those rather stunning admissions, the internal investigations were portrayed in the press as having
uncovered no evidence of CIA involvement in drug trafficking and no evidence of a conspiracy to send crack to
black neighborhoods, which was hardly surprising since I had never said there was. What I had written -- that
individual CIA agents working within the Contras were deeply involved with this drug ring -- was either ignored
or excised from the CIA's final reports. For instance, the agency's decade-long employment of two Contra
commanders --Colonel Enrique Bermudez and Adolfo Calero--was never mentioned in the declassified CIA
reports, leaving the false impression that they had no CIA connection. This was a critical omission, since
Bermudez and Calero were identified in my series as the CIA agents who had directly involved with the Contra
Drug pipeline. Even though their relationship with the agency was a matter of public record, none of the press
reports I saw celebrating the CIA's self-absolution bothered to address this gaping hole in the official story. The
CIA had investigated itself and cleared itself, and the press was happy to let things stay that way. No
independent investigation was done.
The funny thing was, despite all the furor, the facts of the story never changed, except to become more damning.
But the perception of them did, and in this case, that is really all that mattered. Once a story became
"discredited," the rest of the media shied away from it. Dark Alliance was consigned to the dustbin of history,
viewed as an Internet conspiracy theory that had been thoroughly disproved by more responsible news
organizations.
Why did it occur? Primarily because the series presented dangerous ideas. It suggested that crimes of state had
been committed. If the story was true, it meant the federal government bore some responsibility, however
indirect, for the flood of crack that coursed through black neighborhoods in the 1980s. And that is something no
government can ever admit to, particularly one that is busily promoting a multibillion-dollar-a-year War on
Drugs.
But what of the press? Why did our free and independent media participate with the government's
disinformation campaign? It had probably as many reasons as the CIA The Contra-drug story was something
the top papers had dismissed as sheer fantasy only a few years earlier. They had not only been wrong, they had
been terribly wrong, and their attitude had actively impeded efforts by citizens groups, journalists, and
congressional investigators to bring the issue to national attention, at a time when its disclosure may have done
some good. Many of the same reporters who declined to write about Contra drug trafficking in the 1980s -- or
wrote dismissively about it -- were trotted out once again to do damage control.
Second, the San Jose Mercury News was not a member of the club that sets the national news agenda, the elite
group of big newspapers that decides the important issues of the day, such as big newspapers that decides the
important issues of the day, such as which stories get reported and which get ignored. Small regional
newspapers aren't invited. But the Merc had broken the rules and used the Internet to get in by the back door,
leaving the big papers momentarily superfluous and embarrassed, and it forced them to readdress an issue they'd
much rather have forgotten. By turning on the Mercury News, the big boys were reminding the rest of the flock
who really runs the newspaper business, Internet or no Internet, and the extends to which they will go to protect
that power, even if it meant rearranging reality to suit them.
Finally, as I discovered while researching the book I eventually wrote about this story, the national news
organizations have had a long, disappointing history of playing footsie with the CIA, printing unsubstantiated
agency leaks, giving agents journalistic cover, and downplaying or attacking stories and ideas damaging to the
agency. I can only speculate as to why this occurs, but I am not naive enough to believe it is mere coincidence.
The scary thing about this collusion between the press and the powerful is that it works so well. In this case, the
government's denials and promises to pursue the truth didn't work. The public didn't accept them, for obvious
reasons, an the clamor for an independent investigation continued to grow. But after the government's supposed
watchdogs weighed in, public opinion became divided and confused, the movement to force congressional
hearings lost steam and, once enough people came to believe the stories were false or exaggerated, the issue
could safely be put back at the bottom of the dead-story pile, hopefully never to rise again.
Do we have a free press today? Sure we do. It's free to report all the sex scandals it wants, all the stock market
news we can handle, every new health fad that comes down the pike, and every celebrity marriage or divorce
that happens. But when it comes to the real down and dirty stuff -- stories like Tailwind, the October Surprise,
the El Mozote massacre, corporate corruption, or CIA involvement in drug trafficking -- that's where we begin to
see the limits of our freedoms. In today's media environment, sadly, such stories are not even open for
discussion.
Back in 1938, when fascism was sweeping Europe, legendary investigative reporter George Seldes observed (in
his book, The Lords of the Press) that "it is possible to fool all the people all the time -- when government and
press cooperate." Unfortunately, we have reached that point.
Gary Webb
©1995 - 2004
Operation Mockingbird (CIA/FBI control of the media--The Mighty Wurlitzer)

Media Operations
Greek Chorus
CD Jackson
The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation MOCKINGBIRD by Alex Constantine
CIA Disinformation in Action: Operation Mockingbird and the Washington Post
[2008] SourceWatch has Revised the History of the CIA's Operation Mockingbird By Alex Constantine The
Operation Mockingbird I've written about was a state propaganda program and it was, I've learned from Joe
Trento's Secret History of the CIA, assembled by Allen Dulles in 1946, a year before the Agency was created by
the National Security Act. Dulles considered the cold war propaganda machine so essential that it was his very
first priority - for mind control purposes, as I've explained. Trento doesn't mention Mockingbird by name, but he
does identify the media execs drawn by Dulles into the program, and they are already known.
Mockingbird was an off-the shelf operation, not an official Agency function. It's doubtful that FOIA could
recover much paperwork that makes reference to the CIA's media operations, because in my experience, there
always seems to be less documentation on file and accessible than there are covert operations, and sometimes
nothing in the files gives a hint of an ongoing operation. For off-the-shelf programs structured around funding
cut-outs and operational fronts, chances are all files are shredded before they can be accessed, because these are
off the books - and highly illicit, eg. Iran-contra.
"You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month." - CIA operative
discussing with Philip Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and prices of journalists willing to
peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories. "Katherine The Great," by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan
Square Press, 1991)
[1999] Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of the U.S. Government in the assassination of Martin
Luther King
[1992] How the Washington Post Censors the News. A Letter to the Washington Post by Julian C. Holmes
Examples re Internet: AboveTopSecret.com Godlike Productions Jeff Rense Art Bell NESARA ZetaTalk
[2004] THE MIGHTY WURLITZER PLAYS ON by Gary Webb Chapter 14 from In the Buzzsaw
External
See: CHAOS COINTELPRO The Greek Chorus CD Jackson
Book
The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America by H Wilford
Church Committee
Quotes
FBI
A major FBI division that was called the crime reporting division was theoretically supposed to keep track of
how federal crimes were being reported. Why that was their business, I don't know. But that's what its theory
was. But in fact what it was doing was a whole division set up to keep track of journalists and reporters and
magazines and newspapers to decide who could be counted on to write stories that the FBI wanted written, who
http://whale.to/b/mockingbird.html 1/3
would slant stories the way they wanted it. [1999] Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of the U.S.
Government in the assassination of Martin Luther King
the FBI has made relations with the media a key area. Not so much infiltrating employees as the CIA did, but
cultivating very, very deep connections throughout the American media. They had the entire division of the FBI -
- the crime reporting division was dealing solely with developing friendly journalists, developing ways in which
you could get what you wanted to appear in the papers to be there and what you didn't want not to be there on a
level that was -- nobody realized until these -- these reports came out.
The crime reporting division was keeping track of virtually every journalist in America that wrote anything
that had to do with the FBI. And whether everything was being classified as friendly or unfriendly, it -- of course,
it was somewhat complicated because it generally meant: Did J. Edgar Hoover like what they wrote or not like
what they wrote? And practically -- the opinion of nobody else at the FBI mattered while Hoover was alive.
But he kept charts on every significant journalist as to who was helpful. And when you look through the
reports and the documents that have come out, you will see statements by Hoover and his immediate
subordinates get this information to friendly journalists. Get this to our friend at U.S. News and World Report.
Get this to some friendly reporters in Memphis. And you just see all that sort of stuff.
Interestingly though, this information -- it never mattered whether the information was true or false. That was not
what it was about. You find FBI planting information that's true, you find them planting information that's false.
The critical thing was if they had the friend at that media place, that friend was going to run what they wanted
without investigating it. [1999] Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of the U.S. Government in the
assassination of Martin Luther King
Once Dr. King made that statement, the CIA in particular considered him and his movement fair game. Even to
the extent that their operations were limited to foreign policy, the -- again, because of the congressional
investigations, we know that the CIA, which people thought did not operate domestically within the U.S., had a
huge domestic program called Operation Chaos which was designed to counter opposition to the Vietnam War.
[1999] Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of the U.S. Government in the assassination of Martin
Luther King
As we know, silence can be deafening. Disinformation is not only getting certain things to appear in print, it's
also getting certain things not to appear in print. I mean, the first -- the first thing I would say as a way of
explanation is the incredibly powerful effect of disinformation over a long period of time that I mentioned
before. For 30 years the official line has been that James Earl Ray killed Martin Luther King and he did it all by
himself. That's 30 years, not -- nothing like the short period when the line was that the Cubans raped the Angolan
women. But for 30 years it's James Earl Ray killed Dr. King, did it all by himself.
And when that is imprinted in the minds of the general public for 30 years, if somebody stood up and
confessed and said: I did it. Ray didn't do it, I did it. Here's a movie. Here's a video showing me do it. 99 percent
of the people wouldn't believe him because it just -- it just wouldn't click in the mind. It would just go right to --
it couldn't be. It's just a powerful psychological effect over 30 years of disinformation that's been imprinted on
the brains of the -- the public. Something to the country couldn't -- couldn't be.
.....I'm not a doctor. But what I understood is that these -- the brain's patterns of thinking are a physical aspect of
the human brain. That's how we develop patterns of thought, how we develop associations.
And then, of course, the Mighty Wurlitzer we talked about is still there, it's still playing its tune. And even
though you might think 30 years is a long time, that almost everybody who might get in trouble is probably dead
by now, that's -- that's how it works. People obtain influence, people make vast sums of money through this
propaganda. Those people pass that influence on to others, they pass the money down the line, and all of that can
be at risk for a very, very long time.
There are documents from the investigation of the assassination of Abraham Lincoln that are still classified.
Don't ask me why, but they were originally sealed for 100 years. And then in 1965 President Linden Johnson
said, well, it's so close to the Kennedy assassination, if people read the Lincoln documents, it might make them
think funny things about Kennedy, so he classified them for another 50 years. So now the grand children of
anybody around Lincoln was around are long dead, and these documents are still -- still classified. And we're
talking today about a case that's 100 years more immediate than Lincoln. And the establishment is still the
establishment. [1999] Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of the U.S. Government in the assassination
of Martin Luther King
CIA
About a third of the whole CIA budget went to media propaganda operations. ...We're talking about hundreds of
millions of dollars a year just for that.....close to a billion dollars are being spent every year by the United States
on secret propaganda. The FBI is much harder to -- to get figures for because they don't generally admit to
conducting media operations. And unless and until something gets exposed and they have to admit that particular
operation, they -- they deny to an extent where it's really hard to try and estimate how much money is being used
by the FBI and by the military intelligence agencies. But it's sort of clear that hundreds of millions of dollars a
year are being spent by various aspects of the government on deliberately creating and spreading lies. [1999]
Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of the U.S. Government in the assassination of Martin Luther King
But when the Church Committee reported on the CIA media operations, for example, beyond friends in the
press, beyond having people who were just generally -- thought along similar lines, it turned out that they had
thousands of journalists in their employ. Not merely friendly, not merely agents, not merely someone you could
pass a story to, but people who might have appeared to the outside world to be a reporter for CBS was in fact a
CIA employee getting a salary from the CIA. [1999] Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of the U.S.
Government in the assassination of Martin Luther King
And that was repeated thousands of times all around the world. They also owned outright, the CIA -- about that
time 250 or more media organizations. That's wire services, newspapers, magazines, radio, TV stations -- all
around the world that they owned outright. The actual shareholder of the company turned out to be some CIA
front.
The Church Committee, unfortunately, did not name very many of these organizations because those that got
named, of course, had to close down immediately. But it was learned that -- even things like the Rome Daily
American, which was a major English language newspaper in Rome, for 20 or 30 years had been owned by the
CIA. This was published and, of course, the paper closed the next day.
But most people didn't realize the extent of the intelligence media organization. It's fairly incredible. They sort
of brag about it. When you read the books about the history of the CIA, one of the heroes was the first man in
charge of media operations, a man named Frank Wisner. And they referred to his organization as the Mighty
Wurlitzer. And there's this image of this guy sitting at one of those giant organs, you know, with seventeen
keyboards and you're playing this -- sort of like The Phantom of the Opera in that scene, and there was the guy
running the CIA media operations all around the world. And he really was because every single city of any size
on earth, he had some employee who was -- supposedly worked for a newspaper or a magazine or a radio station
or a wire service, and they could get stories anywhere. [1999] Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of
the U.S. Government in the assassination of Martin Luther King
Jim said he looked and he saw this guy at a nearby desk sit down and type -- this is a CIA officer, an employee of
the U.S. Government -- type an editorial and then wave goodbye to everybody, left the office. The next morning
that appeared as the editorial -- the lead editorial in the largest newspaper in Japan. Now, that level -- they didn't
go to a friendly publisher and say, gee, we would sort of like it if you could maybe do something a little bit
favorable to this issue. They wrote the editorial, they handed it to the guy. And the next day in Japanese it
appears in the paper. [1999] Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of the U.S. Government in the
assassination of Martin Luther King
And they thought it was so great to kill Americans that they were putting it on their postage stamps. The only
thing that was later learned is that these were not North Vietnamese stamps. They were CIA forgeries. Had never
been real stamps. And the CIA was able to have them appear on the cover of Life magazine as if they were the
real thing. [1999] Testimony of Mr. William Schaap on the role of the U.S. Government in the assassination of
Martin Luther King
The CIA's Operation Mockingbird Manipulated Media
"Operation Mockingbird [was] a domestic propaganda campaign aimed at promoting the
views of the CIA within the media. Reporters shared their notebooks with the CIA. Editors
shared their staffs. Some of the journalists were Pulitzer Prize winners, distinguished
reporters who considered themselves ambassadors without portfolio for their country."
~~ From Lifting the Veil Chapter VII on Operation Mockingbird
Dear friends,
Operation Mockingbird was a CIA program that made a mockery of free press in the US. The
existence of this program which spread CIA propaganda through the media was flatly denied until it
was uncovered in Senate hearings in the mid1970s. The CIA's claims that it shut the program down
in 1976 are undoubtedly a further deception. They simply shifted the operation to other parts of the
agency as they had been caught redhanded.
Before the US Senate Church Committee revelations, the media and CIA colluded overtly in their
media propaganda campaigns, as you will read below. As the public was quite incensed with these
revelations, afterwards the collusion became covert and much more sophisticated. Nowadays media
executives or journalists are very careful keep their CIA connections secret, yet there is plenty of
evidence the techniques developed and used under Operation Mockingbird continue to be common
practice.
Below the following essay on Operation Mockingbird are a wealth of footnotes with links to verify
and explore further the information presented. This essay is taken from chapter seven of the
incredibly well researched and revealing online book Lifting the Veil, available in its entirety on this
webpage. If you want to be well informed of all that is going on behind the scenes in our world, don't
miss this masterful exposé. And check out our "What you can do" section at the end of this article to
take action and make a difference.
With best wishes for a transformed world,
Fred Burks for PEERS and WantToKnow.info
Former White House interpreter and whistleblower
"About a third of the whole CIA budget went to media propaganda operations...
We're talking about hundreds of millions of dollars a year just for that... close to a
billion dollars are being spent every year by the United States on secret
propaganda." – Testimony of William Schapp to Congress252
In 1948, the United States began the Marshall Plan, an initiative to help the devastated Europe
recover from the War. The CIA decided to siphon funds to create the Office of Policy Coordination,
which would become the covert action branch of the Agency.253 It was under this program that
Operation Mockingbird, a domestic propaganda campaign aimed at promoting the views of
the CIA within the media, began. From the onset, Operation Mockingbird was one of the most
sensitive of the CIA's operations, with recruitment of journalists and training of intelligence officers
for propaganda purposes usually undertaken by Director Allen Dulles himself or his direct peers.254
http://www.wanttoknow.info/mass_media/operation-mockingbird 1/5
It is a false belief that the CIA 'infiltrated' unwitting media institutions. The recruitment of
journalists was frequently done with complicity from top management and ownership.
Former CIA Director William Colby claimed during the Church Committee investigative
hearings, "Lets go to the managements. They were witting." Among the organizations that
would lend their help to the propaganda efforts was the New York Times, Newsweek,
Associated Press, and the Miami Herald. Providing cover to CIA agents was a part of the New
York Times policy, set by their late publisher, Arthur Hays Salzberger.255
The investigative committee of Frank Church, officially titled “Select Committee to Study
Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities”, uncovered a lot of evidence
concerning Operation Mockingbird and came to the conclusion that:
"The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around
the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion
through the use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct
access to a large number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and
news agencies, radio and television stations, commercial book publishers, and other
foreign media outlets."256
Carl Bernstein, the reporter famous for his excellent investigation into the Watergate scandal, wrote
that:
“(Joseph) Alsop is one of more than 400 American journalists who in the past twenty
five years have secretly carried out assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency,
according to documents on file at CIA headquarters. Some of these journalists’
relationships with the Agency were tacit; some were explicit. There was cooperation,
accommodation and overlap. Journalists provided a full range of clandestine services—
from simple intelligence gathering to serving as go betweens with spies in Communist
countries.
Reporters shared their notebooks with the CIA. Editors shared their staffs. Some
of the journalists were Pulitzer Prize winners, distinguished reporters who
considered themselves ambassadors without portfolio for their country. Most
were less exalted: foreign correspondents who found that their association with the
Agency helped their work; stringers and freelancers who were as interested in the
derringdo of the spy business as in filing articles; and, the smallest category, fulltime
CIA employees masquerading as journalists abroad. In many instances, CIA
documents show, journalists were engaged to perform tasks for the CIA with the
consent of the managements of America’s leading news organizations.”257
While a majority of Mockingbird operations were overseas, the goal was to have important,
hardhitting stories to be circulated in the American press. Relationships with major United
States media institutions certainly helped with this goal. Bernstein lists The New York Times, CBS
and Time inc. as the most productive relationships the agency cultivated. They also created front
organizations overseas who publicly maintained an appearance of free press but privately were
operated by the agency. An example of this is the Rome Daily American, which was 40% owned by
the CIA for three decades.258
Another strategy was developing relationships with major media owners who were known to harbor
rightwing views, such as William Paley of CBS, and then passing on information of journalists,
actors and screenwriters who harbored leftwing views. Information was also passed on to friendly
congressmen such as Joseph McCarthy. These men and women would then be blacklisted from the
industry. Lee J. Cobb was one such actor who was blacklisted, and recalled his experience:
“When the facilities of the government of the United States are drawn on an individual it
can be terrifying. The blacklist is just the opening gambit – being deprived of work. Your
passport is confiscated. That's minor. But not being able to move without being tailed is
something else. After a certain point it grows to implied as well as articulated threats,
and people succumb. My wife did, and she was institutionalized. In 1953 the HCUA
(House UnAmerican Activities Committee) did a deal with me. I was pretty much worn
down. I had no money. I couldn't borrow. I had the expenses of taking care of the
children. Why am I subjecting my loved ones to this? If it's worth dying for, and I am just
as idealistic as the next fellow. But I decided it wasn't worth dying for, and if this gesture
was the way of getting out of the penitentiary I'd do it. I had to be employable again.”259
The CIA went as far as to write scripts for Hollywood. One interesting example is the funding
of the movie version of Animal Farm in 1954, a book written just less than a decade earlier by
George Orwell which enjoyed large commercial success. The problem for the CIA was that
Orwell was a socialist, and his book attacked both capitalism and communism. To avoid this
conflict, the CIA changed the ending of the Hollywood version to portray capitalism in a more
positive light.260
Domestic surveillance was also used on journalists who had published classified material. In one
example, a physical surveillance post was set up at a Hilton Hotel in view of the office of
Washington Post writer Michael Getler.261 The operation defied the CIA's charter, which specifically
prohibits domestic spying. The operation was directed towards numerous members of the
Washington press corp, and was signed off by John F. Kennedy himself, in coordination with CIA
director John McCone.262
One CIA document states: “Get books published or distributed abroad without revealing any
U.S. Influence, by covertly subsidizing foreign publicans or booksellers... Get books
published for operational reasons, regardless of commercial viability”. The Church
Committee concluded that over 1000 books were published under this directive.263
Some investigative journalists have claimed that Operation Mockingbird did not end in 1976 as the
CIA claims. For example, in 1998, researcher Steve Kangas claimed that conservative billionaire
Richard Mellon Scaife, who ran 'Forum World Features', a foreign news organization, was a CIA
asset and used the organization to disseminate propaganda for circulation in the United States.264
Kangas ended up dead with a bullet hole in his head, in the office of Richard Scaife. It was ruled a
suicide, although there were discrepancies in the police report and the autopsy.265
Mockingbird:
“In examining the CIA’s past and present use of the U.S. media, the Committee finds
two reasons for concern. The first is the potential, inherent in covert media operations,
for manipulating or incidentally misleading the American public. The second is the
damage to the credibility and independence of a free press which may be caused by
covert relationships with the U.S. journalists and media organizations.”266
While it is deplorable for citizens of countries to be subjected to a stateowned media, at least they
can be aware of the biases and filter information accordingly. We have been taught a lie from birth
that the U.S. press is free from government meddling. In a situation where the manipulation
is completely covert, the American public has been left unaware of the propaganda they
have been ingesting for decades.
––––––––––––––––––
252 Testimony available here.
253 Sallie Pasani “The CIA and the Marshall Plan,” excerpt available here.
254 Rolling Stone Magazine, “The CIA and the Media,” October 20, 1977
255 Ibid.
257 Rolling Stone Magazine, “The CIA and the Media,” October 20, 1977
258 Wikipedia article on the Rome Daily American
259 Wikipedia article on Lee J. Cobb
260 John Simkin, “Operation Mockingbird.”
261 New York Times, “Project Mockingbird: Spying on Reporters,” June 26, 2007
262 Ibid.
264 Steve Kangas, “A Timeline of CIA Atrocities.”
265 John Simkin, “Steve Kangas.”
* * * *
Food for Thought:
3. Have MKULTRA entrapment or mind control techniques ever been used to target
the press?
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7/14/2016 Operation Mockingbird: CIA Media Manipulation
Operation Mockingbird: CIA Media
Manipulation
By Mary Louise
The CIA's secret activities, covert missions, and connections of
control are all done under the pretense and protection of national
security with no accountability whatsoever, at least in their minds.
Considering the public is held accountable for everything we think,
say, and do there is something seriously wrong with this picture. The
CIA is the President's secret army, who have been and continue to
be conveniently above the law with unlimited power and authority, to
The "old boy network" of socializing, talking shop, and tapping each other for favors outside the halls of government made
it inevitable that the CIA and Corporate America would become allies, thus the systematic infiltration and takeover of the
media.
Under the guise of 'American' objectives and lack of congressional oversight, the CIA accomplish their exploits by using
every trick in the book (and they know quite a few) that they actually teach in the notorious "School of the Americas",
nicknamed the "School of Dictators" and "School of Assassins" by critics. The Association for Responsible Dissent
estimates that 6 million people had died by 1987 as a result of CIA covert operations, called an "American Holocaust" by
former State Department official William Blum. In 1948, the CIA recreated its covert action wing called the Office of Policy
Coordination with Wall Street lawyer Frank Wisner as its first director. Another early elitist who served as Director of the
CIA from 1953 to 1961 was Allen Dulles, a senior partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, which
Starting in the early days of the Cold War (late 40's), the CIA began a secret project called Operation Mockingbird, with the
intent of buying influence behind the scenes at major media outlets and putting reporters on the CIA payroll, which has
proven to be a stunning ongoing success. The CIA effort to recruit American news organizations and journalists to
become spies and disseminators of propaganda, was headed up by Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles, Richard Helms, and Philip
Graham (publisher of The Washington Post). Wisner had taken Graham under his wing to direct the program codenamed
Media assets will eventually include ABC, NBC, CBS, Time, Newsweek, Associated Press, United Press International
(UPI), Reuters, Hearst Newspapers, ScrippsHoward, Copley News Service, etc. and 400 journalists, who have secretly
carried out assignments according to documents on file at CIA headquarters, from intelligencegathering to serving as go
betweens. The CIA had infiltrated the nation's businesses, media, and universities with tens of thousands of oncall
operatives by the 1950's. CIA Director Dulles had staffed the CIA almost exclusively with Ivy League graduates,
especially from Yale with figures like George Herbert Walker Bush from the "Skull and Crossbones" Society.
Many Americans still insist or persist in believing that we have a free press, while getting most of their news from state
controlled television, under the misconception that reporters are meant to serve the public. Reporters are paid employees
and serve the media owners, who usually cower when challenged by advertisers or major government figures. Robert
Parry reported the first breaking stories about IranContra for Associated Press that were largely ignored by the press and
congress, then moving to Newsweek he witnessed a retraction of a true story for political reasons. In 'Fooling America: A
Talk by Robert Parry' he said, "The people who succeeded and did well were those who didn't stand up, who didn't write
the big stories, who looked the other way when history was happening in front of them, and went along either consciously
or just by cowardice with the deception of the American people."
Major networks are primarily controlled by giant corporations that are obligated by law, to put the profits of their investors
ahead of all other considerations which are often in conflict with the practice of responsible journalism. There were around
50 corporations a couple of decades ago, which was considered monopolistic by many and yet today, these companies
have become larger and fewer in number as the biggest ones absorb their rivals. This concentration of ownership and
power reduces the diversity of media voices, as news falls into the hands of large conglomerates with holdings in many
industries that interferes in newsgathering, because of conflicts of interest. Mockingbird was an immense financial
undertaking with funds flowing from the CIA largely through the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) founded by Tom
Braden with Pat Buchanon of CNN's Crossfire.
Media corporations share members of the board of directors with a variety of other large corporations including banks,
investment companies, oil companies, health care, pharmaceutical, and technology companies. Until the 1980's, media
systems were generally domestically owned, regulated, and national in scope. However, pressure from the IMF, World
http://www.prisonplanet.com/analysis_louise_01_03_03_mockingbird.html 1/3
Bank, and US government to deregulate and privatize, the media, communication, and new technology resulted in a global
commercial media system dominated by a small number of superpowerful transnational media corporations (mostly US
based), working to advance the cause of global markets and the CIA agenda.
The first tier of the nine giant firms that dominate the world are Time Warner/AOL, Disney/ABC, Bertelsmann,
Viacom/CBS, Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation/Fox, General Electric/NBC, Sony, Universal/Seagram, Tele
Communications, Inc. or TCI and AT&T. This is just the head of the octopus which has its second and third tier tentacles
working together in unison or feigned division. This would include The Washington Post/Newsweek, The New York
Times/Weekly Standard, Tribune Co., US News, Gannett/USA Today, Dow Jones/Wall Street Journal, Washington Times,
KnightRidder, etcetera. A good site to visit for more information is Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, a public interest
media watchdog group, at www.fair.org/index.html, www.fair.org/mediafiles/index.html and
www.fair.org/extra/9711/gmg.html. Media propaganda tactics include blackouts, misdirections, expert opinions to echo the
Establishment line, smears, defining popular opinions, mass entertainment distractions, and Hobson's Choice (the media
presents the socalled conservative and liberal positions).
"Who Controls the Media? The Subversion of the Free Press by the CIA, The Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's
Operation Mockingbird", "The CIA: America's Premier International Terrorist Organization", and "Virtual Government: CIA
Mind Control Operations in America" by Alex Constantine are an excellent source of information on this topic:
www.alexconstantine.50megs.com/the_cia_and.html and www.alexconstantine.50megs.com. David Guyatt has written
books and many articles including one entitled "Subverting the Media" at
www.deepblacklies.co.uk/subverting_the_media.htm. Then there are two articles called "A Timeline of CIA Atrocities" and
"The Origins of the Overclass" by Steve Kangas that are very informative although from a more liberal perspective. Steve
will not be writing anymore articles as he is no longer with us, having unfortunately met his untimely death that was
'apparently' from a selfinflicted gunshot wound. If you read about him on his web page that is still available, you will see
that he did not seem like a person who was suffering from deep depression. In his memory, please take the time to read
what he wrote at www.korpios.org/resurgent/CIAtimeline.html, www.korpios.org/resurgent/CIAtimeline.html, and
www.korpios.org/resurgent/index.html.
CNN aired "Valley of Death" in June of 1998 and Time magazine (both owned by TimeWarner) ran a story about a secret
mission called Operation Tailwind and the activities of SOG, Studies and Observations Group, a secret elite commando
unit of the Army's Special Forces that used lethal nerve gas (sarin), on a mission to Laos designed to kill American
defectors. Suddenly the network was awash in denials and the story was hushed up, as usual. Acknowledged use of this
gas coming at a time when the U.S. government was trying to get Saddam to comply with weapons inspections, was an
embarrassment to say the least. What hypocrisy! Having actually used the weapons on our own troops, then
complaining and accusing Saddam of potential use of stored similar weapons, of which some were manufactured in and
supplied by the U.S. The broadcast was prepared after exhaustive research and rooted in considerable supportive data.
Journalists Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward broke the stories on Watergate (late 70's) in the Washington Post, having
gained access to what the CIA was trying to keep from congress about its program of using journalists at home and
abroad, in deliberate propaganda campaigns. It was later revealed that Woodward was a Naval intelligence briefer to the
White House and knew many insiders including General Alexander Haig. A highlevel source told Bernstein, "One
journalist is worth twenty agents." CFR/Trilateralist Katharine Graham, in a 1988 speech given to senior CIA employees at
Agency headquarters said, "We live in a dirty and dangerous world. There are some things the general public does not
need to know and shouldn't. I believe democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its
secrets and when the press can decide whether to print what it knows." Maybe that's another reason why folks get the
impression that a suspicious agenda lurks behind the headlines. "25 Ways to Suppress Truth: Rules of Disinformation"
and "8 Traits of the Disinformationalist" at www.proparanoid.com/truth.htm, sums it up very well.
Ralph McGehee was a CIA agent for 25 years, mainly in SouthEast Asia where he witnessed bombing and napalming of
villages, which caused him to examine closely what the CIA was really all about. He has written about Vietnam's Phoenix
Program www.vwip.org/articles/m/McGeheeRalph_VietnamsPhoenixProgram.htm and after a long battle with CIA censors,
he published the book "Deadly Deceits" in 1983. Ralph has been harassed by the CIA and FBI, involving bodily injury,
and his CIABASE website was shut down on Spring of 2000. He copied some reports that can be found at
http://serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/ciabase_report_1.htm (and 2.htm), http://serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/death_squads.htm, and
www.thirdworldtraveler.com/CIA/Deadly_Deceits.html. He concluded that the CIA is not now nor has it ever been a central
intelligence agency but rather the covert action arm of the President's foreign policy advisors, of which disinformation is a
large part of its responsibility and the American people are the primary target of its lies.
One of the primary reasons John F. Kennedy was assassinated had to do with the fact he dared to interfere in the
framework of power. Kennedy was intent on exercising his ELECTED powers and not allowing them to be usurped by
powercrazed individuals in the intelligence community, threatening to "splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it
to the wind." There were four things that filled the CIA with rage and sealed his fate; JFK fired Allen Dulles, was in the
process of founding a panel to investigate the CIA's numerous crimes, put a damper on the breadth and scope of the CIA,
and limited their ability to act under National Security Memoranda 55.
There is such an overwhelming amount of information pertaining to the CIA that it is impossible to cover it all in one book,
much less an article. Personally, I have come to the conclusion that the media is not only influenced by the CIA.....the
media is the CIA. Many Americans think of their supposedly free press as a watchdog on government, mainly because
the press itself shamelessly promotes that myth. One of the first tenets for the control of a population is to control all
sources of information the population receives and mostly because of the pervasive CIA and Operation Mockingbird, the
mainstream American Press is a controlled multinational corporate/government megaphone. They are up to their
eyeballs in dirty deeds and there will never be an end to the corruption that prevails unless the CIA is abolished.
Otherwise, the CIA will just keep on using their tricks of propaganda, stuffed ballot boxes, purchased elections, extortion,
blackmail, drug trafficking, sexual intrigue, kidnapping, beating, torture, intimidation, economic sabotage, false stories
about opponents in the local media, infiltration and disruption of opposing political parties, demolition and evacuation
procedures, death squads, and politically motivated assassinations. The CIA is the epitome of organized crime run
amuck!
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thepeopleshistory.net http://www.thepeopleshistory.net/2014/07/operationmockingbirdciaandpropaganda.html
Operation Mockingbird: The CIA and Propaganda
"About a third of the whole CIA budget went to media propaganda operations... We're talking
about hundreds of millions of dollars a year just for that.....close to a billion dollars are being
spent every year by the United States on secret propaganda." Testimony of William Schapp
to Congress1
In 1948, the United States began the Marshall Plan, an initiative to help the devastated Europe recover from
the War. The CIA decided to siphon funds to create the Office of Policy Coordination, which would become
the covert action branch of the Agency.2 It was under this program that Operation Mockingbird, a domestic
propaganda campaign aimed at promoting the views of the CIA within the media, began. From the onset,
Operation Mockingbird was one of the most sensitive of the CIA's operations, with recruitment of journalists
and training of intelligence officers for propaganda purposes usually undertaken by Director Allen Dulles
himself or his direct peers.3

It is a false belief that the CIA 'infiltrated' unwitting media institutions. The recruitment of journalists was
frequently done with complicity from top management and ownership. Former CIA Director William Colby
claimed during the Church Committee investigative hearings, "Lets go to the managements. They were
witting." Among the organizations that would lend their help to the propaganda efforts was the New York
Times, Newsweek, Associated Press, and the Miami Herald. Providing cover to CIA agents was a part of the
New York Times policy, set by their late publisher, Arthur Hays Salzberger.4
The investigative committee of Frank Church, officially titled “Select Committee to Study Governmental
Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities”, uncovered a lot of evidence concerning Operation
Mockingbird and came to the conclusion that:
"The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the
world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through
the use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large
number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio
and television stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets."5
Carl Bernstein, the reporter famous for his excellent investigation into the Watergate scandal, wrote that:
“(Joseph) Alsop is one of more than 400 American journalists who in the past twentyfive
years have secretly carried out assignments for the Central Intelligence Agency, according to
documents on file at CIA headquarters. Some of these journalists’ relationships with the
Agency were tacit; some were explicit. There was cooperation, accommodation and overlap.
Journalists provided a full range of clandestine services—from simple intelligence gathering
to serving as go betweens with spies in Communist countries. Reporters shared their
notebooks with the CIA. Editors shared their staffs. Some of the journalists were Pulitzer
Prize winners, distinguished reporters who considered themselves ambassadors without
portfolio for their country. Most were less exalted: foreign correspondents who found that their
association with the Agency helped their work; stringers and freelancers who were as
interested in the derringdo of the spy business as in filing articles; and, the smallest category,
fulltime CIA employees masquerading as journalists abroad. In many instances, CIA
documents show, journalists were engaged to perform tasks for the CIA with the consent of
the managements of America’s leading news organizations.”6
While a majority of Mockingbird operations were overseas, the goal was to have important, hardhitting
stories to be circulated in the American press. Relationships with major United States media institutions
certainly helped with this goal. Bernstein lists The New York Times, CBS and Time inc. as the most
productive relationships the agency cultivated. They also created front organizations overseas who publicly
maintained an appearance of free press but privately were operated by the agency. An example of this is the
Rome Daily American, which was 40% owned by the CIA for three decades.7
Another strategy was developing relationships with major media owners who were known to harbor right
wing views, such as William Paley of CBS, and then passing on information of journalists, actors and
screenwriters who harbored leftwing views. Information was also passed on to friendly congressmen such
as Joseph McCarthy. These men and women would then be blacklisted from the industry. Lee J. Cobb was
one such actor who was blacklisted, and recalled his experience:
“When the facilities of the government of the United States are drawn on an individual it can
be terrifying. The blacklist is just the opening gambit being deprived of work. Your passport
is confiscated. That's minor. But not being able to move without being tailed is something
else. After a certain point it grows to implied as well as articulated threats, and people
succumb. My wife did, and she was institutionalized. In 1953 the HCUA (House UnAmerican
Activities Committee) did a deal with me. I was pretty much worn down. I had no money. I
couldn't borrow. I had the expenses of taking care of the children. Why am I subjecting my
loved ones to this? If it's worth dying for, and I am just as idealistic as the next fellow. But I
decided it wasn't worth dying for, and if this gesture was the way of getting out of the
penitentiary I'd do it. I had to be employable again.”8
The CIA went as far as to write scripts for Hollywood. One interesting example is the funding of the movie
version of Animal Farm in 1954, a book written just less than a decade earlier by George Orwell which
enjoyed large commercial success. The problem for the CIA was that Orwell was a socialist, and his book
attacked both capitalism and communism. To avoid this conflict, the CIA changed the ending of the
Hollywood version to portray capitalism in a more positive light.9
Domestic surveillance was also used on journalists who had published classified material. In one example, a
physical surveillance post was set up at a Hilton Hotel in view of the office of Washington Post writer Michael
Getler.10 The operation defied the CIA's charter, which specifically prohibits domestic spying. The operation
was directed towards numerous members of the Washington press corp, and was signed off by John F.
Kennedy himself, in coordination with CIA director John McCone.11
One CIA document states: “Get books published or distributed abroad without revealing any U.S. Influence,
by covertly subsidizing foreign publicans or booksellers... Get books published for operational reasons,
regardless of commercial viability”. The Church Committee concluded that over 1000 books were published
under this directive.12
Some investigative journalists have claimed that Operation Mockingbird did not end in 1976 as the CIA
claims. For example, in 1998, researcher Steve Kangas claimed that conservative billionaire Richard Mellon
Scaife, who ran 'Forum World Features', a foreign news organization, was a CIA asset and used the
organization to disseminate propaganda for circulation in the United States.13 Kangas ended up dead with a
bullet hole in his head, in the office of Richard Scaife. It was ruled a suicide, although there were
discrepancies in the police report and the autopsy.14
Mockingbird:
“In examining the CIA’s past and present use of the U.S. media, the Committee finds two
reasons for concern. The first is the potential, inherent in covert media operations, for
manipulating or incidentally misleading the American public. The second is the damage to the
credibility and independence of a free press which may be caused by covert relationships
with the U.S. journalists and media organizations.”15
While it is deplorable for citizens of countries to be subjected to a stateowned media, at least they can be
aware of the biases and filter information accordingly. We have been taught the lie from birth that the U.S.
press is free from government meddling. In a situation where the manipulation is completely covert, the
American public has been left unaware of the propaganda they have been ingesting for decades.
Food for Thought:
3. Have MKULTRA entrapment or mind control techniques ever been used to target the
press?
1Testimony available here.
2Sallie Pasani “The CIA and the Marshall Plan,” excerpt available here.
3Rolling Stone Magazine, “The CIA and the Media,” October 20, 1977
4Ibid.
6Rolling Stone Magazine, “The CIA and the Media,” October 20, 1977
7Wikipedia article on the Rome Daily American
8Wikipedia article on Lee J. Cobb
9John Simkin, “Operation Mockingbird.”
10New York Times, “Project Mockingbird: Spying on Reporters,” June 26, 2007
11Ibid.
13Steve Kangas, “A Timeline of CIA Atrocities.”
14John Simkin, “Steve Kangas.”
Operation Mockingbird was a secret campaign by the After 1953, the network was overseen by Allen W.
United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to in- Dulles, director of the CIA. By this time, Operation
fluence media. Begun in the 1950s, it was initially or- Mockingbird had a major influence over 25 newspapers
ganized by Cord Meyer and Allen W. Dulles, and was and wire agencies. The usual methodology was placing
later led by Frank Wisner after Dulles became the head reports developed from intelligence provided by the CIA
of the CIA. The organization recruited leading American to witting or unwitting reporters. Those reports would
journalists into a network to help present the CIA’s views, then be repeated or cited by the preceding reporters
and funded some student and cultural organizations, and which in turn would then be cited throughout the media
magazines as fronts. As it developed, it also worked to wire services. These networks were run by people with
influence foreign media and political campaigns, in addi- well-known liberal but pro-American big business and
tion to activities by other operating units of the CIA. anti-Soviet views such as William S. Paley (CBS), Henry
In addition to earlier exposés of CIA activities in foreign Luce (Time and Life Magazine), Arthur Hays Sulzberger
affairs, in 1966 Ramparts magazine published an arti- (New York Times), Alfred Friendly (managing editor
cle revealing that the National Student Association was of the Washington Post), Jerry O'Leary (Washington
funded by the CIA. The United States Congress investi- Star), Hal Hendrix (Miami News), Barry Bingham, Sr.
gated, and published its report in 1976. Other accounts (Louisville Courier-Journal), James Copley (Copley News
were also published. The media operation was first called Services) and Joseph Harrison (Christian Science Moni-
Mockingbird in Deborah Davis’s 1979 book, Katharine tor).[6]
the Great: Katharine Graham and her Washington Post The Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) was funded
Empire. by siphoning off funds intended for the Marshall Plan.
Some of this money was used to bribe journalists and
publishers. Frank Wisner was constantly looking for
ways to help convince the public of the dangers of Soviet
1 History communism. In 1954, Wisner arranged for the funding
of the Hollywood production of Animal Farm, the ani-
mated allegory based on the book written by George Or-
In 1948, Frank Wisner was appointed director of the Of- well.[7]
fice of Special Projects (OSP). Soon afterwards OSP was
renamed the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). This According to Alex Constantine (Mockingbird: The Sub-
became the covert action branch of the Central Intelli- version of the Free Press by the CIA, first chapter of Virtual
gence Agency. Wisner was told to create an organiza- Government: CIA Mind Control Operations in America,
tion that concentrated on "propaganda, economic war- p. 42), in the 1950s, “some 3,000 salaried and contract
fare; preventive direct action, including sabotage, anti- CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda
sabotage, demolition and evacuation measures; subver- efforts”. Wisner was able to constrain newspapers from
sion against hostile states, including assistance to under- reporting about certain events, including the CIA plots to
ground resistance groups, and support of indigenous anti- overthrow the governments of Iran (see: Operation [8]
Ajax)
Communist elements in threatened countries of the free and Guatemala (see: Operation PBSUCCESS).
world.”[1] Later that year Wisner established Mocking- Thomas Braden, head of the International Organizations
bird, a program to influence foreign media. Wisner re- Division (IOD), played an important role in Operation
cruited Philip Graham from The Washington Post to run Mockingbird. Many years later he revealed his role in
the project within the industry. According to Deborah these events:
Davis in Katharine the Great; “By the early 1950s, Wis-
ner 'owned' respected members of The New York Times, “If the director of CIA wanted to extend a
Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles.”[2] present, say, to someone in Europe—a Labour
In 1951, Allen W. Dulles persuaded Cord Meyer to join leader—suppose he just thought, This man can
the CIA. However, there is evidence that he was recruited use fifty thousand dollars, he’s working well
several years earlier and had been spying on the liberal and doing a good job - he could hand it to him
internationalist organizations he had been a member of and never have to account to anybody... There
in the late 1940s.[3] According to Deborah Davis, Meyer was simply no limit to the money it could spend
became Mockingbird’s “principal operative.”[4] and no limit to the people it could hire and no
1
2 1 HISTORY
limit to the activities it could decide were nec- 1.2 Guatemala

essary to conduct the war—the secret war... It
was a multinational. Maybe it was one of the
first. Journalists were a target, labor unions a
particular target—that was one of the activi- Mockingbird was very active during the overthrow of
ties in which the communists spent the most President Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in Guatemala during
money.”[9] Operation PBSUCCESS. Dulles restrained certain jour-
nalists from traveling to Guatemala, including Sydney
Gruson of the New York Times.[14] As the CIA’s wealth
and power increased, its aggressive focus toward the So-
viet Union soon began not only heating up the Cold War
but also in disrupting relations with America’s European
1.1 Directorate for Plans allies. They considered rising third-world liberationist
movements as potential threats to their political systems.
In August 1952, the Office of Policy Coordination which Consequently, even in the wake of Secretary of State
dealt with covert-action such as paramilitary or psy- John Foster Dulles's 1952 presidential campaign pledge
chological influence operations, and the Office of Spe- to “roll back the Iron Curtain,” American covert action
cial Operations which dealt with espionage and counter- operations came under scrutiny almost as soon as Dwight
espionage, were merged under the Deputy Director for Eisenhower was inaugurated in 1953. He soon set up
Plans (DDP), Allen W. Dulles. When Dulles became an evaluation operation called Solarium, which had three
head of the CIA in 1953, Frank Wisner became head committees playing analytical games to see which plans
of this new organization and Richard Helms became his of action should be continued. In 1955, President Eisen-
chief of operations. Mockingbird became the responsi- hower established the 5412 Committee in order to keep
bility of the DDP.[10] more of a check on the CIA’s covert activities. The com-
J. Edgar Hoover became jealous of the CIA’s growing mittee (also called the Special Group) included the CIA
power. Institutionally, the organizations were very dif- director, the national security adviser, and the deputy sec-
ferent, with the CIA holding a more politically diverse retaries at State and Defense. They were to determine
group in contrast to the more conservative FBI. This was whether covert actions were “proper” and in the national
reflected in Hoover’s description of the OPC as “Wisner’s interest. Richard B. Russell, chairman of the U.S. Sen-
gang of weirdos”. Hoover began having investigations ate Armed Services Committee was also included in the
done into Wisner’s people. He found that some of them group. As Allen W. Dulles was later to admit, because of
had been active in left-wing politics in the 1930s. This in- “plausible deniability,” CIA-planned covert actions were
formation was passed to Senator Joseph McCarthy who not referred to the 5412 Committee for review.
started making attacks on members of the OPC. Hoover Ultimately, Eisenhower became concerned that CIA
also gave McCarthy details of an affair that Frank Wis- covert activities were being poorly coordinated with
ner had with Princess Caradja in Romania during the war. American foreign policy. He thought they may have ex-
Hoover claimed that Caradja was a Soviet agent.[11] pressed senior corporate interests of upper-class fami-
McCarthy, as part of his campaign against government, lies of the North-Eastern Establishment. In 1956 he ap-
pointed David K. E. Bruce as a member of the President’s
began accusing other senior members of the CIA as be-
ing security risks. McCarthy claimed that the CIA was a Board of Consultants on Foreign Intelligence Activities
(PBCFIA). Eisenhower asked Bruce to write a report on
“sinkhole of communists", and said he would root out a
hundred of them. One of his first targets was Cord Meyer, the CIA. It was presented to Eisenhower on 20 December
1956. Bruce argued that the CIA’s covert actions were
who was still working for Operation Mockingbird. In Au-
gust 1953, Richard Helms, Wisner’s deputy at the OPC, “responsible in great measure for stirring up the turmoil
told Meyer that McCarthy had accused him of being a and raising the doubts about us that exists in many coun-
communist. The Federal Bureau of Investigation said it tries in the world today.”[15]
was unwilling to give Meyer “security clearance,” without Bruce was also highly critical of Mockingbird. He ar-
referring to any evidence against him. Allen W. Dulles gued: “what right have we to go barging around in other
and Frank Wisner both came to his defense and refused countries buying newspapers and handing money to op-
to permit an FBI interrogation of Meyer.[12] position parties or supporting a candidate for this, that, or
[15]
With the network in authority in the CIA threatened, Wis- the other office.”
ner was directed to unleash Mockingbird on McCarthy. After Richard M. Bissell, Jr. lost his post as Deputy Di-
Drew Pearson, Joe Alsop, Jack Anderson, Walter Lipp- rector for Plans in 1962, Tracy Barnes took over the run-
mann and Ed Murrow all engaged in intensely negative ning of Mockingbird. According to Evan Thomas in his
coverage of McCarthy. According to Jack Anderson, book, The Very Best Men (1995), Barnes planted editori-
his political reputation was permanently damaged by the als about political candidates who were regarded as pro-
press coverage orchestrated by Wisner.[13] CIA.
1.4 Church Committee investigations 3
1.3 First exposure approving Medicare.”[18]

Meyer’s role in Operation Mockingbird was further re-
In 1964, Random House published Invisible Government vealed in 1972 when he was accused of interfering with
by David Wise and Thomas Ross. The book exposed the publication of a book, The Politics of Heroin in South-
the role of the CIA in foreign policy. This included east Asia by Alfred W. McCoy. The book was highly
CIA coups in Guatemala (Operation PBSUCCESS) and critical of the CIA’s dealings with the drug traffic in
Iran (Operation Ajax) and the Bay of Pigs Invasion. It Southeast Asia, especially in its critique toward how the
also revealed the CIA’s attempts to overthrow President agency subverted French control of the opium trade. The
Sukarno in Indonesia and the covert operations taking publisher, who leaked the story, had been a former col-
place in Laos and Vietnam. The CIA considered buy- league of Meyer’s when he was a liberal activist after the
ing up the entire printing of Invisible Government but this war.[19]
idea was rejected when Random House pointed out that if
this happened they would have to print a second edition.[1]
1.4 Church Committee investigations
John McCone, the new director of the CIA, tried to
prevent Edward Yates from making a documentary on Further details of Operation Mockingbird were revealed
the CIA for the National Broadcasting Company (NBC). as a result of the Senator Frank Church investigations
This attempt at censorship failed, and NBC broadcast this (Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations
critical documentary. with Respect to Intelligence Activities) in 1975. Accord-
In June 1965, Desmond FitzGerald was appointed as head ing to the Congress report published in 1976:
of the Directorate for Plans. He took charge of Mock-
ingbird. At the end of 1966, FitzGerald learned that “The CIA currently maintains a network of
Ramparts, another CIA backed left-wing publication, had several hundred foreign individuals around the
discovered that the CIA had been secretly funding the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and
National Student Association and was considering pub- at times attempt to influence opinion through
lishing an account.[16] When the magazine advised the the use of covert propaganda. These individu-
CIA it had “lost control of the information,” and would als provide the CIA with direct access to a large
likely be forced to publicize, FitzGerald ordered a plan to number of newspapers and periodicals, scores
either neutralize the campaign and/or wind-down Mock- of press services and news agencies, radio and
ingbird. television stations, commercial book publish-
He appointed Edgar Applewhite to organize a campaign ers, and other foreign media outlets.”
against Ramparts. Applewhite later told Evan Thomas
for his book, The Very Best Men: “I had all sorts of dirty Church argued that misinforming the world cost Ameri-
tricks to hurt their circulation and financing. The people can taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year.[20]
running Ramparts were vulnerable to blackmail. We had
In February 1976, George H. W. Bush, the recently ap-
awful things in mind, some of which we carried off.”[17]
pointed Director of the CIA, announced a new policy:
Ramparts publishing the account in March 1967. The “Effective immediately, the CIA will not enter into any
article, written by Sol Stern, was entitled NSA and the paid or contract relationship with any full-time or part-
CIA. As well as reporting CIA funding of the National time news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news
Student Association, Stern exposed the wide system of service, newspaper, periodical, radio or television net-
anti-Communist front organizations in Europe, Asia, and work or station.” He added that the CIA would con-
South America. It named Cord Meyer as a key figure tinue to “welcome” the voluntary, unpaid cooperation of
in this campaign, which included the funding of the lit- journalists.[21]
erary journal Encounter.[9] Applewhite managed to con-
trol some of the account by steering references away from
leftist organizations and toward most of the few conser- 1.5 “Family Jewels” report
vative organizations backed by the CIA. Those organiza-
tions named in the article were not ones that could not be According to the "Family Jewels" report, released by the
linked to Ramparts, itself a CIA proprietary organization. National Security Archive on June 26, 2007, during the
period from March 12, 1963 and June 15, 1963, the CIA
In May 1967, Thomas Braden published “I'm Glad the
installed telephone taps on two Washington-based news
CIA is 'Immoral'", in the Saturday Evening Post. He de-
reporters.
fended the activities of the International Organizations
Division unit of the CIA. Braden said that the CIA had
kept these activities secret from Congress. As he wrote:
“In the early 1950s, when the Cold War was really hot, 2 See also
the idea that Congress would have approved many of our
projects was about as likely as the John Birch Society's • Judith Miller
4 5 EXTERNAL LINKS
• Propaganda in the United States [13] Jack Anderson (1979). Confessions of a Muckraker. pp.
208–236.
• Radio Liberty
[14] Evan Thomas (1995). The Very Best Men: The Early Years
• James Risen of the CIA. p. 117.
• Robertson Panel [15] Evan Thomas (1995). The Very Best Men: The Early Years
of the CIA. pp. 148–150.
• White propaganda
[16] Cord Meyer (1980). Facing Reality: From World Feder-
• Special Activities Division alism to the CIA. pp. 86–89.
of the CIA. p. 330.
3 Further reading [18] Thomas Braden (20 May 1967). “I'm Glad the CIA is
'Immoral'". Saturday Evening Post.
• Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and the
Washington Post by Deborah Davis, Harcourt [19] Nina Burleigh (1998). A Very Private Woman. p. 105.
Brace Jovanovich, 1979. This book makes many [20] Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Government
claims about Katharine Graham, then owner of the Operations With Respect to Intelligence Activities. April
Washington Post, and her cooperation with Opera- 1976. pp. 191–201.
tion Mockingbird.
[21] Mary Louise (2003). Mockingbird: CIA Media Manipula-
• Wilford, Hugh (2008). The Mighty Wurlitzer: How tion.
the CIA Played America. Cambridge: Harvard Uni-
versity Press. ISBN 978-0-674-02681-0.
5 External links
4 References • Carl Bernstein’s 1977 article for Rolling Stone “The
CIA and the Media”
[1] David Wise and Thomas Ross (1964). Invisible Govern-
ment. • CIA “Family Jewels” Report
[2] Deborah Davis (1979). Katharine the Great. pp. 137– Coordinates: 38°57′06″N 77°08′48″W / 38.95167°N
138. 77.14667°W
alism to the CIA. pp. 42–59.
[4] Deborah Davis (1979). Katharine the Great. p. 226.
[5] Carl Bernstein, CIA and the Media, People, 1977
[6] Carl Bernstein (20 October 1977). “CIA and the Media”.
Rolling Stone Magazine.
of the CIA. p. 33.
[8] Alex Constantine (1997). Virtual Government: CIA Mind

Control Operations in America. Feral House. ISBN
9780922915453.
[9] Thomas Braden, interview included in the Granada Tele-

vision program, World in Action: The Rise and Fall of the
CIA. 1975.
[10] John Ranelagh (1986). The Agency: The Rise and Decline

alism to the CIA. pp. 60–84.
5
6 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

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Farmbrough, Rama, Wikiacc, Pedant, Bookofjude, Viriditas, Tritium6, Corwin8, Ndteegarden, BDD, Crosbiesmith, The JPS, Firsfron,
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Operation Mockingbird - CIA Media Manipulation bibliotecapleyades.net
The CIA's secret activities, covert missions, and connections of control are all done under the pretense and
protection of national security with no accountability whatsoever, at least in their minds.
Considering the public is held accountable for everything we think, say, and do there is something seriously
wrong with this picture.
The CIA is the President's secret army, who have been and continue to be conveniently above the law with
unlimited power and authority, to conduct a reign of terror around the globe.
The "old boy network" of socializing, talking shop, and tapping each other for favors outside the halls of
government made it inevitable that the CIA and Corporate America would become allies, thus the
systematic infiltration and takeover of the media.
Under the guise of 'American' objectives and lack of congressional oversight, the CIA accomplish their
exploits by using every trick in the book (and they know quite a few) that they actually teach in the
notorious "School of the Americas", nicknamed the "School of Dictators" and "School of Assassins" by
critics.
The Association for Responsible Dissent estimates that 6 million people had died by 1987 as a result of
CIA covert operations, called an "American Holocaust" by former State Department official William Blum.
In 1948, the CIA recreated its covert action wing called the Office of Policy Coordination with Wall Street
lawyer Frank Wisner as its first director.
Another early elitist who served as Director of the CIA from 1953 to 1961 was Allen Dulles, a senior
partner at the Wall Street firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, which represented the Rockefeller empire and
other trusts, corporations, and cartels.
Mockingbird, with the intent of buying influence behind the scenes at major media outlets and putting
reporters on the CIA payroll, which has proven to be a stunning ongoing success.
1 of 8
Page Oct 13, 2015 07:15:51AM MDT

The CIA effort to recruit American news organizations and journalists to become spies and disseminators
of propaganda, was headed up by Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles, Richard Helms, and Philip Graham
(publisher of The Washington Post).
Wisner had taken Graham under his wing to direct the program code-named Operation Mockingbird and
both have presumably committed suicide.
Media assets will eventually include:
ABC
NBC
CBS
Time
Newsweek
Associated Press
United Press International (UPI)
Reuters
Hearst Newspapers
Scripps-Howard
Copley News Service, etc.
...and 400 journalists, who have secretly carried out assignments according to documents on file at CIA
headquarters, from intelligence-gathering to serving as go-betweens.
The CIA had infiltrated the nation's businesses, media, and universities with tens of thousands of on-call
operatives by the 1950's.
CIA Director Dulles had staffed the CIA almost exclusively with Ivy League graduates, especially from Yale
with figures like George Herbert Walker Bush from the "Skull and Crossbones" Society.
Many Americans still insist or persist in believing that we have a free press, while getting most of their news
from state-controlled television, under the misconception that reporters are meant to serve the public.

Page 2 of 8 Oct 13, 2015 07:15:51AM MDT
Reporters are paid employees and serve the media owners, who usually cower when challenged by
advertisers or major government figures.
Robert Parry reported the first breaking stories about Iran-Contra for Associated Press that were largely
ignored by the press and congress, then moving to Newsweek he witnessed a retraction of a true story for
political reasons.
In 'Fooling America - A Talk by Robert Parry' he said,
"The people who succeeded and did well were those who didn't stand up, who didn't write the
big stories, who looked the other way when history was happening in front of them, and went
along either consciously or just by cowardice with the deception of the American people."
Major networks are primarily controlled by giant corporations that are obligated by law, to put the profits of
their investors ahead of all other considerations which are often in conflict with the practice of responsible
journalism.
There were around 50 corporations a couple of decades ago, which was considered monopolistic by many
and yet today, these companies have become larger and fewer in number as the biggest ones absorb their
rivals.
This concentration of ownership and power reduces the diversity of media voices, as news falls into the
hands of large conglomerates with holdings in many industries that interferes in newsgathering, because of
conflicts of interest.
Mockingbird was an immense financial undertaking with funds flowing from the CIA largely through the
Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF) founded by Tom Braden with Pat Buchanan of CNN's Crossfire.
Media corporations share members of the board of directors with a variety of other large corporations
including banks, investment companies, oil companies, health care, pharmaceutical, and technology
companies. Until the 1980's, media systems were generally domestically owned, regulated, and national in
scope.
However, pressure from the IMF, World Bank, and US government to deregulate and privatize, the media,
communication, and new technology resulted in a global commercial media system dominated by a small
number of super-powerful transnational media corporations (mostly US based), working to advance the
The first tier of the nine giant firms that dominate the world are
Page 3 of 8 Oct 13, 2015 07:15:51AM MDT
1. Time Warner/AOL,
2. Disney/ABC,
3. Bertelsmann,
4. Viacom/CBS,
5. Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation/Fox,
6. General Electric/NBC,
7. Sony,
8. Universal/Seagram,
9. Tele-Communications, Inc. or TCI and AT&T.
This is just the head of the octopus which has its second and third tier tentacles working together in unison
or feigned division.
This would include:
The Washington Post/Newsweek
The New York Times/Weekly Standard
Tribune Co.
US News
Gannett/USA Today
Dow Jones/Wall Street Journal
Washington Times
Knight-Ridder,
...etcetera...
A good site to visit for more information is Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting, a public interest media
watchdog group, at,
www.fair.org/index.html
www.fair.org/mediafiles/index.html
Page 4 of 8 www.fair.org/extra/9711/gmg.html Oct 13, 2015 07:15:51AM MDT

www.fair.org/extra/9711/gmg.html
Media propaganda tactics include blackouts, misdirections, expert opinions to echo the Establishment line,
smears, defining popular opinions, mass entertainment distractions, and Hobson's Choice (the media
presents the so-called conservative and liberal positions).
Who Controls the Media? The Subversion of the Free Press by the CIA, The
Depraved Spies and Moguls of the CIA's Operation Mockingbird
The CIA: America's Premier International Terrorist Organization
Virtual Government: CIA Mind Control Operations in America
...by Alex Constantine are an excellent source of information on this topic.
David Guyatt has written books and many articles including one entitled "Subverting The Media".
Then there are two articles called "A Timeline of CIA Atrocities" and "The Origins of the Overclass" by
Steve Kangas that are very informative although from a more liberal perspective.
Steve will not be writing anymore articles as he is no longer with us, having unfortunately met his untimely
death that was 'apparently' from a self-inflicted gunshot wound. If you read about him on his web page that
is still available, you will see that he did not seem like a person who was suffering from deep depression.
In his memory, please take the time to read what he wrote at,
www korpios.org/resurgent/CIAtimeline.html
www.korpios.org/resurgent/index.html
CNN aired "Valley of Death" in June of 1998 and Time magazine (both owned by Time-Warner) ran a story
about a secret mission called Operation Tailwind and the activities of SOG, Studies and Observations
Group, a secret elite commando unit of the Army's Special Forces that used lethal nerve gas (sarin), on a
mission to Laos designed to kill American defectors.
Suddenly the network was awash in denials and the story was hushed up, as usual.
Acknowledged use of this gas coming at a time when the U.S. government was trying to get Saddam to
comply with weapons inspections, was an embarrassment to say the least. What hypocrisy! Having
actually used the weapons on our own troops, then complaining and accusing Saddam of potential use of
stored
Page 5 of 8 similar weapons, of which some were manufactured in and supplied by the U.S.
Oct 13, 2015 07:15:51AM MDT
stored similar weapons, of which some were manufactured in and supplied by the U.S.
The broadcast was prepared after exhaustive research and rooted in considerable supportive data. To
decide for yourself what the truth is read Floyd Abrams' report on the CNN site at
Washington Post, having gained access to what the CIA was trying to keep from congress about its
program of using journalists at home and abroad, in deliberate propaganda campaigns.
It was later revealed that Woodward was a Naval intelligence briefer to the White House and knew many
insiders including General Alexander Haig.
A high-level source told Bernstein,
"One journalist is worth twenty agents."
CFR/Trilateralist Katharine Graham, in a 1988 speech given to senior CIA employees at Agency
headquarters said,
"We live in a dirty and dangerous world.
There are some things the general public does not need to know and shouldn't. I believe
democracy flourishes when the government can take legitimate steps to keep its secrets and
when the press can decide whether to print what it knows."
Maybe that's another reason why folks get the impression that a suspicious agenda lurks behind the
headlines.
"25 Ways to Suppress Truth: Rules of Disinformation" and "8 Traits of the Disinformationalist" at www
proparanoid.com/truth.htm, sums it up very well.
Ralph McGehee was a CIA agent for 25 years, mainly in South-East Asia where he witnessed bombing
and napalming of villages, which caused him to examine closely what the CIA was really all about.
He has written about Vietnam's Phoenix Program

www.vwip.org/articles/m/McGeheeRalph_VietnamsPhoenixProgram.htm and after a long battle with CIA
censors, he published the book "Deadly Deceits" in 1983.
6 of 8
Page Oct 13, 2015 07:15:51AM MDT

Ralph has been harassed by the CIA and FBI, involving bodily injury, and his CIABASE website was shut
down on Spring of 2000.
He copied some reports that can be found at,
http //serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/ciabase_report_1.htm (and 2.htm)
http //serendipity.magnet.ch/cia/death_squads.htm
www.thirdworldtraveler.com/CIA/Deadly_Deceits.html
He concluded that the CIA is not now nor has it ever been a central intelligence agency but rather the
covert action arm of the President's foreign policy advisors, of which disinformation is a large part of its
responsibility and the American people are the primary target of its lies.
One of the primary reasons John F. Kennedy was assassinated had to do with the fact he dared to interfere
in the framework of power.
Kennedy was intent on exercising his ELECTED powers and not allowing them to be usurped by
power-crazed individuals in the intelligence community, threatening to,
"splinter the CIA in a thousand pieces and scatter it to the wind."
There were four things that filled the CIA with rage and sealed his fate.
JFK fired Allen Dulles, was in the process of founding a panel to investigate the CIA's numerous crimes,
put a damper on the breadth and scope of the CIA, and limited their ability to act under National Security
Memoranda 55.
There is such an overwhelming amount of information pertaining to the CIA that it is impossible to cover it
all in one book, much less an article. Personally, I have come to the conclusion that the media is not only
influenced by the CIA... the media is the CIA.
Many Americans think of their supposedly free press as a watchdog on government, mainly because the
press itself shamelessly promotes that myth.
One of the first tenets for the control of a population is to control all sources of information the population
receives and mostly because of the pervasive CIA and Operation Mockingbird, the mainstream American
Press is a controlled multi-national corporate/government megaphone.
7 of 8
Page Oct 13, 2015 07:15:51AM MDT

They are up to their eyeballs in dirty deeds and there will never be an end to the corruption that prevails
unless the CIA is abolished.
Otherwise, the CIA will just keep on using their tricks of,
propaganda, stuffed ballot boxes, purchased elections, extortion, blackmail, drug trafficking,
sexual intrigue, kidnapping, beating, torture, intimidation, economic sabotage, false stories
about opponents in the local media, infiltration and disruption of opposing political parties,
demolition and evacuation procedures, death squads, and politically motivated assassinations.
The CIA is the epitome of organized crime run amuck...!
Page 8 of 8 Oct 13, 2015 07:15:51AM MDT

http://www.markdice.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=113%20%3Cimg%20src=
Operation Mockingbird - Government Control of Mainstream Media markdice.com
Intelligent people have varying degrees of suspicion that the US government is in bed with the American
mainstream media, and anyone who monitors the news media with discerning eyes can quite easily identify
specific stories and strategies that are being used to persuade and intimidate the population. For those
who want “evidence” of such manipulation, one needs to look no further than the findings of a Senate
Select Committee in 1975, which confirms and details this, has occurred for decades on a scale larger than
most people could imagine.
Operation Mockingbird, as it was called, was exposed in 1975 during the Church Committee investigation,
which then published its findings the following year. The full name of the committee which investigated and
uncovered such activities was called, “The United States Senate Select Committee to Study Governmental
Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities” which was chaired by Senator Frank Church (D-ID).
Through this investigation it became clear that such a program was developed in the 1950s for the
purpose of persuading American and foreign media, as well as to use the media as gate-keepers to
prevent certain information from being published and reaching the masses.
In 1948 an espionage and counter-intelligence branch within the CIA was created for the purpose of
“propaganda, economic warfare; preventive direct action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition
and evacuation measures; subversion against hostile states, including assistance to underground
resistance groups, and support of indigenous anti-Communist elements in threatened countries of the free
world.” Later that year Operation Mockingbird was established to influence the domestic and foreign
media. Philip Graham, the owner of The Washington Post, was first recruited to run the project within the
industry and develop a network of assets.
After 1953, the network had influence over twenty-five newspapers and wire agencies and was overseen
by Allen Dulles, who was director of the CIA. The Mockingbird program also involved major television
broadcasters, including William Paley, the CEO of CBS broadcasting.
(Excerpt from The New World Order: Facts & Fiction by Mark Dice - Available on Amazon.com,
Kindle and Nook.)
Thomas Braden, who was the head of the International Organizations Division (IOD), which was a
division of the CIA dealing with human intelligence services, played a substantial role in Operation
Mockingbird and would later reveal, “If the director of CIA wanted to extend a present, say, to someone in
Europe—a Labour leader—suppose he just thought, this man can use fifty thousand dollars, he’s working
well and doing a good job—he could hand it to him and never have to account to anybody... There was
simply no limit to the money it could spend and no limit to the people it could hire and no limit to the
activities it could decide were necessary to conduct the war—the secret war....It was multinational.”
According to the Congressional report published in 1976, “The CIA currently maintains a network of
several hundred individuals around the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to
influence opinion through the use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct
access to a large number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies,
radio and television stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets.”
The committee also concluded that the cost of the program was approximately $265 million a year, which
when adjusted for inflation as of 2010 means that in today’s dollars the program costs an astounding one
billion
Page 1 of 2dollars a year. Nov 14, 2015 09:44:42AM MST
http://www.markdice.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=113%20%3Cimg%20src=
billion dollars a year.
A year after the Church Committee released its findings on Operation Mockingbird, Rolling Stone
magazine published an article on the program and named various prominent journalists who they alleged
to be involved with it. Some of these included Ben Bradlee, who wrote for Newsweek, Stewart Alsop, who
wrote for the New York Herald Tribune, James Reston (New York Times), Charles Douglas Jackson (Time
Magazine), Walter Pincus (Washington Post), William C. Baggs (The Miami News), and others.
In 2007 a large amount of documents known as the “Family Jewels” were declassified and released by the
National Security Archive, which also revealed that the CIA had routinely wiretapped Washington-based
news reporters. These individuals were most likely seen as a threat to the establishment and were not
playing along with the propaganda and gate-keeping efforts within the media establishment.
As with nearly every other case of rampant institutional corruption in government agencies, the CIA claims
to have ended the program—another claim that is laughable.
(Excerpt from The New World Order: Facts & Fiction by Mark Dice - Available on Amazon.com,
Kindle and Nook.)
Page 2 of 2 Nov 14, 2015 09:44:42AM MST

http://www.thetruthhunter.com/operation-mockingbird-how-the-cia-controls-the-mainstream-media/
Operation Mockingbird: CIA Controls The Mainstream Media

August 4, 2015 thetruthhunter.com
Many times I have asserted in these pages

that the Mainstream Media is engaged in
propaganda to sway the minds of the nation
to support the causes of their business or
political overlords. Many people have written
that off as a “crazy conspiracy theory”.
However, there is proof that the CIA has had
a long running program called Operation
Mockingbird, whose main purpose is to
attempt to influence opinion through the use
of covert propaganda. They accomplish this
CIA-controls-the-mainstream-media goal by having paid CIA employees working
undercover (and sometimes openly) for different news and media organizations around the world.
How The Mainstream Media Pushes Propaganda
In 1948, the CIA appointed Frank Wisner the director of the Office of
Special Projects. Later renamed the Office of Policy Coordination, the
group became the CIA’s covert action branch. The group
concentrated on “propaganda, economic warfare; preventive direct
action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition and evacuation
measures; subversion against hostile states, including assistance to
underground resistance groups, and support of indigenous
anti-Communist elements in threatened countries of the free world”.
Under the OPC, Operation Mockingbird was created to promote the
CIA’s views and push propaganda. Operation Mockingbird achieved
this by recruiting leading American journalists, and funding some
student and cultural organizations, and magazines as fronts. By the
early 1950s, the CIA ‘owned’ respected members of The New York
2000px-CIA.svg Times, Newsweek, CBS and other mainstream media outlets. Within
a few years, Operation Mockingbird had major influence over 25
newspapers and wire agencies. By the late 1950’s some reports claim that Operation Mockingbird had
3,000 salaried, and contract workers embedded in the mainstream media.
By the mid 1960’s, some independent journalists became aware of the CIA’s subversion of the freedom of
the press and began publishing exposes about Operation Mockingbird. Random House published Invisible
Government by David Wise and Thomas Ross in 1964. The book exposed the role of the CIA in foreign
policy. Rumors are that The CIA considered buying up the entire printing of Invisible Government, but this
idea was rejected when Random House responded by saying that if this happened, they would simply print
a second edition. Further details of Operation Mockingbird were revealed as a result of the Select
Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities in 1975 (also known
as the Senator Frank Church investigations). Senator Church was able to identify over 50 mainstream
media journalists who were employed directly by the CIA. Church pointed out that this was probably only
the tip of the iceberg because the CIA refused to “provide the names of its media agents or the names of
media organizations with which they are connected”. According to a report released by Congress in the
wake
Page 1 of 3of the Church investigations in 1976, “The CIA currently maintains a network ofSep
several hundred
04, 2016 02:58:18PM MDT
wake of the Church investigations in 1976, “The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred
foreign individuals around the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence
opinion through the use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a
large number of newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and
television stations, commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets.” By some accounts, over
a thousand books were produced, subsidized or sponsored by the CIA before the end of 1967.
Senator Frank Church argued that misinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265
million a year.
In 1977, a Rolling Stone magazine article written by Carl Bernstein (of Woodward and Bernstein Watergate
fame) alleged that over 400 mainstream media journalists were in the employ of the CIA. He also claimed
that one of the most important journalists contracted by Operation Mockingbird was Joseph Alsop, who
wrote for over 300 different newspapers. Other journalists implicated by the Rolling Stone investigation to
have been willing to promote the views of the CIA were Stewart Alsop (New York Herald Tribune), Ben
Bradlee (Newsweek), James Reston (New York Times), Charles Douglas Jackson (Time Magazine),
Walter Pincus (Washington Post), William C. Baggs (The Miami News), Herb Gold (The Miami News) and
Charles Bartlett (Chattanooga Times).
In February 1976, the newly appointed Director of the CIA, George H. W. Bush, announced a new policy:
“Effective immediately, the CIA will not enter into any paid or contract relationship with any full-time or
part-time news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news service, newspaper, periodical, radio or
television network or station.” He added that the CIA would continue to “welcome” the voluntary, unpaid
cooperation of journalists.
Has Operation Mockingbird Continued to this Day?
This new policy made no statement about weather the CIA would continue to embed their agents within the
entertainment industry, or push propaganda to unwitting journalists hungry for a scoop.
In 1984, famed Television producer Chuck Barris (creator of The Newlywed

Game, The Dating Game and The Gong Show) released a book titled
“Confessions of a Dangerous Mind” (made into a movie in 2003). Chuck Barris
claims in the book that while working in Hollywood, he was secretly a CIA spy.
One must wonder if Barris was, in fact, an operative working under Operation
Mockingbird. Most news agencies have pushed the idea that Barris’s story is
an elaborate fabrication. Considering these journalists should have known
about Operation Mockingbird, and Barris was at the height of his career while
Operation Mockingbird was going strong, doesn’t it seem odd that they are so
quick to write off his story as fabrication? It seems that these stories to
discredit him may be a part of a continuing Operation Mockingbird.
In 1998, Journalist Steve Kangas alleged that Richard Mellon Scaife, the
Was Chuck Barris a CIA Operative
owner of Pittsburgh Tribune, and The American Spectator, was a CIA asset
working under Operation that ran “a front to disseminate CIA propaganda around the world.” In 1999
Mockingbird? Kangas was found dead from a gunshot wound to the head in a bathroom
adjacent to Scaife’s office. The death was ruled a suicide, but because of inconsistencies in the police, and
coroners report, many are skeptical. In an article in Salon Magazine, (19th March, 1999) Andrew Leonard
asked:
Page 2 of 3 “Why did the police report say the gun wound was to the left of his head, whileSep
the04,
autopsy reportedMDT
2016 02:58:18PM
asked: “Why did the police report say the gun wound was to the left of his head, while the autopsy reported
a wound on the roof of his mouth? Why had the hard drive on his computer been erased shortly after his
death?…)
While watching the news these days, it seems obvious that major stories are continuously swept under the
rug in favor of celebrity gossip. Racial strife is promoted were none exists, and stories that really aren’t
important to anyone dominate the headlines while world changing events are buried on the backpage.
Do you think the CIA is still in control of the Mainstream Media? Let us know in the comments below.
Additional Information:
Page 3 of 3 Sep 04, 2016 02:58:18PM MDT

http://consciouslifenews.com/operation-mockingbird-exposed-congressional-hearing-proves-cia-controls-mainstream-media/1170056/
Operation Mockingbird Exposed: Congressional Hearing Proves

The CIA Controls Mainstream Media! consciouslifenews.com
Mark Dice shares information on the Congressional hearing that exposed the fact that the CIA controlled
the media under a covert program named Operation Mockingbird.
“About a third of the whole CIA budget went to media propaganda operations. …We’re talking
about hundreds of millions of dollars a year just for that…..close to a billion dollars are being
spent every year by the United States on secret propaganda.” – Testimony of William Schapp
in 1999, referencing revelations from the Church Committee in 1975
Details of Operation Mockingbird were revealed as a result of the Senator Frank Church investigations (
Select Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities) in 1975.
propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large number of newspapers
and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and television stations,
commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets.”
Church argued that misinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year. The
primary documents for the Church Committee can be found here.
In 1948, the CIA decided to siphon funds to create the Office of Policy Coordination, which would would
become the covert action branch of the CIA. It was under this program that Operation Mockingbird, a
domestic propaganda campaign aimed at promoting the views of the CIA within the media, began.
The director of the CIA at the time was Allen Dulles. From the onset, Operation Mockingbird was one of
the most sensitive of the CIA’s undertakings, with recruitment of journalists and training of intelligence
officers for propaganda purposes usually undertaken by Dulles himself, or his direct peers.
It is a false belief that the CIA ‘infiltrated’ journalism organizations. The recruitment of journalists was
usually done with complicity from top management and ownership of news institutions. William Colby,
famous CIA operative, claimed during the Church committee, “Lets go to the managements. They were
witting.” Among the organizations that would lend their help to the propaganda efforts was the New York
Times, Newsweek, Associated Press, and the Miami Herald.
All in all, 25 major publications would provide cover for CIA operatives, with 400 operatives being a low
estimate to the number of people employed by the operation. Journalists would plant fabricated stories,
and cover international events with a purpose of casting the CIA’s agenda in a positive light.
The CIA would also set up international ‘front organizations’ that would produce propaganda without being
publicly tied to the agency. An example of this is the Rome Daily American, which was 40% owned by the
CIA for three decades.
There is no certainty about how long Mockingbird lasted, or if it is still in effect today, perhaps under a
different name. Much of what we know of the first 25 years of the program came from revelations of the
Church
Page 1 of 2 Committee in 1975. The operations of Mockingbird were secretive before the Nov
exposure
14, 2015from the MST
09:19:28AM
http://consciouslifenews.com/operation-mockingbird-exposed-congressional-hearing-proves-cia-controls-mainstream-media/1170056/
Church Committee in 1975. The operations of Mockingbird were secretive before the exposure from the
committee and became even more so afterwords.
Unfortunately, it is still possible to see frequent evidence of CIA in the media in modern times. We are left
to connect the dots ourselves. Phil Donahue was fired from MSNBC in 2003 for opposing the Iraq war, the
only news anchor at the time to do so. More recently, Amber Lyon was fired from CNN for providing
accurate reporting on Bahrain, a US puppet state, which was abusing its citizens during Arab Spring.
New York Times Openly Admits Mainstream Media Stories Are Scripted By the White House
Page 2 of 2 Nov 14, 2015 09:19:28AM MST

http://freepress.org/columns/display/3/2013/1978
Operation Mockingbird: New York Times confesses to role in

subverting First Amendment freepress.org
For the NSA to succeed in spying on Americans and violating the Constitution without mass
demonstrations you must first understand how the security industrial complex compromised the mass
media. In the Monday, July 14, 2013 New York Times, we get a rare glimpse into that historical tragedy
fittingly on its obituary page.
The death notice, “Austin Goodrich, 87, Spy Posing as Reporter,” detailed seldom seen facts about the
legendary “Operation Mockingbird.” The aptly named “Mockingbird” was a covert Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA) campaign to create a mass media echo chamber during the Cold War. The Times' lead is
telling: “In the 1950s and ‘60s, Austin Goodrich was far from the only journalist doubling as a secret agent
for the United States.”
Indeed. Alex Constantine, in his Mockingbird: The Subversion of the Free Press by the CIA, estimates
“some 3,000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts.”
The Times credits “…reports by Rolling Stone and the New York Times” for revealing the program. “The
Times reported that at least 22 American news organizations, including CBS News and Time, Life and
Newsweek magazines, as well as the Times itself, ‘had employed, though sometimes only a casual basis,
American journalists who were also working for the CIA,” according to the New York Times.
Carl Bernstein’s October 1977 article “CIA and the Media” provided an overview of the subversion of our
constitutionally guaranteed free press. The 1979 book Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and the
Washington Post by Deborah Davis first revealed Mockingbird’s name. The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA
played America by Hugh Wilford, published by Harvard University Press in 2008, provides an excellent
summary.
The end of Goodrich’s obituary is meant to be touching, but its irony is obvious. His daughter, Kristina
Goodrich told the Times: “He really believed in the importance of the democratic way of life and the danger
of any system that would lead to totalitarian control over people.” A man who secretly worked for a spy
agency while subverting a free press and turning it toward government propaganda as a predecessor to
our current mass spying by the NSA is portrayed as a hater of totalitarian control.
Mockingbird emerged under the direction of Frank Wisner’s Office of Special Projects (OSP) in 1948.
Later it was renamed the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). In one of the earliest exposes of the CIA, the
Invisible Government written by David Wise and Thomas Ross, they document that Wisner was directed to
create “propaganda, economic warfare; preventive direct action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage,
demolition and evacuation measures; subversion against hostile states, including assistance to
underground resistance groups, and support of indigenous anti-Communist elements in threatened
countries of the free world.”
Davis asserts that Wisner recruited Philip Graham, president of CEO of the Washington Post to coordinate
the agency’s spy apparatus within journalistic circles. Graham died at age 48 of a reportedly self-inflicted
gunshot wound in 1963.
By 1953, Bernstein reports that the spy network subverting the American media was directly overseen by
CIA Director Allen Dulles. The CIA allegedly had major influence in over 25 U.S. newspapers and wire
services. The tactic was straightforward. False news reports or propaganda would be provided by CIA
writers
Page 1 of 2 to knowing and unknowing reporters who would simply repeat the falsehoods over
Oct 10,and
2016over again. MDT
04:41:21AM
http://freepress.org/columns/display/3/2013/1978
writers to knowing and unknowing reporters who would simply repeat the falsehoods over and over again.
Operation Mockingbird was used to help cover up the overthrow of the democratic Iranian government in
1953 (Operation Ajax) and to control the press during the Bay of Pigs fiasco. A primary function of
Mockingbird was to cover up covert and usually illegal foreign operations including the 1954 overthrowing
of the democratic government of President Arbenz in Guatamala. In 1955, President Eisenhower created
the 5412 Committee to create oversight of the CIA’s covert activities. Director Dulles refused to submit
many of the CIA’s black ops operations to the Committee’s review citing "plausible deniability."
According to the Family Jewels report released by the National Security Archive, the CIA also engaged in
the illegal wiretapping of Washington-based reporters.
In 1976, Senator Frank Church’s investigation into the CIA exposed their corruption of the media. The
Church Committee reported: “The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals
around the world who provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the
use of covert propaganda. These individuals provide the CIA with direct access to a large number of
newspapers and periodicals, scores of press services and news agencies, radio and television stations,
commercial book publishers, and other foreign media outlets.”
So Austin Goodrich is dead, and portrayed as a patriotic American by the Times. What the paper of record
fails to note is that he was part of a covert operation that corrupted the First Amendment of the U.S.
Constitution that led to the easy destruction of the Fourth Amendment by the NSA currently. The
consolidation of the multinational for-profit corporate media has created the new Mockingbird.
Page 2 of 2 Oct 10, 2016 04:41:21AM MDT

10/10/2016 SourceWatch has Revised the History of the CIA's Operation Mockingbird - The Constantine Report
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title=Talk:Operation_Mockingbird “The Michael Jackson Conspiracy”
is a Whitewash
"I have deleted the content of the page for a couple of reasons: there are John McCain Takes Tour of Border,
numerous websites, mostly conspiracy sites, that refer to Operation Watches Woman Climb Right Over
“Danged” Fence
Mockingbird but none cite the primary source or the name or where it was
first disclosed ... " CIA Propagandist with Ties to Iran
Contra & Boston Marathon Bomber
MORE IN THIS CATEGORY
Writes for The Huffington Post
The SourceWatch editor apparently neglected to look for the primary source,
or he'd have found it easily enough. The first reporter to write about The Path to 9/11 (Part Seven):
Operation Mockingbird - CIA control of the media - by name was Ms. Deborah Warren Buffett, Peter Lynch &
Washington Group International
Davis, in a biography of Washington Post editor Katharine Graham - a
Presidential Medal of Freedom recipient - Katharine the Great (1987) - a book
that was printed, bound ... and all copies subsequently DESTROYED by the
Is Ebola a Biological Leading German
publisher - at CIA request. The book has since been reprinted.
Warfare Weapon? Journalist: CIA Media
Pushing for World
I was the writer who brought it to the public's attention, in a chapter of Virtual Government: CIA Mind Control War
Operations in America (1997; the cold war initiative was conceived by Allen Dulles as a mind control program)
posted on the Net as a public service by myself, and widely distributed on the Net.
No one has ever accused Deborah Davis of being anything less than credible, to my knowledge. The book is not of
the "conspiracy" genre - but the information in the book about the CIA's grip on the media has been suppressed, the
books burned, and Graham has an unjustified sterling reputation in the press, when in fact she was a CIA-fascist
collaborator, like many others in the media-at-large. RAT’S NEST: TWO Exclusive: How Bill
NEW RELEASES ON Casey’s CIA Ripped
THE CIA-NAZI-DRUG Off the 1985 Live Aid
NEXUS (Book Concert to Arm Right-
Reviews) Wing Ethiopian
Rebels and Left
Thousands to Starve
to Death
LATEST COMMENTS
Robert Here's a little trick I learned. If you

want the list to appear long just list the
same person four times or three times or
even twice.(check Peter Dibble but there
are several others). One has to wonder why
someone would hate republicans so much
that they would dedicate two weeks of their
life to expose Republicans when everyone
knows sexual abuse is not a political thing.
Newsflash, there are just as many
Her husband Phil Graham committed suicide. Democrats to be listed, there is just no one
stupid enough on the other side to waste so
much time..
http://www.constantinereport.com/sourcewatch-has-revised-the-history-of-the-cias-operation-mockingbird/ 1/3
10/10/2016 SourceWatch has Revised the History of the CIA's Operation Mockingbird - The Constantine Report
Before he shot himself, he spent his days downing impressive volumes of alcohol, burbling that the CIA was trying
Matthew I am a victim who lives in
to kill him. Michigan, I have suffered profoundly for
about 2 years now. These people have not
stopped since they began, using a satellite
Phillp Graham oversaw Operation Mockingbird. He was institutionalized in the end at Chestnut Lodge, a CIA mind
with a remote neural monitor, and ELF
control psychiatric facility. He was released on a Thanksgiving day to be with his family, and took that opportunity signal. I have heard them and my own inner
to blow his head off. voice outside of my head, home and vehicle
and being played through engines, fans,
anything with a constant noise, sounding
Re: " ... none [of the websites] cite the primary source ... " like an interment camp all day and night
broadcasting with no one else hearing this
as if they put a microphone in front of a
If this hard-working editor - who harshly censors the work of others without bothering to look up citations - had speaker. I cannot even drown out the voices
referred to Katharine the Great, the source cited in my article, he would have found that Davis drew from they just get louder depending on how loud
my surroundings are. Their problems with
FEDERAL DOCUMENTS and CORRESPONDENCE between the Agency and editors of the Post in her book on Ms.
me according to them range from being
Graham and Mockingbird - and then he wouldn't feel compelled to revise history for silly reasons. called a veterans affairs junkie, to being
accused of ridiculous crimes like rape, and
even jokes about having kids I was not
Another justification SourceWatch gives for deleting any reference to Mockingbird is that information on the state aware of outside of my marriage. They say
propaganda program is found at "mostly conspiracy sites." For obvious reasons, the Washington Post and NY they get paid by someone but I do not really
Times have no articles on CIA infiltration of the media to satisfy the editor at SourceWatch. think so for what point there is not to this
problem. They repeat themselves until you
think with your third eye and then they say
The following "conspiracy sites," among others, have posted articles on Mockingbird ... "its legit video evidence now"! They have
tried to blackmail me with torture into
committing suicide, murder, and trying to
The Nation trick me into committing crimes like rape by
http://www.thenation.com/doc/20051226/cockburn telling me they will leave me alone if I do
these things to have dirt on video record in
order for them to leave or something like
Associated Content that. They also make horrible threats all day
http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/377134/us_government_conspiracies_operation.html against my family. I do not think I know
these people from the real world like some
of you wrote that you were certain about
National Expositor who did this to you. These people have
used different voices of people that iv
http://nationalexpositor.com/News/215.html
known over the years and pretend to be
people from my family and people I served
Answers.Com in the military with in order to try and make
people look stupid. These people NEVER
http://www.answers.com/topic/operation-mockingbird LEAVE the satellite controls or take a break
so keep that in mind when thinking about
Media Daily News publishing old friends or neighbors names
and addresses. these people appear to be
http://publications.mediapost.com/index.cfm?fuseaction=Articles.showArticle&art_aid=53404 either amphetamine addicts or mentally ill
for how much time they spend doing
nothing but. i have made several formal
Americans for Legal Immigration
complaints to the FBI, and sheriff
http://www.alipac.us/ftopict-101682.html department only to be dismissed as being a
mental health problem. Some important
knowledge I have learned is that they are
Wikipedia
using stolen government satellite's,
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Mockingbird probably department of defense. In my case
this group calling themselves the WOOT
without my knowledge or consent at some
Political Friendster point committed home invasion and
http://www.politicalfriendster.com/showPerson.php?id=2746&name=Operation-Mockingbird kidnapping to implant items they use into
my body, mainly what they call "dick lifts"
and to my knowledge they are really thin
UK Gay News strings with a snare on one end that holds
http://www.ukgaynews.org.uk/Archive/2006jan/0901.htm onto a body part, and a small screw on the
other end that gets either drilled in a bone
or in between joints. the screw end gets
Petition Online manipulated by a magnetic laser on the
http://www.petitiononline.com/6725/petition.html satellite to tighten or loosen the string in
order to alter your appearance, bodily
function such as bowel movements, genital
And if one opens one's eyes and perceives, one can actually watch Mockingbird in operation - WHY THE HELL function, cause your eyes to see blurry or
double, and teeth to break and even to alter
ELSE ARE WE IN IRAQ?
to your brain activity. I recommend that you
touch a magnet to your body to see if you
Marginal, media-trained thinkers are constantly calling me names, casting aspersions on my character - in defense feel metal pulling under your skin, or a
loosening sensation. with most of the
of a corrupt and insane establishment - and getting everything wrong in the process of trashing research that I
implanted devices and objects including
know to be accurate. electrodes that these criminals use on
people cannot be manipulated by them
unless it has magnetic properties. They also
Also see: # use the magnetic laser to place small metal
pins into parts of your brain to cause your
brain to move in such a manner when they
hit it with the magnetic laser that it mimics a
MORE IN THIS CATEGORY minor brain injury to that particular area of
the brain causing you to stop thinking or
forget things, particularly when you try to tell
people about this problem especially law
enforcement to make you look like your on
drugs or crazy with no credibility. They call
this "scoping out" and according to them
they also use this technique to temporarily
make people blind and deaf by wiggling a
http://www.constantinereport.com/sourcewatch-has-revised-the-history-of-the-cias-operation-mockingbird/ 2/3
10/10/2016 SourceWatch has Revised the History of the CIA's Operation Mockingbird
[back] Mockingbird
Monday, February 18, 2008
SourceWatch has Revised the History of the CIA's Operation Mockingbird

By Alex Constantine
From: http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Talk:Operation_Mockingbird
"I have deleted the content of the page for a couple of reasons: there are numerous websites, mostly
conspiracy sites, that refer to Operation Mockingbird but none cite the primary source or the name or where
it was first disclosed ... "
The SourceWatch editor apparently neglected to look for the primary source, or he'd have found it easily
enough. The first reporter to write about Operation Mockingbird - CIA control of the media - by name was
Ms. Deborah Davis, in a biography of Washington Post editor Katharine Graham - a Presidential Medal of
Freedom recipient - Katharine the Great (1987) - a book that was printed, bound ... and all copies
subsequently DESTROYED by the publisher - at CIA request. The book has since been reprinted.
I was the writer who brought it to the public's attention, in a chapter of Virtual Government: CIA Mind
Control Operations in America (1997; the cold war initiative was conceived by Allen Dulles as a mind
control program) posted on the Net as a public service by myself, and widely distributed on the Net.
No one has ever accused Deborah Davis of being anything less than credible, to my knowledge. The book is
not of the "conspiracy" genre - but the information in the book about the CIA's grip on the media has been
suppressed, the books burned, and Graham has an unjustified sterling reputation in the press, when in fact
she was a CIA-fascist collaborator, like many others in the media-at-large.
Her husband Phil Graham committed suicide.
Before he shot himself, he spent his days downing

impressive volumes of alcohol, burbling that the CIA was
trying to kill him.
Phillp Graham oversaw Operation Mockingbird. He was

institutionalized in the end at Chestnut Lodge, a CIA mind
control psychiatric facility. He was released on a
Thanksgiving day to be with his family, and took that
opportunity to blow his head off.
Re: " ... none [of the websites] cite the primary source ... "
If this hard-working editor - who harshly censors the work

of others without bothering to look up citations - had
referred to Katharine the Great, the source cited in my
article, he would have found that Davis drew from
FEDERAL DOCUMENTS and CORRESPONDENCE
between the Agency and editors of the Post in her book on
Ms. Graham and Mockingbird - and then he wouldn't feel
compelled to revise history for silly reasons.
Another justification SourceWatch gives for deleting any reference to Mockingbird is that information on
the state propaganda program is found at "mostly conspiracy sites." For obvious reasons, the Washington
http://whale.to/b/monday8.html 1/3
Post and NY Times have no articles on CIA infiltration of the media to satisfy the editor at SourceWatch.
The following "conspiracy sites," among others, have posted articles on Mockingbird ...
The Nation
http://www.thenation.com/doc/20051226/cockburn
Associated Content
http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/377134/us_government_conspiracies_operation.html
National Expositor
http://nationalexpositor.com/News/215.html
Answers.Com
http://www.answers.com/topic/operation-mockingbird
Media Daily News

http://publications.mediapost.com/index.cfm?fuseaction=Articles.showArticle&art_aid=53404
Americans for Legal Immigration

http://www.alipac.us/ftopict-101682.html
Wikipedia
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Mockingbird
Political Friendster
http://www.politicalfriendster.com/showPerson.php?id=2746&name=Operation-Mockingbird
UK Gay News
http://www.ukgaynews.org.uk/Archive/2006jan/0901.htm
Petition Online
http://www.petitiononline.com/6725/petition.html
And if one opens one's eyes and perceives, one can actually watch Mockingbird in operation - WHY THE
HELL ELSE ARE WE IN IRAQ?
Marginal, media-trained thinkers are constantly calling me names, casting aspersions on my character - in
defense of a corrupt and insane establishment - and getting everything wrong in the process of trashing
research that I know to be accurate.
Also see: "Wikipedia Burns My Books - and Me"

Posted by Alex Constantine at 6:25 AM

2 comments:
bjporter said...
Here is Mockingbird on the CIA FOIA site:

http://www.foia.cia.gov/search.asp
Type in "operation mockingbird" and click on the search result "Family Jewels". Go to page 5. It
mentions "project Mockingbird" and wiretapping news people. Thanks for your work Alex
February 19, 2008 9:40 AM
Alex Constantine said...
bjporter: "'Family Jewels'. Go to page 5. It mentions 'project Mockingbird' and wiretapping news
people. ... "
That is a project Mockingbird, and there are books that make mention of it. The Operation
Mockingbird I've written about was a state propaganda program and it was, I've learned from Joe
Trento's Secret History of the CIA, assembled by Allen Dulles in 1946, a year before the Agency
was created by the National Security Act. Dulles considered the cold war propaganda machine so
essential that it was his very first priority - for mind control purposes, as I've explained. Trento
doesn't mention Mockingbird by name, but he does identify the media execs drawn by Dulles into
the program, and they are already known.
Mockingbird was an off-the shelf operation, not an official Agency function. It's doubtful that FOIA
could recover much paperwork that makes reference to the CIA's media operations, because in my
experience, there always seems to be less documentation on file and accessible than there are covert
operations, and sometimes nothing in the files gives a hint of an ongoing operation. For off-the-shelf
programs structured around funding cut-outs and operational fronts, chances are all files are shredded
before they can be accessed, because these are off the books - and highly illicit, eg. Iran-contra.

http://www.dissidentvoice.org/Oct04/Fitrakis1012.htm
(DV) Fitrakis: Mark Hyman -- Stepford Spook and the New Operation
Mockingbird dissidentvoice.org
The first time I saw Mark Hyman on Columbus� Sinclair Television ABC affiliate, I told the listeners of my
WVKO radio show that he looked like a Stepford CIA clone with a microchip buried in his ass.
Hyman is the Vice President for Corporate Relations for Sinclair Broadcasting, which owns and operates
programs or provides sales services affiliated with the top six TV networks in the country: ABC, NBC, CBS,
Fox, UPN and Warner Brothers.
Sinclair plans to air a CIA-agit-prop-style documentary called �Stolen Honor: Wounds that never heal,�
highly critical of John Kerry�s anti-war activities, two weeks before the November 2 election. Sixty-three
Sinclair affiliates including a dozen in the battleground states of Ohio, Florida, Iowa and Wisconsin plan to
air the 42-minute long negative campaign ad for George W. Bush in the form of a documentary.
The airing of the documentary to nearly a quarter of all TV markets in the U.S. represents tens of millions of
dollars in in-kind campaign donations to the Bush coffers. It is one of the most blatant and illegal uses of
the people�s airwaves in U.S. history and another signal that smiley-faced fascism is just around the
corner.
The Democratic National Committee and 18 U.S. Senators have already objected to this unprecedented
broadcasting of a thinly-veiled Bush attack ad. What they also need to do is investigate the ties between
Hyman and the CIA. We need a new Church
Committee to uncover the practices of the CIA and their specific relationship with the Bush family.
Hyman came to fame last April when he became the point man for attacking Ted Koppel and the ABC
national television network for deciding to honor the soldiers killed in Iraq by reading their names on his
Nightline show. The so-called Patriot Defenders Network rushed to Hyman�s aid when he emerged as
Sinclair�s attack dog and refused to air Koppel�s show.
It should come as no surprise that Hyman, according to sources at the Columbus ABC affiliate WSYX-TV,
brags of his ongoing ties with the CIA. According to one highly-placed station executive, Sinclair
Broadcasting touted Hyman�s connections to the CIA in promoting �The Point,� the Hyman-hosted
daily commentaries that are so far to the Right they would embarrass Mussolini.
Hyman�s profile on the Sinclair Broadcasting website documents his ties to both the U.S. military and the
CIA. Hyman has served in both the Army and the Navy where he graduated from the U.S. Navy Academy
in 1981. When he left active duty in 1989 he �became employed as a civilian in the Office of Naval
Intelligence.�
Hyman�s profile on the website brags that as �a Captain in the Naval Reserve, he has served in
leadership positions in CIA�s National Warning Staff, the U.S. National Reconnaissance Office and he is
currently a Commanding Officer in the Naval Reserve Space and Network Warfare Program.�
Hyman, not willing to hide his ties to the Company, notes that �the military organizations in which he has
served have been awarded four CIA National Intelligence Meritorious Unit Commendations during his
service.�
Page 1 of 2 Hyman�s current position puts him in a key position in promoting PresidentOctBush�s dream of MDT
10, 2016 04:46:55AM
http://www.dissidentvoice.org/Oct04/Fitrakis1012.htm
service.� Hyman�s current position puts him in a key position in promoting President Bush�s dream of
Star Wars II embodied in one of the government�s most shocking documents, �Joint Vision for 2020�
which commits our nation to �full spectrum dominance� of the Earth.
During the heyday of the Cold War, the CIA allegedly instituted the notorious Operation Mockingbird to
make sure the American mass media sang patriotic hymns in unison. The Company bribed journalists,
planted stories, and wholly controlled TV, radio stations, newspapers and publishing houses.
These are the real wounds that will never heal: the fact that a covert intelligence agency deliberately
manipulated public opinion and compromised both the Fourth Estate and the First Amendment.
What appears to be happening here is that the former CIA director and 41st President George Herbert
Walker Bush is desperately using his connections and old school tactics to save his blundering son. Think
of Hyman in terms of retro 1950s blatant Voice of America propaganda. Just like the coup in Florida in the
2000 election, the CIA�s time-tested tactics throughout the world are now being overly practiced on the
U.S. population.
That which they used to do secretly in Operation Mockingbird, they now do openly on Sinclair
Broadcasting with Mark Hyman.
That�s the real point.
Bob Fitrakis is the Editor of The Free Press, where this article first appeared, a political science
professor, attorney, and author of Spooks, Nukes, and Nazis (Columbus Alive, 2003), which includes his
award-winning investigative reports covering CIA covert activities.
Other Recent Articles by Bob Fitrakis and Harvey Wasserman
* Kerry, Nader and the Greens Need to Kill the Circular Firing Squad
* Did Ashcroft "Behead" an Innocent Man in an Ohio Election-Terror Scam?

* Again, Why George W. Bush Must be Tried as a War Criminal
* Bush Wins Triple Trifecta as Worst President Ever
* On Bush, Drugs and Hypocrisy
* Diebold, Electronic Voting and the Vast Right-Wing Conspiracy
* Why Bush Must be Captured and Tried Alongside Saddam Hussein
* The Year Democracy Ended
* Demonstration Democracy
* Why Four Died in Ohio: Governor Rhodes and His Relationship With the FBI
* The Rise of Authoritarianism And the Racist Drug War
Page 2 of 2 Oct 10, 2016 04:46:55AM MDT

http://www.deepblacklies.co.uk/subverting_the_media.htm
By David Guyatt deepblacklies.co.uk
***
Printer friendly here...
SUBVERTING THE MEDIA
In discussing the assassination of John F. Kennedy, Dan Rather, the well-loved anchorman for CBS
Television, described the now famous Zapruder film that captured footage of the shot which killed
President John F. Kennedy. The movie, taken by amateur cameraman, Abraham Zapruder, was quickly
snapped-up by Life magazine for $250,000.00. Although Life published still frames of the movie, the 18
second film was kept under lock and key – not to be seen by Americans until 1975.
But Rather’s remarks were misleading. He told his viewers that the film showed JFK falling forward –
confirming the official view that Kennedy had been shot from behind. However, the film clearly showed
Kennedy lurching violently backwards, evidence of a frontal shot. To add to the confusion, the Warren
Commission report printed two frames of the film in reverse – again implying a rear shot - an accident the
FBI typified as a “printing error.”
Meanwhile, still pictures lifted from the Zapruder film were also published by Life magazine. Remarkably,
they too were published in reverse order, thereby creating the impression that the President had been shot
from behind by lone gunman Lee Harvey Oswald. Until the film was shown to Americans in its entirity, no
one was the wiser. Following the broadcast in 1975, a massive controversy followed giving rise to ongoing
allegations of conspiracy.
The Zapruder film clearly showed President Kennedy had also been shot from the front. The result
immeasurably strengthened the charge - that had been bubbling in the background – that the President
had been assassinated as a result of a well orchestrated conspiracy, and that this was covered-up to
protect the guilty, who many now believe involved senior figures in the CIA and US military. Not least it
was pointed out that Henry Luce, the founder of Life magazine was a close personal friend of Allen Dulles,
the Director of the CIA. Moreover, the individual who purchased the Zapruder film for Life magazine was
C.J. Jackson, formerly a “psychological warfare” consultant to the President.
Inevitably, these events were to lead to accusations that the media were culpable of the worst form of
toadying and propaganda. This, in turn raised serious questions about the role and integrity of the mass
media. Some years later, Washington Post reporter, Carl Bernstein – who came to fame with his colleague
Bob Woodward, for their expose of the Nixon administration’s illegal re-election campaign activities, known
as “Watergate” – dropped a media bombshell on an unsuspecting America.
journalists
Page 1 of 5 and then later infiltrated – often with the publishers consent - into the most Sep
prestigious media MDT
04, 2016 02:58:45PM
dated back to WW11. Wisner’s media manipulation programme became known as the “Wisner Wurlitzer,”
and proved an effective technique for sending journalists overseas to spy for the CIA. Of the fifty plus
overseas news proprietary’s owned by the CIA were The Rome Daily American, The Manilla Times and
the Bangkok Post.
influence the major media for domestic propaganda purposes. One of the most important “assets” used by
the CIA’s Frank Wisner was Philip Graham, publisher of the Washington Post. A decade later both Wisner
and Graham committed suicide – leading some to question the exact nature of their deaths. More recently
doubts have been cast on Wisner’s suicide verdict by some observers who believed him to have been a
Soviet agent.
Meanwhile, however, Wisner had “implemented his plan and owned respected members of the New York
Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communication vehicles, plus stringers…” according to Deborah Davis
in her biography of Katharine Graham – wife of Philip Graham - and current publisher of the Washington
Post. The operation was overseen by Allen Dulles, Director of Central Intelligence. Operation Mockingbird
continued to flourish with CIA agents boasting at having “important assets” inside every major news outlet
in the country.” The list included such luminaries of the US media as Henry Luce, publisher of Time
Magazine, Arthur Hays Sulzberger, of the New York Times and C.D. Jackson of Fortune Magazine,
But there was another aspect to Mockingbird, Constantine reveals in an Internet essay. Citing historian C.
Vann Woodward’s New York Times article of 1987, Ronald Reagan, later to become President of the US,
was a FBI snitch earlier in his life. This dated back to the time when Reagan was President of the Actor’s
Guild. Woodward says that Reagan “fed the names of suspect people in his organisation to the FBI
secretly and regularly enough to be assigned an informer’s code number, T.10.” The purpose was to
purge the film industry of “subversives.”
As these stories hit the news, Senate investigators began to probe the CIA sponsored manipulation of the
media – the “Fourth Estate” that supposedly was dedicated to acting as a check and balance on the
excesses of the executive. This investigation was, however, curtailed at the insistence of Central
Intelligence Agency Directors, William Colby and George Bush – who would later be elected US President.
The information gathered by the Senate Select Intelligence Committee chaired by Senator Frank Church,
was “deliberately buried” Bernstein reported.
Despite this suppression of evidence, information leaked out that revealed the willing role of media
executives to subvert their own industry. “Let’s not pick on some reporters,” CIA Director William Colby
stated during an interview. “Let’s go to the managements. They were witting.” Bernstein concluded that
“America’s leading publishers allowed themselves and their news services to become handmaidens to the
intelligence services.” Of the household names that went along with this arrangement were: Columbia
Broadcasting System, Copley News Service – which gave the CIA confidential information on antiwar and
black protestors – ABC TV, NBC, Associated Press, United Press International, Reuters, Newsweek,
Time, Scripps-Howard, Hearst Newspapers and the Miami Herald. Bernstein additionally stated that the
two
Page most
2 of 5 bullish media outlets to co-operate were the new York Times and CBS Television. The02:58:45PM
Sep 04, 2016 New MDT
Time, Scripps-Howard, Hearst Newspapers and the Miami Herald. Bernstein additionally stated that the
two most bullish media outlets to co-operate were the new York Times and CBS Television. The New
York Times even went so far as to submit stories to Allen Dulles and his replacement, John McCone, to vet
and approve before publication.
Slowly, the role of Mockingbird in muzzling and manipulating the press began to be revealed. In 1974,
two former CIA agents, Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks, published a sensational book entitled “The
CIA and the Cult of Intelligence.” The book caused uproar for the many revelations it contained. Included
amongst them was the fact that the, until then, widely respected Encounter magazine was indirectly funded
by the CIA. The vehicle used to covertly transfer funds to Encounter and many other publications, was the
Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF)– a CIA front. A decade earlier, in 1965, the CCF was renamed
Forum World Features (FWF) and purchased by Kern House Enterprises, under the direction of John Hay
Whitney, publisher of the International Herald Tribune and former US Ambassador to the United Kingdom.
The Chairman of Forum World Features was Brian Crozier, who resigned his position shortly before the
explosive book went on sale. Crozier, a former “Economist” journalist, was a “contact” of Britain’s Secret
Intelligence Service (MI6). His employment to head up the CIA financed Forum World Features in 1965,
caused a row with MI6 who felt the CIA had breached the secret agreement between the UK and USA by
recruiting one of their own assets.
Crozier’s media style was more discrete than Mockingbird. He preferred, when possible, to insert his
pre-spun propaganda stories to unwitting members of the media, who would reprint them unaware of the
bias they contained. In time, Crozier would go on to head up a shadowy anti subversive and dirty tricks
group called the “61,” that sought to counter communist propaganda. Another group of which he was a
member was the Pinay Cercle – a right wing Atlanticist group funded by the CIA - that claimed credit for
getting Margaret Thatcher elected as British Prime Minister.
Another propaganda operation, run from Lisburn barracks in Northern Ireland, and under nominal British
Army control, participated in extensive media manipulation around the same time. Known as “Clockwork
Orange” this involved the construction of propaganda material designed to discredit prominent members of
the then Labour government as well as some in the Conservative shadow cabinet. Especially targeted was
then Prime Minister Harold Wilson. Clockwork Orange relied heavily on forged documents that would be
given to selected journalists for publication. Many of these forgeries sought to demonstrate secret
communist ties – or east bloc intelligence affiliations – amongst high profile politicians.
The aim was to destabilise Wilson and the Labour government by falsely showing them to be soft on
communism or even pro communist. This operation clearly favoured a right wing Conservative
administration under the leadership of Mrs. Thatcher. In the event, Wilson resigned, said to have been
sickened by the numerous personal snipe attacks against him. During the time he was under siege, Wilson
experienced numerous break ins at his office, as well as having his phone lines tapped -courtesy of
unnamed officials in the security service, it is believed. By 1979 the Conservative party was returned to
power.
Yet, with the demise of the cold war the motive for media propaganda has collapsed. Or has it? James
Lilly, former Director of Operations at the CIA later became Director of Asian studies at the American
Enterprise Institute – a think tank heavily staffed by former intelligence types. Lilly, in giving testimony to a
Senate committee during 1996 observed: “Journalists, I think, you don’t recruit them. We can’t do that.
They’ve told us not to do that. But you certainly sit down with your journalists, and I’ve done this and the
Station Chief has done it, others have done it…”
But even as the cold war rationale for subverting the media recedes into the distance, press manipulation
continues
Page 3 of 5 anon. A classified CIA report surfaced in 1992, that revealed the Agency’sSep
public affairs
04, 2016 office MDT
02:58:45PM
continues anon. A classified CIA report surfaced in 1992, that revealed the Agency’s public affairs office
“… has relationships with reporters from every major wire service, newspaper, news weekly, and television
network in the nation.” The report added that the benefits of these continued contacts had been fruitful to
the CIA by turning “Intelligence failure stories into intelligence success stories…” Basking in a glow of self
satisfaction, the report continued “In many cases, we have persuaded reporters to postpone, change, hold
or even scrap stories that could have adversely affected national security interests.”
But the last word goes to Noam Chomsky. A Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of
Technology, Chomsky has extensively investigated the role of today’s media. His analysis is un-nerving.
The democratic postulate, Chomsky says, “is that the media are independent and committed to
discovering and reporting the truth…” Despite this axiom, Chomsky finds that the media supports
“established power” and is “responsive to the needs of government and major power groups.” He
additionally argues that the media is a mechanism for pervasive “thought control” of elite interests and that
ordinary citizens need to “undertake a course of intellectual self-defence to protect themselves from
manipulation and control…” The covert role of the media has now apparently shifted its focus. One time
expediter of the “cold war,” it now clamours for the extension of “corporate power.”
Was the CIA behind Thatcher’s election?
Brian Crozier’s protege was Robert Moss – a speech writer for Margaret Thatcher. It was Moss who
wrote Thatcher’s now famous speech “The Sovietization of Britain” that resulted in her being nick-named
the “Iron Lady.” It was Thatcher’s strident anti-communism and laissez faire free market economic policies
that made her so attractive to powerful right wingers in the Conservative party, and ensured her election as
Conservative leader. Moss, received much of his inspiration from Cord Meyer, Jr., the London CIA Station
Chief -and long time expert in covert operations. Additional input to Moss came from the CIA’s Miles
Copeland, formerly the head of the CIA’s “Gaming Room” in Langley, Virginia. The Gaming Room was
used to simulate covert actions prior to them being acted out for real.
Profile of Professor Noam Chomsky
Professor of Linguistics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Noam Chomsky is an internationally

acclaimed, scholar, writer and political activist who has extensively scrutinised the thorny subject of media
manipulation by elite and corporate interests. His books “Necessary Illusions – Thought Control in
Democratic Societies,” and “Manufacturing Consent,” co-authored with Edward Herman, are considered
classics on the subject. Chomsky argues that the role of money and elite interests continue to undermine a
meaningful society. Professor Chomsky’s views will be expounded more fully in an exclusive interview to
be published in a forthcoming issue of The X Factor.
The CIA use of the media to undermine Chile
In his expose of the CIA’s subversion of the media, reporter Carl Bernstein outlined how Chile’s socialist
Prime Minister, Salvador Allende, was brought to ruin by a CIA sponsored media campaign. According to
Bernstein, one of the Agency’s most valuable media “assets” was Hal Hendrix, the Miami News Latin
American correspondent during the 1960’s. Hendrix, who was known as “The Spook” by his colleagues,
was at the forefront of a CIA sponsoered anti Allende media campaign. Other reporters sympathetic to the
CIA’s strategy, funnelled Agency funds to Allende’s political foes, as well as writing anti Allende
propaganda for CIA controlled newspapers. The entire “get Allende” campaign was orchestrated by the
Nixon White House which was under pressure from major US corporations like Coca Cola and IT&T to
“keep Allende from taking power.”
Journalists and corporate suppression of the news

Page 4 of 5 Sep 04, 2016 02:58:45PM MDT
Journalists and corporate suppression of the
http://www.deepblacklies.co.uk/subverting_the_media.htm news
Professor Noam Chomsky, and his co-author Edward Herman, in their book “Manufacturing Consent,”
have gone to extraordinary lengths to demonstrate how media censorship operates. Self censorship, the
authors maintain, largely results from a set of “filters” inculcated into the very heart of journalism, that
Chomsky and Herman call the “Propaganda model.” The first of these “filters” the authors maintain, arises
from corporate ownership primarily resulting in the mass media being beholden to “profit orientation.” The
argument is that the largest media enterprises are now owned not just by one or two corporate entities, but
by dozens of them – via cross-ownership. Consequently, a given media outlet is less likely to bite the hand
that owns it.
The authors go on to cite a number of additional filters that operate behind the scenes. These range from
the power of advertisers through to the role played by powerful pressure groups – for example the military –
who work hard to “shape” information in a favourable light. This is a clear example and one that defence
correspondents are all too aware of. The Pentagon can be a great aid to a defence journalist providing
inside information and other access. But this sort of co-operation and access is dependent on the angle or
“spin” that will appear in the resulting story. In other words the article must meet with their approval. If, on
the other hand, the story attacks the military, co-operation is quickly pulled. Other powerful pressure
groups operate in a similar fashion. These include, for example, the arms, oil, pharmaceutical, farmers and
brewing industries.
Today, barely any story reaches the media that hasn’t been artfully packaged by Public Relations guru’s -
retained for their ability to slant stories in favour of their clients interests. Television news regularly air
news items that use pre-shot footage supplied by corporate film wizards. In the past, the fag-smoking,
booze-guzzling archetypal reporter trudged the streets tracking down a front-page story. Today, however,
the media hound merely cuts and pastes the contents of a freebie, pre-spun “Press Pack” – directly to his
computer Desk Top Publishing programme. In short, investigative journalism has been replaced by a
clubby merry go round of money spinning splutter that regales the reader with carefully wrought stories
fronting as news items.
Rarely do the media cover seriously controversial subjects. During the heady days of the Scott enquiry,
few stories appeared that looked at the financing of weapons to Iraq and Iran. A few journalists knew this
was a major aspect of the arms to Iraq affair, but how many newspapers revealed which British banks had
been up to their neck in weapons financing? Corporate money has massive clout and if you want to stay in
business, as a journalist, you don’t rock the boat. By any measure this is self censorship.
Ask most journalists and they will chuckle and say it is not. Sure, some stories are “spiked” – that is the
nature of journalism. Spiked stories generally result from legal reasons and constraints, media
professionals will tell you, but rarely result from direct action to suppress stories that the public should learn
about. Occasionally, a newspaper proprietor may step in a kill a story for their own reasons. These just as
often end-up in the pages of Private Eye, so little advantage ultimately accrues. At least that is the
rationale.
The entire content of this site is subject to Unauthorised reproduction will be vigourously pursued to
international copyright . the full extent of the law.
Page 5 of 5 Sep 04, 2016 02:58:45PM MDT

10/10/2016 Talk:Operation Mockingbird - SourceWatch
Talk:Operation Mockingbird
From SourceWatch
re http://web.archive.org/web/20011217025849/www.geocities.com/alanjpakula/triplecrown.html .... the Wayback

Machine says that it is not operational today.
However, the link is for www.geocities.com/alanjpakula ...
Alan J. Pakula produced "To Kill a Mockingbird" in 1962 and directed "All the President's Men" in 1976. [1]
(http://awards.fennec.org/p/pakula_alan_j.html)
Curious or not?
Sure!
also, http://groups.google.com/groups?hl=en&lr=&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8&th=eac91af2ae474690&rnum=1
Just had one of those obvious "ah-ha" moments ..... think tanks and their "studies" are no more than legalized
money laundering covert operations' vehicles. The more these "names" (people, agencies, organizations, etc.) criss-
cross, the more obvious it becomes.
--- Am going to rewrite this page and delete what can't be verified -- Most of the allegations in what was here is
unsubstantiated and can't be verified. A nexis search turns up nothing and a Google only conspiracy theory sites.
For example it is claimed that Philip Graham was central to the operation and much is made of his role as an
innteligence officer in WWII. In fact he was a major in intelligence an Air Force unit - hardly a high level role. And
to claim that the Washington Post is one of the most right wing daily newspapers is off the wall. So, over the next
few days I'm going to rewrite this and it is easier to start with a clean slate so have relocated what was on the article
page to the talk page -- --Bob Burton 05:56, 10 Sep 2004 (EDT)
The "rewrite" is now a new article at The CIA and journalism ---
Contents
1 Operation Mockingbird more...
2 Re cleanout
2.1 SourceWatch Resources
2.2 External Links
Operation Mockingbird more...

"Operation Mockingbird 911review.org" (http://911review.org/Wiki/OperationMockingbird.shtml)
Re cleanout
I have deleted the content of the page for a couple of reasons:
http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/Talk:Operation_Mockingbird 1/5
there are numerous websites, mostly conspiracy sites, that refer to Operation Mockingbird but none cite the
primary source on the name or where it was first disclosed;
the most common origins of the term as to a Carl Bernstein article in Rolling Stone; However, the extract of
the Bernstein article that is online refers to the CIA using journalisms but it doesn't specifically mention
Operation Mockingbird; where the Senate Select Intelligence Committee chaired by Senator Frank Church is
referred to there are no primary source citations;
I have no doubt that the CIA used journalists but I can find no evidence that it was called Operation
Mockingbird. In the absence of some credible source on the name Operation Mockingbird, there is no basis
for a page by this title;
Yes, there are plenty of websites referring to Operation Mockingbird but none go back to credible primary
sources; instead, they either refer to each other or make sweeping unreferenced claims that don't deserve to
be repeated here. The previous content of this page was largely derived from these sites;
For this reason I created the page The CIA and journalism where the issue can be documented but without
being tied to the name of what appears to be an unverified title;
I relocated the Kristine Borjesson reference to the media trends page where it seems more appropriate; I
checked my copy but it does not have any mention of Operation Mockingbird, so it is not appropriate to list it
in the references. --Bob Burton 00:37, 9 Oct 2006 (EDT)
Control of information is essential for autocratic rulers. It is well documented how the CIA became a central tool
for this task:
Overview by Mary Louise posted at PrisonPlanet.com

(http://www.prisonplanet.com/analysis_louise_01_03_03_mockingbird.html) (2003-03-01):
"Starting in the early days of the Cold War (late 40's), the CIA began a secret project called Operation
Mockingbird, with the intent of buying influence behind the scenes at major media outlets and putting
reporters on the CIA payroll, which has proven to be a stunning ongoing success. The CIA effort to recruit
American news organizations and journalists to become spies and disseminators of propaganda, was headed
up by Frank Wisner, Allen Dulles, Richard Helms, and Philip Graham (publisher of The Washington Post)."
From an undated piece by Steve Kangas titled "The Origins of the Overclass" (http://home.att.net/~Resurgence/L-
overclass.html):
"Journalism is a perfect cover for CIA agents. People talk freely to journalists, and few think suspiciously of
a journalist aggressively searching for information. Journalists also have power, influence and clout. Not
surprisingly, the CIA began a mission in the late 1940s to recruit American journalists on a wide scale, a
mission it dubbed Operation MOCKINGBIRD. The agency wanted these journalists not only to relay any
sensitive information they discovered, but also to write anti-communist, pro-capitalist propaganda when
needed."
"Perhaps no newspaper is more important to the CIA than the Washington Post, one of the nation's most
right-wing dailies. Its location in the nation's capitol enables the paper to maintain valuable personal contacts
with leading intelligence, political and business figures. Unlike other newspapers, the Post operates its own
bureaus around the world, rather than relying on AP wire services. Owner Philip Graham was a military
intelligence officer in World War II, and later became close friends with CIA figures like Frank Wisner, Allen
Dulles, Desmond FitzGerald and Richard Helms. He inherited the Post by marrying Katherine Graham,
whose father owned it."
"Sig Mickelson was a CIA asset the entire time he was president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961. Later he
went on to become president of Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty, two major outlets of CIA
propaganda."
"The CIA also secretly bought or created its own media companies. It owned 40 percent of the Rome Daily
American at a time when communists were threatening to win the Italian elections. Worse, the CIA has
bought many domestic media companies. A prime example is Capital Cities, created in 1954 by CIA
businessman William J. Casey (who would later become Ronald Reagan's CIA director). Another founder
was Lowell Thomas, a close friend and business contact with CIA Director Allen Dulles. Another founder
was CIA businessman Thomas Dewey. By 1985, Capital Cities had grown so powerful that it was able to
buy an entire TV network: ABC."
"For those who believe in 'separation of press and state,' the very idea that the CIA has secret propaganda
outlets throughout the media is appalling. The reason why America was so oblivious to CIA crimes in the
40s and 50s was because the media willingly complied with the agency."
There are several copies online of "The Alex Constantine Article; Tales from the Crypt -- The Depraved Spies and
Moguls of the CIA's Operation MOCKINGBIRD" [2] (http://www.alexconstantine.50megs.com/the_cia_and.html)
[3] (http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/RANCHO/POLITICS/MOCK/mockingbird.html)
"[In the late 40's] the American intelligence services competed with communist activists abroad to influence
State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service, rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war
underground of covert operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip Graham, a graduate
of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg, PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under
Wisner's wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD."
"Most consumers of the corporate media were - and are - unaware of the effect that the salting of public
beliefs about government and life in the parallel universe of these United States."
"Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham 'believing that the function of the press was more often
than not to mobilize consent for the policies of the government, was one of the architects of what became a
widespread practice: the use and manipulation of journalists by the CIA'. This scandal was known by its code
name Operation MOCKINGBIRD."
There are many citations attached to "A Letter to the Washington Post"
(http://home.gwi.net/~troberts/Julian/WashPostLetter.html) by Julian C. Holmes dated April 25, 1992.
From "Subverting the Media" (http://www.deepblacklies.co.uk/subverting_the_media.htm) by David Guyatt:
"In an October 1977, article published by Rolling Stone magazine, Carl Bernstein reported that more than
400 American journalists worked for the CIA. Bernstein went on to reveal that this cozy arrangement had
covered the preceding 25 years. Sources told Bernstein that the New York Times, America's most respected
newspaper at the time, was one of the CIA's closest media collaborators. Seeking to spread the blame, the
New York Times published an article in December 1977, revealing that 'more than eight hundred news and
public information organisations and individuals,' had participated in the CIA's covert subversion of the
media.
"As these stories hit the news, Senate investigators began to probe the CIA sponsored manipulation of the
media - the 'Fourth Estate' that supposedly was dedicated to acting as a check and balance on the excesses of
the executive. This investigation was, however, curtailed at the insistence of Central Intelligence Agency
Directors, William Colby and George H.W. Bush - who would later be elected US President. The information
gathered by the Senate Select Intelligence Committee chaired by Senator Frank Church, was 'deliberately
buried' Bernstein reported.
"Slowly, the role of Mockingbird in muzzling and manipulating the press began to be revealed. In 1974, two
former CIA agents, Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks, published a sensational book entitled "The CIA and
the Cult of Intelligence" (ISBN 0440203368). The book caused uproar for the many revelations it contained."
From "Myth of Liberal Media", posted at Democratic Underground (includes citation links)
(http://www.democraticunderground.com/duforum/DCForumID45/1908.html), Democracy Unbound (scroll down)
(http://www.democracyunbound.com/triplecrown.html), and at
http://web.archive.org/web/20011217025849/www.geocities.com/alanjpakula/triplecrown.html (access via the
Wayback Machine):
"After this embarrassment, it was necessary for the Right to use its own private network to replace
Mockingbird. As a result, there is now the Cato Institute, with Media Mogul Rupert Murdoch (Fox, NY Post,
TV Guide) on the Board with ATT/TCI's Malone [10] . Another big contributor to Cato is Viacom, which
recently acquired CBS. Consequently, CBS/Viacom is now headed by Sumner M. Redstone, who is yet
another powerful right wing figure with a WWII intelligence background [11] and apparent ties to OSS/CIA
figures [12] . Cato serves the purpose of infusing the Media with Right Wing Propaganda, along with such
organizations as Accuracy in Media (AIM), the Independent Women's Forum, the Western Journalism Center
and -- of course -- the Heritage Foundation (See Main Page for Details).
"The difference between the days of Operation Mockingbird and the present situation is that, instead of
actually placing network executives, publishers, editors, reporters and pundits on the CIA payroll, their
contemporary counterparts are now members of the Right Wing Think Tanks*. In addition to Cato's
Murdoch, some high profile examples are MSNBC's Laura Ingraham (a notorious 'Scaifette' from the
Independent Women's Forum [13] ) and ABC's John Stossel [14] . CNN's Kate O'Beirne is a Heritage fellow
(and previous VP) who is a regular columnist for the National Review. Also, old Bonesman/CIA hand
William F. Buckley, Jr. is the Editor of the arch-conservative Review. The National Review's President and
Chairman is none other than Thomas Rhodes, who was recently a Heritage Board member. Other right wing
journals financed by these sugar-daddies (and mommies) include the American Spectator, Human Events and
Murdoch's Weekly Standard."
From Glen Yeadon's "From the streets of Little Beirut" (http://www.spiritone.com/~gdy52150/books.html)

(2/28/03):
"CIA censorship and media-propagandizing was supposed to have stopped in the mid-1970s after the Church
Committee investigated the CIA's Project Mockingbird. At the time, every major media outlet was infected
with Mockingbird. Coexisting with Project Mockingbird was a FBI operation named COINTELPRO.
COINTELPRO was successful in destroying not only leftist groups but also more importantly the press of
the left. Ramparts Magazine was a major target eliminated by COINTELPRO. In one short decade, the
alternative press had been wiped out."
SourceWatch Resources
Herbert Allen
External Links
Greg Bishop, "The Covert News Network," (http://www.antiqillum.com/glor/glor_007/covert_news.pdf)

antiqillum.com, no date.
Robert Lederer, "Apology to the Media," (http://www.iahf.com/20000916.html) iahf.com, September 16,
2000.
Geoff Metcalf, "To Kill or Feed a Mockingbird," (http://www.newswithviews.com/metcalf/metcalf8.htm)
News with Views, July 29, 2002.
Cheryl Seal, "'Listen to the Mockingbird': Deconstructing the CIA-Style Disinformation 'Song' of the
Washington Post," (http://baltimore.indymedia.org/newswire/display/4244/index.php) Baltimore Independent
Media, June 18, 2003.
Michael Hasty, "Secret admirers: The Bushes and the Washington Post" (Part 1)
(http://www.onlinejournal.com/Media/020504Hasty/020504hasty.html), Online Journal, February 5, 2004.
Retrieved from "http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=Talk:Operation_Mockingbird&oldid=139903"
This page was last modified on 9 October 2006, at 00:37.

Content is available under Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike unless otherwise noted.
10/10/2016 The CIA and journalism - SourceWatch

From SourceWatch
Operation Mockingbird was a secret Central Intelligence Agency campaign to influence domestic and foreign
media beginning in the 1950s.
The activities, extent and even the existence of the CIA project remain in dispute: the operation was first called
Mockingbird in Deborah Davis' 1979 book, Katharine the Great: Katharine Graham and her Washington Post
Empire. But Davis' book, alleging that the media had been recruited (infiltrated) by the CIA for propaganda
purposes, was itself controversial and has since been shown to have had a number of erroneous assertions.[1] More
evidence of Mockingbird's existence emerged in the 2007 memoir American Spy: My Secret History in the CIA,
Watergate and Beyond, by convicted Watergate "plumber" E. Howard Hunt and The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the
CIA Played America by Hugh Wilford (2008).[2]
Contents
1 History
1.1 Part of the Directorate for Plans
1.2 Guatemala
1.3 First exposure
1.4 Church Committee investigations
1.5 "Family Jewels" Report
2 Books
3 Related SourceWatch Resources
4 External links
History
In 1948, Frank Wisner was appointed director of the Office of Special Projects (OSP). Soon afterwards OSP was
renamed the Office of Policy Coordination (OPC). This became the espionage and counter-intelligence branch of
the Central Intelligence Agency. Wisner was told to create an organization that concentrated on "propaganda,
economic warfare; preventive direct action, including sabotage, anti-sabotage, demolition and evacuation measures;
subversion against hostile states, including assistance to underground resistance groups, and support of indigenous
anti-Communist elements in threatened countries of the free world."[3]
Later that year Wisner established Mockingbird, a program to influence the domestic and foreign media. Wisner
recruited Philip Graham from The Washington Post to run the project within the industry. According to Deborah
Davis in Katharine the Great; "By the early 1950s, Wisner 'owned' respected members of The New York Times,
Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles."[4] Wisner referred to this apparatus as a "Mighty Wurlitzer",
referencing the theater organ capable of controlling diverse pipes, instruments, and sound effects from a central
console.[5]
In 1951, Allen W. Dulles persuaded Cord Meyer to join the CIA. However, there is evidence that he was recruited
several years earlier and had been spying on the liberal organizations he had been a member of in the later 1940s.[6]
According to Deborah Davis, Meyer became Mockingbird's "principal operative".[7]
http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php/The_CIA_and_journalism 1/6
In 1977, Rolling Stone alleged that one of the most important journalists under the control of Operation
Mockingbird was Joseph Alsop, whose articles appeared in over 300 different newspapers. Other journalists
alleged by Rolling Stone Magazine to have been willing to promote the views of the CIA included Stewart Alsop
(New York Herald Tribune), Ben Bradlee (Newsweek), James Reston (New York Times), Charles Douglas Jackson
(Time Magazine), Walter Pincus (Washington Post), William C. Baggs (The Miami News), Herb Gold (The Miami
News) and Charles Bartlett (Chattanooga Times).[8] According to Nina Burleigh (A Very Private Woman), these
journalists sometimes wrote articles that were commissioned by Frank Wisner. The CIA also provided them with
classified information to help them with their work.[9]
After 1953, the network was overseen by Allen W. Dulles, director of the Central Intelligence Agency. By this time
Operation Mockingbird had a major influence over 25 newspapers and wire agencies. These organizations were run
by people with well-known right-wing views such as William Paley (CBS), Henry Luce (Time and Life Magazine),
Arthur Hays Sulzberger (New York Times), Alfred Friendly (managing editor of the Washington Post), Jerry
O'Leary (Washington Star), Hal Hendrix (Miami News), Barry Bingham, Sr., (Louisville Courier-Journal), James
Copley (Copley News Services) and Joseph Harrison (Christian Science Monitor).[8]
The Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) was funded by siphoning of funds intended for the Marshall Plan. Some
of this money was used to bribe journalists and publishers. Frank Wisner was constantly looking for ways to help
convince the public of the dangers of communism. In 1954, Wisner arranged for the funding of the Hollywood
production of Animal Farm, the animated allegory based on the book written by George Orwell.[10]
According to Alex Constantine (Mockingbird: The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA), in the 1950s, "some
3,000 salaried and contract CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts". Wisner was also able
to restrict newspapers from reporting about certain events. For example, the CIA plots to overthrow the
governments of Iran (See: Operation Ajax) and Guatemala (See: Operation PBSUCCESS).[11]
Thomas Braden, head of the International Organizations Division (IOD), played an important role in Operation
Mockingbird. Many years later he revealed his role in these events:
"If the director of CIA wanted to extend a present, say, to someone in Europe—a Labour leader—suppose he
just thought, This man can use fifty thousand dollars, he's working well and doing a good job - he could hand
it to him and never have to account to anybody... There was simply no limit to the money it could spend and
no limit to the people it could hire and no limit to the activities it could decide were necessary to conduct the
war—the secret war.... It was a multinational. Maybe it was one of the first. Journalists were a target, labor
unions a particular target—that was one of the activities in which the communists spent the most money."[12]
Part of the Directorate for Plans

In August 1952, the Office of Policy Coordination and the Office of Special Operations (the espionage division)
were merged under the Deputy Director for Plans (DDP). Frank Wisner became head of this new organization and
Richard Helms became his chief of operations. Mockingbird was now the responsibility of the DDP.[13]
J. Edgar Hoover became jealous of the CIA's growing power. He described the OPC as "Wisner's gang of weirdos"
and began carrying out investigations into their past. It did not take him long to discover that some of them had
been active in left-wing politics in the 1930s. This information was passed to Joseph McCarthy who started making
attacks on members of the OPC. Hoover also gave McCarthy details of an affair that Frank Wisner had with
Princess Caradja in Romania during the war. Hoover claimed that Caradja was a Soviet agent.[14]
Joseph McCarthy also began accusing other senior members of the CIA as being security risks. McCarthy claimed
that the CIA was a "sinkhole of communists", and claimed he intended to root out a hundred of them. One of his
first targets was Cord Meyer, who was still working for Operation Mockingbird. In August, 1953, Richard Helms,
Wisner's deputy at the OPC, told Meyer that Joseph McCarthy had accused him of being a communist. The Federal
Bureau of Investigation added credibility to the accusation by announcing it was unwilling to give Meyer "security
clearance". However, the FBI refused to explain what evidence they had against Meyer. Allen W. Dulles and Frank
Wisner both came to his defense and refused to permit an FBI interrogation of Meyer.[15]
Joseph McCarthy did not realize what he was taking on. Wisner unleashed Mockingbird on McCarthy. Drew
Pearson, Joe Alsop, Jack Anderson, Walter Lippmann and Ed Murrow all engaged in intensely negative coverage
of McCarthy, whose political reputation was permanently damaged by the press coverage orchestrated by
Wisner.[16]
Guatemala
Mockingbird was very active during the overthrow of President Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in Guatemala during
Operation PBSUCCESS. Allen W. Dulles was even able to keep left-wing journalists from travelling to Guatemala,
including Sydney Gruson of the New York Times.[17]
Even in the wake of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles' 1952 presidential campaign pledge to "roll back the Iron
Curtain", American covert action operations came under scrutiny almost as soon as Dwight Eisenhower was
inaugurated in 1953. He soon set up an evaluation operation called Solarium, which had three committees playing
analytical games to see which plans of action should be continued. In 1955, President Dwight D. Eisenhower
established the 5412 Committee in order to keep more of a check on the CIA's covert activities. The committee
(also called the Special Group) included the CIA director, the national security adviser, and the deputy secretaries at
State and Defence and had the responsibility to decide whether covert actions were "proper" and in the national
interest. It was also decided to include Richard B. Russell, chairman of the U.S. Senate Armed Services
Committee. However, as Allen W. Dulles was later to admit, because of "plausible deniability" planned covert
actions were not referred to the 5412 Committee.
Eisenhower became concerned about CIA covert activities and in 1956 appointed David K. E. Bruce as a member
of the President's Board of Consultants on Foreign Intelligence Activities (PBCFIA). Eisenhower asked Bruce to
write a report on the CIA. It was presented to Eisenhower on 20 December 1956. Bruce argued that the CIA's
covert actions were "responsible in great measure for stirring up the turmoil and raising the doubts about us that
exists in many countries in the world today." Bruce was also highly critical of Mockingbird. He argued: "what right
have we to go barging around in other countries buying newspapers and handing money to opposition parties or
supporting a candidate for this, that, or the other office."[18]
After Richard M. Bissell, Jr. lost his post as Deputy Director for Plans in 1962, Tracy Barnes took over the running
of Mockingbird. According to Evan Thomas (The Very Best Men) Barnes planted editorials about political
candidates who were regarded as pro-CIA.
First exposure
In 1964, Random House published Invisible Government by David Wise and Thomas Ross. The book exposed the
role the CIA was playing in foreign policy. This included the CIA coups in Guatemala (Operation PBSUCCESS)
and Iran (Operation Ajax) and the Bay of Pigs Invasion. It also revealed the CIA's attempts to overthrow President
Sukarno in Indonesia and the covert operations taking place in Laos and Vietnam. The CIA considered buying up
the entire printing of Invisible Government but this idea was rejected when Random House pointed out that if this
happened they would have to print a second edition.[3]
John McCone, the new director of the CIA, also attempted to stop Edward Yates from making a documentary on
the CIA for the National Broadcasting Company (NBC). This attempt at censorship failed and NBC went ahead
and broadcast this critical documentary.
In June, 1965, Desmond FitzGerald was appointed as head of the Directorate for Plans. He now took charge of
Mockingbird. At the end of 1966 FitzGerald found out that Ramparts, a left-wing publication, had discovered that
the CIA had been secretly funding the National Student Association.[19] FitzGerald ordered Edgar Applewhite to
organize a campaign against the magazine. Applewhite later told Evan Thomas for his book, The Very Best Men: "I
had all sorts of dirty tricks to hurt their circulation and financing. The people running Ramparts were vulnerable to
blackmail. We had awful things in mind, some of which we carried off."[20]
This dirty tricks campaign failed to stop Ramparts publishing this story in March 1967. The article, written by Sol
Stern, was entitled NSA and the CIA. As well as reporting CIA funding of the National Student Association it
exposed the whole system of anti-Communist front organizations in Europe, Asia, and South America. It named
Cord Meyer as a key figure in this campaign. This included the funding of the literary journal Encounter.[12]
In May 1967, Thomas Braden responded to this by publishing an article entitled, "I'm Glad the CIA is 'Immoral'",
in the Saturday Evening Post, where he defended the activities of the International Organizations Division unit of
the CIA. Braden also confessed that the activities of the CIA had to be kept secret from Congress. As he pointed
out in the article: "In the early 1950s, when the Cold War was really hot, the idea that Congress would have
approved many of our projects was about as likely as the John Birch Society's approving Medicare."[21]
Meyer's role in Operation Mockingbird was further exposed in 1972 when he was accused of interfering with the
publication of a book, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia by Alfred W. McCoy. The book was highly critical
of the CIA's dealings with the drug traffic in Southeast Asia. The publisher, who leaked the story, had been a former
colleague of Meyer's when he was a liberal activist after the war.[22]
Church Committee investigations

Further details of Operation Mockingbird were revealed as a result of the Frank Church investigations (Select
Committee to Study Governmental Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities) in 1975. According to the
Congress report published in 1976:
"The CIA currently maintains a network of several hundred foreign individuals around the world who
provide intelligence for the CIA and at times attempt to influence opinion through the use of covert
publishers, and other foreign media outlets."
Church argued that misinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265 million a year.[23]
In February 1976, George H. W. Bush, the recently appointed Director of the CIA, announced a new policy:
"Effective immediately, the CIA will not enter into any paid or contract relationship with any full-time or part-time
news correspondent accredited by any U.S. news service, newspaper, periodical, radio or television network or
station." However, he added that the CIA would continue to "welcome" the voluntary, unpaid cooperation of
journalists.[24]
"Family Jewels" Report
According to the "Family Jewels" report, released by the National Security Archive on June 26, 2007, during the
period from March 12, 1963 and June 15, 1963, the CIA installed telephone taps on two Washington-based news
reporters.
Books
Joseph J. Trento, The Secret History of the CIA, Random House, October 2001, ISBN 978-0-7615-2562-2
ISBN 0-7615-2562-9
Related SourceWatch Resources

manufactured journalism
propaganda
External links
The Global Intelligence News Portal: CIA: Use of journalists (http://mprofaca.cro.net/ciapress1.html)
Daniel Brandt , "Journalism and the CIA: The Mighty Wurlitzer (http://www.namebase.org/news17.html)",
NameBase NewsLine, No. 17, April-June 1997.
Carl Bernstein, "The CIA & The Media (http://mprofaca.cro.net/ciapress1.html)", Rolling Stone, October 27,
1977. (extract)
The Senate Intelligence Oversight Committee, "Written testimony of John M. Deutch, Director of Central
Intelligence: Agency Use of Journalists, Clergy, Peace Corps and Volunteers for Intelligence Operations
(http://www.fortunecity.com/meltingpot/park/1097/ciaclrgy.html)", July 17, 1996.
Kate Houghton, "Subverting Journalism: Reporters and the CIA
(http://www.cpj.org/attacks96/sreports/cia.html)", Committee to Protect Journalists, 1996.
Robert Parry, "Money, Media & the Mess in America (http://www.consortiumnews.com/2005/012805.html),
Consortium News, January 28, 2005.
Jim Boyd, "Editorial Pages: Why Courage is Hard to Find,"
(http://www.nieman.harvard.edu/reportsitem.aspx?id=100453) Nieman Reports, Spring 2006.
Davis asserts that Deep Throat was Richard Ober, rather than Mark Felt, as has since been revealed
Kazin, Michael (January 27, 2008). "Dancing to the CIA's Tune (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-
dyn/content/article/2008/01/24/AR2008012402369.html)", The Washington Post. Retrieved on 2010-03-19.
David Wise and Thomas Ross (1964). Invisible Government.
Deborah Davis (1979). Katharine the Great, 137–138.
Wilford, Hugh (2008). The Mighty Wurlitzer: How the CIA Played America. Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, 7. ISBN 978-0674026810.
Cord Meyer (1980). Facing Reality: From World Federalism to the CIA, 42–59.
Deborah Davis (1979). Katharine the Great, 226.
Carl Bernstein (20 October 1977). "CIA and the Media", Rolling Stone Magazine.
Nina Burleigh (1998). A Very Private Woman, 118.
Evan Thomas (1995). The Very Best Men: The Early Years of the CIA, 33.
Alex Constantine (2000). Mockingbird: The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA.
(1975) Thomas Braden, interview included in the Granada Television program, World in Action: The Rise
and Fall of the CIA.
John Ranelagh (1986). The Agency: The Rise and Decline of the CIA, 198–202.
Evan Thomas (1995). The Very Best Men: The Early Years of the CIA, 98–106.
Jack Anderson (1979). Confessions of a Muckraker, 208–236.
Evan Thomas (1995). The Very Best Men: The Early Years of the CIA, 148–150.
Thomas Braden (20 May 1967). "I'm Glad the CIA is 'Immoral'", Saturday Evening Post.
Nina Burleigh (1998). A Very Private Woman, 105.
(April 1976) Final Report of the Select Committee to Study Government Operations With Respect to
Intelligence Activities, 191–201.
Mary Louise (2003). Mockingbird: CIA Media Manipulation.
Retrieved from "http://www.sourcewatch.org/index.php?title=The_CIA_and_journalism&oldid=508940"
Categories: Media Journalism
This page was last modified on 29 January 2011, at 12:37.

Content is available under Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike unless otherwise noted.
The American Media is Controlled
Facingfreedomschallenge.blogspot.com/
It wasn’t that long ago the CIA took control over most American Media under a program
known as “Operation Mockingbird”. It was Carl Bernstein who exposed the tentacles
connecting the CIA and the Media, but it took even longer to connect the dots the CIA
has been controlled by a secret society, the same society that is found at Yale
University where its select 15 are tapped from the undergraduates and for the most part
end up in government roles, the CIA, banking and the media.
By 1953, Joseph Alsop, had already signed aboard the CIA list of publishers that could
be counted on to promote CIA Propaganda. Others would include William Paley of the
Columbia Broadcasting System, (CBS) Henry Luce of Tirne Inc., Arthur Hays
New York Times, Barry Bingham Sr. of the
Sulzberger of the ‑ LouisviIle Courier Journal,
and James Copley of the Copley News Service. Other organizations which cooperated
with the CIA include the American Broadcasting Company, (ABC) the National
Broadcasting Company, (NBC) the Associated Press, (AP) United Press International,

(UPI) Reuters, Hearst Newspapers, Scripps‑Howard, Newsweek magazine, the Mutual

Broadcasting System, the Miami Herald, the oldSaturday Evening post and New York
Herald Tribune.
By far the most valuable of these associations, according to CIA, have been with the
New York Times, (founded by Skull and Bones Sulzberger) CBS and, Time Inc. (Time
was Founded by Skull and Bones classmates Henry Luce (tapped ino1920), and Briton
Hadden (also tapped in 1920).
These elite members of this fascist cult are sworn to support each other and their
common cause; they swear no allegiance to the U. S. and they are members of a world
organization that does not believe in the U.S. Constitution. That is the reason why so
many Skull and Bones families financed Adolph Hitler. Prominent families as the
Bush’s, The Rockefeller’s, the Ford family and the CIA infiltrated news media.
The New York Times was called on by the CIA to trash the reputation of Gary Webb
after he exposed the CIA Drug connections. They did their job, but the story has been
told again in the true life movie “The Messenger”
For the most part the founders have passed but the relationships continue.
The Skull and Bones continues to churn out more of the future leaders of America in
their effort to control and shape our political system.
To me it is interesting to watch the drama unfold as both the fascist right wing and the
communist left wing go after Trump. This will be an amusing rendition of a centuries old
drug cartel that has been influencing American politics since the early 19th Century. A
cult founded in Germany with the American branch founded in 1833, this cult has
advanced its members to the highest offices and political mechanisms of the media and
the intelligence community judgeships and yes even presidents.
They have fairly much taken over Wall Street and own the CIA, the reason they go back
to illegal drugs is that was their beginning and where the original wealth came into
being.
Not all were into illegal drugs; some like Percy Rockefeller, S&KClass of 1900 - New
York lawyer, oil man, and gun dealer with Remington arms was also part of Wall Street
having been a director of Brown Brothers Harriman a Wall Street investment bank,
began the family’s S&K History.
The Bushes, Harriman’s and Rockefellers financed Adolph Hitler to power, supporting
his army and even gave Hitler the formula to make air craft fuel from coal.
Franklin MacVeagh, Class of 1862 – was US Secretary of the Treasury under fellow
Bonesman President William Taft. Two other bonesmen George HW Bush and W Bush
also members of this secret cult would later become president of the United States.
Many members of congress are a part and parcel of this secret cult…as are Wall Street
Financiers,
* Charles Edward Adams (1904), director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York *
William McCormick Blair (1907), American financier, heir to the McCormick reaper
fortune * Harold Stanley (1908), co-founder of Morgan Stanley * George Leslie Harrison
(1910), President of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York * Averell Harriman (1913),
founding partner in Harriman Brothers & Company and later Brown Brothers Harriman
& Co., (A Wall Street Investment bank)
* Prescott Bush (1917), founding partner in Brown Brothers Harriman & Co., US
Senator from Connecticut,George HW Bush’s father, George W. Bush’s grand father *
Jonathan James Bush (1953), banker, son of Prescott Bush brother of George HW
Bush. * George Herbert Walker, Jr. (1927), financier and co-founder of the New York
Mets; uncle to President George Herbert Walker Bush
* E. Roland Harriman (1917), co-founder Harriman Brothers & Company

* Granger Kent Costikyan (1929), partner Brown Brothers Harriman
* Lewis Abbot Lapham (1931), banking and shipping executive
* John Mercer Walker, Sr. (1931), investment banker
* Charles Edwin Lord II (1949), banker, Vice-Chairman of the Export-Import Bank of the
United States
* Evan G. Galbraith (1950); managing director of Morgan Stanley
* William H. Donaldson (1953), appointed chairman of the U.S. Securities and

Exchange Commission by George W. Bush; founding dean of Yale School of
Management; co-founder of DLJ investment firm
* Edward S. Lampert (1984), founder of ESL Investments; chairman of Sears Holdings
Corporation
They were not all fascists some were socialists like Albert DeSilver (1910), co-founder
American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), while many Skull and Bones were deeply
involved in the CIA.
* F. Trubee Davison (1918), Director of Personnel at the CIA * William P. Bundy (1939)
was an analysis with the CIA. * McGeorge Bundy (1940) CIA * Robert A. Lovett
(1918), a Wall Street Banker, partner in Brown Brothers Harriman, helped to establish
the CIA * James L. Buckley (1944), his wife was a 58 year career CIA asset. * William
F. Buckley, Jr. CIA. * Charles S. Whitehouse (1947) CIA. * George H. W. Bush (1948),
11th Director of Central Intelligence (CIA), * William Sloane Coffin (1949), CIA agent.
If you check the Skull and Bones roster you will find the graduating classes of Skull and
Bones appear to go directly into the CIA!
The remainder goes into politics, or become judges! Several become presidents.
Robert William Kagan (1980), co-founder of the Project for the New American Century
drafted the war plans for the 911 event and U.S. future war strategies.
Stephen Allen Schwarzman (1969), co-founder of The Blackstone Group mercenaries
highly paid by George Bush administration a connected Skull and Bonesman.
For once we have the appearance of both the right and left working for a common
cause, that cause crosses the political isles of congress and the long reach of Wall
Street money, the political donors, the king makers have lost grace with the American
public. These King Makers that have anointed Hillary Clinton with full knowledge she is
a crook, a liar, and scandal ridden, the same donors that financed Barrack Obama
knowing of his communist upbringing, and his Muslim beliefs. They along with the RNC
fear losing control of Washington and their grip over our financial future or lack of one.
You will not find an administration since the later part of the 19th century that has not
had Bonesmen in some positions of authority:
Reagan had his S&B George H.W. Bush as his VP, but Reagan is not the lily white
republican the party worships; it should be noted here that Ronald Reagan, had been
the front man back in the 1950s for the money-laundering organization, the Crusade for
Freedom, which was part of Dulles's Fascist 'freedom fighters' program.
http://emperors-clothes.com/articles/randy/swas5.htm
We have endured a succession of imbeciles in the White House that have been the
problem, beginning with Reagan who began the transition of America to a service
society sending the sinew of America, our manufacturing, to Mexico. Under Reagan we
lost some 2200 businesses and with it a few million jobs. Then Bush senior, who it is
believed was in control of the White House under Reagan, Bush, a known NAZI
sympathizer whose family (father Prescott Bush) had made their family fortune financing
Adolph Hitler. Prescott, Bush Sr. and W Bush all were members of this Nazi cult at Yale
University known as the Order of the Skull and Bones. Prescott financed Hitler through
his involvement at Union Bank which was confiscated by the US government under the
trading with the enemy statutes.
When HW Bush ran for president he had known Nazi’s working on his staff.
A 1988, Project Censored, a news media censorship research organization, awarded
the honor of "Top Censored story" to the subject of George Bush. The article revealed
"how the major mass media ignored, overlooked or undercovered at least ten critical
stories reported in America's alternative press that raised serious questions about the
Republican candidate, George Bush, dating from his reported role as a CIA 'asset' in
1963 to his Presidential campaign's connection with a network of anti-Semites with Nazi
and fascist affiliations in 1988." See The 1993 Project Censored Yearbook: The News
That Didn't Make The News - And Why, Project Censored; Dr. Carl Jensen, Director,
pp. 230.
http://www.projectcensored.org/
Both the right and the left, or as each side has become better known, the Communist
arm of the Democratic Party (the Obama Hillary contingent) and the fascist arm of the
Republican Party want business as usual to continue in DC. The same money is behind
the attempt to control who get’s the green light to be the party pall bearer… carrying a
banner for each party that has fallen out of favor with voters.
This sudden emergence of attacks against Donald Trump, shows how fearful and
desperate the left and even the extreme right wing of the Republican establishment are
to hold their control over the public by only allowing insiders, those they can control
financially to get the nomination.
But this time they have grossly underestimated the growing enmity of the voting public
this time they have gone too far with the social drama. Obama leaving the borders
open, sneaking ISIS commandoes into the U.S. scrubbing their intelligence history. And
Obama’s false flag events, supported by Hillary Clinton, has turned the majority of
what’s left of the Democratic party against politics as usual, and the RNC is too ignorant
to understand we are on the verge of a real revolution, as the only alternative to take
our country back.
Abraham Lincoln said it best….
What constitutes the bulwark of our own liberty and independence? It is not our
frowning battlements, our bristling seacoasts, the guns of our war steamers, or the
strength of our gallant and disciplined army. These are not our reliance against a
resumption of tyranny in our fair land. All of them may be turned against our liberties,
without making us stronger or weaker for the struggle. Our reliance is in the love of
liberty which God has planted in our bosoms. Our defense is in the preservation of the
spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men, in all lands, everywhere. Destroy
this spirit, and you have planted the seeds of despotism around your own doors.
Familiarize your selves with the chains of bondage, and you are preparing your own
limbs to wear them. Accustomed to trample on the rights of those around you, you
become the fit subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises.
http://www.trueworldhistory.info/docs/quotes.html
Seo links
The SU Independent, Jack Ferm, Hunger Games, Donald Trump, Mitt Romney, Mitch
McConnell, The system is broken, The American Media is controlled, the CIA,
Operation Mockingbird, Percy Rockefeller, Prescott Bush, George H.W. Bush, George
W Bush, Skull and Bones, The ACLU,
UK Gay News - Operation �Mockingbird�: County Rallies to Aid

Dying Lesbian
2006-01-09 ukgaynews.org.uk
I
n the classic novel To Kill a Mockingbird, Atticus Finch stands alone to do the right thing.
Today, people across the world are standing with Laurel Hester, a dying lesbian New Jersey police officer,
by sending copies of the classic book To Kill a Mockingbird to the officials in Ocean County, who are
refusing to grant pension benefits to Hester and her partner Stacie Andree.
The protest is the brain-child of Michael Jensen, a writer of the political blog, The Big Gay Picture.
�Laurel was kind enough to let me interview her,� Jensen says. �And in the interview, she mentioned
that her favourite novel is To Kill a Mockingbird.�
According to Jensen, sending copies of the book seemed the perfect way to express disapproval over the
actions of Ocean County�s �freeholders,� the Republican officials, who have so far refused to grant
Hester, and all lesbian and gay couples, domestic partnership benefits.
Without such benefits, Ms. Hester fears that her partner will lose their home after she is gone.
In denying Hester�s repeated request for benefits, the freeholders first condemned her for being a lesbian,
then told a series of lies about their reasons, and then, literally, walked out on the wheelchair-bound woman
.
■ The 'Infamous Five' GOP

(Republican) elected freeholders of
Ocean County who walked out on
Laurel Hester last month during a
public meeting. They avoided the
Press by leaving by the back door.
Other than a brief interview with the New York Times, Ms. Hester had not spoken to the press about her
life or her fight with the county until doing the interview with Jensen.
�Have the freeholders of Ocean County ever read To Kill A Mockingbird,� Jensen asks? �It�s all
about doing the right thing, which makes me think they probably haven�t read it. So it made sense to
send them copies of the book, along with a note that says, �To the Freeholders of Ocean County: This is
Laurel Hester�s favourite book. Please read it. You might learn something about doing the right
thing.��
Jensen has teamed with Garden State Equality who will actually deliver the books to the freeholders at
their
Page 1 ofnext
3 meeting. State and local press is expected to be in attendance and Jensen hopes hundreds
Oct 10, 2016 of MDT
04:45:29AM
their next meeting. State and local press is expected to be in attendance and Jensen hopes hundreds of
books will be delivered to the freeholders as the media look on. Already dozens have arrived at the
Garden State Equality office.
Books should be mailed to: Steven Goldstein, 585 Standish Road, Teaneck, NJ 07666-1817. Books need
to arrive by January 17th.
For more information about Operation Mockingbird or Laurel Hester, visit www.biggaypicture.com, or email
Michael Jensen at michael (at) bigggaypicture.com
SEE ALSO:
Dane Wells: How A Straight, White, Middle-Aged Bush Voter Became a Dying Lesbian's Staunchest Ally.
By Michael Jensen. This interview involves Laurel Hester, the woman whose terminal cancer has
embroiled her in a domestic partnership benefits controversy with the local government in Ocean County,
New Jersey. What Laurel didn't know at the time of her diagnosis was that there would be a second rock
supporting her - one she had not ever dreamed of being able to count on. His name is Dane Wells, a
self-described straight, middle-aged, white guy who had never given gay rights more than a passing
thought and calls himself fairly conservative. Indeed, he voted for Bush twice. Big Gay Picture, January 6,
2006)
Laurel Hester's Legacy Just Got Bigger. By Michael Jensen. Laurel Hester must be feeling pretty pleased
this morning. No, the homophobic freeholders of Ocean County, NJ haven't relented on the dying woman's
request to leave her pension benefits to her partner ... (Big Gay Picture, January 6, 2006)
It's Laurel Hester's Wonderful Life. Michael Jensen's The three-part story of New Jersey Police Lt. Laurel
Hester. Laurel Hester has spent her whole life trying to make the world a better place. That is why the
events that have followed her diagnosis with terminal lung cancer a year ago have seemed so strange to
her. She assumed a lifetime spent making the world a better place for others would entitle her to a measure
of fairness in her time of desperate need. Laurel Hester was wrong. (Big Gay Picture, December 2005)
Freeholders Walk Out of Meeting as Public Demand Pension Fairness for Dying Gay Cop. The tragic case
of the dying police officer, who has had her request that her lesbian �life partner� be allowed to receive
her pension rights turned down last month by county Freeholders, took a macabre turn this evening as the
elected Freeholders stormed out of their meeting. (UK Gay News, December 8, 2005)
County to Hester: "Never Mind ..." Editorial. After a frantic scramble, the Ocean County freeholders finally
came up with what they believe is a logical reason to deny Lt. Laurel Hester's request to pass on her
pension benefits to her registered domestic partner � a woman. "We will not unilaterally extend benefits;
They must be negotiated through collective bargaining," the freeholders righteously huffed. Collective
bargaining. Yeah, that's the ticket. Never mind that Hester served the Ocean County Prosecutor's Office
with valor, excellence and professionalism for more than two decades. ... (Ocean County Observer,
November 27)
USA: Straight Man Appeals for Justice for Dying Lesbian Cop. Commentary. Dane Wells, who describes
himself as a �run-of-the-mill, middle-aged straight guy�, is not very happy with the movers and shakers of
his local community, Ocean County in New Jersey. The retired policeman is angry because Ocean County
will not extend �domestic partner benefits� to a former colleague, Lt. Laurel Hester, who is terminally ill
with lung cancer - and is gay. (UK Gay News, November 26, 2005)
Straight
Page 2 of 3 Man Appeals for Justice for Dying Lesbian Cop. Commentary. Dane Wells, who describes
Oct 10, 2016 04:45:29AM MDT
Straight Man Appeals for Justice for Dying Lesbian Cop. Commentary. Dane Wells, who describes
himself as a �run-of-the-mill, middle-aged straight guy�, is not very happy with the movers and shakers of
his local community, Ocean County in New Jersey. The retired policeman is angry because Ocean County
will not extend �domestic partner benefits� to a former colleague, Lt. Laurel Hester, who is terminally ill
with lung cancer - and is gay. (UK Gay News, November 26, 2005)
NEW JERSEY NEWSPAPER COVERAGE Of THE DECEMBER 8 FREEHOLDERS MEETING
■ A New Jersey gay activist group wants people to boycott Ocean County's chief industry, tourism,
because the Board of Freeholders won't permit a veteran, dying police officer to will her pension benefits to
her domestic partner. Steven Goldstein, chairman of Garden State Equality, pleaded with the board at
Wednesday night's meeting on behalf of Lt. Laurel Hester, who is dying of metastasized lung cancer.
�I beg you, beg you with all my heart� to pass a resolution allowing the domestic partner benefits, he
said. � Asbury Park Press
■ The Ocean County freeholders should drop their opposition to extending domestic-partnership benefits
to county employees. This would finally allow a county Prosecutor's Office investigator dying of lung cancer
to pass along her pension benefits to her domestic partner. � Editorial � Asbury Park Press (December 9,
2005)
■ �You have everything to lose. I have nothing to lose,� a dying Lt. Laurel Hester told supporters who
failed again last night to convince Ocean County's freeholders to implement the Domestic Partnership Act
and give her partner, Stacie Andree, the right to inherit the pension rights she earned after 24 years as a
cop with the Ocean County Prosecutor's Office. � Ocean County Observer
■ Among those who spoke was Dick Chinery, a former chief investigator for the Prosecutor's Office who
was Hester's longtime supervisor. He spoke highly of her dedication to her job over the years, calling her �
a wonderful girl.�
�Please do something for her. She spent 20-some years protecting the citizens of Ocean County,�
Chinery said. � The Press of Atlantic City.
Humanity Missing in County Decision. Letter to the Editor of Asbury Park Press (December 7, 2005) from
John P. Evans.
Page 3 of 3 Oct 10, 2016 04:45:29AM MDT

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TO: (Office, delignolion, ((.10m number, and DATE
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INITIALS
COMMENTS (Number each comment to .how ftom whom
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16 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Executive Secretary,

CIA Management Committee
SUBJECT "Family Jewels"
1. The purpose of this memorandum is to

forward for your personal review summaries of activities
conducted either by or under the sponsorship of the
Office of Security in the past which in my opinion con-
flict with the provisions of the National Security Act
of 1947.
2. These activities cover 'the period from
March 1959 to date and represent as accurate a record
as is .ava i Lab Le in our files. Those activities which,
took place prior to the date of my appointment as
Director of Security on 1 ~uly 1964 have been developed
to a certain extent through the recollection of the
senior people in this Office who were involved or who
had knowledge of the activities at the ~irne they
occurred. .
3. I have gone back to March 1959 because I
believe that the activities occurring since that time
st'ill have a viable "flap potential" in that many of the
people involved, both Agency and non-Agency are still
alive and through their knOWledge of the activity repre-
sent a possible potential threat or embarrassment to the
Agency. I would be glad to provide clarification or an
explanation of any of these activities if desired. You
have my assurance that unless otherwise stated each of
these activities was approved by higher authority--the
'00002
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- - - - - -.... _---------- MORl DoclD: l45l843
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Director of Central Intelligence, the Deputy Director

of Central Intelligence, the Executive Director-
Comptroller, or the Deputy Director for Support.
Attachments
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Attachment A
"FAMILY JEWELS"
1.
2. Johnny Roselli -- The use of a member of the

Mafia in an attempt to assassinate Fidel Castro.
3. Project MOCKINGBIRD -- During the period from 12
March 1963 to 15 June 1963, this Office
installed telephone taps on two l\Tashington-
based newsmen who were suspected of disclosing
classified information obtained from a variety
of governmental and congressional sources.
4. Yuriy Ivanovich Nosenko -- A KGB defector who from
the peri"6<t 13 August 1965 to 27 October 1967
was confined in a specially constructed "jail"
atr I He was literally confined in a
cell oenIllU oars with nothing but a cot in it
for this period.
5. Various Surveillance and Support Activities
These are briefly summarized and range from
the surveillance of newsmen to the provision
of specialized support of local police officials
in the Metropolitan area. I believe that each
one is 'self-explanatory and, therefore, no further
comment is needed here. .
6. Equipment Support to Local Police -- Attached is a
iist provided me by ~he Director of Logistics
(he will simply report these items in his
report) which we have provided local police in
the Metropolitan D. C. area over the past four
or five years on indefinite loan. During the
period when the Agency's installations in this
area appeared to be a target of dissident elements
____·~O~0005
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-~------------.-
MORl DoclD: l45l843
a conscious decision was made by the Agency to

utilize the services of local police to· repel
invaders in case of riot or dissension as
opposed to utilization of our GSA guards, who
are not trained in this type of activity. This
equipment has been issued over the years to
local police, principally Fairfax and Arlington
County Police Departments. I do not believe
that this is totally illegal under the provisions
of the National Security Act of 1947, but I am in-
cluding it since I am sure that it would be con-
sidered as such in light of the recent congressional
fuss over our police training activities.
7. Audio Countermeasures Support to the United States
"Secret Service
8. Test of Specialized Equipment in Miami Immediately
Prior to the Political Convention There
00006
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.MORI DocID: 1451843
SUBJECT: Johnny Roselli '
1. In Augus t 1960, Mr. Richard M.. Bissell

approached Colonel Sheffield Edwards to determine if
the Office of Security had assets that may as~ist in a
sensitive mission requiring gangster-type action. The
mission target was Fidel Castro.
2. Because o~ its extreme sensitivity, only a
small group' was made privy to the project. The DCI was
briefed and gave his approval. Colonel J. C. Kin~,
Chief, WH Division, was briefed, but all details were
deliberately concealed from any of the JMWAVE officials.
Certain TSD and Communications personnel participated
in the initial planning stages, but were not witting of
the purpose of the mission.
3. Robert A. Maheu, a cleared source of the
Office of Sec~rity, ,was contacted, briefed generally on
the project, and requested to ascert~in i£be could
develop an entree into the gangster elements as the first
step toward accomplishing the desired goal.
4. Mr. Maheu advised that he had met one Johnny
Roselli on several,oc~asions while visiting Las Vegas.
He only knew him casually through clients, but was given
to understand that he was a high-ranking member of the
"syndicat:e" and controlled all of the ice-making machines
on the Strip. Maheu reasoned that, if Roselli was in
fact a member of the clan, he undoubtedly had connections
leading into the Cuban gambling interests. , .
5., Maheu was asked to approach Roselli, who knew
Maheu as a personal relations executive handling domestic
and foreign accounts, and tell him that he had recently
been retained by a client who represented several inter-
national business £irms which were suffering heavy financial
losses in Cuba as a result of Castro's action. They were
convinced that Castro's removal was the answer to their
l
MORl DocID: 1451843 -
problem and were willing to pay a price of $150,000
for its successful accomplishment. It was to be made
clear to Roselli that the United States Government was
not, and should not, become aware of this operation.
6. The pitch was made to Roselli on 14
September 1960 at the Hilton Plaza Hotel, New York City.
Mr. James O'Connell, Office of Security, was present
during this. meeting and was identified to Roselli as an
employee of Maheu. O'Connell actively served as Roselli's
contact until May ~962 at which time he phased out due
to an ov e r se as assignment. His ini tia1 reaction was to
avoid getting involved, but through Maheu's persuasion,
he agreed to introduce him to a friend, Sam Gold, who
knew the "Cuban crowd." Roselli made it clear he did
not want any money for his part and believed Sam would
feel the same way. Neither of these individuals were
ever paid out of Agency funds.
7. During the week of, 25 September, Maheu was
introduced to Sam who was staying at the Fontainebleau
Hotel, Miami Beach. It was several weeks 'after h:i;s
meeting with Sam and Joe"who was identified to him as
a courier operating between Havana and Miami, that he
saw photographs of both of these individuals in the
Sunday .supplemental, "Parade." They were identified as
Mama Salvatore~Giancani and Santos Trafficant, respectively.
Both were on the list'of the Attorney General's ten most-
wanted men. The former was described as the Chicago
chieftain of the Cosa Nostra and successor to Al Capone,
and the latter,' the Ces a Nostra boss of Cuban op e i-a.t i ons .
Maheu called this office immediately upon ascertaining
this information. . .
8. In discussing the possible methods of
accomplishing this mission, Sam suggested that they not
resort to firearms but, if he could be furnished some
type of potent pill, that could be placed in Castro's food
or drink, it would be a much more effective operation.
Sam indicated that he had a prospective nominee in the
person of Juan Ort a , a Cuban official who had been receiving
kick-back payments from the gambling interests, who still had
access to Castro, and was in a financial bind.
000:1.3
2
SEGI..: T
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-------------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
9. TSD was requested to produce six pills of

high lethal content.
10. Joe delivered the pills to Orta. After
several weeks of reported attempts, OJ;ta·appar~l.1tly got
cold feet and asked out of the assignment. He suggested
another candidate who made several attempts without
success.
11. Joe then indicated that Dr. Anthony Verona,
one o f the pr Lnc Lpa L officers in the Cuban Exile Junta, had
become disaffected with the apparent ineffectual progress
of the Junta and was willing to handle the mission through
his own resources.
12. He asked, asa prirequisite·to.the deal, that
he be given $10,000 for organizational expenses and requested
$1,000 worth of communications equipment.
13. Dr. Verona's potential was never fUlly
exploited, as the project was canceled shortly after the
Bay of Pigs episode. Verona was advised that the offer
was 'vi thdrawn, and the p Ll l s were. retrieved.
14. Of significant interest was an incident
which involved a request levied by Sam upon Maheu.
-:'
. . - ,. At t he height of the proj ect negotiations,
Sam expressed concern about his girl£riend,
Phyllis McGuire, who he learned was getting
much attention from Dan Rowan while both were
booked at a Las Vegas night club. Sam asked
Maheur t;o put a bug in Rowan t s : rbomto deter-
mine the extent of his intimacy with Miss
McGuire •. The technician involved in the assign-
ment was discovered in the process, arrested,
and taken to the Sheriff's office for questioning.
He called Maheu and informed him that he had
been detained by the police. This call was made
in the'presence of the Sheriff's personnel ..
Subsequently, the Department of Justice
announced its intention to prosecute Maheu along
3
. 00014
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
with the technician. On 7 February 1962~.

the Director of Security briefed the Attorney
General, Robert Kennedy, on the circumstances
leading up to Maheu's involvement in the
lviretap. At our request, prosecution was
dropped. .
15. In May 1962, Mr. William Harvey took over
as Case Officer, and it is not known by this office
whether Roselli was used operationally from that point on.
16. It was subsequently learned from the FBI
that Roselli had been convicted on six counts involving
illegal entry into t.he United States. Our records do not
reflect the date of conviction, but it is believed to
have been s9metime during November 1967.
17. On'2 December i968, Roselli, along with
four other individuals, was convicted of conspiracy to
cheat members of the Friars Club of $400,~OO in· a.rigged
gin rl!-mmy g<;l.me.
18. Mr. Harvey reported to t.he Office of Security
of his contacts with Roselli during November and December
1967 and January 1968. It was his belief that Johnny
would not seek out the Agency for assistance in the deporta":
tion proceedings unless he actually faced deportation.
Roselli expressed confidence that he would win an appeal.
19. On 17 November 1970, Maheu called James
O'Connell, Roselli's first Case Officer, to advise that
Maheu's attorney, Ed Morgan, had received a call from a
Thomas Waddin, Roselli's lawyer, who stated that all.
avenues of appeal had been exhausted, and his client now
faces deportation. Waddin indicated ~hat, if someone did
not intercede on Roselli's behalf, he would make a cOmplete
expose of his activities with the Agency.
20. On 18 November 1970, Mr. Helms was briefed
on the latest development in this case, and it was decided
that the Agency would not in any way assist Roselli. Maheu
was sp a?vised of the Agency's position, and he was in
4 00015
-------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
' . ' ,.
complete agreement with our stand. He further adVised

that he was not concerned about any publicity as it
affected him personally should Roselli decide to tell
all.
21. Subsequently, Roselli or someone on his

behalf furnished Jack Anderson details of the operation.
Attached are two Anderson columns dealing with" this
matter.
22. The last known residence of Roselli was the

Federal Penitentiary in Seattle, Washington.
Attachments
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i B)' J(!t:k A nderson. . (or
before the motley invad- iate 4,gabst President .r-n- \;nmp;ele wil h secr-et ;'Y~~5 at
i ers ];Ind"ci on the island. Their' ned}'.
' . ~ gmteri~g :'Iiiami Beach hotels-
! Locked in the darkest reo ~ arr-ival was expected to touch! To set up the Castro a~, \, ;j.: and rn i d n i g b t po... ~;boat,
i cesses oC the Central Iotelli.! oif a general uprising, which i nation, the CIA enlisted h 0': dashes to ;>;>cret landin~ spots _
!;enre .-\gency is the story Of: (he Ccmmunist militia would: ert :i\I.:!heu, a former ;', '1; on l'::e C:.:~a:J coast, Once, no- "
:six assasslnarlon attempts: have had more trouble ut"n"; agent with shadowy contac , I :~e;!i's boat was shoeout fro:>:! _
. against Cuba's -;"idel Castro. I': _. , . ,- ~ '"'.''' who had handled other undo \ : under him.
.
! For . III ve ars onlv ~;: a 'e
m key I' aown without the charlsmatlc : cover asslsnments for the Ci \
i _ o f... For the ~:r.t trv
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t'ne C"J.J"\..~.
Ipeople have known the terri··Castro to lead them.
Co ..... \1, .. , ... fl' - 0 • .1 '.L J.';
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:out of .his Washington public "urnlshed Roselll ';ith s'C~ci.!.l'~

I
l~le secret, Th~y. hav.e sworn After the iirst attempt jrela.tions oiIice; He ~ate~' '.'lison. capsules to ~!lP 'intO::r
:ne\'er to talk. let ....e have] failed, iive more assassination jInO\:d. to .Las Vegas t o .r:ea~ ! astro s.rood. The porson was . T
[learned the details from! t _, t t C b 'I'h ; up billionaire Howard Hughes ' :pposed to take three i:'.ays 10
i sources whose credentials are! earns were sen o. u a. ".e: );i' v ada operations, '. \', By the time Castro died.
i ~eyond question. ~ last team reporte-dly made It! :-'Iabeu recruited :!.~£:..:.h', system would t~row off all
i We spoke to John :'IIcCone,~lO a rooftop within shooting;sell!, a ruggedly handSQmp.:;t; \ -es of ~he- poison, so he
Iwho beaded the C:~A .at the! distance of ~astro b'efo~e they ;==gamo1er ,,:,Hll ,contacts In both l\'>. \ -d appeal' to be the victlm
l time' of the assassinatlon at- I were apprehended. This hap·: the American and Cuban un·lo! ~, natural. if mysterious ail.
tempts. He acknowledged the I pened around the Iast of Feb·; derworlds. to arrange the a5-1 me, \ :
I I
idea had been discussed inside ruary or first of March, 1%3. i sassinatlon. T.ne dapper, hawk-j R.-; -Tl arranged with a
[the CIA but Insisted it had, Nine months later, Presl-: faced Roselli, formerly rnar-. Cub» '\ related to one of Cas.
i been "r e j e c ted immedi-] dent Kennedy was gunned! ried to movie actress J:une: tro's " "$. to pl.ant the deadlv
! atelv," He vizorously denied: down in Dallas by Lee Harvey [Lang, was a power in, the !pe.lle!' .. the dictator's food.
i1hat the crx had ever partici·l~swald. a fan~tic who pre·in:o\:ie ;n~usrry until hi~ _~0!1'!0!1 :'ILl ,., 1,3,1961, Roselli de' _
I
I paled in any plot on Castro's: v iously had agitated fpr Cas- vtction with racketeer '.\ Ill ie ] llvered ',. cansules to hlJ .con.'
I I
iffe. Asked whether the at·: tro in Xew O:leans f3nd J:ad BioCf ina mil1~oc:-d~lJ.ar HollY·l tacl at : . ,.:ni Be3ch's lilamor.
Ilerr.pts <,ould ha"e heen madelmade a myslerIous trIp to ,hepvood labor snaKeaown; The1ou3 ?01l,1 nehle:!u Hotel.
! with his knowl~dse. he re'l C~ban Embassy iIi l\'Iexico crA assig!led
i plied: "It could not have hap., CIty.
I t:v
o of it~. ~osti A cou~:' ,·r ·... 21:1<:; later, just
I truslt>d operat.lves. WIllIam! about ,!::' ,·:;:tl lime ior the
!pen;d." .1
Among ~hose privy .to .the' H~r\'ey and••TaI?es (Bi~ Jim)! plot 10 ,.'... been !..!l-;-;l'd out,
~ 1,\ e have COlll.:Jl't:te conIl': CIA conspIracy, there IS still a OConnell, ,0 Lie husn.hush; a r;~po": '::1 oi H:a·.4~1'1 l'aid
:dence, howe I; e r. in ourl nag gin g suspicion---:-unsup· murder mission. using poony: east~() • H ill. El:~ i,e reo
!sources. !ported bY' the Warren Com· names. theY accompanied RO'/coven'd "~':ore the,Ra;. l)i ?igs
; The plot to knock off Castro !r.1ission·s iindings-lhat· Cas- ,.elli on trips to Miami to line ;im"asion .', \prilli, i!i~:I.
'began liS ;Ja,t -(;[ the Bay of! lro became aware uf the u.S, up the assassination teams. i Four n'·" att~m:l~~ '\',;ol't"
;Pi:;s HP~:·.li"n Th~ ;nu·nt.,,·as~rh)t apon. h~ ... U~·~ ~'!~c! .... t:':1~ The;f:zll story r~~ds ~jkl? t~p i:l3dp en .· .. l\t':"o·.~ :;~.a .
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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PROJECT MOCKINGBIRD
Project Mockingbird, a telephone intercept activity, was conducted

between 12 March 1963 and 15 June 196'3, and tar geted two Vfashington-
based newsrnen who, at the time, had been publishing news articles
based on, and -f'r eque nt ly quoting', classified 'materials of this Agency
and others, including Top Secret and Special Intelligence.
Telephone intercept connections were installed at the n ew m e n s t
office and at each of their homes, for a total of 3. The connections

were established with the assistance of a telephone company official
who responded to a personal request by the Director of Security, Col.
Sheffield Edwa r d s, Col. Edwards' authority for the activity ~vas Mr.
John A. McCone, Director of Central Intelligence. The latter conducted
the activity in coordination with the Attorney General (Mr. Robert Kennedy),
the Secretary of Defense [Mr , , Robert McNamara), and the Director of
the Defense. Intelligence Agency (Gen. Joseph Carroll), In addition to
Office of Security personnel directly involved in the intercepts and
research of materials acquired therefrom, only 3., other Agency
officials are on record as witting of the activity: the Deputy Director
of Central Intelligence (General Marshall S. Carter), the Inspector
General (Lyman Ki r kpa.tr i c k] and the General Counsel. (Mr. Lawrence
Houston).
The intercept activity was particularly productive in identifying con-

tacts of the newsmen, their method of operation and many of their sources
of information. For example, it was determined that during the period they
received data from 13 newsmen, 12 of whom were identified; 12 senators
and 6 members of Congress, all identified; 21 Congressional staff m errrb e r s ,
of whom 11 were identified; 16 government e mp Ioy ee s , including a staff
member of the White House, members of the Vice President's office, an
As s i s ta nt Attorney General, and other well-placed individuals. A number
of other sources were partially or tentatively identified, but the short span
of the activity ,precluded positive identification. It was observed that through
these contacts the newsmen actually received more classified and official
data than they could use, and passed some of'bhe stories to other newsmen
for release, establishing that many "leaks'" appearing under other by-lines
were actually from the sources of the target newsmen.
S~v.
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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SUBJECT: Yuriy Ivanovich Nosenko
Yuriy Ivanovich Nosenkq, an officer of the KGB,

defected to -a representative of this-Agency in Geneva,
Switzerland, on 4 February 1964. The responsibility for
his exploitation 1vas assigned to the then SR Division of
the Clandestine Service and he was brought to this country
on 12 February 1964. After initial interrogation by
representatives of the SR Division, he was moved to a safe-
house in Clinton, Maryland, from 4 April 1964 where he
was confined and interrogated until 13 August 1965 when
he was moved to a s:e ci all y cons tru~t~d . "j ail" in a. r erno te
wooded area atf ~ I The SR Dlvls10n was convlnced -
that he was a dlspa ched agent but even after a long
period of hostile interrogation was unable to prove their
contention and he was confined at
to convince him to "confess."
I lin an effort
This Office together with- the Office of General

CouIT?el became increasingly concerned with the illegali~y
of the Agency's position in handling a defector under
these conditions for such a long period of time.- Strong
representations were made to the Director (Mr. Helms) by
this Office, the Office of General Counsel, and the
Legislative Liaison Couns~l, and on 27 October 1967, the
responsibility for Nosenko's further handling was transferred
to the Office of Security und~r the direction of the Deputy
Director of Central Intelligence, then Admiral Rufus Taylor.-
Nosenko was moved to a comfortable safehouse in
the Washington area and was int.erviewed--under---friendly,
.sympa the t Lc conditions by his Security Case Of-ficer, Mr.
Bruce Solie, for more than a year. It soon became
apparent that Nosenko was bona fide and he was moved to
more comfortable surroundings with considerable freedom
of independent movement and has continued to cooperate
fUlly with the Federal Bureau of Investigation and this
Office since that time. He has proven to be the most
00023
MORl DoclD: 1451843
• L • ,".
v~luable and economical defector this Agency has ever

had and leads which were ignored by the SR Division were
ex lored and have resulted in the arrest and prosecution
e curren
lvorce from his Russian wife
and remarried an American citizen. He is happy, relaxed,
and appreciative of the treatment accorded him and states
"while I regret my three years of incarceration, I have
no bitterness and now und.erstand how it equId happen."
00024
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~---------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
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'1. SURVEILLANCES
A·I__
During the periods 1-20 February~ 12 April-7 May~
and 9-20 Au~ust 1971, a surveillance was conducted of
la former staff employee~ and
Lrl-----------,."a".-r-;-;LJu-J..oan na ti on a1 wi th whom
[be come professionally and emo-
~t~~~o~n~aTl.~lY~l'-n~v~o~IT~-v~e~ca~.~Surveillance was predicated upon
information thatl I had beeri seeking from
employees information ln Information Processing Division
fi1es~ and that em~loyees were visiting a photographic
studio operated by L - ~n Fairfax
City, Virginia. In addItIon to phYSIcal surveIllance,'
one surreptitious entry of the photographic studio was
made, and an attempt to enter the apartment ofl I
was aborted because of a door lock problem.
B.
Pursuant to a request from the CI Staff, approved
by the DCI, surveillances were conducted ofl
and her associates "at various times from May:--:it:-;o"":-'S"""e"""p=-=t""'e=-:m:;:-br::-e=r:::-
1971.
ad long been a source 0 IV~Slon an
'-,:;-....-::l.....,;;--:;--.~..-J information re.garding a, plot to assassinate
kidnap Vice President Agnew and the DCI. Surveil-
lances included coverage of the activities of Miss King
during two visits to the United States; technical cover-
age of debriefings of her by WH Division representatives
in New York City, and surveillance, including mail cover-
age, of several American citizens a.l Leg ed -to be part of
the plot. Although most of the surveillance occurred in
New York City, surveillance of one of the individuals
included extensive coverage of a commune in Detroit.
C. CELOTEX I
At the direction of the DCI, a surveillance was con-
ducted of Michael Get1er of the Washington Post- during
SE ET 00026
EY~ OlJLY
MORl DoclD: 1451843
the periods 6-9 October, 27 October-IO December 1971

and on 3 January 1972. In addition to physical sur-
veillance, an observation post was maintained in the
Statler Hilton Hotel where observation could be main-
tained of the building housing his office. The sur-
veillance was designed to determine Getler's sources
of classified information of interest to the Agency
which had appeared in a number of his columns.
D. CELOTEX II
At the direction of the DCI, surveillance was con~
ducted of Jack Anderson and at various times his "leg
men., II Britt Hume ,.' Leslie Whitten, and Joseph Spear,
from 15 February to 12 April 1972. In addition to the
physical surveillance, an ob s erv a t i.on post was' main-
tained in the Statler Hilton Hotel directly opposite
Anderson's office. The purpose of this surveillance
was to attempt to determine Anderson's sources for
highly classified Agency information appearing in his
syndicated columns.
E. BUTANE
At· the direction of the. DCI, a surveillance was
conducted on Victor L. Marchetti from 23 March to
20 April 1972. The purpose of this surveillance was
to determine his activities and contacts both with
Agency employees and other individuals in regard to
his proposed book and published magazine articles ex-
posing Agency operations.
II. POLICE SUPPORT
A. During 1969, 1970, and 1971, on se.veral occasions,
the Intelligence Division of the Metropolitan Police
Department was prOVided a communications system to
monitor major anti-Vietnam war demonstrations in the
Washington area. This system consisted of a radio
·receiver and an Agent at the Intelligence Division.
Headquarters and several automobiles from the Washington
Field Office equipped with radiQ receivers and trans-
mitters and manned by two WFO Agents, as well as a
representative of the Intelligence Division, Metropolitan
Police Department. The benefit to the Agency was, that
the communications over this system were monitored at
the Headquarters Building to provide instant notice of
possible actions by the dissidents against Agency in-
stallations. .
0002.7
..
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
'.
B. During the period from 1968 to 1973, several

items of positive audio equipment consisti~g pri-
marily of clandestine transmitters and touch-tone
dial recorders were loaned to the Metropolitan
Police Department, Fairfax County, Virginia, Police
Department, Montgomery County, Maryland, Police
Department, New York City Police Department, and the
San Francisco, California, Police Department.
III. GENERAL SUPPORT
A. SRPOINTER
Since 1953, this office has operated a mail inter-
cept program of incoming and outgoing Russian mail
and, at various times, other selective mail at Kennedy
Airport in New York City. this operation included not
only the photographing" of envelopes but also surrepti-
tious opening and photographing of selected items of
mail. The bulk of the take involved matters of inter-
nal security interest which was disseminated to the
Federal Bure~u of Investigation. This program is now
~n a dormant state pending a decision as to whether
the operation wilL be contiriued or abolished.
B. AELADLE
For several years the Office" of Security has pro-
vided support to Anatole Golitsyn, a Russian defector of
interest to the CI Staff. I
c. REDFACE I
In July 1970, this office made a surreptitious
entry of an office in Silver Spring, Maryland, occu-
pied by a former defector working under contract for
the Agency. This involved by-passing a contact and
3
00028
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
".
sonic alarm system, entering a vault, and entering

a safe within the vault. The purpose of the opera-
tion was to determine whether the individual had
any unauthorized classified information in his
possession.
D. BUREAU OF NA~COTICS AND DANGEROUS DRUGS
In January 1971, the Director approved a request
from the Director, Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous
Drugs, to provide covert recruitment and security
clearance support to BNDD. This has been accomplished
through the medium of a proprietary of the Office of-
Securit known as and 0 eratin as I
'----rS..,.u=p"..,p~o=r.."t-
~l'-n~c::--'"u::-:!d-=e-::s:---::c::-:o=-=v-=-e=-r=t---=y:-=e-=c:"::r::7u"""l"""t';:m=e-=n"%tC-,----=l"""l::-:w:-:-e=s=71 -:::g-:=a:"=-::1'-'0=-=n=-----:!,p 01 Ygraph ,
medical clearance, and training. It has been divided
into three phases: (1) A CI operation to place indi-
viduals in BNDD field offices to monitor an il1e a1
activities of other BNDD employees; (2)
)
ecru1tment 0 an 1n 1V1 by BNDD
but actually employed by BNDD, although this fact is
known only to the Director and Chief Inspector, BNDD.
In this case, arrangements were made for all pay and
other employee benefits to come from CIA on a reim-
bursable basis.
E. I
F. MERRIMAC
From February 1967 to November 1971,f I an
Office of Security proprietary, recruite~ anu nallulbd
several -Agents for the purpose of covertly monitoring-
00029
MORl DoclD: 1451843
r ~ • • r
F~f \' O~:l.Y
_ .\l
dissiderit groups in· the Washington area considered
to be potential threats to Agency personnel and
installations. One of these Agents so successfully
penetrated one dissident group that she wa~ turned
over to the FBI for handling. In addition, during
this period, the Office of Security field offices
were tasked with collecting available'intelligence
on dissident groups. All such information was in-
cluded in a periodic report distributed to appro-
priate parts of th~ Agency and to certain outside
Government agencies.
G-.~ F.I
.----=======:::::::-_------'-----------,
5
00030
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------------------ MORl DocID: 1451843
MATERIAL REQUISITIONED FROM LOGISTICS

BY SECURITY FOR ISSUANCE TO
LOCAL POLICE
ITEM gUA_NITY
Gas Mask M-9 200
Gas Mask M-17 196
j
Steel Helmet and Liners
I 2'31
L Vest and Groin Protector 96
Vest, Flak M-52 34
Vest, Protective 46
Vest, Grenade 105
Execuvest 6
Emergency Flashing Red Light 22
*Searchlight, Tear Gas 36
*Chemical Baton 6 1/2" 36
*Chemical Baton 12" 24
"*Chemical Baton 26" 24
*Mustang 35 Pistol 6
'~Searchlight with" Shoulder Strap 36
*Stun Gun 3
*NOTE: Various quantities and types of replacement chemical

cartridges, loading kits, and batteries were also
ordered for asterisk items.
'--- 1032
MORl DoclD: 1451843
..1....
00033
------------- MORI DocID: 1451843
SUBJECT": Audio Countermeasures S~pport to the

United States Secret Service
On 2S July 1968, and at the specific request

of the United States Secret Service, this Office pro-
vided two audio countermeasures technicians to the
United States Secret Service in connection· with the
Democratic National Convention held in Chicago, Illinois.
This was not an official detail although both men were
provided with temporary credentials identifying them
as being affiliated with the United States Secret Service.
On IS August 1968, we detailed the same two men
to the United States Secret Service to cover the
Republican National Convention in Miami, Florida~ On
both occasions, the team members were debriefed upon,
their return and it is clear that their activities were
confined exclusively to.sweeping the candidates and
potential candidates quarters.
00034
MORl DoclD: 1451843
00035
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15 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Mr. Howard Osborn'

Director of Security
SUBJECT Identification of Activities with
Embarrassment Potential for the Agency
1. In responding on 7 May by memorandum to the DDO's

request for the identification of any incident which might
conceivably have an embarrassment potential for the AgencYt
I cited the equipment test which is mentioned in the attached
memo. The test in uestion was related to the development of
,
~~~~~were in and out of some four hotels in Miami, with
radio equipment. This was shortly before the political con- ~:1:~·:1 :
. :":.,:"_":
ventions, and at least one of the hotels was within a block
of the convention hall. h::,'l·: '.
2. Although this completely, innocent--although sub-
ject to misconstrual--activity may already have been drawn
to your attention by your ,own staff,~it has occurred to us
that we should ensure you are awar-£ of it; given the involve-
ment of a Security officer,
Att:
M/R dated 7 Ma: 73 by
I SUb]: I qU1pmen ~
~
Test, M1am1,la., Aug 71
-r. 00036
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
.. ,.
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7 May 1973
.1'ffiMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD

SUBJECT : I IEquipment Test, Miami, Florida,
A~gl;lst 1971
, The following details concerning ther'~ ~ -=~

ments for Subject tests were provided by
I I during a telephone cO·~n::;;v':;"";e::::r~s~·a=-;;---=-:::-='"":l=i.
the unaers~gned, 7 May 1973.
r- L- ~--~~~~~~~r~e~t~i~red, formerly assigned to

for the August 1971 Field
l.c;;;r.:::===r====:::;:==;::::;::;::::o=:rL--------I.----------J--------~S ecurity
arrangements or e es an e on ehalf of 1....---"'-----
and the2vis~tors b~1 llin conjunction witli the
~ _ ecur~t~ Off~cer r :vnq w§}s
at the DUe. [ nas in daily contact ,-nth I
I ~
I
duties.
IMiami ~OI ce ntthe course of his officiaI IXaXSo
Iwasreluctant- to calli at home I

~=-==~~t~e~lephone line. to inquire about the specifics
arrangements at this point, and suggested
·1----.----ld'======iiSeco.rity Officer by', this time might have
ack to Headquarters and be available for
I
l
f
{
a.ons e
- . -~I,---_-----,. _ _I,
The aboVe details were provided by telephone tor--l
_______, Chief, Division D at 1650 hours this da~
C.signedJ.1
Distribution:
Orig - : ! File
00037. 1_-
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---------------- MORT DocTD: 1451843
LJ (OI~fl
ROUTING AND RECORD SHEET
-sU1ljEcr:lo;~:~ii--------------------·----·---------·------------1
-----.-..----.--.-------------..--EY.Tit.,S~Ot~:.~~.~..==~~===~~_-_-_
FROM:
"--" .. . _
_[.j
.__._---Director of Securit
._--_
DATE
----_._---_._---~ I+----------_---.:_------~
TO: IO!i:<~r cI.,is-·"tion, teem ••umber, cOO DATE
building) OrtlLtiC. COMMn.nS (Number "och comment 10 :how From ...hem
! - - --r-r-'- _ . - INIT!ALS fa .",hom. Draw a [ine ccros s column after each c"mment.)
REalVEO fO~W AROEO
~------ ------------jf---.--- - - - - --.---+--------------------1
1.
Ex. Dir. -Compt.

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J.
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4.
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6.
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10.
11.
12.
- 00038
13.
14.
15.
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~:: 610 us~Dr:.~~~us~ 0 CONFIDENTIAL o INTERNAL
o UNCLASSIFIED
L. . -__ .__
.!
~&.~i!~{L-~:;::; ;__ ._.'~ . _ ~~_ , "._ __ . .., __.'

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------------------- MORI DocID: 1451843
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15 FEB ';:372
MEMORANDUM FOR: Executive Director-Comptroller
SUBJECT ROSELLI, John
1. This memorandum is for your inforU1ation only.
2. Reference is made to our recent conver s ati on regarding

the Agency's participation in political as sassinations. Attached
hereto is a memorandum dated 19 November 1970 which was fur-
nished to Mr. Helms setting forth the circumstances of the Subject's
activities on
behalf of the Agency. Initially Roselli was unwitting
of Government interest, but as time went on, he suspected that the
U. S. Government was involved and specifically the CIA.
3. Roselli is presently serving a prison sentence for con-

spiracy in a Federal penitentiary in Seattle, Washington and awaits
.
deportation upon completion of his current sentence •
4. This Agency was aware that Roselli intended to exp9se"

his participation in the plot should we not intervene on his behalf.
The DCI decided to ignore his threats and take a calculated risk as
to the consequences that may occur with the disclosure of his:" story.
This was subsequently done by Roselli or someone on his behalf fur-
nishing Jack Anderson details of the incident. Attached hereto are
two of Anderson' s az-ti cl e s dealing with "Roselli. Anderson is also
Editor of the Washington Bureau of the Washington Post, Sunday
supplemental "Parade. "
5. Individuals who were aware of this project were: Messrs.

Dulles, Bissell, Colonel J. C. King, Colonel Sheffield Edwards,
00039
--------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
.... ,":
"" .
William Harvey, and James P. O'Connell. Also include'd were

Robert A. Maheu and'his attorneys Edward P. Morgan and Edward
Bennett William s.
6. On 26 February 1971 arrangements were rna da with

Immigration and Naturalization Service Comrl1issioner Raymond
Farrell to flag any action that may be taken hy his o,rganization
regarding deportation proceedings against Roselli. On26 January
1972 James F. Green, ASSociate Commissioner for I&NS, advised
that they were deferring' any deportation action for another year
and would again call it to Our attention upon expiration of the
deferral.
Atts
SEC ET 00040
ES OttlY
----------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
!
.'
MEMORANDUM FOR: Executive Director-Con,ptroHer
SUBJECT ROSELLI, John
..
1. This rnernoz-andurn is for your _i.nf~rmation only.
z. Reference is made to our recent conversation regarding

the .Agency's participation in politic;!.l assassinations. Attached
he r-e to is a rn errro r-a.ndtrm dated 19 November 1970 which was fur-
nished to Mr. Helms setting forth the circumstances of the Subject's
activities on behalf of the Agency. Initially Roselli was unwitting
of Government interest, but as time went on, he suspected that the
·i U. S. Gove r nrne nt was involved and specifically the CIA.
I ,
3. Roselli is presently serving a prison sentence for con-
spiracy in a Federal penitentiary in Seattle, \\Tashington and awaits
deportation upon completion of his current sentence.
4. This Agency was aware that Roselli intended to expose

I . hiB participation in the plot should we not. intervene on his behalf.
The DCI decided to ignore his threa.ts and take a calcuiated risk as
to the consequences that may occur with the disclosure of his story.
This wall subsequently done by Roselli or someone on his behalf fur-
nishing Jack Anderson details of the incident. Attached hereto are
two of Anderson's articles dealing with Roselli. Anderson is also
Editor of the Vlashington Bureau of the Washington Post, Sunday
supplemental "Parade. It
5. Individuals who were aware of this project were: Messrs.

Dulles, Bissell. Colonel J. C. King. Colonel Sheffield Edwards.
'00041
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
.....
WilliDm Harvey, and J'arne s P. O'Connell. Also included were

Robert A. l..,.~C'\.heu and his attorneys Edward P. Morgan and Ed-ward
Bennett Williams.
6. On·26 February 1971 arrangernents were made with

I:mn:.igr~tion and N<:ituralization Service Commissioner Ra ymo nd
Farrell to flag any action that may be taken b}r his o r ga ni aa tf on
regarding deportation proceedings egainst Roselli.. On 26 .January
1972 James F. Creon, .A ssociate Commissioner for I&NS, advised
that they were deferring any deportation action for another yea r
and would again call it to -ouz- attention upon expfr atl on of the
deferral.
nOWa ro J lXJsborn
Atta
-
00042
MORl DoclD: l45l843
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-------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
e °
Co.
MI:n'fORANDUM FOR: Director of Centz-a l Il1i;elligence
E-:UBJ.ECT ROSFLLI, Johnny
1. This memorandum is for inf'onuation only.
2. In August 1960, Mr. Richard 1v'!:. ,Bissell approached

Colonel Sheffield Edwards to determine if the Office of Security
had assets that may assist in a sensitive mission requiring
gangster-type action. The mission target was Fidel Castro.
3. Because of its extreme sensitivity, only a small group

was made privy to the project. The ncr was briefed and gave his
approval. Colonel J. C. King, Chief, \YH roivision, was briefed,
but all details were de lfbez-at.el.y concealed from any of the
JM\VAVEofficials. Certain TSD and Cornrno personnel partici-
pated in the initial planning stages, but were not witting of the
purpose of the mission. ,
4. Robert A. Maheu was contacted, briefed generally on

the project. and requested to ascertain if he could develop an
entree into the gangster elements as the first step toward accom-
plishing. the d~sired goal.
5. Mr. Maheu advised that he had met one Johnny Roselli

on several occasions while visiting Las Vegas. He only knew
him casually through clients, but was given to understand that
he was a high-ranking member of the "syndicate" and controlled
all of the ice-m.aking m.achines on the Strip. Maheu reasoned
that, if Roselli was in fact a member of the clan, he undoubtedly
had connections leading into the Cuban gambling interests.
00044
MORl DoclD: 1451843
6. Maheu wa s asked to approach Roselli, who knew MahC'u

as a personal relations executive handling domestic and foreign'
a.ccounts, and tell him that he had recently been retained by a
client: who z-epr e s entcd several international busines s firms
which were suffering heavy financial losses in Cuba as a result
of Castro's action. They were convinced that Castro's rernoval
I
I wa s the answer to their problern and w e r e willing to pay a price
of $150,000 for its successful a c cornpIi shrn errt, It was to be made
clear to ,Roselli that the U. S. Gove rnrrrent was not, and should not,
I become aware of this operation. '
I 7. The ,pitch' wa s made to Roselli on 14 Septernber 1960 at

the Hilton Plaza Hotel, New York City. His initial reaction was
I
i
to avoid getting involved but, through Maheu's persuasion, he
I, agreed to introduce him to a friend, Sam Gold, who knew the
"Cuban crowd. II Roselli made it clear he did not want any money
for his part and believed Sam' would feel the same way. Neither
of these individuals was ever paid out of Agency funds.
8. During the week of 25 ,September, Maheu was in~roduced

to Sam who was staying at the Fontainebleau Hotel, Miami Beach.
It was several weeks· after his meeting with Sam arid Joe, who was,
identified to hiIn as a courier operating between Havana and Miami,
that he saw photographs of both of these individuals in the Sunday
supplemental "Parade.' 1 They were identified as Momo Salvatore
Giancana and Santos Trafficant, respectively. Both were on the .
list of the Attorney General's ten most-wanted men. The former
was described as the Chicago chieftain of the Cos a Nostra and
successor to Al Capone, and the latter, the Cosa Nostra boss of
Cuban operations. Maheu called this .office-immediately,upon as-
certai:ling this information.
9. In discussing the possible methods of accomplishing this

mission, Sam suggested that they not resort to firearms but, if
he could be furnished some type of potent pill, that could be
placed in Castro's food or drink, it would be a much more effective
operatton, Sam indicated that he had a prospective nominee in the
person of Juan Orta, a Cuban official who had been receiving kick-
back payments from the gambling interests, who still had access,
to Castro, and was in a financial bind.
00045
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
'/····;·~
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JO. TSD was z cque ate dt o produce six pills of high lethal
content.
11. Joe delivered the pills to Orta. Af'te r several w e elcs

of reported attempts, Orta apparently got cold feet and asked out
of the a s s i gnrn errt, He suggested ariothe r- candidate who made '
several attempts wi thout suc ce s s s
12. Joe then indicated that Dr. Anthony Verona, one of the
principal officers in the Cuban Exile Junta, had becorne disaffected
with the apparent ineffectual progress of the Junta and was \viIling
to handle the rrri s s'io n through his own r e sou r ce a,
13. He asked, as a prerequisite to the deal, that he be

given $10,000 for organizational expenses and requested $1, 000
worth of cornrnuni ca.tions equipment.
14. Dr. Verona's potential was never fully exploited, as

the project was canceled shortly after the Bay of Pigs episode.
Verona was advised 'that the offer was withdrawn, and the pills
were retrieved.
15. Of significant interest was an incident which involved

a request levied by Sam. upon Mabeu.
At the height of the project negotiations, Sam

expz-e s s ed concern about his girlfriend, Phyllis McGuire,
who he learned was .getting much attention from Dan
Rowan while both we~e booked at a Las Vegas night club.
Sam asked Maheu to put a bug in Rowan' 8 room to deter-
mine the extent of his intimacy with Miss McGuire. The
technician involved in the assignment was discovered in
1.
I
'the process, arrested, and taken to the Sheriff's office
for questioning. He called Maheu and inform.ed him that
he had been detained by the police. This call was rna de
i in the presence of the Sheriff's personnel.
Subsequently, the Department of Justice an-

nounced its intention to prosecute Maheu along with
the technician. On 7 February 1962, the Director of
3
~:: •• ! '{.:
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00046'
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Security briefed the Attorney Gene r a l , Robert

Kennedy, on the ci r cum stancc s leading up to
'Maheu's involvement in the wir etap, At our re-
quest, p r oa e cutdon wa s ch"oJ?ped.
16. In May 1962, Mr.· W·illiam Harvey took over' as Case

Officer', and it is not known by this Office whether Roselli wa s
used operationally £1'011.'1 that point on.
17. It was subsequently learned f'r orn the FBI that Roselli
had been con.victed on six counts involving illegal en.try into the
United States. Our records do not reflect the date of conviction,
but it is believed to have been sornetfrne during November 1967.
18. On 2 December 1968, Roselli, along with four other

individuals, was convicted of conspiracy to cheat members of the
Friars Club of $400,000 in a rigged gin gummy game.
19. Mr. Harvey reported to the Office of Security of his

contacts with 'Roselli durfng November and De'cernbe r 1967 and
January 1968. It was his belief that Johnny would not seek out
the Agency for assistance in the deportation proceedings unless
he actually faced deportation. Roselli expressed confidence that
he would win an appeal. ~
20. On 17 November 1970, Maheu called James OIConnell,

Roselli's first Case Officer. to advise that Maheu's att.orriey, Ed
Morgan, had received a call from a Thomas Waddin, Roselli's
Iawyer , who stated that .alLav:eriues of appeal had been exhausted,
and his client now faces deportation. Waddin indicated that, if
someone did not intercede on Roselli's behalf, he would make
a complete expo s e of his activities with the Agency.
21. On 18 Novernbe r 1970, you were briefed on the latest

development in this ca ae, and it was decided that the Agency
would not in any way assist Roselli. Maheu was so advised of
the Agency's position. and he was in complete agreement with
our stand. He further advised that he was not concerned about
v- •• _ - ~-': ~f
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----------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
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. any publicity as it affected him personally s hou'ld Roselli decide

to tell all. He stated he would advise us promptly of any develop-
rnerrts that Ire may become aware of in this rnatte r ,
Howard J. Osborn
~
5
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00048
.. .... ~
MORl DoclD: 1451843
THE WASUIXGTOX POST ,~foudar, .1111I. 18, 1?:1 B7

------------_.....:.....:....:..._----- - , I.
It: . J{i n .,.,,,.~ i n .fl.~ -rr7 "111 I(" 1f),7 f:l;A_ If). 7J ~ 7? .n: ~ (fr-x J.J t;1 .
~ fil.Sd.,<GlJl!itIYltCl
-"'-1't
to li~7L!l ~u~tL!f UI fU([JL{U!J!, u» 0Jil-1. ~
4
Bj' ] acl: A lI(r.er.~on

,
ers landed on the island, Their' nedy, . - I
: t(or before the motley im'ad',iale 'against President Ken-: complete wth secret trysts at. _
gllttering :\1iaml Beach hotels, ':
Locked. in the darkest re- arrival was expected to touch To set up the Castro assassi- and mid it I g h t powerboat ~
I I
cesse,s of the ?entral Intelll- off a general uprising. which nation, the CIA enlisted P..Qfl: I dashes to l'....crct i::ndln;: !;;lots :-
.gence Agency 15 the story of I the Communist militia would,....e~~~I~ a fc,rmc.'r -r~Bf\on the Cuhan coast. Once, no- :
'\SiX. nss:.ssin:.t!,?n attempts ~ have had more trouble nulling l agent witn sh?dowy contacts, ~ sef li's boat was 0110.t out from:.:
,ilg:unst Cuba's 1'ldel Castro. i .' , _"
I
who had handled other under-lunder him.
For 10 years, only a few key I down WIthout the chartsrnatlc cover ass,lgnmen';S for the CI.A For the finf. try. the CIA:,;'
people have known the terri-I Castro to lead them. out ?f hls Wa.shmgton public furnished Roselli with :;pecial'(
. _:,
ble secret. They have sworn After the first attempt relations office. He later Ipoison capsules to sllp IntO: ~'.
never- to talk. Yet we have-lfalJed five more assas~ination moved to Las Vegas to head I! Castro's food. The polson Willi
learned the details from '. . t C. b T' up billionaire Howard Hughes' supposed to take- :!lre:c cloys to
sources whose credentials' are teams \I ere sent 0 u a. ne Xevada operations. act, By the time (';,:;1,0 died
'beyond question.
.We spoke to John. McCone, to. a rooftop within shooting Iselli, a ruggedly handsome traces of the polson, so he I
jlast team reportedly marie it. Maheu recruited John ne- his system would t hrcw off ali
~ho headed the CIA .at the Idistance .of Castro befo~e they I gambler ~ith contacts In both would appear to be the viclim
I
bme·of the assasslnation at'lwere apprehended. ThIS hap:lthe American and Cuban un"lo! a natural if mysterious ail-
tempts; He -acknowledged the pened around the last of Feb· derworlds. to arrange the as- ment.
I !
':Ie CIA .but insisted it had I
lldea had been discussed inside ruary or first of March, ]963. . sassination, The dapper. hawk-
I
Roselli arranged with . a - .~
Nine months later, l>rcsI'.lfa.red Roselli. formerly mar-] Cuban, related to one of Cas. ' .
..een fir e j e c ted immedl- dent Kennedy was gunned! rled to movie actress JUne tro's .chefs, 10 plant the deadly'
!
L
:'
l at ely," . He vigorously denied1down in Dallas by Lee Harvey'Lang, was a power in the pellets in the dictator's food.
that the CIA had ever partlcl- Oswald, a fanatic. who pre- movie industry Until his con'l on 1Ilarch 13,1961. Roselli de. : .
I
pated in any plot on Castro's viously 'had agitated ior Cas- viction 'With 'racketeer..Willie livered the capsules to his con: .
life. Asked whether the at' tro in New Orleans and had Bioff ~n a million-dollar Holly-] tact at Miami Beach's glamor- ,
r'.
tempts could have been madelmade l a mysterious trip to the wood labor shakedown. The~ous Fontainebleau Hotel. : '.: r
with ~is knowledge. he re:lcuban Embassy in Mexico CIA assigned two of its mos t A couple of weeks later just
plied: "It could not have hap- City.
l
trusted operatives, William about the right .tirne !o; the
Among those _priv~' to thelHar\'ey and James (Big Jlm>!'Plot to have been carrled OUI
I pcned...
I
We have complete contl-] CIA conspiracy, there is still a O'Connell, to the hush-hush fa report out of Havana r.air/
'I'dence, 11 0 we v e r, in our'l nag gin g suspi~ion-unsup. ,murder mission. Usin/(. phony Castro was ill. But he r I I
i
r·
r-
~.
sources. ported by the \~arrE'n com'lnamE's, they accompanied ne- covered before the Bay of P;i~ V
~
! The plot to knock off Castro : mission's fin.dings-that Cas- selli on trips to :Miami to line jim'asion'on April 17.1961. i'
; be:,:an as part of -the Bay of i tro became awa~e of the U ,5. up the assassination tea~s. I Four more attompts \. I. to r-·
i Pi~s op"I'::IiI'/1 The intent was, pld upon hls !l!,. aru! ~"m('ol The full story reads hk(' thp 'maet" on Castro's lire,
,III {'lhniu;.;" 'Ih(' Cuban clit'ta·Jllllw, rC'{'l'liitrcl (),\\:lld :.., :I'I;.!. s\'l'i·p~. of a ,lam{'s Bond movie,' ,'; 19~.,Brl:·M<Cluu;;) .. ~.. Llt /..r
1. ,. _._
__ ....._--_.. _-._- -----------
.
00049
MORl DoclD: l45l843
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THE \\'ASH1:\GTOX POST TUI'$aa.,.,r~b,23,19il B 11
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tlo" he l'-d j;--rlll'd un-t throuah a :,c: arive o·~ Castro's .,.l:". \',_,,:1 ':(... , •• : .Jl• • • ~:_ •• :f.....
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•. to d:.".:c:..:~s f:1':':r CL\. ;:..·: .. ·.·H1.··S.
".f', 1~f' ••C(' • ~f'nc~ .t!"l"Co\·C'r asslcnmonrs for the chef to plant In the d;cta~ors:'1'rv ev said he \-'Id ,;,',1-;-;' re-
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ri:·~.:~:;';" ~ r:" '(i~: rt·~i:;:rT;:~·:. i.~ ~ ~:~ ~ O:.:.~J\h" ;~~~:;.;:lj'''''' I~ :·;d B"("i;ia~ rl- ~ ~;t; Frk:r-',S ci';;!)' c;~~:~·~u. ·:J1;;:in
It;·t
sick ward Qf the Los; same ::\!;,J1CU, inclclt'nt.;;1i:;. who; flcs au ernpted to inliltrate [rap." Said Harvey: "The
Anzelcs County jail. ! is now involved in a IC':'31 Dat-: close enough 10 bun Castro I Friar's Club incli\:t:-:,('nt is
Ire is har;(:~fi:-nc. h,1\',·k.f(s~(*rl: tl~ o ..· rr phantom hiii~rJIia~rC ;co\l,:n. '. _. :r,!:r,ny·. RfJE~lli had no more to
John Rosclh. once a (~a;:;hln:::: 1Ioward Iiughes' ~·~\"oca opcr-] ..\,~l t·):d. :.~x n:;"~"·.~i:"~lr.:l at"·d.) ..I:Hh t;;~~ than Lb ad."
figurc. "round Hollywood .:in~lllillions. II;rr,pt5 :-n':-e .-:l;'I.:. t~e~~:'l !:li ·H~.:.~:;i's l::'.'Tilrs :,r~ now
Las '\ e;;ils. now a gray, 6er Tlo!'clli was so Ilattereri overltne sprmz of l!lo3. Ihrou;n.·:lrying to 2':r c:li:mr::::::: ;!"ti"
:rear.o}d inmate with a resPira'l being asked to perform a
tory llllmcnt.
se'l'
out this perio? Roseili wo~~ed! their client, citing our storie:;
eret mi~sion for L'1c U.S. gO\" under the d\:"ect supen'\slon!about his secret CL\ sCl'"\"kc•.:
Co;;fid.~ntial FBI mcs idC'n-1 crnalent that he paid all his loi two SCCT(~t CIA a;;ents. Wil·' •
tify him as ":,I top Alana fig-I ('xpc'IlSCS out of his own I:<1r:l Hilr:e-)' i\:Jd Ja:nes' (Bi,;1 i Fl~'L':Inns Fi:l::'co
urc" who \'::llc-hed oyer "thc! porkC't ;md risked his neck 10 :Jim) O·Connell. I 1,; I .' f
concealed illlNC'sts in Lr.s; I,lnd the assassination teams i I)C er ;Jrcssurc Irom lie I
Ve~as casinos of the Chicago Ion the Cuban coast.
undcrwo!"!d." ..' I
Tn Jamcs Bond fashion. he
IRo~cili's Rm..; arel
~~osclh has admll(cd to held whispcred meetin~s in the assassination plot. haS!force a vilal section of the
I . ,firearms lobbr. the Treasury
Th'e FBI 'which got wind ofiDepartment., has failed to en-
, friends ~b:t ,~c \~t1S a. r~m ~un'l ,\Iiami !3~ach hotels wilh, cu-l
tried t·o pum;> Roselli for in- .lllGS federal fire;;rms act.
I ncr d\lrln,~ ,oe l\O;)rlll~ T\\('n·! bans wllhn~ to make an at·,formatir.n. But he was sworn I _.
ties. Opel""tin:: :alon:;: the Eal;d tC'mpt on Castro's life. Ont·C'.lto ~j:ence by the CIA and uo i H,e law was 'I'<Jsscd af,er
Coast, he IC'arnec! ho\\" to evade; he called on Chiea~o racketj 10 this mcorrient he hasn't bro. i\i;e murders of Sen. Robert
,
Coast Guard culters and po· hoss Sam Giancana to l!:le up iken it. • :r;:er.ned~· and Dr. :.Iartin Lu· !
licc patrols. a contact. The confidentiall )I~anwhile. the Ju~lIce De.! ther . King: It authorizes ~hc
His name later becCime files report. t.hat Giancana had par::ment. as part'of its crack-I Tre;,sur;: Secrcta~' to rcqUJTi'
linl_cd \\'it!t the bi;t:cst names "f:ambJing interest and an in-'ldown on pr"anized crime.liull r"'P?~ts of allllrearms and
in the ChIC,l~O and Los Allec· tel'est in the shrimp businE'ss tried to nail Roseili. The FBIiammunlllon sales. .
les underworld:::. He also de- in. Cuba." Howe\'cr the' Chi· di~co\'ered that his Chica.;o I :Cor the ".\'0 years that ~;;c
veloped contac.ls in ,lhe CUba~ I ril!=O gar\~ste'l' tOOk' no direct i binh records had been jorge-d, i law i~;js hcen in for~e._ :~l': it
Ullden\·oTlcl br,lorc Cas.tr.o tOOh:lpilrt in the assassination plot. that his name was reaily Fi.ITrC'a;u.~·. ~epartmc::t, Ila~_:=-'
O.\'C\· the lIa\"iwa ~itmLillllg ca·; Hoselli
smos. ' I
·made midnit;ilt lippo Sacco and that he had 1J1()r('~ t'll1>. ,:;,c.y prO.... 51On. :;. :~:
dashes to Cuba with his hin.'d come to this country from ~un Jndu~try has cQmi'la.~('n,
He. }lad the rir;ht back- assassins in twin powe.ooats. Italy as a child.' He was con. it . would be a bookkcc;Jlll~
I
ground {or a 11ush·hush mis'! Once a Cuban patrol ship victed for failing to register as Inightmare. .
si,on~ t.hal 1.!le CIA was rlan·lturncd its !!uns on his, dark-Ian alien. .. I ..~h.e ..federal. . gO\'et:nm;~t~
ntn ... m ID.l1. As part. 0. thn!C'ncd boat. t(\re a hole :n thel He was also cl)n\'lct"d for,"n.rn \\ollici ha\(' to com",
. B.3Y (1[ P;:5 j~\":::::;(\n. fhe CI:\ i h':l:lQ:n and ~:.tnk t:-:c 1'Qar. Ro.. '(,,(\::Si11rac~: t:j ri=:- card :jrJ~s: c~l the . ~:i:ps CHI::t" hn:\ :: '.,
t hopE'ci ':0. ;"i'~"~;':.Off C:lSirO and: f't'Hi ''''as- ilShccl OUt oi the ~ nt LO$ .-\~;eles.· £xi;l:l~i\'l: . ~~~~i r:~:u\."'~c~~: ,"~O .,sT'"!~~.....:~ ..~
1c:-:... .·e Ll!::~1 j~~~.:.~JE: ..... c~s, 1\\·~IC'l.;.,\,.,.·""lI'\.:"\ . ~ . . .....
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Of Rt'lieUi's two CIA n!'.~O.!c(lmr~:r.~~ ;';ud Sl~;:: to 1'r.:.,:;.

. ....
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H i':- k ~ .;~e('k. In p.ar!it'T ,roltlml1s. w~. Te·. dalC's, .H3nTX has ~(l••: r£'tirt'~~ 'lain the lIrc",rm", fl ..e.;;. .
r.O~(!ill \t";l,S tecrllllrd fot' the I poned how t,1e Cl.\ furm:·ned I to Ind:ana;.~o;;s ana 0 Couac.l! ~ :~~!. S!::-~.:,~(':~r~ s:·~~:c:" •.• ,.
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MORl DoclD: l45l843
O·--(. '£RNAl [J CON( ~NTfAl

.. i. ONLY
ROUTING AND RECORD
_....
SHEET
-
SUBJECT: (Optional)
----
FROM:
__
_. ._._-~--_ .... . r--'--- - - - -
EXTENSION' NO.
-
Howard J. Osborn . 0 .-.
.r>. -.
D~rector of Secu~ DATE
;':-
I IHqs. CJ 17 December 1973

TO: [Officer designotion room number, and l DATE
building) OFFICER'S COMMENTS (Number each commenl 10 show from wham
INITIALS to whom. Draw 0 line across column after each comment.)
RECEIVED FORWARDED
- ./ ..
1. IG Staff -&,/
Attn: I
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00051:
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~~::' 610 Us~Dm~~~us ~ 0 CONFIDENTIAL D INTERNAL

.... _. - -. -- ...... -_ . - .. _ ...... - " -~~ .... _-~_ .....- ..
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USE ONLY...,
._.---... - --_....;.._---_ .... _-.-
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--------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
, .
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17 Deca~er 1973
MEMORANDJM FOR TI1E RECORD

SUBJECI': Recent Activities of the Watergate Special
Prosecution Staff
1. Early in the evening of 10 December 1973 I received.

,..;=a::...-.=:cte=l=eOF~h~efu~;~n~~e that he, m tum, had'receJ.v: a call from
ntelligence Division, Washington
'K1f.i1Fi"Rnnr~ffilPrIT~r-n;~'T"'rTl~
2. It SO""" that
conversation at his home WI:
5 /had just spent an hour in
in the WashingtonMetropo1itanoll.ce DepartiTient Who had reportJ
to him on his inteIView that afternoon wi.th a Mr. Martin and a lvfr.
S
Horowitz'lrosecutors of the Watergate Special Prosecution Staff.
t:>
had been subpoenaed for his appearance and he indicated
Ithat the two prosecutors were princ::ipa1~y concerned
WJ. h twO matters: . . .
\ a. l\11at type of training had. the Agency given
I
members of the Washington Metropolitan Police
I Departmentf how long were the courses? and
how often were they given? .
I b. What support did the Agency provide to the ,
II Washington Metropolitan Police Department during
demonstrations occurring in the Washington area
I in late 1969 and early 19701
I
I 3. I I
said that he had been shown a long list of
i names and asked if any of them had been involved either lilth the
training given the Washington J-;Ietropolitan Police Department or the
support to the Washington Jo.fetropolitan Polic~ Department during the
demonstrations. L lcou1d ranernber only three names on the
~ist! They werefl I
00052
MORl DoclD: 1451843
4. The three individuals named by I I

did in fact
participate in both the training and support during the demonstrations.
They are only three among others of myl Ispecial
support group who were involved in these activities. Of extreme
sensitivity is the fact that these same individuals were engaged in
other highly sensitive activities which could cause :the Ag6J."1.C:Y severe
embarrassment if they were surfaced. today in the current l'l\"atergate
climate. II
s. I briefed the Director personally on this development
and he indicated that if the training and demonstrations surfaced that
he would' simply acknowl.edge that this had occurred but as he had
assured members of Congress J we would not engage in this type of
activity in the future •. He agreed wi.th my suggestion that we have the
Legislative Cotmsel brief Congressman Nedzi and Senator Stennis on
this since they have already been briefed on all activities of this
nature undertaken by the Agency in the past. I briefed Mr. Jo1m
Warner, Acting General Counsel., and areed with him that we would
make no effort to brief members of my tootH
and if they are subpoenaed. }Vfr. l\Tamer or members of his Sta f will
1:;I1en cautdon them to only answer questions asked and not volunteer
additional infonnation. I am making a copy of this memorandtun available
to I lof the Inspector General's Staff at the suggestion
of the Inspector General, who I also briefed on this development. '
j
I
!
! Howard J. Osborn
II . Director of Security
.......-~c: IG Staff Attn: 1"- _
00053
---------~~- MORl DoclD: 1451843
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·~1EMORANQUN FOR:
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13.
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(DATE)
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FORM
61 0 rxl
USE PREVIOUS ~ 00054 j
J-62 EDITIONS ~ •• _.
REPLACES FORM \0-10\
FORM NO.
I AUG 54
101 WHICH MAY 8E USED.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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fROM:
Howar~ J. Osborn ·d,fo

EXTENSION
..
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NO.
,
.
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i Director of Security
TO: (Orr;co, designatio,n. room numb.,. ar>d
77
L:.:...:...--J
L
D.;.rE
I
:
I
DATe
. .
.»
25 MAY 1973 ..
bu;lding) . 1-----=':,.....-----4 OFFicER'S COMMENTS (Numbe, 'each camme,,1 to show from ""ho""
INITIALS Icl ...ham.
Ora", a line across calum" aff&t eoc" com",,,,,'.)
; : ••.• ReCEIVED 'fORWARDtD
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.1Il;F O)JIY D UNCLASSIfIED
;
----------------- MORl DoclD: l45l843
MErdORANDUM FOR: Executive Secretary,

CIA Management Committee
SUBJECT Project TWO-FOLD
1. This memorandum sets forth a recommendation for your

approval in paragraph 5.
2. For the past several years, this office has been support-
ing the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD) by spot-
ting, assessing, and recruiting personnel to form an internal
security unit whose primary mission is the detection of corruption
within -the BNDD. Subsequent to the recruitrn.entand" training stage,
the individuals selected are turned over to the Chief In sp e cto r of
BNDD for operational guidance and handling in their various dom-
e stic as sigv.ments.
3. Recently, this Agency has e xterided this activity by

supporting BNDD in the covert acquisition of individuals who are
hired as Staff Agents utilized under nonofficial cover and directed
against the principal international drug traffickers •. These indi-
viduals are true employees of the BNDD and, although all admin-
istrative details relative to their employment are handled within
the Agen cy,' they' are: unaware of any Agency involvement.
4. It is ~elt at this time that a reaffirmation of our support

to BNDD in Project TWO-FOLD is necessary and desirable.
5. Therefore, it is recommended that. appr-oval, be granted

for the continuation of Project TWO-FOLD. as originally approved
by the Director of Central Intelligence on 12 February 1971.
~,9~~
Director oa;:rity 00056
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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SUBJ.ECT: Project TWO-FOLD
>0"
APPROVED:
------=---------..,----..,-----
DISAPPROVED:
----------
Di stribution:
Orig. - Return to OS
1 - ER
1 - IG
*
.0
Per Mr. Colby's recommendation and

DCI concurrence, terminate para~raph
2 activity and continue paragraph 3 only
as the -activity pertains to foreign assign-
ments to collect narcotics intelligence
abroad. Copy furnished IG.
00057
MORl DoclD: l45l843
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DATE
1-_..!=========::!'-- "r" f - - _ _ f- l~::....:o.;M..::..a_<..y_"1:...:9...;;.7..;:3 -..,

TO: (Officer d.';9MHon, 'Dam number, and DATE
building) ___ .__.._ r ......- .____ OffICER'S COMMENTS (Number each comment 10 show I,om whom
INITIALS to whom. Draw a line aero .. column after each comment.)
RECEIVED FQ&WA~DED
J----------------.-----t--- +------+----+----------------------1
1.
Broe
-----------_._----_._- ------+--_.- +----~
00058
ro.R¥.3~ 6.1"1 Oiu'S!: PREVIOUS

~.r<i2 ....: i ." ,.... :EOITIONS
..
~.
....
'tor' S;~ET
• o CONFIDENTIAL o INTERNAL
USE ONLY o UNCLASSIFIED
MORT DocTD: 1451843
i, ,..
"".
., . .,~'May 1973
'.'
. .
MEMORANDUM FOR "THE RECORD
., " ..
SUBJECT: . G~neral: .. Office of Security Surv.ey
. ·1. ,.
.." ..
'j '...
:
.. --:;.~."
-:--......-:--:- -:-." ",--:-",--:-..~'.--:-~~---. .
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1. At the Director's instruction, and with the concurrence ..
of the thenDD/P, the Office of Security devedopedInfozmanrs in : ".:::~:...
RID to report on the activities of RID er.q.ployees on whom security .. :':'~
questions had arisen.... This program, which included upwards of a ... ·· .'
dozen informants at its peak, has declined to its present level.of
three, only one of whom is reporting regularly on matters of ~urrent .
l.:. interest. . ':': .~; ....: /..,~~;".:., '. ; ..' . :':' ' '.:. :':'>. '. . .. , ....
. '0 ":'.' "'.: •• _. '..._ •• • ~ .. ,:; . . . . . . .: • • • ~: • :, ••• _~.~,. ";' .' ••••• /~ ". -",
f Z. 'The principal object of Security's interest. through this .~~.-"":"

j informant is a female who was em.ployed in RID for..a nu.mber oi'yea:r's .
1 until she r·esigned in 1969. Her r~s~gn?Ltion coincid~d with the iniq.ation
j of a security review on her by the Office of Security, but Security does .-
_c. t: not know whether the e:m.ploy~~ waa aware of tbis..~:eC:~t.Y review Jat.,",:.: '.'
-i the tUne o_~ber r~Si;:::on•. '.,,, ~ :'~~':r~.;~~~:~:~,;;--:.:+:F'
I 3. Securit y ' s interest in this em..ploye~ was··occasionedby,. '" ... :
.
I reports that she had developed an increasing~y in'f::iixiate a.cquaintance,.,.;:>.::

1 with a Cuban na.tional. .Reporting. by one in.form.ant~ who Was also.~;·.;. ·¥":;;:~:· .
.:. ::1 be~g de:elope~ bY.the-·~~b~; suggested that. the· ~.uban·migh~h~~e::~;~:~·::),L~;.:.·,. j;
'. '.;::~! an mtelli'gence lIlteres~.lD. the fem.al~.~.T~e .s~.~. ~~~mant·a~so.;,.s.ub- ~.;·~kY: .' ..",
· :~~:!...;.,... sequently reported that. the Cuban had nl.J:l?3.eroq,s· other:contacts aInong . ;:., ," ".
. . ~;::
.c. ~.-::;::'~;'.
:.'.
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:';~~}~; ~; ;::_;~::;;~;;t:;;::~e;;:::::~;~:;:C:::::~~~iP~!~Wilf~~~:_
.. ,'. Subsequent~:to.herdeparture
:4.::
':: . •:.::...' ••. .,,:.·.: c
. . . . . :.... lrom . . the. Agency,'"
.
. .·employee entered' into a common-Law :marital relc:tion~hip"with.~he~
the ex-IUD -..1':;:;'''';';,'.;.:.
".~~.".''':.'
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· '.' :-<. ;. •
Cuban and jo~ned hini·a'S. parbier in' photographic..· b·usiiess.<. :r.n thi~:·';;':i':~:C··.
• • ·.·.1 t • .1" ";.:- ':. •
a. • '" ,_. ' . . . ,. •••• .... :" ~... ~ :r.,,:'; ",
• ->, .,: -.. . capacity. she s.oli.cite~ .busin~ss.. ~mong ·CfA- ~:t;lployees; ·"especi.ally; ;i.~'-";·~·:·:::·; ::..... :.'
· ~i . I'·', .:.those requi;ring'p<:tssport photos.:.,' Recently, $he! "
'and
".
the' Cubansought':-.;·;:;<.
. '.. .' • • .\. '! • ~I' •• ' .,
:.~ 'f ..:..;. . t.o eznp.loy Security~s informan~ in. this busine;ss 'on ·a.part-tim.e b.asis; ';. . :.~:~ ..
- :_~'"
~.·~_.,~",-:.,~._:. 1,·.: ~. ~;'
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· '., ~. ;' ':.: ".'.': .·.;:.~E; :t.; .~ ·.'[:~ :.~ , ;.: ' ;.: ·~ . · :. ~.· :'_ ".~ ;.i: > ~:. ;:'. ,~O:.~ _ :."'.t.';_i';~.l.~-·~.;:~·':~ • :~• • 'li::~;~": .' ~~-
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-
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.": , .. ":.' .'
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
'. .
yJ".
I.
, .~
• .:.• ~
~ (
5. Inforrnation on the backgr oun d of the Cuban is fairly ex! cn s iv e ,

but it is inconclusive. He is known to have been a rn crn.be r of anti-
Castro organizations in this countr y, There are also reports that
his' rno the r was i mp r i son ed in Cuba at one time, There are other
episodes ·in his life that suggest intelligence Involv ernent all. his part
with some hostile service, but this is not yet definitely establi.shed.
6. The Office of Security has had at ti me s a second informant

in this case. His reporting has tended to confi r m reporting by the
principal info r mant,
8. The Offi de of Security has been running this operation for

over two years, in an effort to obtain conclusive proof of its intelli-
gence nature. CI Staff has been kept informed.. The FBI, which
was informed of the case at an early stage, has declined to take re-
sponsibility for it, on grounds that it concerns CIA's internal security.
As a result, the Office ofSecurity has been inhihited in the actions
it can take against the: Cuban susp-ect. On the other hand, Security
has not taken any action against Agency em.ployees for fear of com-
prorni s ing the operation.
9. It would appear to me that the, Office of Security has dallied

with this case long enough. Apparently unable through positive measures
to resolve doubts about the case, O/S has followed the course of watch-
ful waiting, hoping the Cuban would take precipitaif action himself that
would give us the evidence we seek. In the m.eantim.e, our knowledge
of the relationship between the Cuban and the several other current
Agency employees with whom he is known to have contact continues
- 2 -
00060
~ .
.. '
.,',
~ ,
.
......
.
~ ...;
~~-----------_.-
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,
• ."'- r..... ~ . \ .
The possibility that the employee. In t)J:) DIVISIon may oe passIng

information on CIA's Soviet operations is too great to warrant further
delav in moving against her. I I
- 3 -
.;;:zr.
,.....-~
, '. ".:
t.. . __ ,_" ..
,
.
00061.
MORI DocID: 1451843
i· . "' ....
Hemorandum to:
Subject: Offj.ce of Security Survey - Office of Security Support to B~DD
1. In D~cember 1970 Robert Ingersoll, head of the Bureau of ~ar

cotics and Dangerous Drugs, asked Hr. Helnis if the Agency could give
him scir:-e ass ist.ance in shoring up the internal integrity of the BUDD.
According to Ingersoll, the old Federal Bureau of Narcotics had been
heavily infiltrated by dishcnest and corrupt <elements, ,~o were believed
to have ties with the narcotics smuggling industry. Ingersoll w~nted us
toh~lp him recruit some thoroughly reliable people who could be used,
. not only as special agents in his various office~ arotmd the country,
but also to serve as informants on the other BNDD employees in these
offices.
62
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.
~
. ,
... ... --: '" .....

,.
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'
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JOLawrence
00063
MORl DoclD: 1451843
r'
----_. """" ._--------

[J CO.. DtJHIf:\l
.. ---_.
o SECRET
/
-_.
SUBJECT: (Optional)
FROM,
_--_.__._--_.-._---- '--_:'----'---._--_.' _._-- _._----.-_.-.------
..
EXTENSION· NO.
._--_.-.
Howard J. Osborn -----------------------

Director of Security D"TE
._-~ I I 9 May 1973

TO, (Offiter desJgflolion. room number, and
I- DATE
.'
--
buildin!!l OFFICER'S COMMENTS (Number each comment 10 show from whom
INITIALS to whom. Oro .... 0 tine octose column after eoch comment.}
RECEIVED FORWARDED
._---
l. Deputy Director for
Maria g emen t & Service'
2. I
---,..
3.~c;
,\ ......---
4. '-" r
5.
6.
7.
8. "
., .. --;..-::: ;;"_-r::..;;..' '-_._-"....... _. ...... -
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
-
15. 00064
ADMIN -
JIll'
61 0
.~Al
FORM
3-62
USE PREVIOUS
EDITIONS
0 SECRET 0 CONFI DENTIAL I!J E ONLY 0 UNCLASSIFIED_
. - '. -..... "- ..... ". - .....
'.' ' M ...... ... .,.. "0" . : .... - ..... _ .... , .~..... • • _ • __ ._~.....""'i,.."• .;;.........:.i:c...,I'W.._:.w....._~:.H::a.·.:
MORI DocID: 1451843
9 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for Management &' Services

SUBJECT Press Allegations re Use of, Agency
Polygraph
1. This memorandum is fOT'youT information only

and confirms a report I made to you by telephone earlier
today.
2. On 22 July 1971, an article was carried on
American proposals relative to the SALT talks in The New
York Times over the by-line of William Beecher. It was
devastatingly accurate and contained direct quotes from
a Presidential advisory memorandum the White House had
sent to Mr. Gerard'Smith, Director, Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency, a few days. earlier. The President
was alleged to be furious with this unauthorized dis-
closure of classified information and directed a. sweeping
investigation within the United States Government to
determine the source of the disclosure.. Investigation
"., , . was conducted under the. di.r,ectton. ..Q~. Mr. Egil Krogh and
Mr. David Young, Staff Assistanf~ fo·Mr. John Ehr1ichman,
Counsel to the President for Domestic Affairs.
3. On the basis of investigations conduc~ed by
State Security and Defense officials,' four' Tndividuals-"'-
one individual in the Department of Defense and three
individuals in the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency--
were tabbed as leading suspects. Mr. Egil Krogh contacted
me on 26 July 1971 and requested' that we arrange to polygraph
the three suspects in the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency
and volunteered the information that the Federal Bureau of
Investigation would be asked to polygraph the. one suspect
in the Department of Defense.
0-0065
MORl DoclD: 1451843
, I ~ •• \; ,:\ 11
JJ( bi~Lf
4. I informed Mr. Krogh that from time to time

in matters involving the national security the Agency had
detailed to Mr. G. Marvin Gentile~ Director of State,
Security. a polygraph operator and a polygraph machine for
his use in polygraphing State Department employees '~10
were recipients of allegations concerning their loyalty.
I emphasized that this procedure had the Director's
approval and that State 'clearly understood that the examin-
ation was their total responsibility. I further informed
him that this was the only way we could undertake to enter-
tain his request and that even then it would require the
specific approval of the Director. Mr. Krogh asked me to
obtain such approval and work out such arrangements with
Mr. Gentile.
s. Later that same day, Mr. Krogh called Mr. Gentile
and inquired as to whether the arrangements had been made.
Mr. Gentile indicated they had and suggested that the same '
polygraph operator'be used to examine the Defense suspect.
Mr. Krogh informed Mr. Gentile that he considered this an
excellent idea and that he, would instruct Defense officials
to make their man available to Mr. Gentile for 'a polygraph,
examination.
6 The' four individual~ werel
I The polygraph
'" a """1-:::n:----';c:'-.:tr:,e=a=r=1""'n=g=-~l:rn'""'e'--=""
'--..e""x'""acwm"'1-:;:n....anl:=-=.1,. . ,o"'n""""'s==--"'r"""e=sU.....l. . -:r:.tl:'",e""- :ro"'udr men and th e
resu~ts of the examinations were forwarded over my signature
to Mr. Gentile on 29 July 1971. A copy of my covering
memorandum is attached.
7., Mr. Murrey Marder, a staff writer for The
Washington Post, in ,an article dated 3 September 197T,
stated that a State Department spokesman had acknowledged
at a news briefing that agents of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation had polygraphed State Department employees
suspected of leaking information on ,the SALT talks in
July •. Mr. John Edgar Hoover, then ,Director of the Federal
,SE ONLY
MORl DoclD: 1451843
•
(
. .... r •
' .
Bureau of Investigation, denied this allegation in a

letter to The Washington Post and said that the polygraph
examinations had been conducted by another agency. Specu-
lation centered around the Agency, but after a day or 50 7
press speculation in this regard died away_
-S. Mr. Marder apparently has never been satisfied
and has been pressing Mr. Charles BraY7 State Department
spokesman, for confirmation of Agency involvement. Mr.
Bray learned today that Mr. Marder plans to use a press
conference to be held at 2:00 p.m. this afternoon to press
this point further. Mr. Bray has been given guidance by
Mr. Gentile to avoid confirmation but if this is impossible
he will indicate the examinations were conducted by State
Department Security officials utilizing an operator and
a machine detailed to the Department for this purpose. I
do not know whether or not the fact that the government-wide
investigation was directed by Mr. Egil Krogh is known to
Mr. Marder but I suspect that it is and that this is the
reason why the matter has been raised again. Mr. David
Young was instrumental in pushing my office to conduct an
internal Agency investigation of this disclosure and the
·White House was satisfied that no Agency employee was
the source.
Directo.r
Attachment
00067
-'1C
------------- ....
... -- ..
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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00068
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
:;'~:?",)i.:y ..~~$i·5t3.;1t, 5.ecret;::.ry

io: ::)~.c';..1=l~y
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i=r:.Fi.~::.-ati7·e ~":O I::£.:;:::~nce~:e rna de to r~ls ";\:1.~.llCY'3 1:l:.:,::)1··:".::1::1:~·~t i::l
~:~~3e .a ct i on s ,
3. 1\.5 you i;"?"il1 not a, the :L3?O~t.:J 3.Z"-:: not ~1.:::t3:;i£i.:;d :2::!.U I
3;"'..a11 de.f.er to jrao.: j~dJn:t~nt i::l !'''e;ard to tb'~ l~·J~~i of cla':;3iiic~tio~.
- - "'" -- .... - -'" " = -. ;: ....-
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00069
MORl DoclD: 1451843
5 June 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Inspector General
SUBJECT Items in John Clarke Me m o r aridurn

to the Director of Central Intelligence,
dated 9 May 1973
I. Two items in the attached rne mo r andurn had not

previously been reported. The first: "_- Use of CIA funds
and facilities to for FBI and pro-
vision of technica equlpmen s or use
against a l.-.. ----'
2. In a follow-up meeting with Mr. Clarke, he advised

that involved here was the use of funds appropriatedfor CIA
bein iven to the FBI in cashiers checks for the ur ose of
There was also

gency help given in Further, other
CIA ~ cashiers checks were given to NSAwho. with
some ssistance, was working on I
I Mr. Clarke said he thought the only problem
here was in the use of funds, not in the operation. He thought
the only source of additional information on this subject was
Mr.1 lof the DDO/CI Staff. .
3. The second item: "_- Use of CIA funds to help

State Department defer Presidential representational expenses
of President Lyndon B. Johnson's trip to Southeast Asia. II
4. Mr. Clarke said the total amount of TIlOney requested

by State Department was $3, 000, 000 but that the Director would
not agree to this amount. The Director did supply funds in
tho s e instances where some operational activity was involved or
could be inferred, I, e , , I
"- ...JI Mr. C larkL.e-w-a-s-n-o""t-s-u-r-e-o'f:-;-;th;---e-a-m-o-u-n--;t-o"f-A"'--:-g=-e-n-c-y--
00070
S[CRET [YES QNt¥-
------------- MORl DoclD: l45l843
funds used. He felt that only Colonel White could" supply

adrlitional details. He said Senator Russell and Repre-
sentative Mahon were advised of this Agency activity but
asked not to be briefed in detail.
Inspector
Attachmen t
00071.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
..../
\: __ J ..._ A "-; I._I.
9 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Intelligence
SUBJECT Per your instructions
1. I have no recollection of specific contacts with the

Ellsberg c as e, Watergate, or Young. Dick Helms' instructions
at the time regarding discussion of Hunt's previous employment
s h ou'[d be a matter of record.
2. Other activities of the Agency which could at some point

raise public questions should they be exposed and on which Bill
Colby is fully conversant are:
-- CI act ivftyof Dick Ober 3 DO/D.
j I., I
investments and
accumulation of Government capital.
Use of CIA funds and facilities to acquire U. S.

real estate for FBI and provision of technical
equipments by NSAI p o r use against
I .
Use of CIA funds to help State Department defer v', t'
Presidential representational expenses of L. B. J . ./'Y
trip to S E A . . G
L . -_ _ f~....-----..--\
dhn M. Clarke
0007Z
MORl DoclD: 1451843
5 June 1973
SUBJECT IteIns in John Clarke Me m o r-aridurn

to the Director of Central Intelligence,
dated 9 May 1973
1. Two items in the attached memorandum had not

previously been reported. The first: It __ Use of CIA funds
and facilities to acquire U.S. real estate for FBI and pro-
vis~on of technical equipments by NSAS ~or use
againat a ',-__
. _
Z. In a follow-up meeting with Mr~ Clarke, he advised
that involved here was the use of funds appropriatedfor CIA
belo iven to the FBI in cashiers checks for the purpose of
\
'11ere was also I
L..-_.------. ~ _
\ Further, other
CIA monies in cashiers chec s were given to NSA who, with
some ~Ssistance, was working onl . '.
Mr. Clarke said he thought the only problem
here wastnte .us e of funds, not in the ope rat ion. He thought
the only source of additional inforxnation on this subject was
Mr. I p£
the DDO/CI Staff.
3. The second item: "-- Use of CIA funds to help

State Department defer Presidential representational expenses
of President Lyndon B. Johnson's trip to Southeast Asia. n
4. Mr. ·Clarke said the total amount of money requested

by State Department was $3,000, 000 but that the Director would
not agree to this amount. The Director did supply funds in
those £nstanceswhere some operational activity :vas involved or
could be inferred, i. e •• 1
I I
Mr. Clark-e-w-a-.s-n-o-t'--s-u-r-e-o"'f the amount of Agency
00073
--------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
">".
funds used. He felt that only Colonel 'White could supply

additional details. He said Senator ~ussell and Repre-
j
I sentative Mahon were advised of this Agency activity but
I asked not to be briefed in detail.
I
,i
I J.nspector
Attachmmt
i
I f
I f
I
I
I
. I
i
I I
I
i
I
!
r
i
I
I
I
I
I - 2 -
i' '."
I 00074
MORl DoclD: l451843
,
,
I1 rt:,i:Al . r ;~H -
.__.. ------ -.. -....-.. . .-LJ... ._ -- -_.-<..- -----.-_._----
:.H:(L',SSlfiEO LJ (llN IL~ f! t:.L
_------- ........ _... _._--_._.. . __.OlilY X " ,
...
dE
1"'0 ..
ROUTlNG AND RECORD SHEET
SUSJECT: (Optional) "-
f- - - - - - - - - -.._ - - - - -
fROM:
..... _._._-.. ----_._-- ----._,-- E).!ENSION NO.
----- . --_.... .. ---- -"--"-' ---_ .. -
D.irector of Finance - ,. ---""'-'--' ------
1212 Key Building I DATE
7 ~1973
-
TO: (Ollicer design02fion, 'oom number, and . DATE
buildingl r---
OFfICER'S
INITIALS
COMMENTS (Numbe, each comment d.ow (,am whom
10 whom. Drow a line acron column afler each cemrnent.]
'0
RECEIVED FORWARDED
1.
Deputy Director. for
Mana ement &Services
~.~
.- ---
3.
-
4.
Director of Central Inte 1igenc e
I I Headquart€ rs
5.
6. .
.. ..
7.
8. . . ..
-
9.
10. .. ..,.' . 0>

II
...
,
11.
..
12. ~.
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MORl DoclD: 1451843 IIIIIIIIIIIIIII
-;"
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s:
..
;
MORl DoclD: l45l843
'..
orl MAY 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director·of Central Intelligence

VIA Deputy Director for Management and Services
FROM Director of Finance
SUBJECT Special Other Government Agency Activities
1. I IColonel White, Executive Director-
r---_--'2~.'--1,-------...:....---------------=--..:
. 3. Detailees - The Agency has reimbursable and non-

reimbursable agreements with the White House, Department of
Justice, Defense'Agencies, etc., based on signed memoranda
between the Director 'of Personnel and the various Agencies.
4.. pro~ect TWOFOLD - Reimbursement from Bureau of
Narco.tics an Dangerous Drugs' for ·training of BNDD agents by
a domestic Agency Security proprietary.
5. I
l...-----I]
00077
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,! ......
- 2 -
SUBJECT: Special Other Government Agency Activities
6. Payment to White House - Reimbursement to White

House as approved by Executive Director-Comptroller for
$33,655.68 representing cost of postage, stationery and
addressing of replies to letters and telegrarn~'received
by the White House as a result of the President's speech
on Cambodia in May 1970.'
Ie
inance
00078
.'. ..' ...i": -'. . . '::. '~."':: <: ::':.:: '., ::';'~'g~"
;
-
.
.
4
." '0'1 MAY i373 .:.. .
:-:.'
. .
. J.{Ej·l0r~'mm,1 FOR: Diroctor of Ce~tr~l Intclli~cncc
VIA •• Deputy Director for Ha:l<li:e::l.Cnt and

: Director of Financ~ '. ~.
\ ;:..,
.~ .• .,.,.:.1" .'., .: ~_
.......... _~ .... 1...•• ~ •.,
'.
2. L
I I ~
-, . "
~ ~3. Detailees - 'Tho Agency 'has reimbursable anu'non-

rel~btirsablc a:;rcc:ncnts \-li t!l the i'lid.tc r:ouse, Dc~)nrt;:lcnt of
Justice, :;~fe~sc Ag cnc i e s , e tc, , based on s i~~~led' r.i~;.~~r:m;,!a
be twe en the Direcr.or of Personnel and .t he various Agencies.
4. Proj oct :r~JFtlL!) • Reimbur-s ement; fron sur-eau of'·
Nar.cotics---ailJ. Dangerous Drugs for traini:lg' of B;iDb agents by
a do~estic Agency Security'propri~taI"y'~
s.
..
.
't ..:.
. -...:..
s£Crrtl
•\
-,,=-~ (l:\H V
(1[\1... ~.
-L-_'-- ---'
-----_... _-.-_..- ---- --_._:,-_.-_. --.----_........ __ ......,.-_ - _.. _._.,.._..

." .
.. :~ ".:.'- _.," .- --
MORl DoclD: 1451843
- 2 -
6. Payment to White House - ReLmburs eracn t to \'fhite

House as approved by Executive Director-COl:lptroller £or
$33.655.68 representing cost of postage, stationery and
addressing of replies t~ letters and telegrams received
by the White House as a result of the President's speech
on Cambodia in May 1970.
(signed) Thomas B. Yale

Thomas B. Yale
Director of Finance
.....
.00080
Sf
MORl DoclD: l45l843
I. 7- ::J.- ;:\ ~ f..; '_' i 'J

! ., .'..••
-
I 07 MAY 1973
~lEl·:QRA"iDU}.1 FOR: Director of Central Intolligenco

VIA Deputy Director for j·!anagemcnt and Services
FROt·! Director of rin~nce
SiJDJ!;CT Special Other Government Al;ency Activities
I Colon0l l';hi te. Lxecutive Director-
2.
---------------------
3. Detailees - The Agency has reimbursable and non-
reimbursable ag reemen t s with the 11hite House. Depar-tment; of
r
Justice, Defense Agencies. etc •• based on signed memoranda
between the Director of'Personnel and the various ~gencies.
4. Pro~ect tWOFOLD - Reimbursement from Bureau of
Narcotics an Dangerous Drugs for training of BNDD agents by
a domestic Agency Security proprietary.
s. I
L- --;- _ I~·, 00081.

--------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
.. .
- 2 -
6. Payment; to White House - HeinburSGHcnt to h'hite

Iiouse as apl)TQved by Executive Director-ColJptrollcr for
$33,655.68 representing cost of postage, stationery and
addressing of replies to letters and telegrams received
by the White House as a result'of the President's speech
on Cambodia in Mdy 1970.
(signed) Thomas B. Yale

Thomas B. Yale
Director of Finance
,,
00082
-----------------_.. MORI DocID: 1451843
p ." .u~~lA~SSI FI-ED

~---.-
0 --:IlAl
._-----
U ONLY
1lI~
CONFI" ''lTIAl
--.'
[J -. ~'ET . -----~
. ROUTING AND RECORD SHEET
I
./
- ._---_..... -----
SU8JECT: (Oplional)
*----.._--_.-,----_..'------ .---- EY.T~NSION ·rNQ."-------···-------·----··_- -

FROM:
l
Deputy Director of Finance I I IWE'-'-~'-';--'- -.
1212 Key Building
I 24 May 1973~
'..''"0'.... 0"" - - -~~"
TO: (Officer
building) room "0';;'. ----- OFFICER'S COMMENTS (Number each comment ,how from whom '0
INITIALS 10 whom,Draw a line ocross column af'er each comment.)
REalVED FORWARDED
. ,-
1-
I . .\
~
\
IHe a4qua r t e r ,s J
2.
3.
"'---
__J Attached are pertinent
d ocumen ts and papers r e La t mj
to Para 6 of the Director of
4.
Finance I S memo to the DCI
dated 7 May 1973, Subject :
5.
"Special Other Government
-
6. Agency Activities tl
..
7.
8. .
. -
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~~~~,..:~:'t~,; .;-:.i.:~~"._~·.::,:~~LL;l;...:.c"":::~...;i;~:2>,,:;;-;~U?;~!'it-~:.~t;i:.~."'"_; ....,:.,.,,'~~~:;;~~~I:~<·~,~:..r~V~~1~ 2:~~~t.~i\·dt
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------------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
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141'. Nagnusson' s phone conver satzlon ,'lith ;.~r. John Brown at approxfmat.e.Iy 10: 20
on 26 May 19'10:
13: Guess we're back together again!
M: Got more problems?
B: Yes, don't know how much Watts told you.
M: I didn't talk to Watts. Think he called Colonel vJhite.
B: Let me explain background. As a result of the Cali'lbodia speech, we I re

getting relatively inundated with correspondence and normally all of
this is sent to the Department of state for answering. What we're
doing -- we're continuing to sen~l1._c..2.!:~ co:r.r_e_i:!pg!!.cl.~!!£~_t.9.~at~
However , the President made, determination he'd like to answer support
over his signat~re here and 'we asked the Department of state to
support us on this effort. They're in' a position wnere they can provide
only limited support at this time. They're committed for $10,000 which
would probably handle' in the area of maybe 60;00~ r~_~ponses.' -
M: How many responses altogether counting pros and cons?
B: The cons are quite a large group tha~ they're handling themselves also.
M: Are they going to be handling pros too?
B: ....>-$.10 J 0Q'?2:.s .J'~:r:.. J?r_o.s-=- They're doing cons. On pros they c~n pi ck up only
~10,000 wort1i-;-We estimate it will be arounCL~&g.Q....~E 50,~d it
looks like at present time we've got over 100,000 responses in and it
could go upwards of -150,000 or greater. Looks like we'll need a minimum.
of another $l(),c)6o;:p:rotra01.yrnareaoF $15,000z additional. This covers
cost of printing, :postage and addressing:- '
M: Just printing, postage and addressing? Not any overtime for any salaries
or anything like that?
13: No, the posting of the things we'll do ourselves -- by hand. No problem.
We're talking about physical costs of job _..:. cost of stamps, cost of
envelopes and cards, and cost of having them 'addressed by outside firm.
We'll handle putting stalllp on, inserting, and sealing and mailing. Only
talking about cost associated with three aspects of the operation.
M: Postage, address~ng and printing.

C'
B: Yes, reason I asked NS/f. to see if they could arrange -- depending on
how volume goes -- probably another §?10,000 to £],000 ... _
M: T.i;l.ese are just pros? state is handling all cons themselves?
(continued)
00084
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Messrs. Magnusson and Bl'OiVU (continued - Page 2)
B: Yes, this is just portion of pros we're talking about. My understanding

get in touch -,d.th you to vlOrk out mechahics O!~ how we woul.d l1cuid.le the
.billing to make sure it's straight and we do i t properly so it fits in
with your accounting system.
M: This is only portion o:f pros. State doing some too?

i
B: Th~~re~QD~'ibuting~~lO.OOO to the pros as well as doing all the C~S.
They're picking up quite a load as a 1~t-ofth1S:-0neh-eu of a lot
of response c~ning in on this.
M: Bound to be. Tell you, John, let me give you a call back later today
if I may. Have to take a look about where I would fit this stuff in.
Al'e you going to be in this afternoon?
B: I'll be around. 1f I'm not in my of:fice I'll get back to you as soon
as I come back.
M: I'll give you a call then.
B: Can't be real definite -- not sure how we're going to peak out. Not
sure what backlog is. I'll check into that so When we talk this
afternoon I can be little more def'inite. Probably run into that are~,
I think.
111
M: Okay, 1 get back in touch'with you.
B: Okay, thank you, Warren.
, End of Conversation
00085
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Nr. Magnusson's phone conversation with Col. vJhite at 15: 40 on 26 Hay 1970:
M: I talked 'vith John Brown today and it seems like -- as you mentioned --
as' a result of Ca:rnbodia, inquiries going 'into 1'r'11ite House. The state
Depar'tmerrt is doing 'all the work on the, cons -- there are pros and cons.
The state Department is going to answer all the cons and the President has
determined that he warrt s to answer personally all the pros. However, the
state has agreed to pick up some of those too in the amount of $10,000.
That. will cover maybe 60,000 of' the arrswez-s, They estimate there I s going
to be from 100,000 to 150,000 answers that will have to be put out by
the lvnite House. Estimate it's going to cost about $8,000 per 50,000.
Think it might go to 150,000. $10,000 to $15,000 additional which the
White House will have to pay for. The charges are only going to be. for
printing, postage and addr-easd.ng by an outside firm. No salaries for
overtime or anything like that. They're going to lick the stamps in the
1voite House, paste the stamps on and insert the message into the envelopes.
John Brown said he had requested NSC to see if t.hey could arrange, .
presUDlably with us, I guess, for another $10,000 to $15,000 depending on
volume. He was tailing as more or less foregone conclusion we would do
it. I made no commitment. Told him I'd look into it.
W: How would we do this?
M: We would do it by asking them to pay amount and then send over 1080
to us with bill for the postage, bill for the addressing of the envelopes
and bill for the printing' accompanying this and we woul.d just send check
back. They would send short memorandum lvith it certifying these are the
charges. . . .
W: I think we want to know what we spend our money for but I 'don't think we
want tlfe public records to' show' that we paid for it.
M: What we can do, Sir -- I can ask them to send over a 1080 with certifica-
tion that these are the charges for classified services per our conversation,
and if you're willing to take that we can certainly do it that way.
W: Will this be an outside firm? CouIdn't we just pay the firm? What would
.be better? 1 1m not sure.
M: I think a short memo just saying attached 1080 is for charges previously
agreed to between this Agency and themselves and that's all and then we
send them. check for that. otherwise, there's always chance that an outside
firm might rea1:ize it was us paying for i t ~.
W: I guess it I s the best way to do it. I'd like to have in our records --
nobody else has 'access to -- exactly what it was for -- all about it;
their records, which are audited by the General Accounting Office, as'
little as possible.
(continued)
00086
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Mr. l'1a;gnusson and Col. vrnite (continued - Page 2)
. M: Think I can taJ.k to them and arrange that so he just sends unclassified
1080•.
W: Go ahead and do it. I'll have to sign off on it, I suppose. You go
ahead and arrange it in way that will give us full record. As far as
any records of their's are concerned, I would prefer to have minimtun.
M: I can write memo and John Brown can refer to this and our phone conversa-
tion in a memo accompanying the 1080.
W: Okay, go ahead and do it. Put limit on it. vlhen they talked to me they
said $10,000.
M: He said $10,000 to $15,000 because they're just pouring in. Might run
above $10,000.
W: Approximately $10,000 but in no case will 'it exceed $15,000 something

like that. . Okay. .
M: All right, Sir.
W: Thank you, Warren.
End of Conversation
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00087
MORI DocID: 1451843
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gr. 1-1agnusson' s phone conversation with Kr. John Brown at approximately 17: 00
on 26 May 1970:
M: Think we can go ahead and do this. Have' to be careful as to way this

is documented -- that I s the only thing. Would like to suggest that I
ivrite memo for the record -- kind of co-sign it -- agreeing to amount
and so forth and the vlay vie do this. Memo would have in it what it I S
for and then you wou.Id send us a 1080 for this, referencing this memo
an~ our conversation.
B: You're thinking in terms of reimbursing us aga.i.n? i'iouldn't it be

better for us to have direct charge ~o you?
M: No, because of public record. In order to have all the things in our
hands. It wouldn't look good for us to pay the bills direct for this
sort of thing.
B: It would not?
M: No, if you people pay the bills
B: (interrupting) Even to pay a large postage fee? Bulk of expense will

be postage.
M: Bub we have to document what it's for if you people can just pay it,
. then we'll give you money for. it.
B: What would our memo say?
M: Say attached is 1080 referencing memo dated such and such.
B: . What does the memo say -- that we're making reference to? ..
M: I'll write that up and bring over to you.
B: What, basically, are we going to say'it's about? .
M: .Have $10,000 with limit of $15,000 and would be for printing, of these'
things and so on..
B: Just wondering if you have direct biliing it seems to me that serves

purpose of memorandum.
M: The direct billing from, let's say, the printer, the addressograph
company or something like that, to us might raise questions ?utside
and I think powers that be don't want to have fact that we Ire paying
for this sort Qf thing anyplace where it can be dug up. Easiest and
cleanest way to do this is you people go ahead and pay and we' 11
rei~burse you immediately.
B: Do we have to have this memo?
(continued) 00088
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MORI DocID: 1451843
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Messrs. Magnusson and Brown (continued - Page 2)
M: I'd keep in rr~ safe here.
B: vlouldn I t i t be adequate to send 1080?
M: Don't forget, you people keep copies of 1080's -- you have to by

law. 1080· would have to cite what billing is for because of that,
then that would open up to GAO or somebody else as to who I spaying
for this sort of thing. .
B: 1ve have to cite what, it's for?
M: Let I s say it 's "XYZ Printing Company" and you pay bill. This looks
like you're paying it. You send us 1080 which says nothing and we
give you money for this. We ourse.Ive s have to have on our records
what we're paying for for our 01-vn ~uditors which doesn't get outside
of our Agency.
B: It's for your internal auditors? It wou.ld' not ~et outside? Okay,
that sounds all right.
M: Illl draw the memo up and bring it over there and you can see it.
B: That sounds good, Warren.
M: Would next Monday be all righ:t with that memo?
B: Yes, we'll go ahead and order.
M: You can get going and so on.
B: Don It know what final cost is going to be. Hate to restrict ourselves.
We figure total cost is going to be around $25,000.. Got over 100,000
already that are just pro. 200,000 that haven It been analyzed yet.
Of 200,000· ·they estimate possibly upwards of 50,000 or 60,000 could
pertain to Cambodia. Of the backlog of 200,000, 60,000 could be of
.type that will be answered in this mailing. Our best estimate would
be it. may run over.
M: I Ive got instructions, John, to indicate in memo that it I S for

approximately $10,000 but not to exceed $15,000. If· and when it
exceeds $15,000, we'll start over again and 1'11 inquire further as
to whether we can cover the other -- okay?
B: Okay.
M: Open to negotiation if it runs higher.
(continued)
F;:~ r-» • :
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1. " 00089
MORI DocID: 1451843
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Messrs. Magnusson and Brown (continued - Page 3)
B: It rr.ay run higher. If' 60,000 letters come out being pro, will taJ~e
. ~s ,to $26,000 or somewher-e in that vicinity.
M: Then I I d have to go back and inquire to see if' powers that be will
cover the other part. I think it's best to wait I til that happens ,
B: Okay, good enough ,
M: '''nat time Monday?
B:Wny don't you give us call here Monday? My secretary will line it ,up.
M: Okay.
B: Thank you', Warren.
End of' Conversation
--i: Y' ::--';')

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00090
MORI DocID: l45l843
\"'L:.I' .i~L., i,\j-j .:..,_;_iG._, ... \..-;::: hl:>..:. • ., ..... I

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20505
8 JUN ;970
MEMORAi'illl.jM FOR l '} fE RECORD
SUBJ"''&CT: Reimbursement to the White House £or Certain

Printing, Postage and Addressing Expenses
.L, Reference is made to the telephone conversataon between

14r. John Brown, Staff Secretary, Wnite House, and the undersigned
concerning the accounting and the reimbursement procedure ~or
\fl1ite House expenditures in connection with the printing, postage
and addressing of replies to certain mail addressed to the President.
2. It was estimated and agreed that these expenditures would

amount to approximately $10,000, but not exceed $l5,000, and the
request for reimbursement to this Agency would. be based upon receipt
o£ a memorandum categorizing the expenses.and certifying to their
validity. The memorandum Will also transmit a Standard Form 1081
and copies of the vendors' invoices where applicable.
3. Upon receipt of the above memorandum, Standard Form 1081

and copies of vendors' invoices, a. U. S. Government Treasury check
will be drawn and forwarded to the Wnite House.
~'-~-rr---------'
Deputy Dire·ctor for Liai'~on and Planning
Office of Finance
CONCUR:
..
0009.1
-------------------- MORl DoclD: l45l8~3
-
- 24 I~UG lQ/ u"
. v.
SUBJECT: Re~nbursement to the ~fnite House for Certain Printing,

Postage and Addressing Expenses
1. On 18 August 1970,' the undersigned received a telepl10ne call

from Mr. John Brown (145-2167) advising that the mailing had been
heavier than anticipated (increased to 250,000 pieces) and that the
dollar requirement for subject purpose had. increased from $15,000 to
$25,000.
2. I apologetically advised 1'IJr. Brown that since our records

showed that 'prior approval was limited to $15,000 I would have to
advise and confirm with my superiors that the increase to $25,000'
was acceptable, as I was sure it was.
3. In the absence of Col. White (on leave), Mr. Bush immediately

contacted Mr. Clar.ke, r--l who was not in his office. On 19 August,
Mr. Clarke telephonicaI:ty--approved the increased level and Mr. Brown
was duly informed. .
Chief,
0009Z
MORl DoclD: 1451843
l ~ I ... ) •
THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON,
September 10, 1970'
Dear Vrr. V~gnusson:
Pursuant to your telephone call to V~. John Brown regarding the

breakdown of costs in connection with the mailing of the Acknowledgement
Cards concerning The President's Speech on T!1e Situation in Southeast
Asia, the following costs were incurred:
Computer Marketing Industries, Inc. :I> 12,7 46.15

Acknowledgement Cards 3,185.07
Envelopes . 1,,051.20
Total - :I> 16,982.42
Sincerely yours,
Carson M. Howell .
Administrat~veOfficer
Mr.. Warren D. Magnusson

Deputy Director for Liaison and Planning
Office of Finance
Central Intelligence Agency
Washington, D. C.
00093
-----------------. MORl DoclD: 1451843
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2. It is l"Cc:':.t1CS.lc£:d t~l::~l; tIle' o7:."5.~:~naJ. voucher- be l1~l:r:ir~L:·i;:""~.. "~~i~i!,,'l.:t

r'l')l"ov-::d and ~~.~rt.i:rie(l ac ..co t!.10 <:'Y':;':L:i.~~bili".:.;:r oJ: i'u~::(J.G fli~ u rctu:;'-IlCtl ~u')
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(ltd. 10of;cJ:?'~ 1970

f..Ii' 1001 (oris and 2)
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00094
MORl DoclD: 1451843
1 5 SEP :070
JV.iEMORAI\'DUM FOR: Director of Planning, Progrmruning and Budgeting

SUBJECT Reimbursement to the Vlhite House for Certain
REFERENCE Memorandum for the Record; dated 24 August 1970,
same sUbJect
1. Attached hereto is accounting submitted from the Vlhit.e House

for mailing expenses.
2. It is requested that the original voucher be administratively

approved and certified as to the availability of fUnds and returned to
this office for payment.
HARREN D. MAGIIJlJSSON
Deputy Director for Liaison an lanning ~ '. i,l
Office of Finance
Attachments
Memo from Mr. Howell
dtd 10 Sept 1970
SF 1081 (orig and 2)
00095
MORI DocID: 1451843
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Sh'nl,iHI~: I'" 'r,u""r.. o, lutil V~LC:':;:fi '::.:~D SCHEDULE
7 I; \0 WIO D. O. X o..... ' . .__
1/'')·101-}0
'100 I'AID DY
\0 iSDUiSWi: OGJCCL (D. O. 0i'mbo!) .
You are authorized to effect tho withdrawals and credits indicated below,
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300
1&0'Om
-----L-,':Du'P.iI.:tl101rJriiSJ1SiilTl: lllm
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DEPARTMENT DEl'AilTl.!ii:NT Executive Office of the P.... cs i.
DI,;HEAU i Bunr..r..u The vrnite House Office

I 11-01-0001
Hashin!3 t on t D. c. 20500
AnDRESS
I 11.;>;)1:1:88
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nUiiltAU
RlITi:RENCI:
SU~UURY'
ArrllOPRIATION OR FIINO SnlBoL AIolOUNT I

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BURE&l1
REFERENCE
ArPROrat.a.TION OR. Fusn
St;UiIAR\' :
S't"UBOL . A1l0UNT
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1100110.001 ~a6t982 •.
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TOUL TOT.LL sis, 9(12.
Dctails of charges or reference to attached supporting documen~
For the printing of ACKnowledgment Cards~ Envelopes, and to Keypuncn names & acidl'
and place on magnetic tape ana the preparation of heat transfer labels and affixi
to envelopes, in connection with the acknowledging of mail concerning the" Preside
speech on the Situation in Southeast Asia.
For use of office billed: For use of billing office:
I certify
F.\N
FICATE OF OFFICE BILLED
I certify that the iI.ellls llsterl herein arc correct and proper Cor p,t"'UJ.t:JJ..k...LIJuw'-!o.!!!<""!ll!.Io!..!:.!!I!!.~:!.!!.!~v:.~!!i!..!~::!.!:._...,
(AUlhorized admlulstrativc or ccrlll)'iD~ olticer'
Paid by check No. _ C/D :!\o. .dat!J0096

* u: s,
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GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE' 11161-607821
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P
in t.llis CJifica fo:.... soc..-.:,~·i:~:/· :i.'W~~~:::C;l:; t~:::l iz ~~-lll~:i:r::;.)la to tl\c Ar '_~lCY

CH.l!}i '(,or Il •
4. Flc~~~ fOl"'tiard. "th.::! c11C':ck office for to

n?proD~~utc c~~iciaL.
Kl\r:r.:: ::r D. l·:AGI-;U:':::',CCi

D:.;r:l:rt,~r DiTcc.l,,-=>r :rc~ I'~uif;Ci"l r:r.d 7·J.rr:.. ni';~r:
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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i.·~r. John Drown

,S'L"U S~~cretal'Y
The Y/liite Ho u s o Office
"!ushingt-on, D. C. 20500
"
z.-- Enclosed is U. S. Treasury Check No. ' - 1in the a rn o ur.t
of $16,982.42 wh ich repi:cse:1tG rcii1-;bursemcnt of nUl"CaU Schedule
I
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No·IL__-.:..._I.copy enclose~./ThiS sC!lcdule wa9·.fo~·warded to tilis
·1
10 September 1970.
Your-s very truly,
.1JAHREN D. 'lv!.A USSON
Enclosures
OFI ll Oct. 70)
·1----I 00098
MaRl DoclD: l45l843
e.
."
THE WHITt: HOUSE

WASHINGTON
Decem.ber 7. 1970
l'
CONFIDENTIAL
MEMORANDUM FOR: WARREN MAGNUSON
We have finally received the cost breakdown for acknowledging

the mail in connection with the President1s speech on the situation
in Southeast Asia. By copy of this InemOrandUlTI I am requesting
our administrative office to forward that portion of the bill applicable
to you.
If there are any p r obl.erns in handling this, please let me know.
Thank you.
.:::InA.
JOHN R. BROWN III
cc: . Carson Howell
00099
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Keypunch names, place on magnetic tape
prepare 'and affix to envelopes heat '
transfer labels, and furnish printout. $7,410.35
, Print acknowlecgment Cards 2,244.27
Print Envelopes. . 728.00
Postage 6,290.64·
$16,673.26
.. .. . . ... .. -._--_..._. __.__ .._-_ ... - ..... _---_._-----~_ ... --- --- . _------------_._---_ .. _.. -
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MORI DocID: 1451843
'"
5,'
I>iEJvJORAl'IDUM FOR: Director of Planning, ?rogramming and Budgeting

SUBjECT Reimbursement to the wnite House for Certain
...
~
RE7iRENCE Memorandum for the Record, dated 24 August 1970,
same subject
1. Attached hereto is the second acc0U11ting, in the amount of

$16,673.26, submitted from the vfnite House for mailing expenses ..
Ciieck for the first accounting in the amourrt of $16,982.42 was
forwarded to the White House on 2 October 1970.
2. It is requested that the or'Lgd.na.L voucher be administratively

approved and certified as to the availability of funds and returned ~o
this office for payment.
~ GN
Deputy Director for Liaison Planning
Office of Finance
Attachments .
SF 1081 (orig & 2 wiatt)
Memo from the White House
»<.
dated 7 Dec 1970
Memo to D/pPB, transmitting
- 1st accounting, dated 15 Sept 70
I
~-
Copy of 1st 1081 c:J, 7/
Memo from the White House
dated 10 Sept 70
Memo for the Record dated 24 Aug 70
..:,.
-,
001.0.1.
_","0 ~ • • •- . __ ~_. ~._• • • • • _ • 0 __ • _.. ••• _ _ •••••• _._ .~_ • • __ • ~ • • •_ ••• _ ••• _ •••
MORl DoclD: 1451843
....." .' )"11.';'

... :~t I .usu
.'n. j(lhl \:~UGi":~.{ ;~.:·:ZJ SC;·,;::['~i..E D. O. No. ~ ._
JO·II-lt'~·U
C? W!TI-I;jRAV.'J::S .~i\D GREDlrS
n«. No.
--.--·-t(}:·~::::J.;i!i~:i;-·
au. No. 3:-~.j ..

-·---CiJ:r;;~~(:n:;;;-
)I).)
PAID BY
(D. o.•;;·."bo)
You are authorized to e/Teet tho withdrawnls find credits indicated below,
300__._
(D. O. ~jllIl'lJ-o-J)----
L
Dr.I'..... nTllENT Executavo (jf.,.·ice o.c blrc ."n::;L,
The ~';h'i t,:! ilou s e (;;.:.::.c';

1.L-01-0~)()1
Annneas
SumIAR"
..... rrnorRI...nON OR FUND SnlDOL APrRorRIATION OR'Fu"" SVltlJOL
110 1110110 0001 -,; 16,6·.. .:;02/,
'j
Ii
TOTJ.L TOT4L
Deto.ils of charges or reference to attached supporting documents

For the prtintdng of Aclm01'1lecigement Cares, Envelppes and PO;3tage f'oz- mnilin:,;,
and to Keypunch names, place on magnetd.c t.ane , prepare and afl.·ix to envo Lt.!)OS
heat transfer LabeLa, and ;furnish' printout,9 in connection tvi th· the .ad\.noW'led,~;:;.;'Ji...
of mail concerning the President1s Second. speech on the Situatton in ::)ou"neast ;'.3iE
See attached list ;for breakdoYI.n of cos~s~
For use of office bllled: For use of billing office:

'- '1" ~ fy funds
- j" • Cl);)E
ERTIFICATE OF OFFICE BILLED

J cortif.)' thnt tho il.cms lister! hereln are correct and proper for payment from tho appropriation's) designated;
~ , l,.-,Yi-U.:-O""'Ili-Cl:-rl----
I
I· Paid by check No. _ C/D ~o, • dated 001.02 _

* u. S. GOVERNMENT pAINTING OFFICE: 1516\-60782\
I I
I J
MORl DoclD: l45l843
...
..-,
"
1. it i6 l·cql.C~~"::~ ~~l;:~t a cllcc:~ 'il:" ~b.c ;·.r..n our.t 01- ~~lo, &73. 26 be
dr-awn paynbl c to the "Erc;::.;.. Ul"C:;: of t:1C t.r:'''iitcc~· Si;~tC5.
CuJCI _
3. .1\11 t1oC~·.1'lC~·r~2:~io).. c c . .icc~"~i~";.~; ~~ji:, tl.·:Lj::.~.;.~ctic,.n ia l~ci . ·&; i;'I.:j ~ ~:'j
thl s olfice-fol" s ecu:.. . ity ~(12::;G:.10 c:=-. .d iz r,_"\'~il~blc to the t,~cjJ,-;~r ru.:.. ::..rJ:·~;.
4. Pl.ca ne £or\·~ard ti"~e' C}-iCC~-;' ~.o ·~:1.i::l o~ri.~e .for tr~nGn1it!;f.~i tl:'; ·,i'l
ap?l'opl"iate o':liciC:i.l.
OF 1 _
00103
MORl DoclD: l45l843
.'
...
Mr. John R. Drown III

St;l£[ ,S( c r ctar y
The "'{hite House Office
W..• s h ington , D. C. 20500
-,
Enclosed is U. S . TTeasury Check No.1 fn the
amount of $16,673.26 whi ch represents r e irnbur sc mcnt of Bur e au
Schedule No. D c o py enclosed.
Yours very t r ulv ,
I
Dt' If)ir~~t~rfor Liaison and PI .nn inn
Office of F'In.i nc e
Enclosures
l"-" .
001.04
. ,
I '.' _.__.__..
MORl DoclD: 1451843
- .• \' ;.')7)
MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for Management and Services

SUBJECT Special Report
1. This memorandum is in re~ponse to a request to

provide information on situations or associations that
might appear to be irregular on the surface.
2. Details to the lVhi te House and Government Agencies -
Background: For many years the Central Inte-filgence.AgencY~as
detailed employees to the immediate office of the White House
per se and to components associated intimately with the immediate
office of the President such as the Council on International
Economic Policy and the President's Foreign Intelligence
Advisory Board. We have furnished secretaries, clerical
employees and certain professional employees on a reimbursable
and non-reimbursable basis. At the present time, we have no
clericals or professionals assigned to the immediate White
House office, but we do have one young man detailed to their
Communications Section. There are detailees to PFIAB and CIEP.
I might point out that we had detailed to the White House as
late as the fall of 1970 couriers, telephone operators, a
laborer assigned to the grounds and a graphics man who designed
invitations for State dinn~rs. By October of 1970, more funds
were apparently available to run the White House and most of
our detailees were hired as bona fide White House employees.
'CIA is not the only Agency furnishing the White House with
detailees. ·Levies have been made by this Administration and
others on Defense and State and other Government entities
whose employees have Top Secret cLeazances •
Professional officers have been and are at the present
time assigned~ the National Security Council and we have seven
clericals on detail to NSC on a reimbursable basis.
In addition to the above, we have technical specialists
detailed ,to NSA, an instructor at the National War College and
security officers detailed to the Department of State to
001.05 .
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-G-\Q' ~! 1--IIJ1_1-'r . I~~ ",' '18."\

__ 1.\, I
I ( I ..
I _
_J"",il-l.l~;:'
protect foreign visitors. Recently, lwas detailed

to the Secretary of the Treasury alohg With. IO r other Agency
I
cmp'Loyee s . We have cven, in rare insta.nces, detailed our
people to Congressional Staffs for short periods of time.
3. petails to the White House and Governm~nt Agencies -
Discussion: Details to NSC, the White House, NSA and the
National War College are probably qu~te defensible. On the other
hand, there may be those who would ques tion Agency employees
currently working at the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs
and Mr. Peter Peterson having an Agency employee as·his .
secretary when he was the .Secretary of Commerce (she also made
a trip with him tb Moscow). She is still with him in his
present assignment but we expect that she will report to NSC for
a new detail sometime this month. r I served for
over ten years as Director of the Offlce of PubI1C Safety for
AID. This information has been kept "close to the vest" during
that entire period of time. He has been approved for disability
retirement and is presently on sick leave and will retire
automatically at the expiration of this leave.
Each detail of an Agency employee to the White House or
other Government agency has been carefUlly considered and
approval at a higher level obtained when professionals were
involved.
4. Project TWOFOLD: I believe the support we are
providing to Project TWOFOLD is an activity that should be
reported under your guidelines. Since this is an extremely
sensitive Project and the Office of Security is reporting on
it, I will not repeat the details in my memorandum.
5. Individuals Engaged in Domestic Activities: In a more
general sense, Contract Personnel Division prepares and executes
contracts with individuals engaged by the Agency to carry out
domestic activities. We also process Staff Agents who are
domestically assigned. None of these assignments are decided
in OP. I really have no way of knowing with any degree of
certainty what the specific duties of these individuals will be.
6. I
00.10G
------------------ MORl DoclD: 1451843
(
~\L
7. I
8. Hunt Requests a Lockpicker: This is a record of

External Employment Assistance Branch's action,on a request
from Howard Hunt for a lockpicker who might be retiri~g or
resigning from the Agency.
Sometime in the spring of 1972, Frank O'Malley of EEAB
received a call from Howard Hunt who asked Frank if he had a
retiree or resignee who was accomplished at picking'locks.
Mr. O'Malley sent him a resume on Thomas Amato who retired
31 July 1971. Mr. O'Malley did not document his EEAB record
to show the date of this eichange, but I ~who
also works in EEAB) opines that it occurred sometlme between
March and May 1972.
All of the above information was reported to the Office
of Security on 4 October 1972 following the FBI's contact with
the Agency regarding Howard Hunt.
9. Resume Sent to McCord~, I k contract
employee who retired in September 19/I, was a client of the
E~ternal Employment Assistance Branch in his search for a job
after retirement. One of the leads given tol ras
James McCord's security business. EEAB sent a Iesume to
McCord, but I Iwas not hi~ed.
In mid-summer 1972,f ~telePhoned EEAB from
Chicago. (He had a job there wlth t e Hallfax Securlty Co.,
a lead provided by EEAB, but until this telephone call he had
00107
MORl DoclD: 1451843
• ·A
'
not notified EEAB that he had the job and had moved from
the D.C. area.) He said he had been. visited by a Special
Agent of the FBI who told I ~hat his resume had been
found among McCord's papers. Ine :Agent wanted to know if
I pad any connection with McCord. I Expla.ined
how the resume got to McCord. After the Agent left him,
Ios were notlfled I
~el7P~lOne~ EEA~.
lmmedlately.
lof OP and I lof
... :'
Harry B.Flsner
Director of Personnel
001.08
------------------- MORl DoclD: l45l843
-_...._.. ...-_ ..........-- ......- - ._ -- _-_ ....... --_. -_

~ .., ... .... ..... _.~ .~. __ ... ...... __....
'
'" .. --- .----- ... _--_.__ .. __.._.- ,
.__._ _ . _ .._ ...._
SUB.JECT: (OptiMol)
ROUTfNG A~'~D RECORD SHEET
.._ _._ ...___..__..__.._r __.___
----- ._---_. __._----
i t ive Activities Perfor.ned by the Office of Logistics
---Sens
.. ---..
_--_._-~ ..._- ...... - .. ._-- -'- _ . - _.._.. - r------ ---
._.-.~-_
EXTENSION
_ _ _ _ • _ _•
NO.
_ _ _ _ . _ ._ _ _ _ _ 0- • __
-_._.. --
fROM: -
f-.-------------
DATE
..-------------
Director gf Logis!j.cs . 2551 14 MAY 1973
TO: (Officer designation, room number, and DATE
building I OFFICER'S COMMENTS (Number e oeh comment 10 s.how from whom
'----
INITIALS Draw a line acton column ofleor each comment)
10. whom,
REceiVED FORWARDED
--------
'f!/ ;.:~:
!j;c/- f]II./.
1.
Deputy Director·for Hanage-
ment and Services .-- ..-.... I
--_.-~_ ..-
. "
i_ ..,'---' EYES ONLY
2.
----- ---- ----

3.
Director of Central
Intelligence -
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10. c·,
.
11. 0
12. ' .. : -
,
-
13.
_.
.'
14.
.,.
..
- 00109·,
. '.
15. .,' .,
- '.
. -. , ' . I . L
I .~~~ 61 0 U5~Dr~~~~us D. . _....._.
1. _.. .:..... _....-........"'. _. __ ...
~_ ~~_
SECRET
_:.. ...;;..:;...
0
:a..:-..:;..__ .••
.CONFID~NT,IA~... 0 ~~lE~N,ttv 0 UNCLASSIFIED .
.
_~""'-I;;....::",...;4.:···_·;.:.3'J~;;c......~.:.::::·._J :::_;:.r.,;...:....:...~.~:;...... .._ ... .;L..,;,;,••~,.".:..::~::.._~,-..... ~~-

MORI DocID: 1451843
" ' " .!
14. MfW 1973

THROUGH Deputy Director for Man agemen t and Services
SUBJECT Sensitive Activities:'?erformed by the
Office of Logistic~
1. This memorandum contains information for the Director

of Central Intelligence.
2. This memorandum is submitted pursuant to advice given
by the Deputy Director for Management and Services on 7 May
that Office Directors report on activities, either under their
cognizance or otherwise known to them, the nature of which
could possibly need explanation or justification when viewed
within the statutory responsibility and authority of the
Director of Central Intelligence. The responsibilities of the
Office of Logistics (OL) are such that in all matters herein
reported, except two, the actions unde.rtaken were at the re-
quest of another Agency component. We have prepared a brief
description of each action involved and then have included the
name of the sponsoring component. The substantive reason for
the requests for action by.this Office will have to be deter-
mined by inquiry to the designated sponsori~g component.
3. Facts pertaining to both actions undertaken at the
initiative of this Office are as follows':
00:11.0
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-1)
it.... l"t
·{..Jl tl..,.-
-f¥fS '-'l-IL"I
- . Un
SUBJECT: Sensitive Activities Performed by the Office of
Logistics
\ Il T 1\ \/
CJ CJ .VlvLf
~ 00:11.1.
---------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843

Logistics
'the DD/O, we will not honor any requisition for surveil-

lance equipment unless it has been approved by the CI
Staff of the DD/O.
4. Within the,area of contractual responsibilities, the
following items ara p~rtinent: ?:
a. In February 1971, Colonel L. K. \'fhite, the then
Executive Director-Comptroller, called me to attend a
'meeting in his office, also attend~d by Mr. William Colby.
Colonel White explained that the Technical Services
Division (TSD) had been requested to provide assistance
to the FBI for a sensi ti ve proj ect designated I I(cur-
rently designatedl IColonel White did not dis-
~lose the purpose of the asslstance bei~g provided by TSD
but did instruct me to assist TSD on purely contractual
matters. Since the Office of Logistics has no information
conce rn.irig the mission or pu rpo s e of Proj ect I I sub-
stantive questions concerning the subject should be
addressed to TSD. Other procurement actions accomplished
for the FBI are re orted below. Specific, ment i.on ,is made,
however, of ecause of the dollar. magnitude, ap-
proximately mll lon, ,and the complex technical equip-
ment that h~s been involved in the undertaking.
b. The Procurement Division, OL~ currently has two
requisitions in hand from TSD which would involve reim-
bursable sales ,to the FBI. One such requisition in the
,amount of $36,900 is for two Westinghouse television
cameras. The second requisition in the amount of $11,200
is for two wide-angle surveillance probes manufactured by
Bausch and Lomb. 'No action is being taken on either of
these requirements pending further' instructions which
. will be sought from the Deputy Director for Management
and Services.
c. Over the years, this Agency has often supported
other Government agencies from a contractual or materiel
standpoint. Upon the. submission of an officially approved
request, supported by a transfer of funds, the Agency
would either enter into "accommodation procurements" for
the requesting agency or support the requesting agency by
the issuance'of'materiel from stock. Such actions are
legally accomplished under the Economy Act of 1925. This
Ac~ authorizes one ~gency to support the needs of, or pro-
vide a service for, another Government ~gency when such
001.1.2
MORl DoclD: l45l843
.i" ~
~r"
t J [0 lJTTl:"t--
Logistics
action would be more economical and eliminate the need for

one agency of the Government to duplicate facilities
readily available from another. A typical example of this
procedure is purchasing photointerpretation gear for the
Defense Intelligence Agency element located at NPIC. In
connection with the current repor;:.!:;ing requirement, however,
I have had our records researched for tha past 2 years and
Attachment 1 reflects those transactions which appear to be
relevant to the subject of this memorandum.
d. In connection with the disclosures during the sum-
mer of 1971 that the Rand Corporation was not properly
safeguarding classified documents, this Office undertook·
two acts. I directed the Security Officer from our West
Coast Procurement Office at the Moffet Naval Air Station
in California to visit the Rand Corporation and satisfy
himself tha~ classified material furnished them by the
Agency was both properly safeguarded and accounted for.
His report was affirmative. On 23 August 1971, the senior
Security Officer assigned to this Office forwarded a
letter to the Rand Corporation stressing and reaffirming
the procedures Rand must follow in safeguarding classified
information furnished them by the Agency. Of residual
interest in this matter, there is summarized the contents
of a memorandum of 2 July 1971 to the Executive Director-
Comptroller from the DD/I which is in our possession.
Th'is memo r'andum reports that FBIS regularly
disseminated reports to the Rand Corporation
but that instructions had been issued to cease
distribution of classified reports. While no
'other direct diss~mination went to Rand, other
USIB agencies, primarily USAF, were passing.
"many" copies of DDtI products to Rand as' au-
thorized under USlB regulations. The memoran-
dum also states that Rand personnel had
requested searches and document retrieval from
the CRS facility.
5. In connection with action taken for the Office of
Security, there are three relevant items:
a. The Printing Services Division, OL, was requested
by the Office of Securi~y to print a book written by
Harry J. Murphy, Office of Security. The book was pre-
pared by Mr. Murphy under a Brooki~gs Institution Federal
0011.3
MORl DoclD: 1451843

Logistics
-Executive' Fellowship. The book is entitled "Where's

What -- Sources of Info.rmation for Federal Investigators. 1I
It is a full treatise on the existence of sources of in-
formation that may be useful to an investigator. The
book's £irst printing of 300 copies was made in June 1967.
Due to demand, a se~ond printing~Qf 600 copies was made
in September 1968. The title pate of. the book gives
attribution to Mr. ~furphy, Office of Security, Central
Intelligence Agency, and the Brookings Institution Federal
Executive Fellowship. The book is classified ,Confidential,
and it is our unde~standing that the distribution was made
to appropriate agencies of the Federal Government. A copy
of Mr. Murphy's book can be made available for review if
desired.
Sometime in 1972, a representative of the Law
Enforcement Assistance Administratio~ (LEAA) requested
that the Agency give consideration ~o our publishing, at
LEAA expense, an unclassified version of this volume. It
was the' intent of LEAA to make broad-scale distribution
to Police Dep~rtments throughout the country. The Director
of Security and I consu1t~d on this matter and jointly
determined that the LEAA request should not be honored be-
cause the AgenGY should 'not put itself in the position of
publishing law, enforcement material for,g~neral and un-
classified purposes, and it would be an abuse of our print-
ing facilities.
b. On 5 January 1971, the Director of Security re-
quested that I approve his leasing up to eleven motor
vehicles for use in connection with a,specia1 support
.operation which would last approximately 3 months. The
Director. of Security informed me, in his requesting memo-
. randum of 5 January 1971, that "This support. activity has
been undertaken at the specific instruction of the Director
.and has his personal approval. II The request was app r oved ;
c. From 1968 to date, the Office of Security has
requisitioned from this Office a considerable amount of
materiel which we understand 'was to be given or loaned,by
them to local Police Departments. In certain cases some
of this materiel was issued from Agency stocks and, in
other cases, direct procurement of the materiel was made
by funds furnished by the Office of Security. A' complete
1i~ti~g of such materiel is found in Attachment 2.
_.. .u+'.f.- 0011.4

MORl DoclD: 1451843

Logistics
b. This Office is aware~ although it had no cognizance

nor responsibility, that -an apartment was rented in Miami
Beach~ Florida, during the period of the Democratic National
Convention, 10-14 July 1972, and the Republican National
Convention, 21-24 August 1972. The apartment was used as
a meeting place I_---.-__---,;-,_._---,=---~_=_-__._--___._--_.____;_---
in liaison with members of the Secret Service and rendering
00:11.5
MORl DoclD: l45l843

Logistics
"assistance in connection with the political conventions

that were qeing held. l\'H Division is the cognizant
operating component on this matter.
7. The above recitation of facts represents, to the best

of my knowledge and memory, those ma'!:tf?rs \Vhich appear to be
relevant to subject tasking given by Yhe Director.
I~-=-=--=---
2 Atts
cc: DD/M&S
001.:16
MORl DoclD: 1451843
c.
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." ..: .~...
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- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - _ . - -._-_ ...• _•..... -_ - . ...... . ... '-""-"--'-' ._---
--stttrr
I YES 0f\H:-¥ -
Receiving
Requesting Date of U.S. Depart-
Office Request Item Quantity Unit Cost ment or Agency
as 3/23/72 Telephone Analyzer 1 1,350 BNDD

TSD 5/16/72 Transmitters, Radio Beacon 8 313 BNDD
as 3/23/72 Telephone Analyzer 1 1,350 White House
Communications
Agency
as 3/23/72 Telephone Analyzers 13 1,400 'Air Force
.
as 3/23/72 'Te1ephone Ana1yzer~ 10 1,350 State
as 3/23/72 Telephone Analyzers 2 1,375 AEC
TSD 11/16/72 Camera Sets 20 656 FBI
TSD . 4/17/72 Camera Sets 10 zOO FBI
'1. '
TSD 11/18/71 Actuators, Recorders SO 488 FBI
TSD 4/19/72 Tes s i.na Cameras 3 700 BNDD
~
TSD 12/ 7/72 Camera, Video 1 18,045 FBI 0
.~
H
TSD 10/13/72 Tube, Image, Burn-Resistance, 1 4,639 FBI
0 t:l
Equivalent6f W L 30691 0
.. 0 o
t:OJ TSD 3/26/71 Tubes, Image, W L 30691 2 ·4,607 FBI
H
t:l
TSD 4/20/73 Cameras, Television 2 ~

18,300 FBI f-l
~
lJ1
f-l
00
~
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EnS 8*LY
o 0 f;T I I
L----
I.
l-f"\ _
_ • ~_ M_
~Rg, .-
UW::' ~~L _
Receiving
Requesting Date of U.S. Depart-
Office Request Item Quantity Unit Cost merit or Agencr
TSD 12/14/72 Transmitters, Radio 3 313 BNDD
TSD 10/20/72 Actuators J Recorder 25 591 FBI
TSD 10/13/72 Tube, Image, Burn-Resistance, 1 4,639 FBI
Equivalent of W L 30691
TSD 5/26/71 Tube, Image, W L 30691 2 4,639 . FBI
TSD 4/22/71 Transmitters 3 '1,372 FBI
TSD 4/22/71 Module, Plug-In 1 1,247 FBI
TSD 4/22/71 Power Supply - UWP-39A 1 568 FBI
OL 2/25/71 Telephone Analyzers 2 1,350 Treasury
as 1/30/71 Telephone Analyzers 22 1,4 50
1·'1; ;
Trea~ury
OL 8/12/70 Cable, Special-Purpose

Electrical 5,000 ft. .42 White House
Communications
Agency :s:
0
::cJ
TSD 1/10/73 Ink, Special Formula 1 lot 1,825 Immigration and H
Naturalization t1
Service 0
o
H
TSD 6/28/72 Ink, Special Formula 1 lot 3,700 Immigration and
Naturalization
..t1
Service I-'
0 !Po
0 U1
I-'
~ TSD 7/26/71 Transmitteri Radio Beacon 1 728 U.S. Forestry co
~ JP.
c.c W
•
- _._,._-- . --
-------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
'C .(
t'I
'.
. .
001.20
. \
,.
----------------- \ I
-lJ 1··..1\L" . I
.". I
MORl DoclD: 1451843
EYES
MATERIAL REQUISITIONED FROM LOGISTICS

LOCAL POLICE
ITEM QUANITY'
Gas Mask M-9 200
Gas Mask M-17 196
Steel Helmet and Liners 231
Vest and Groin Protector 96
Vest, Flak M-52 34
Vest, Protective 46
Vest, Grenade
105
Execuvest
6
Emergency Flashing Red Light 22
*Searchlight, Tear Gas 36
1iChemical Baton 12" 24
*Chemical Baton 26 rl
24
*Mustang 35 Pistol
6
*Searchlight with Shoulder Strap 36
*Stun Gun
3

cartridges, loading kits, and batteries .were also
00:12.1
MORl DoclD: l451843
14 MAY 1973
!·fj;i'·IOHAMIUH FOR: Director of Central Intelligence

TiJJ"OlJGH Doputy Director for !'·fa;I!'l[.ement and Se rv i ce s
~3UBJECT Sensitive Activities Performed by the
Office of Lo~istics
1. This memorandum contains information for t he Jiroctor

of Ccn t r a l In t c L'l Lg cn ce , ----------
2. This mer.'oran.dulllis submd tted pursuant to advice g i ven

by the Deputy Director for Management and Services on 7 t.iay .
that Office Directors report on activitiBs, either under their
cognizance or o t.he rwds e known to t.hem, the n a t ure of l.rhich
could liossibly need explanation or justificati.on \f:)en viewed
\d thin the statutory responsibility and author! ty of the
Director of Central Intcl1i~encc. The responsibilities of the
Office of Logistics (OL) are such that in ~ll matters herein
reported, except two, the actions undertaken were at the re-
quest of another Agen~y component. We have prepared a brief
description of each action involved and than have Inclua~d the
llama of the sponsoring component. The substantive reason for
the requests for action by this Office will have to be cleter-
r.lined by inqu1ry to the designated sponsoring component.
3. Facts pertaining ti both, actions undertaken at the
initiative of this Office are as follows:
001.22
I
--------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
&UHJECT: Scn5itive Activities rerfnrw~d by the Office of

Lo g Ls t Lcs
1
.,
00:123
~------------_.-
MORl DoclD: 1451843
~y
SUBJ~CT: Sensitive Activities Perfo~m~d by the Office of
Logistics
·.tho DD/O, 1V'O will not honor any requisi tian for surveil-
lance equipment unless it has beeri"approved by the CI
Staff of the DD/O.
4. Within the area of contractual responsibilities, the
following it0ns ~re pertinent:
a. In February .1971. C91one1 L. K. Khite, the then
Executive Director-C()mptroller, called me to attend a
meeting in his office, also attended by Mr. William Colby.
Colonel White explained that the Technical Services
Div·Isian (TSD) had been requested to provide assistance
to the FBI for a sensitive project designatedJ I(cur-
rent1y designated I ICo1onel White di not dis-
close the purpose of the ass1stance being provided by TSD
but did instruct me to assist TSD on purely contractual
matters. Since the Office of Logistics has no information
concerning the mission or purpose of Project I I sub-
stantive questions concerning the subject should be
addressed to TSD. Other procurement actions accomplish~d
for the.FBI aTe reo orted below. SpeGific mention is made,
however, of ~ca~se of the dollar magnitude, ap-
proximately m1 10n,. and the complex technical equip-
men t that has been involved in the undertaking.
b. The Procureinent Division, OL, currently has two
requisitions in hand ·from TSD wh i ch would involve reim-
bursable sales to the FBI. One such requisition in the
amount of $36,900 is for two Westinghouse television
c ame r as , The second requisition in the amount of $11,200
is for tlVowide-angle surveillance probes manufactured by
Bausch and Lomb. No action· is being taken on either of
these requirements pending further instructions which
will be sought from the Deputy Director for Management
and Services.
c. Over the years, this Agency has often supported
other Government agencies from a contractual or materiel
standpoint. Upon the submission of an officially approved
request, supported by a transfer of funds, the Agency
lV'ould either enter into "accommodation procurements" for
the requesting agency or support the requesting agency by
the issuance of materiel from stock. Such actions are
legally accomplished under the Economy Act of 1925. This
Act authorizes one agency to support the needs of, or pro-
vide a service ·for, another Government agency when such
001.24:
-------------- MORl DoclD: l45l843
SUBJDCT: Sensitive Activities rarformed by the Office of

Logistics
action would be more economical and eliminate the need for

"one agency of the Government to duplicate fac.ilities
readily available from another. A typical example o··f this
procedure is purchasing photointerpretatiol1 gear for the
Defense Intelligence Agency element located at NPIC. In
connection with the current reporting requirement, however,
I have had our records researched for the past 2 years and
Attachment 1 reflects those transactions wh i.ch anne ar to be
relevant to the subject of ihis memorandum. 0-
d. In connection with the disclosures during the sum-

me~ of 1971 that the Rand Corporation was not. properly
sa fe gua r-df.ng classified documents, t.hi s Office undertook
two acts. I directed the Security Officer from our West
Coast Procurement Office at the Hoffet Naval Air Station
in California to visit the Rand Corporation and satisfy
himself that classified material furnished them by th.e
Agency was both properly safeguarded and accounted for.
His report was affirmative~ On 23 August 1971, the senior
Security Officer assigned to t hLs Office fo rwa rded a
letter to the Rand Corporatiop stre$sing and reaffirming . .
the procedures Rand must follow' in s afe guardIng classified
information furnished them by the Agency . . Of residual
interest in this mat t er-, there is sumnar i aed the 'contents
of a memorandum of 2 July 1971 to the Exec~tive Director-
Comptroller from the DD/I which is in our possession.
This memorandUm reports that FRIS regularly
disseminated reports to the Rand Corporation
but that instructions had been issued to cease
distribution of classified reports. 1\'hile no
other direct dissemination went to' Rand, other
USIa agencies, primarily USAF, were passing
"many" copies of DD/I products to Rand as au-
thorized under USIB regulations. The memoran-
dum also states that Rand personnel had
requested searches and document retrieval from
the CRS fac~lity.
5. In connection with action taken for the Office of
Security, there are three relevant items:
a. The Printing Services Division, OL, was requested
by the .Office of Security to print a book written by
Harry J. Murphy, Office of Security. The book was pre-
pared by Mr. Murphy under a Brookings Institution Federal
OOi:z5
-----------------_. MORI DocID: l45l843

I.. ,
Logistics
Executive Fcl101~·sh.ip,. The,book is entitled "Where's

"WIlat -- Sources of Information for Federal Investigators. II
It is a f~ll treatise on the existence of sources of in-
formatio~ that may be useful to an inv.estigator. The
book's first printing of 300 copies was made in June 1967.
Due to demand, a second printing o£ 600 copies was made ,
in September 1968. The title page" of the book gives
attribution to Mr. Hurphy, 9ffice of Security, Central
Intelligence Agency, and, the Brookings Institution Federal
Executive Fellowsnip. The book is classified'Confidential,
and:it is our understanding that the distr,ibution was made
·to "appropriate agencies of t he Federal Government. A copy
of l>Ir. Murphy's book can be made ava i LabLe for review' if
desired.
Sometime in 1972, a representative of the Law
Enforcement Assistance Administration (bEAA) requested
that the Agency give consideration. to our publishing, at
LEAA expense, an unclassified version of'this volume. It
was the intent of LEAA to make broad-scale distribution
to Police Departments throughout the .courrt ry , The Dd r ec t or
of Security and I consulted on this matter and jointly
determined that the LEAA. reques't should·not be.hollored be-
cause the Agency shoul d- not put itself in :the positLon of
publishing law enforcement material for general·~nd un-· .
classified purposes. and it would be an abuse of our print-
ing..facili ties. "
b. On 5 January 1971, the Diractor.of Security re-
quested that I approve his leasing up to eleven motor
vehicles for use in connection with a special support
operation which ,...ould last app roxfmatiefy 3 months , The
Director of Security informed me~ ,in his r~questing memo-
randum of, 5 January 1971, 'that' .HThis .suppor-t; activity has
been undertaken at the specific jn~tructi6n Df the Director
and has his personal approval." The request was approv.ed.·
c. From 19'68 to date, the Offi~e of Security 'has ,
requisitioned from this Office a considerable .amount of
materiel which we understand was to be given or loaned by
them to local Police Departments. In certain cases some
of this materiel' was issued from Agency stocks and, in
other cases, direct procurement of the materi~l was made
by. funds furnished by the Office of Security. A complete
listing of such materiel is found in Attachment 2 •
. ONLY
~[(\.:-"'" 00126
v l·r"··
0L"':' u,
MORl DoclD: 1451843

Logistics
·1
b: This Office is ~qare~ although it had no cognizance

nor responsibility,· that an apartment was rented in Miami
Beach, Florida, during the period of the Democratic National
Convention, 10-14 July 1972~ and the Republican National
Convention, 21-24 August 1972. The a~artment was used as
tnm~~;~~~nP;~~~ II~eilloe~: OJ: tone 5e:re ;~e: v::e :IlCl l:l1UelollIg
EYES 001.27
HEY
------------------ MORl DoclD: 1451843
SUBJECT: Sensitive Activities Petformcd by the Office of

Lo~istics
assistance in connection with the political conventions

't ha t wer e being held. WI{ Division is the cogn i aan t
operating cOl:lponent on this matter.
7. The above recitation of facts represents t to the best
of my know'l erig e and memory t those matters wh i ch appear to be
relevant to subject tasking given by the Director •.
JOlll1 1'. BIaJ_e '

Director of Logistics
2 Atts
cc: DD/M&S
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Requesting Date of • Receiving

Office Request Item U.S. Depart-
Quantity Unit Cost ment or Agency
OS 3/23/72 Telephone Analyzer 1 1,350 BNDD
TSD 5/16/72 Transmitters, Radio Beacon 8 313 BNDD
OS .3/23/72 Telephone Analyzer 1 1,350 White House
Communications
Agency
as 3/23/72 Telephone Analyzers 13 1,400 Air Force
OS 3/23/72 Telephone Ana~yzers 10 1,350 State
as 3/23/72 Telephone Analyzers' 2 1,375 ABC
TS,D 11/16/72 Camera Sets 20 656 FBI
TSD 4/17/72, , Camera Sets
10 700 FBI
TSD 11/18/71 Actuators, Recorders 50 488 FBI
TSt> 4/19/72 Tessina Cameras 3 700 BNDD
TSD 12/ 7/72 Camera, Video 1 18,045 FBI ~
0
TSD 10/13/72 Tube, Image, Burn-Resistance, :;0
1 4,639 FBI H
EqUivalent of WL 30691 t:J
TSD 0
0 3/26/71 TUbes, Image, WL 30691 o
. 2 4,607 FBI , H
0 TSD t:f
~ 4/20/73 Cameras, Television
I
I
OJ 2 18,30,0 FBI "
f-l
C ,
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Requesting Date of , ~
Receiving
Office Request Item U.S. Dep ar c-
. Quantity Unit Cost me;nt or Agency.
TSD 12/14./72 Transmitters, Radio 3 313 BNDD
TS1) 10/20/72 Actuators, Recorder 25 591 FBI
TSD 10/13/72 Tube, Image, Burn-Resistance, 1 4,639 fBI
I Equivalent of W L 30691
I
I TSD 5/26/71 Tube, Image, W L 3Q691

I 2 4,639 FBI
I TSD
TSD
4/22/71
4/22/71
Transmitters 3 1,372 FBI
Module, Plug-·In 1 1,247 FBI
TSD 4/22/71 Power Supply - UWP-39A 1 568 FBI
OL ·2/25/71 Telephone Analyzers 2 1,350 Treasury
OS 1/30/71 Telephone Analyzers 22 1,350 Treasury
'OL 8/12/70 Cable, SpecIal-Purpose
Electrical 5,090 ft. .42 White Hou s c·
Communications
Agency
TSD 1/10/73 3:
Ink, Special Formula 1 lot 1,825 0
Immigration and ~
H
Natural.ization
Service 0
t:J
TSD 6/28/72 Ink, Special Formula o
1 lot 3,700 Immigration and H
0 t:J
0 : Naturaliza.tion
~ Service I-'
...
C'J.) TSD 7/26/71 Transmitter, Radio Beacon 1 728 U.S. Forestry
fi:>
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fi:>
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-- ---_. --- --------._----------

MORI DocID: 1451843
\. .. ...
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"
00:132
... .. . ... .. . ... ... - '" ... ~. ... " ..----.- . . "
• ---'-" _ - . . r- -:
MORl DoclD: 1451843
· ~
~~TERIAL REQUISITIONED FROM LOGISTICS
LOCAL POLICE
ITEM QUANITY
Gas Mask M-9 200
G~s Mask M-17 196
Steel Helm~t and Liners 231
Vest:and Groin Protector 96
Vest, Flak M-52 34
Vest, Protective 46
Vest, .Grenade 105
Execuvest 6
Emergency F1ashi~g Red Light 22
j
*Searchlight; Tear Gas 36
*Chemical Baton 12" '.
24
*Chemical Baton 26" 24
*Mustang 35 Pistol 6
*Searchlight with Shoulder S.trap 36
*Stun Gun 3

cartridges, loading kits, and batteries were also
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.._- . ~ ..... _-_ .... -.- -LJ ... 5E

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SUBJECT: [OP':",·"II
------ -'-"-- ---..__.. - - - - ---_.-- _.- ..... _--- - ' ,-----------_

~1.TENSION NO.
.. ---.__ . ------- ...
FROM:
OJC~
I !Hq. ~ -- - .J ._._-
~
D!OJCS,
TO: (Officer de-s;gnofion.. room number. and DATE

I PATE
11 vs« iS73 - ._-

building) OffICER'S COMMENTS (Numbe, eoch comment 10 lhow f,om whom
INITIALS 10 whom, Draw Q line eeross corumn o'fer each comme-r1f.)
RECEIVED fORWARDfD
1-
--
nn!M&.S
I IRq.
2.
3. ~CI
I Hq.
~,
5. 0
6.
~?"'bo- tPf'1 ~l.o,MI J'U (
7.
ft-or ,Je;..t. ( ~e\ &s\:-
8.
fu (,\.~........) \~ vJ 01\1- t"--r
\It C. ~t"- ~ O\CS
9. ",b,N~ ~ ~I\J~~
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10.
I 15 m:fil,*" .~ '1..3
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11.
.
12.
13.
.
14.
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_.. . . _-..-....-_ .. 4 _ J . ... _
SECRET o CONFIDENTIAL' O INTERNAL
MORl DoclD: 1451843
orcsl "
11 r\~AY 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director, Central Intel1i'gence Agency
THROUGH Deputy Director for Management and Se rvl ce s
SUBJECT Activities whichrnight be considered sensitive

issues.
I have listed below computer processing p roj ect s which the Office of
Joint Computer Support has participated in or is aware' of and which
might be considered sensitive issues. -
Most Sensitive Projects

OJCS Project'Officer Nature OJCS
Project Organization, & of Reason for
Identification Telephone Project Listing
HYDRA Richard Ober A specfa.l pro- Type of

CI Staff ject initiated data being
'I I. by DCI collected.
SANCA Machine Type of

los Ind'ex to data in
[L.....------L.- security files
Information
index.
Type of
uRn sto.rage & re- data in
I I trieval of drug
related data
files.
(ORO's project
OFTEN)
Sensitive Projects
.I Computer file
of drug data.
Type of
data in
file.
00135
·1
MORl DoclD: 1451843
Sensitive Projects (Continued)

OJCS Project Off'ic e r Nature . OJCS
Project Organization, & of Reason for
Identification Telephone Proj~ct Listing
Statistical. Source of .
'I'SD analysis of data. Con-
1---1 psychological
data.
tractors are
involved
with project.
Sensitivity Unknown, but Pos sibly a Matter for Concern
Nature of
data. Tech-
niques of
system dis-
cussed with
FBI.
SPYDER Data on
I---==---
OS
radio frequen-
cies used for
1- support of Irr-
Place Morrito r-;
ing System, a
system to identify
unauthorized
transmitters.
DMVREC File of auto- Nature of

as mobile license data.
I I numbers.
File of Agency Nature of

applicants who data.
were not
hired.
00.1..36
MORl DoclD: 1451843
Sensitivity Ul1kn~~.!._~ut Possihly a Matter for Concern (Continued)

OJCS Project Officer OJCS
Project Organization, & Reason for
Id Cl1tification l' el~hon_CL_ Listing
Association
with the
named
organization.
fq.....
JOHl'r D. IAMS
Director of Joint Computer Support
I ."
Ii
I
}EYE§ ·ILY 001.37

~Ell
MORI DocID: 1451843
(]
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ROUHNG f.·J'\~O rU:CORD SHEET
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fPOM: EXTENSION NO.
Director of Communications 1---._-----_.__..__....
0
DATE
.\ Hqrs. I_.. 10 May' 1973
TO: (Officer c!sig",ofion, to~rn nl.l~Le" ond DATE
building) OFFICER'S COMMENTS (N"mber each comment 10 show f,om whom
INITIALS 10 whom. O'OW Q line ouoss column af'er eeeh comm~n'.1
RECEIVED fORWARDED
1.
\DDM&S
.
IHq r s ,' . ~Ref SCi 1- The
-- 2. attached ~s ~n further
response to your request.
. _ _ 0.
3.
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5.
6.
7.
8.
. . ..
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
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FORM
3-62 610 U~J~~~US 0 SECRET
...... _'0 _~ _'0 _ . __. ._ •.•• _ _ ~ ~
o CONFIDENTIAL
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USE ONLY
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.
_ .........__.. .
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. . . _------
MORl DoclD: 1451843
DOCUMENT DESCRIPTION . REGISTRY
SOURCE: oci \ CONTROL NUMBER: SCI I

DATE OF DOCUMENT: 8 May 1973 OATE D.OCUMENT RECEIVED:
COpy NUM8ER (8): LOGGED BY:
NUMBER OF PAGES: two DOCUMENT NO:
. f
NUMBER OF ATTACHMENTS: one
FROM: Special Programs DiVision, OC DATE: 10 May, 73
TO
.
OFFICE NAME SIGNATURE DATE
t IIAtl
'DICO Mr. Jack J Kei'tb
2
I\n""t ~ o
3 .'
~
..
.
o Approval
o Action
o Comment
o Concurrences
o Information
o Direct Replv
o Preparation of Repi y
o Recommendation
'0 Signature
o Return
o Oispatd1
•
o File
.00139
MORl DoclD: l45l843
·~
-_ ... .
~
..
SCI _
8 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD

SUBJECT: Summary, Special Programs Division (SPD),
'Office of Communications, Operational
Contacts with Other u.S. Government ~gencies
o
1. Prior to 1969 the OC COMINT.. intercept unit,
which was then in Miami, had relatively frequent contact
with the Miami bureaus of the FBI and FCC, Miami Police
and the Miami Beach Police. The staff provided support
to these activities in monitoring, identification and
DB of specific illegal agent transmissions conducted by
foreign nationals and American citizens in the greater·
Miami area. Arrangements for' this support were made
thro~gh the. DDO' s'l I
2. In late Septe~ber 1972, NSA, through Division DI
DDO. 'requested that the Special Programs Division initiate
a hearability survey of certain HP' long-distance commercial
telephone circuits between the U.S. and South America.
The circuits carried'drug related long-distance calls of
interest to the BNDD and other U.S. agencies. Because of
the availabilit of ersonnel and technical ca abilities
....
·3. The Chief and Deputy Chief. SPD and SPD/Special
Electronic Operations Branch· have been engaged in·informal
technical liaison with operating components 'of the FBI .
for a.number of years. Initial contacts and arrangements
. for support ·of. specific activities have been made by the
Division D/DDO. Support has been provided in the form of
'~JiB""no SECRET
~!e\TllL OF ATTACHMENT
.: 1----. _---JI .' -
JJJHft1lfi , .·:'~~'b~i40
MORI DocID: 1451843
. .".
8 May 1973
-
exchanges of technical information on techniques, technical
assistance and training, and the loan of Agency equipment.
In t~e.past sever~l ye!:;
sens1t1ve FBI proJects
:::nnr r bJS been r~nd;rjd to
_andl ~ _ Si:port-,
has been and is ·presen D g g1ven to FBI pro ects
I I These projects are'described in the attache . ,
sealed envelope. (
4. An operational test of an F/DF
system was r~ Iconducted n DO and
OC-SPD pers nnel 1n the earl ar.o the summer of 1972.
A location in Miami Beach, Florida was selected for the
tests because of similarity to the actual' target site and
environment in Saigon. Receiving antennas were placed on
the roof of the hotel being used as the receiving/DF site.
A hotel employee asked why the materiel was placed on the
roof. A team member in effect told him that the group
was an'advance security s~gment for the Democratic National·
Convention. No further questions were asked; the tests'
were completed and the equipment was returned to the
Washi~gton area. .:
Att •
••
------'".~-----,
'00"14'1
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.. ..-.
. ~.
..
9 May 1973
I T~ .
•
. I --.Ji S~ .001.42
MORl DoclD: 1451843
~ ... ...- ..---------------,~..A

....
9 May 1973

SU~JECT: Organizational Deali~gs with Activities Inside the
United States
o
1. This MFR records organizational dealings with activities

inside the United States known to this office.
z , In September 1972, I . Irequested secure communi-
cations in the Miami Area w1th local offices of BNDD
~ ,~~~e commun1cat10ns 1n was never 1ns a e

advised in April 1973 that there were plans
4un~~e~rw~aY=-1"-n~.·MEi~a~mTi to combine various Federal agencies anti-
drug efforts under a new Justice Department Division, and at
this time' it was not known where the new anti-drug office would
be located. I
1_ _- - - - - - - - - - - - , - - - -
3. During :he Democratic and Republican conventions, -
I Jsupported requirements levied by ~he Secret
Service concerning name traces and other intelligence infor-
• mation relating to subversive influences which might affect
those conventions.\ provided some'technical advice and
procedural assista~ce 1n establishing a useful means of com-.
municating between the two correspondents. WHD should be able' ,.
to provide a detailed resume of activities supported in' this
matter.
• ~E. /f/7I
. Thomas s: 5'~~11
'5J
.
"Chief, America$ Staff, OC
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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SENDeR. WILL CHECK CL"'.SSIF1C<,\TICN
.... _-----------_.-
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OFFICIAL HOUTI;,\G SLIP
- ._--_._----
TO NAME ANb ADDRESS DATE ~.~!"I~.~
7 1 '
....
1 Mr. William E. Colby
-_._- ..
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ACTION
APPROVAL
"- .
... DIRECT
DISPATCH
REPLY , •
PREPAlIE
IlECOMr~EHDATIOIi
REI'lY
l
COMMENT
COliCURREHCE
. filE
ll;fORMATlon
RETURN
SIG~ATlIRE
----;-
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The attached memorandum identifies ~
j
the funds referred to in Chuck Briggs'

notes of 13 and 20'January 1972.
~
.r
.' FOLD HERE TO RETURN TO SENDER

FROM: NAMe:, ADDRESS AND PHONE NO_ DATE
"
Inspector General 30 May 7~
,.
"
-- '"'~ . . . £L· ... t ' .
rORM NO,
1-67
237 Use previous editions (40)
** "$ince-these note ss ar e on a' tctally' separate -sensit.ive subject,

• pl~"pull'then) from this file '-_: :vEC." CNo'te t9 C!MPS),'
p'
"
c. '.': 001.44
~ . . .'. ,
\,
-
MORI DocID: 1451843
,I
I
!
29 May 1973
SUBJECT : Mr. Colby's Request to Inspector General to

Determine Subject Referred to by Two Notes
. in a PP/B Memo to DD!M&S
REFERENCE D/PPB Memo to DD/M&S dated 23 May 1973,

Subject: Watergate Principals - Direct or
Indirect Involverrrent
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OFFICIAL ROUTING SLIP
NAME AND ADDRESS
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APPROVAl DISPATCH' RECOMMEHDAT1Olf
CO'MMEHT fiLE RETURN
CONCURRENCE IlfFORMATIOH SIGHATUIlE
Remarks:.
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FOLD HERE TO RETURN TO SENOER
FROM: N"MIi:. "ODRE:SS AND PHONE; NO. DAY,.
w. E. Colby Z3May73
U:,\CLASSIFI ED I I CO:'iFIDENTIAL I SECRET
Us. pr,v;ous ,dilio/ls (40)
fOllM NO,
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FOR"! NO, 101 REPl"C~AY

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"-'- ._- PREPl.iIE REPLY
APPROVAL OlSPt.TCli RECOMMENDATlOI{
COMMENT fILE RETURH
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COHCURREHCE IHFaRMATIOH SIGIUTURE I
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FOLD HERE .....O RETURN TOSENDER

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FROM: NA",e:. ADDRESS AND PHONE NO. DATE
Charles A. Briggs, n/PPB 5/23/73 ,.

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UNCLASSIFIED I I CO~FI[)ENTIAL I SECRET
• . fORM NO,
1-67
23", Use previous edilions (40)
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23 May 1973
Do -76
MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director ]01' Management and Services
SUBJECT: Watergate Pr-incipnls - Direct or Indirect

Involvement
. 1. This memor-an durn responds to the Director's request ~or

i a r epor t of any Involvement in ;my c apucity since 1 .Iarmar y 1969
I
iI
with Messrs. Hunt. McCord Liddy Young. or Krogh.
I I
2. I have had none with Hunt •. Liddy or Young.
I
.I 3·. My McC~rd contact was indirect and occurred sometime
during the late 1960's when I ws s Director. Office of Computer
·1 Services. I opposed plans .for Technical Di viaion , Office of
Security (under Mr. McCor d) to acquire a separate computer f(;r
1 . its In-Place Monitoring System. r pf DD/S&T (then ORD)
I
1
W<.1.S the computer individual woLcmg wIllI Ib ClIld,· I think, would
have details. .
j.
4. The Krogh contact also was indirect and involved his
request. first through 6MB, that CIA fund foreign travel on behalf
of the Cabinet Committee on International Narcotics Control. Indi-
vidual phone discussions are noted in the attachad , The Agency
{oecil points werel land I I
I ras I understand
forwarded relevant documentation. Copies of
memoranda. from :Messrs. Krogh, I land Colby are attached
also •
.j 5. I held a staff meeting yesterday to pass the request to

I all OPPB employees. One officer who was attending a funeral will
not be available urrtll vtomor-row ,
i.
I·
O\bhB\Cv·p"q88'z\l:n:.:r: ':~2~(S3V·i!J.i\.1~)
i J - D\:&bb' EJ,G;:O OJJJJ~ SHG lsI Charles A. Brisgs
J - N.' E' COLO)...
O~;a f J - ~qq~Ga2GG
Charles A. Briggs
D! 2+x..~p.;Hon: Dn-ector of Planning.
Programming, and Budgeting
Attachment
As stated
00149
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Attachment
23 May 1973
4 Feb 72 Call [rom Jim Taylor ~ OMB r-e If Bud" Krogh arrd his deputy,
\'h.ltCl~ Minnick. of the Dorneatlc Councfl who p lan foreign
travel in connection with thetr nar-cotics interests. Jim was
alerting us to their Intention, to ask us for funds for the
tr avcl ,
7 Feb n Follow-up from Taylor: Plan 3-5 trip s fer 3 individuals--

all in FY n. Cost probably $JOK. Minnick ready to make
first trip. I lis plugged in. E:-:Dir said OK r-e 'I'chrxn
visit.
7 Feb n See attached memo frcm Egil Krogh. Jr. to Bill Colby and
follow-on memos from I 1(21 Jul 72) and Colby
(2 Aug 72).
12(?) May n John Hurley, 01',15 called. menticning possible Krogh/

Minnick attendance at a Latin American (Station Chief?)
conference on narcotics. He a)50 said eif ~he}herd.
\ 'J"h'tte II. ouse , was l '
ayrng .£:¥~~ WIt
on a-t.v,' .h • . ror
r
hi:nself, Shepher-d arid Mark Algor. OM to Europe.
'23 Jun tz I Icommented on Krogh/Minnick interest

in getting CA- activities, including large-scale PM,
on narcotics front. I Ipu&hing small-scale PP.
6 Jul 72 I Ic<l1led. Notes say only: "Minnick-Hurley film.

We will send. If
~ Aug rz I Icalled re Colby letter (attached). Said,..tra-vel

onders ready; need money this PM (No record in my
notes as to who was tr aveltng when, but have faint
recollection of its bein{; to Mexico City). I
and I Icontacted by I I ------
1 Nov 72 R._:ilated1 r.
JCall. Again notes are cryptic:
b1~~;braceL I Survey BNDD problems/
001.50
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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13 Jan 72 Ex])ir (Colby) said DCI had approved $30K for sensitive
CS proj ect - no details.
20 Jan 72 Reminded ExDil" r-e $32K,he said DCI OK'd.
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MORl Doc1D:1451843
THE WHITE HOUSE

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VIAS H I'NGTON
J.tcbruary 7., 197?
MEMORANDUM ~FOR }31J..,I~ COLBY

,.
SUBJECT: BUDGETA..."tY SUPPORT FOR THE CABINET CO£vlMlTTEE
ON INTERNATIONA;L NA.:.'\.COTICS CONTROL
The Cabinet Cornrni.tte e on Lnbe r.nat.i.ona.I Narcotics Control was created'

Sep~e:.nbbr 7) 1971" by the President to centralize hi~ attack on the in-
ternational drug; traffic. ' ."
The Cornrnrtt e e do e s not have a separate budget.

, .
Salary and administrative support for its small) full-tixne staff has been
provided by the Executive Offi ce of the :Presid~nt. Other experis e s are
being. charged to the constituent agencies and d~partments., .
: The Bureau of Customs" BNDD, and AID /Office of Public Safety have
!<. -,
provided support to date.
The CIA should be prepared to' defray not more than fifteen thousand'
" , dollars in overseas travel expelfses fo; 'Cabinet Co:r.runittee staff during
f". the remainder of FY-197Z. '
I.
I Walter C. Minnick,,' fh e Cornrrritt.ees a Staff Coordinator, can be contacted
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for further details.
I Than;k you for you~ assistance.

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I.' EgilKrogh, Jr.
I, J;:xccutivc Dirccl:or
Cabinet Committee on
International Narcotics Co:n,trol
cc: John Ehrlichman
Assistant to the President for Domestic Mfaixs
Mark Alger _
. QMB) Chief l 'General Govermnent Programs Division
colA KcpreLntanve; CCINC Workipg Group.
00:152
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PPB 72-1063
2AUG 1972
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·MEMOR.A.L"lDUM FOR: Deputy Director lot: Plans
. . .
<; Fbc:al Year 1973 .Budgef:ary Support {or
SUBJECT:
:1
~ tne C:1blnet Corr>..miHee on International.
Narcotics ContJ:.ol (eCINC)
l-
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Me~~ to E~lr {rm.&lr:rDP/NAB..CO~did

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i',I . Zl J'uly 1972; S:ilme ~ubject
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1. This is in response to tha- referenced znezno rega.rding

use of CIA funds to cover travel e~penSle~ ior the Whits House
Cablnet Committee Staff for Fiscal Ye4.r 1973.
J
2. : You are authorized to obligated up to $15.0nO Cor the use
.. of the White Hou$e Cabinet Committee Staff tor travel expenae s
durlng FY 1973. Oblig:l.tion ~bould be r ecozded against the O/DDP
allot.n1ent and trAvel order" issued aga.inst yO':lr own :ttppropria~e fan
i number~
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3. To the' e~tent that. jou t!.re unaotc. to <9.9orb this .requirement
··f within your preoen~ allotment.. we will h4l.ve to arrange some repro-
!
g·ra:cnming l:lter in the year f.o ccve e ~his 1J.l';lbt:egeted item.
!
to
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w. E. Colby
. Executive Dlrector-Compt.rolle1"
O/PP~ .rhg 2 Aug 72

Dis tribul:ion:
Orig &' 1 - addressee
1.- ExDir
1 - ER
'00153
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~ . 21 July 1912 i
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. NEHORAUDUN FOR: Executive Director -' Co~troller .. . • I
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SUBJECT. . ... Fiscal Year 1973 BUdgetary Support for'·
.... .. . the Cab:fne.t ComIilittee on International
Narcotics Cant.rol (ccrsc) .." . . ~ ..... ,... ..~.. . : .:
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. At our- invitation;> i1i: .. '''alter C.. Ninnick;, sta:fr
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the CCINC> is scheduled to attend anc'l-~Jlrtic1pate .' .
• i.re!i'.her
•f in. the Regional Narcot-ics Seminar sponsored by L!fH)DivisioP. .....•
on·2r-28.Jul71912~ ., .... ':"'~ . . >.. ;... :....., : .
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2; . '. In accordance 1'lith procedures adoptied :for travel :-

.j or White House Cabinet Committee Staff' in FY 1972;> it is .:
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.' requested that funds to cover the cost of' ~~ .. MinnickJs :
.,.~
" trip' be relec.s.ed. Attacned herewith is· a copy of' a f'ormal .
.request :fror.l j·ir. Eg!l Krogh dated 7 February 1972 to Nr. "
1 Willi~~ Colby. requesting travel· fuhds.for the balance of
. FY 1972. Hr .. Krogh is now preparing a f'or.:naJ. r-equasf :for '.
t.
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$15,000.00 to cover travel expenses for vfnite House Ca~~net
COlilmittee stc.f':f for FYi;.1973.· I will fo:r:ward this request. '..
.. e ,
.. to your .office as· soon as it arrives. . :.
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DD/M&S 73-1809
MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for Management and Services
SUBJECT Contacts with Individuals Named in the Watergate Matter
1. I am addressing this to you instead of to the Director of Central

Intelligence since I doubt that the information contained herein is of such
signiftcance to warrant his interest and because it has been on record with
the Agency since July 1972. However.. if you feel that the information is of
such interest that it should be forwarded to the Director I shall put it in the
proper format to do so.
2. My only contact with anyone named in connection with the

Watergate and related matters was through] la former
Agency employee now retired and living in Winterhaven, Florida. In
December 19711 Icalled me from Florida and advised that he
wanted to get in touch with Howard Hunt. He said that he did not have Hunts
home phone number and that it was probably, unlisted but that since Hunt was a
former employee, could I contact Hunt and ask him togivel la call.
I had only met Hunt once about 10 years before but I agreed to relay the message.
I called Howard Hunt at his home and told him that] I did not have his
home phone and requested he caUl
relaying the message and said that he woUld ca 11
little consequence to me in December 1971 but in July 1972
C
~ Mr. Hunt thanked me for
This seemed of
lof the
.
Office of Security contacted me in regard to the FBI investigation of the Watergate

situation. At that time I Informed] lof the telephone call from
., . lin December 1971. Attached is a copy of a Memorandum for the
.Record prepared by I [as.a result of our conversation.
3. In the summer of 1972 I took my family to Disney World in Florida

and took that occasion to drop in to seel· .~ I Itold me in
a private conversation that he had been interviewed ree or four times by the
FBI in connection with the Watergate affair and he related to me his contact
..,;;.
____------JI-EYES Bill SECR£I [_. IU01.55

MORl DoclD: l45l843
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with Howard Hunt. On 19 July 1972 after my return from Florida I reported
this conversation to the Director of Security and made it a Memorandum for
the Record. This memorandum was sent to Mr. Colby and a copy of the
memorandum is attached.
4. Other than knowing Mr. McCord through his employment with

the Agency and meeti.ng Howard Hunt once in about 1959. I do not know nor
have I had any contact with <.lily individual.s named or knowledge of related
matters now receiving attention in the press.
r> 0 :~ ..
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/~/~. -::.....-../ "_.«:.»...../ . -<".::"?,~.-.l..._
. .:..·Charles W. Kane
Special Assistant to the
Deputy Director ,
for Management and Services
Atts
00156
MORl DoclD: l45l843
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NH10RANDUtwi FOR: Executive Di r e cto r-, Comptrolle
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Per ou.r. cozrve'z s atio n on Mond a.y, i
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20 July 1972 j
(DATE) !
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FOR" NO.
1 AUG 54 101 REPLACES FORM 10'101
WHICH MAY BE USED. ( 47)
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00:157
--------------- MORl DoclD: l45l843
19 July 1972
SUBJECT: Conversation wi th] ---.J
1. While on leave visiting Disney 'World in F'Io r ida, I

dropped in to see I Iwho lives in Winterhaven, Florida.
c = J retired from the Agency about five years ago on disability due
to a serious heart condition. He was with the Office of Security for
about 20 years prior to his retirement.
. 2. During a pr-ivate conversationc=Jtold me that he had

been interviewed three or four times by the FBI in connection with
the Mc Coz-d Hurrt affair. I asked him why he had been interviewed,
c
andIre told me that in, late 1971 he had been contacted by Howa rd
Hunt who suggested that he consider an assignment as Security
Officer for the Republican Party. c=Jvisited 'Washington in
January 1972 to discuss the' proposed position with Howard Hunt
who apJ2arently was acting on behalf of the'Republican Party.. c = J .
furnfshed a resume to Hunt and discussed the position with him.
Ultimately, he decided not to accept the position because he felt
that his heart condition would not allow him to become involved in
such activity.
3. According to I I
during the meeting with Mr. Hunt
they discussed some, of the r equi r ernents of the' job. At that tirne
they discussed a need for both a positive and a c ourrte r-aud io program
and a need for a good security sy-stem both before and du r irig the
Nation~l Conven~ion. c=Jindicated that he sincerely believed that
the Republican Party did need a security officer and a good security'
programmer but felt that he could not afford to accept the job even.
though it was a very lucrative offer. Apparently, money was not a
problem.
.. IO~:15a
MORl DoclD: l45l843
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4. Whc n c:=J declined, he indicated that Mr. Hunt a sk ed

for any other rccornmendations he might' have. Ac co r-d ing to c=J
he told Mr. Hunt that most of·the people he knew' were still in the
. Agency, but he did furnish the name off Iwho might be
possibly ready to reti.re from the Agen6y.
5. eJinformed rn e that he as sumed that the' Bureau

obtained his name due to the r e s u rn e h e furnished M'r , Hunt. He
said that the Bureau had talked to ·him on three or four occasions
and that he had written up about a 40 page statement concerning
~--
his dealings with Mr. HUl1t. Wilen asked about Mr , McCor.d, , _ - -
said that he really did not know McCord that well and declined any.
knowledge of Mr. Mc Co r-d l s technical capability:
...
6.1 lindicS\-ted that he had not been in touch
with Mr. Hunt since the early part of 1972 and knew nothing of
the Watergate operation. He stated that he had gained the impres-
sion from the Bureau interview that the technical devices were being
removed at the time of the arrest and were not being installed as
c;>riginally reported.
7. All of the above information was volunteered b y D

c--~---I and I really did no t get involved in any discussion on the
matter other than to cornrrie nt that I hated to see the Agency's name
connected with such an incident in any way. The above conversation
took place during a 10 oJ; 15 minute period and no other discussion
relating to this incident was held. It is being reported for the record
and for information of the Director of Security.
00159
~------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
..
17 July 1972
, ,
SUBJECT: Charles W. Kane

I I
1. Last week Special Agent Arnold Par harn of the FBI cop.-
ta c ted the Acting ,DD/OS. He a s ked whether or net the Subjects
worked for-the Central Intelligence Agency. Pr-e viou s Iy, requests
of this nature were followed up by the FBI with a.n interview of the
subjects.
2. I briefed Mr. Colby who is the Agency's focal point on

the "Wa te r-gat;e " case and'the Acting DD/S of, the FBI inquiry.
Mr. Colby suggested that "we determine the extent of Lnvo lvcrne nt
a nd indicated that we advise the Bur-eau of their employment.
3. 'When Agent Parham was again contacted and advised

of the Subjects' employment with the Agency, he bdicated that
the -Bureau does not wish to interview them. r. ;') ,
6J!-J"~~""v" Co
;j
'4. The office of the DD IPS win inter vi ew I_-.--_ _._--O-........JI i n/4-:v ~..t..P- -
the same fashion as I Iwas previously interviewed.' I· t;i
7('2,1
5. I called Mr. Kane both at his office and his residence
. and learned that he is in F'Ior ida and will return to dUty on 17 July.
I called Mr. Kane this morning to advise him of the inquiry.
6. Mr. Kane stated that he has no firm conclusion as to

how the Bureau obtained "his name. He stated that he has seen
Mr. Hunt' on only one occasion in 1959. At that time Hunt was
the Chief of Station~ I
The m.eeting wa s occasioned
00:16fl
MORl DoclD: 1451843
, .
by the fact that 1\1r. Kane

Mr. Kane stated further that around
I
LC=·';"'h-:r---;i,. . s""':t·-n-1-a-s-t--;'i-In-e-o"",:£""""I--;9;-;7"""1:;---;]-,e--'· r e c eived a call fr 0 In I
who wanted to get ~n touch with Mr. I·I~nt. lasked I
Mr. Kane how J:1e could get in touch with him. Mr. Kane obtained
Mr. Hunt's telephone nu rnb e r through telephone i nfo r ma.tion channels
whereupon he passed the number on tol I
7. Mr , Kane stated that he has infonnation that 1 _
has talked to the FBI on several occasions in connection with the
current investigation and that he su rrni s e s that the Bureau may
have obtained his name from him.
Deputy Director of Security
"
00:161.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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s
OFfICI \L HOCTI:'\G SLIP

-- .-. - --_.-
.0 -- NAME AND·,
-
._-- ..........#;''·''is
... -- ... --" ------
DATE
--,....,----
INITIALS
~.
1
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DDM&S.I Hqs.
"
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-, ... _-- f-.
3
-, - .
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f-
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.- .M:no"
APPROVAL
!JliiECT REPLY
DISPATCH
PREPARE REPLY
RECOl;1MEHDATlOH
COMMEHT fiLE R£:rURH
.. - ... CON,CURRENCE
. lKFORMlT/OK SI.GHATURE
.. ..-:. .. :
Rcularks:. ~l'""~'.a.~
~ .. .. ,.
-
-.
..
. ' .
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I 00162
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FOL.D HE~E.O RETURN TO SENDER
FROM: N ...... E. ACDRESS "'N'o ~t-<ONE: NO. CATE:
P/PPB~ I 8 May 73
II FlED I ,-v...a-sIJE!'frIA L I SECRET
fOl_ 110- (40)
Use previous editions
1-67 237
MORl DoclD: l45l843
,.. ~ .
8 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of CentraJ. Intelligence

'.
THROUGH: Deputy Director for Management and Services
SUBJECT: Involvement in Sensitive Domestic Activities
, "';4
1. As chief of the~DDP Systems Group{prior to 1969, I was involved

-=- ~ .:..<' .,.
iI1 providing data processing suppqrt for the following sensitive projects:
.:. ,.~
a. ter
Staf{(, Mr. Richard Ober's program for processing data,
of U.S.-citize~~ beli;;ved to be militants! subversives. terrorists',
etc.
, .
c. A Systems Group sponsored program of common concern
listing travel of U.S. citizens to and from Communist cou.ntries.
2. In the same capacity my staff and I briefed police officers from

New York State and Chicago at the Del's reque;:;t (Admiral Rayborn) on
data processing techniques related to biographic intelligence (unclassified).
I -,
3. As a member of O/PPB, I have been aware of five programs with
\ possibly sensitive domestic overtones.
i
a. DDS&T/O~'s contract with theJ '. .
I
i5ystem •.
. r- VIP Beth and BehaVior Predlcfion
b. DDS&T/ORD's Project OFTEN which involved the collection
, • of data on dangerous drugs from U.S. firms. I believe Mr. Helms
• ter-minated this' program last Fall.
,I
MORl DoclD: l45l843
.,. .
, ~,
5EGFU;T/SENSlTNE
C. DDS&T/ORD's D~oiect r
Q. ' lJJJ~&T/ORD's use of ERTS-A data to analyze Soviet wheat

.)fields.
e. ,DDS&T Special Projects Staff - t~ ~~ogram.

.---........::=====::::::..:-_----,
bClence and Technology Gl:0Up

O/PPB
.. ,
'I
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I,
I
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- 5E6PET'SEN§ITIVE
- 00164 I
_ ••• _~ _ . _ M "".~_'- .'_

MORl DoclD: 1451843
t
I
i .fJJS ONt-¥-r--
8 MAY 1973
VIA: Deputy Director for Management and Services
SUBJECT: Watergate /Ellsberg and Like Matters
1. No personal Irrvokverrierrr, direct or indirect to my knowledge

on my part or my s taff, with the Watergate or Pentagon papers cas e s ,
with Young on security regulations or with classified releases to
RAND. I was awar-e , many years back when in the DDI, that certain
classified papers were released to RAND from the production .
offices. One staff ~ember, I Iwhile a member of the
IC Staff, did have a RAND contact which he is elaborating on
separately.
2~ . There are some sensitive activities .or projects of which

I am aware, which are ~ghty close to the borderline of legality
in terms of Agency rill.s s ion, including:
a. The CI Staff COber) project
b. Th1 .lpropr;etary,IL' _
c. An Office of Security narcotics cover project
d. A CI Staff funding-channel project with the FBI
I ·1
~~j ~rNSfTIVE
'lYES ONL. 00165
MORl DoclD: 1451843
I
3. One of my staff officersj JWI,ile in OCI
was .the briefing officer for th~dAttorney
A
General, bu can recall
nothing in his dealing with Mr. Mitchell whi ch would have any relevance
to the current is sues. A couple other staff officers are reporting
separately on some sensitive activities in which they were involved
prior to coming to this staff.
Director of Planning,
Programming, and Budge i ng
00:1.66
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MORl DoclD: l45l843
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... tJ ..... L " J J I I I L.IJ
-- L.J J.)E OULY
- • • 0 ._. _

SUBJECT: (Optional I
FROM:
9. V. S.
Roosevelt
Chairman, TSCC r---'I~E-------------·----
I IHqs 8 May 1973

TO: [Officer de'ignation. room n"",ber; 000 DATE
building) OFFICER'S COMMENTS (Number eoch comment to ,how from whom
INITIALS 10 whom. Draw a fine ocrcs s ~oltJmn of tor each comment.)
RECEIVED fORWI.RDED
1.
DCI
-~
2. L....-
~---1---t---..r ------I
-'
3.
4.
,
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
1...
:,'.:.::. ... ..
'
~ :
15.
.'.;: ".:\ .;\
00.167 . ' ~
.~.f ,t~ '~':~. ~
MORI DocID: 1451843
UNITED STATES INiELLIGENCE GOARD
TECHNICAL SURVEILLANCE COUNTERl\1EA~URES, COitHIITTEE
OFFICE OF THE CHAIRMAN
TSCC-D-386
8 May 1973,
SUBJECT Support Furnished to .Elements of the Gov e rnrnerit

Outside of the Intelligence Community
The Interagency Audio Surveillance Courrte r m ea su r-es Training

Center (ITC) was established at the instigation of this Cornrni tte e and
opened in late 1968 under the executive management of CIA. The
need for such a school had been recognized by the National Security
Council's Technical Subcorrrrnittee as far back as 1962 and was re-
ernpba sfaed by the Security Committee of the USIB in their October
1964 report titled "Damage Assessment of the Technical Surveillance
Penetration of the us Embassy, Moscow. JI
Membership on the TSCC has been confined to agencies and

departments who are represented on the USIB. F'ro.m time to tilne
othe r elements of the Government have indicated their concern over
the audio surveillance threat and asked for membership on the
Committee. In all cases they have been turned down with the
sugg e s tion that they take advantage of the TSCC's product either
through liaison with the security organizations of the Cornrrrit tee l s
members or by nominating students to attend the lTC. During
CY -72 the following students were trained at the ITC:
Central Intelligence Agency 10

Defense Intelligence Agency 5
Department of the Air Force 25
Department of the Army 50
Department of Justice (BNDD) 4
Department of the Navy 5
Department of State 3
00:168
MORl DoclD:_1451843
Depa r tmerit of Transportation 3

Internal Revenue Service 3
National Security Agency 1
United States Secret Service 6
White House Communications Agency 2
117
The ITC has furnished training only to ernploye e s of the

agencies and departments of the Federal Government. State and
local police departments have not been detailed to the lTC.
-
Cornelius V. S. Roosevelt
Cha{rr.nan
-;..
00169
MORl DoclD: l45l843
Retiremcnt Infonnation - E. HO\vard Hunt;
1. Date of retircment: 30 April 1970

...
2. System: CIA Retirement and Disability System
3. Grade and salary at time of retirement: GS-1S, Step 8 - $28,226
4. Creditable civilian service used in computing annui.ty:
17 ~hy 1948 to 8 June 1948 - Economic Cooperation ArunDlistration
9 June 1945 to 19' February 1949 - State CECA)
8 NOVffinber 1949 to 30 April 1970 CIA
s. Annuity:
At retirement - $1,020 per month
At present - $1,181 per month (which includes cost-of-1iving

increases since date of-retirement)
6. At the time of retirement Mr. Hunt did not elect survivorship benefits.
This meant that upon his death, his wife would not draw a survivorship
annuity; By letter of 5 April 1971 he raised the questio~ of changing
his election but. was' informed by the General Counsel on 6 May 1971 that
this could not be done. By letter dated 5 May 1972 Mr. Hunt asked Mr.
Houston to raise with the Director the possibility of being recalled to
duty for a short period of time, after which he could retire again and
elect survivorship benefits. By letter of 16 May 1972 Mr; Houston advised

Mr. Hunt that to call him back to duty solely for the purpose of pennitting
..'
him to change survivorship benefits would be in violation of the spirit of
the CIA Retirement Act.
00:1.70
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MORl DoclD: l45l843
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1-
22 May 1973
Bill-~
!
i
Attached are the reports Bill Colby asked to see:
, .
1. Restless Youth (September i968), No. 0613/68,
Secret/Sensitive/No Foreign Dissem (Copy 78).
This document was produced in two ver.sions--one

with the chapter on radical students in America (pages
25-39) which was sent only to the President, wa.it Rostow,
and Cy Vance (former Deputy Secretary of Defense); the
other version without the references to the American
scene was disseminated ~o twenty people outside the
Agency. This document without the material on the
US was updated in February 1969 and copies were sent
to the Vice President and Dr. Kissinger. A still more
abbreviated edtt ion was sent to the Attorney General
.in March 1969.
2. Black Radicalism in the Caribbean (6 August 1969),

r,T;:18i9/Ei-g':- Se~r~t/N~-F'orcig'~'I)issem
(Copy 142).
3. Black Radicalism in the Caribbean--Another Look

n?'·i~i·;;8-197D~N~·~-·0517T70:·-S-~ret./NoFor~Tg~-·
])i:..;::;Uf.l1 (Copy 98).
L'Ie as o note tha.t these are our record copies and should
b o t"l·:·j ~'t't{c ~l.~·- .~".'---" .- -..- - -.- - -------- --,.-.- ----- - ' -.----.--- ...-
),U'~ .. ILU V'i. I LUeL,,)(
Deputy I )in:du!' Io r Inklli.>.. . r1;:·(:

A ttachm -: Ill:.:::
001-71..
Ot::::~·~ n
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MORI DocID: 1451843
. '-.. _..
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I c.
5.ENDER WIl.L.CH: • CLASSIFICATION TOP AND BOTTOM
.
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OFFICIAL ROUTI~G SLIP
I
TO NAME AND AODRESS DATE INITIALS
1
',; .... ..-;.=1,.,.""
M..-
-
2
3
. f
I
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6
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ACTION DIRECT REPLY PREPARE REPLY
APPROVAL DISPATCH RECOMMEHIlATIOH
CO~EHT FilE RETURN
CONCURRENCE INFORMA'(ION SIGNATURE
"Remarks-:... . - ' .
. ' .
. r
.
001.72 .'
FOLO HERE TO RETURN TO SENDER

FROM: NAME. ADDRESS AND PHONE NO. D"TE
J .,"'..... OIDCI
Us. previous editions
I ,
•
12/24/7L
FO./II 110.
1-67 237
..
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MORl DoclD: l451843
,
'i
1. 1)i'>::$(·!~in;-·,th-·u t o t bc C~:b'i.li0t ~!'~d \d.thir; ·chf.'

.o:~~·i~:~·~~·:~Cl·;~'"i-~· . . . _1;: fllf.1 i';~P:" 1- E~:::.: i1·fSS--r"'::'t\.~ tfi is !:.I~rl~·.1. t
I ~~ t ( 11 t~ i vo
[-~··~~,·~~i:;f··--rt ~;--~·,,:·t:··~·(.:·ct l~.~ t t. ~"l" t t.;:·':2 i~"~~;-0:r'-"t:i:: l-:i}~·~;: 1·!. t:c")(}d
~')\:::~::Ui"~~ o f ttH.'.: A.l;'.:·";.:':.:1 t:, tLt·.~:<r·?:-:t in t.h~~ IlrCit:l~'!;1
t..h:.\t i"\ul}lic o
of 8tud~nt diEsidcllce ~ould r~~ult in cO~5idcx·ablc r~Qloriety)
part~c~la~l~ in the unIversity world, a~d b~cause pursu~nt to
~!r. 110:3tO'i:'S illstructloo.~" the author Lnc Ludod in his t.er.t
a :<:t~d:r cd': btUGNlt. r~dict:ls in t.he Unite-a Stnt~:<:, tl\\.'reby
L~:.ce!:c'ir·.~; tEl'" l'ig:{>OCy'!;l c!Hl.:rt1".:r. WD h av e Sr\.l":.itb.ea th~ pnpei"
1r>r ci~·.~:;:'Dil:ttt-:on to th.e r..J{;J<>o,'rs of the Pr~:;;i~lO'!jt "s Cab Ln e t
a r.d ~.>. th il: t he IHt~~lliG(H}ce Oj~~unity by elit=ir.n t'ing Zilto-
ft?th.::.r" t he ('h~ptf!r \Yrd.c:h dh.cuss,es Students for·:\ Deraoc r a t Lc
Soci~t~ (5DS) ~nd by ~trikillg from th~ Prosp~cts s~ctto~ all
. on 0:[ :-:[;5.
;~.:.:: t
2. the- COl1l;~lAt1ity but. within tb;:: G:...... ,:'n,l2,trit··-

Oi.,t.s~(e
~Te hel i~ V~.:
t.n a tv l:l'e bf}.sic t.e;:t sho\ilo t;e 1urtner .i:~Cl 'tpCi for
tht- ptn·p~}:-'.e of. € 1 imiml.ti~g ev en tho !!&OS t c aau e L r<:f~r::: nee
l, to tb~) COl::,'stic sc~nc--1E':;;:t SO~eonc i:r.ier fron SUch a c na nc e
rFfereDc0 th~t
tbe originsl p£por h~d contai~~d ~ ~~ctio~ on
t uden t:::. Tbo n i.uo tc e n c oun t ry ('h.-:ptt'~S ''d.iic.h form
l'.!~i:'r i.C!:H1 ~;
F:n-t: II o I f":'::'f.le!~~ Youth c an b,~ di~;~;--'",;il:~d'.'.·d v Lt h i n thf.l
CoYernm~nt, prcvlded.that th@ cODtrolti nppro?ri~t~ ~o th~1r
cln.s;~Uicat.ton ~re ob$erv.~d. To do the f'di.tin~ ~no rcpripting
r~·uir~d would take several Qnys at l~a~t.
_>. n£,l\' .£s~ to the ~cs.dcmic ;;'or) a Dr to tlH" pUbl ie--

For th~ reR30CS,9~t iorth.abo~e. W~ b~~~evp thaL rcIeasp of
tb~ vnsic t~~~ ~ould harm the A~ebcy. The country chgpt~rs
cou Ld no t be relea~ed 'Wi'thou't first be'ing rc:'\;:ritter: ·to
~liminv.t{~ e.ll cla$eiiied inform~tiQn. Once this. ...as done,
001.73
MORl DoclD: 1451843
I ...
: l.c y ":'.J~\ 1 d C:L< l)l.tca te1::.1" t)D·::'. t. 10 n r, h'", r tty t v a i l~; L le i 1'. tb::
(:'i) 1; ~'.1.";'~~;q. 'rr;'i':.f'(J is }·.O 1::{";~ (":if c ve r.. t lit{~r:-~t~~r(~ l."n "tl'.:4~
~: ~\ ~:,;'-' c t c.•f. :::- t l)f~ rw t CiSf, uit,; v b: t.u ~.1l:)' ev er y pL: Ll:t sh.. . l' ~!;-
.. ~J:;.:;~~":, ~.:t InR~t O!>:::~ title en his c u r r o n t; lh:tiI;~_~. i,;:~;:j':<"V{:t~,
. ::L,i~::-l' n.:;('·~·.ci{;s (,Jf 2~~·v·~. .lrnJ~;ent, auc b t:,.s Ih:t:..1th, -:·'::1~.:C~4t~:"·~d ~ l\d
ti~~lf;'-:.re, Il£l·e ~Vl).nS:i!4C=d la.(:~C:E..rcl3 o n f.,l.e E"u17j~·. . c t :~.nc i·.1."C
r~r·t·r~r;.rr.·(! t o r)\.~t~l t s h tb(-ir·.1 1 r~diJ~Js. C~.:.rt~~r-:!.t~~.ntly I \ [~ r't~:-t"C-;I~
':".~""pd l..:.:.::~.~.i:!·:t f,.>':.:t1;1f.c J>:"lE:g~·n ..
OOl.74
\.
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Restless Youth
SEPTEM BER 1%8

No. 0613/68
00176
..... ---~ - 78
~
MORl DoclD . 1451843
... ,..-_""'-'r~_ .
, .
~.~• •
~ ~ .: .:....::::~! ':. .:
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001.77
. -~": ' .
MORl DoclD: 1451843
14 Hay 1973
r~40RANDm1 FOR THE RECORD
SUBJECT: Research Project on Robert Vesco
1. On 16 October 1972 Messrs. Ereckinridge andI

in the course of a Survey, were briefed on activitie OJ: Glle
Atlantic/Pacific Division of the Office of Economic Reoorts. One
project cited was a query from the Director, apparently at the re-
quest of Secretary Shultz, to the effect, ""../ hat do we know about
Vesco,," the man then running lOS. Two of OER's analysts were assigned
to the project and; working through the Do~estic Contact Service,
spent a day going over the files of the Securities and Exchange
Commission. There apparently was some contact also with EUR Division
of the Deputy Directorate for Plans and with the Office of Current
Intelligence.
2. The in:formation above is based on rough notes and obviously

is sketchy. It is cited now not to suggest any wrongdoing but because
of the current publicity about Vesco and the probability of continuing
probes into the "subject by the press and the courts.
Scott D. Breckinridge
00178
MORl DoclD: l45l843
..
Director of Central Intelligence
Please handle in this channel due to classification of attachment.
WARNING
This document contains classified information affecting the national
security of the United States within the meaning of the espionage
laws, US Code, Title 18, Sections 793, 794, and 798. The law prohibits
its transmission or the revelation of its contents in any manner to.
an unauthorized'person, as well as its use in any manner prejudicial
to the safety or interest ot the United states or for the benefit of any
foreign government to the .detrirnent of the United States.
THIS DOCUMENT MUST BE KEPT IN COMMUNICATIONS

INTELLIGENCE CHANNELS AT ALL TIMES
It is to be seen only by US personnel especially indoctrinated
and authorized to receive COMMUNICATIONS INTELLIGENCE
information; its security must be maintained in accordance with
COMMUNICATIONS INTELLIGENCE REGULATIONS.
No action is to be taken on any COMMUNICATIONS .INTELLI-

GENCE which may be contained herein, regardless of the advantages
to be gained, unless such action is first approved by the Director
of Central Intelligence.
00:179
TOP SECRET
MORl DoclD: 1451843
..
8 May 1973
FROM Deputy Director for Intelligence
SUBJ:ECT Activities Possibly Outside CIA's

Legislative Charter
1. This memorandum responds to your instruction to

report any activities which might be cons ider-ed outside CIAt s
legislative charter.
2. All Office and Staff chiefs in the Intelligence Directorate

have reviewed the past and present activ.ities of their components.
I have received responses from all of them, and none reported any
activities related to either the Watergate affair or the break into
the offices of Ellsberg's psychiatrist. Although contacts with
three of the people allegedly implicated in these incidents were
reported, these contacts were on matters other than the two
improper activities:
Hunt: Col. White, Richard Lehman, and I talked

to Hunt in late 1970 regarding his preparation
of a recommendation in support of the Agency's
nomination of R. Jack Smith for the National
Civil Service League Award."
Mitchell: While Mr. Mitchell was Attorney General,

an ocr officer was assigned the task of
providing him with daily briefings on
foreign developments.
00180
~ET
CIA INTERNM>uSE ONLY
MORl DoclD: 1451843
..
Young: Harry Eisenbeiss an¢1 ~f CRS

had frequent contacts wlth Young during the
summer of 1972 in connection with Executive
Order 11652 and the implementing NSC
directive. This involved visits by Young
to CIA to discuss information storage and
retrieval and several meetings of an inter-
agency group dealing with the implementation
of the Executive Order and directive.
3. In accordance with mytnstr-ucttons , several Offices reported

domestic activities which might appear questionable to outsiders.
Their responses are attached. Most of these activities are clearly
within the Agency's charter. but there are a few which could be
viewed as borderline.
DCS accepts information on possible foreign

involvement in U$ dissident groups and on the
narcotics trade when sour-ces refuse to deal
with the FBI and BNDD directly.
DCS. for six months in late 1972 and early 1973,

was acquiring teiephone routing slips on overseas
calls.
NPIC and COMIREX review satellite imagery

from NASA programs to identify photography
too "s enarttve" for public release.
-,
"
.= " SE
-2-
ET
CIA INTERNA USE ONLY
0018.1
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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NPIC has examined domesti,p coverage for special
purposes such as natural catastrophies and civil
disturbances.
ocr. in 1967 and 1968. prepared intelligence

memoranda on possible foreign connections with
the US anti-war movement and world-wide student
dissidence (including the SDS) at the request of
the White .Hous e,
FBIS has on occasion supplied linguists to work

directly for another agency. e. g .• to the FBI to
translate Arabic in Washington.
FBIS monitors radio press dispatches and reports

covered by copyright. These are circulated. within
the Gover-nment and stamped "Official Use Only" •
. This has gone on for three decades without problems.
FBIS has monitored and reported on foreign radio

broadcasts of statements and speeches of US citizens
such as those by US paws in Hanoi. "Jane Fonda.
and Ramsey Clarke.
l::JD WEnD VV. r n o c 1'0""1\'---

Deputy Director for Intelligence
Attachments "
-3-
" S~ET 001.82
CIA INTERN~USE ONLY
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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00183
MORl DoclD: l45l843
7 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for IntelligelJ.ce
SUBJECT: DCS Domestic Activity
To the best of my knowledge, DCS has not engaged in any

activity outside the CIA charter or ,that could be construed as
illegal. Some of the functions that we perform under HR 1-13f
(i) of providing operational support within the US to all
elements of CIA and to the USIB-member agencies, however, are
perhaps borderline or could be construed as illegal if mis-
interpreted. For example:
5. Collect information on possibl~ foreign involvement

or penetration of US dissident groups, but only in'a
passive manner and only when the source has ,refused
to pass the information directly to the FBI.
6. Collect information on the narcotics trade, but again

only 'in a passive manner when the source has refused to
pass the information directly to BNDD or the FBI.
001.84
I
MORl DocID: 1451843
·'
SUBJECT: DCS Domestic Activity
10 • .Acquire routing slips recording the fact of overseas

telephone calls betwe~n persons in the US and.persons
overseas and telephone calls between two foreign points
routed through US switchboards. This activity lasted
for. approximately six months but has ceased.
. 00185
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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00186
"MORl DoclD: 1451843
~T
EYES~
7 May 1973
VIA Deputy Director for Intelligence
FROM : Director of Current. Intell~gence
SUBJECT Activity Related to Domestic Events
1. OCI provided current. intelligence briefings

to John Mitchell as Attorney General~ With the approval
of the DCI, this practice began in the pre~inaugural
period in New York and continued until Mr. Mitchell's
resignation as Attorney General; The OCI officer
assigned to this duty had a daily appointment with Mr.
Mitchell in his office at Justice;
2. The briefings provided were strictly on foreign

intelligence, and were a legitimate service for CIA to .
provide to an official advisor to the President. who sat
on, among other bodies, the 40 Committee. It must be
presumed, however, that our man's daily visits were
known and speculated on elsewhere in JustiQe. The
problem come s in the potential p.re s's treatment: "CIA
Officer in Continuous Contact with Mitchell."
A:L:CZLdL U nellllldil
Director of Current Intelligence
00187
MORI DocID: l45l843
. SEe~':f
CTA INTERN;!, rISE ONT y
7 May 1973
VIA : Deputy Director for Intelligence
FROM ; Director of C~rr~nt Intelligence..
SUBJECT Activity Related to Domestic Events
1. OCI began following Caribb~an black radicalism

in earnest in 1968. The emphasis of our analysis was on
black nationalism as a political force ~ the Caribbean
and as a threat to the security of the Caribbean states.
Two DDI memoranda were produced on the subject: "Black
Radicalism in the Caribbean" (6 August 1969), and "Black
Radicalism in the Caribbean--Another Look ll (12 June 1970).
In each a single paragraph was devoted to ties with the
US black power movement; the discussion primarily concerned
visits of Stokely Carmichael and .other US. black power
activists to the Caribbean and other overt contacts.
2. In June 1970, Archer Bush of OCI was asked to

write a memorandum with special attention to links be-
tween black radicalism in the Caribbean and advocates of
L
black power in the US. The record'is.not'c1ear where
this request originated, but i t came through channels
from the DCI. The pape~ was to be treated as especially
sensitive and was to include material provided by the
Special Operations group of the CI Staff .. The CI Staff
material was voluminous but did not provide meaningful
evidence of important links between militant blacks in
the US and the Caribbean. This, in fact, was one of
the'conc1usions of the paper. The memorandum was produced
in typescript form and given.to the DCI •
.'
00188
MORl DoclD: 1451843
SECMJ':l?
3. For several months in the first half of 1968

the Caribbean Branch wrote periodic typescript memoranda.,
on Stokely Carmichael's travels abroad during a period
when he had dropped out of public view. Our recollection
is that,the memoranda were for internal CIA use only"
although a copy of one was inadvertently sent to the FBI.
L<ICIlaLU nelllUdlI
.".
' ..
00189
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.:r .. ~F.T
EYES~
..... ~
7 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Director of Central Inte11~gence
VIA · Deputy Di~ector for Intelligence
FROM
· Director of Current Intelligence
SUBJECT : Activity Related to Domestic Events
1. In late spri~g of 1968 Walt Rostow, then

Special Assistant to the 'President for National Security,
Affairs, tasked the DCI with undertaking a' survey of
worldwide ,student dissidence. Confronted by ~mult at
campuses like Columbia and mindful of the violence
accompanying student outbursts at Berlin's Free University'
and elsewhere, Rostow sought to learn whether youthful
dissidence was interconnected: spawned by the same causes;
financed and hence manipulated by forces or influences
hostikto the interests of the US and its allies; or likely
to corne under inimical sway to the detriment of US interests.
. 2. The paper was p~~pared byl 10f OCI

with the assistance of the CA and CI Staffs. -The DDI,
D/OCI, and I ~et with Rostowto elicit the reasons
for his or cue FLesxueht's. concerns and to agree on the
sources to be examined,'the research methods to be followed,
etc.
3. Written during the summer of 1968, the most

sensitive version of' 'Re's=t:le:ss- YO'u·th comprised two sections.
The first was a philosophical treatment of student unrest,
its motivation, historY, and tactics. This section drew
heavily op overt literature and FBI reporting on Students
for a Democz'a't.Lo Society and affiliated, groups. . In a. sense,
the survey of dissent emerged from a shorter (30 page}
typescript study of SDS and its fore~gn ties the same
author had done for Mr. Rostow at ,the 'DCI' s request in 00190
December 1967. (We no long~r have a copy.l .
MORl DoclD: 1451843
4. Because of the paucity of information on foreign

student movements, it was necessary to focus,on SDS which
. then monopolized the field of student action here and .
abroad. , A second section. comprised 19 count.ry chapters--'
ranging from Argentina to Yugos1avia--and stood by itself
as a review of' foreign student dissidence.
5. Because, SDS was a'domestic organization, the
full paper' 'Re's't:l'e'ss' You'th~ including the essay on world-
wide dissent went only to nine readers. A copy may be
in the Johnson Library. .
6. Following the 'pqper's favorable reception by
the President. and Mr.' Rostow, the DCI briefed the NSC
on student dissent. The sensitive version 'subsequently
was updated and sent to the White House ,in February 1969.
7. The less sensitive text was disseminated in
September 1968 and then updated and issued again in
. March 1969 and August 1970.
Rlcnaru Lenman
Director of Current Inte11~gence
OO:l91.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
r
.'" l '.
.'.
WARNING
This document contains classified information affecting the national
security of the United States within the meaning of the espionage
laws, US Code, Title 18, Sections 793;794, and 798. The law prohibits
its transmission or the revelation of its contents in any manner to
an unauthorized person, as well as its use in any manner prejudicial
to the safety or interest of the United States or. for the benefit of any
foreign government to the detriment of the United states.
THIS DOCUMENT MUST BE KEPT IN COMMUNICATIONS

INTElLIGENCE CHANNELS AT ALL TIMES .
It is to be seen only by US personnel especially indoctrinated
and authorized to receive COMMUNICATIONS INTELLIGENCE
information; its security must be maintained in accordance with
COMMUNICATIONS INTELLIGENCE REGULATIONS.
No action is to be taken on any COMMUNICATIONS INTELLI~

GENCE which may be contained herein, regardless of the advantages
to be gained, unless such action is first approved by the Director
of Centr,al Intelligence.
001.92
TOP Se;CIXET
MORl DoclD: 1451843
. , - TOP SflSP~
EYES ON .
7 May 1973
VIA Deputy Directpr for Intelligence
FROM · Director of Current Intelligence
SUBJECT · Activity Related to Domestic Events
1. In late: 1967 OCI participated in the preparation

of several short intelligence memoranda aealing with the .
foreign connections of US organizations and activists·in-
volved in-the anti-war movement. The main purpose of
these reports, prepared at the request of the White House,
was to determine whether any links existed between inter-
national Communist elements or foreign governmen~s and_the
American peace movement. The conclusion reached was that
there was some evidence ox ad hoc contacts between anti-
war activists at home and abroad but no evidence of
direction or formal coordination.
2. In October 1967 President Johnson expressed

interest in this subject and ordered a high level inter-
departmental survey. " In response to his personal request"
to the DCI, Mr. Helms. asked the CI Staff to collect what-
ever information'was available through our own sources and
through liaison with "the FBI and to pass i t to OCI, which
was directed to prepare a memorandum from the DCI to" the
President.
3; A book mess-age requirement was sent to all stations

to report whatever information was- on· hand relevant to this
subject. Although ·agent reports on Communist front opera-
tions overseas were-of some value, the prlmary source of
information on the "activitieS of US activists--and that was
quite limited--was sensitive -intercepts produced by NSA,
which had been similarly tasked by the ·White House.
~TD
EYE"S~
00.193
MORl DoclD: 1451843
r
.. ~~RETII
EY~
4. A draft memorandum was jointly Prepared by

OCI and CI Staff. and forwarded to the ·DCI. He passed
this typescript memo, dated 15 November 1967, to the
President personally. The White House copy is now in
the files of President Johnson's papers at the library
in Austin.
5. Brief follow-up memoranda were prepared and .

forwarded to the White House on 21 December and 17
January 1968. According to our best recollection, no
further finished intelligence reports on international
connections o£ the peace movement were produced.
XC:::z:; 1L;CC:: c:c .
TO~PRRT/I
EY .
ON~
. '.
00194
MORl DoclD: l45l843
00195
- --.-......-
..... ,.~......
MORl DoclD: 1451843
7 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for Intelligence VI.,:f
SUBJECT: Contacts with David Young
,
1. In the summer of 1972, I had frequent
contacts with David Young. He was in this
building under my control once. These contacts
related solely to Executive Order 11652 and the
NSC directive concerned therewith. Young was
apparently at the time in the process of drafting
the NSC directive. The visit to the building
un~er my control was for 'a briefing on CRS processes
for storage and retrieval of documents. and is
apparently reflected in the paragraph of the
directive concerned with the Data Index. I visited
him in his White House office at least twice in
the company of an inter-Agency group concerned
with the Data Index.
2., In August of 1972,f lalso

visited Mr. Youngfs office ill cae company of an
inter-Agency group to'discuss CIA compliance with
the data index instructions. To the best of my
knowledge no one in CRS had any contact with
Mr. Young in his role as a "plumber."
,R. c. EISENBEISS
Director, Central Reference Service
00196
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-,
7 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: O/DDI

SUBJECT~ Involvement In Domestic
1. This memorandum responds to the DDI's

request for a listing of any questionable
involvements in domestic affairs. I do not believe
that CRS is doing anything that a reasonable
man could construe as improper.
2. oGRS does, of course, have several programs

to acquire still pictures, movies, videotapes
. 3. CRS files do not generally.bear on U.S.

citizens or organizations. The biographic file-
building criteria specifically excludes u.S.
nationals unless the person has become of such
major importance in the political life of a foreign
country that the file is essential. To m knowledge,
onl 2 ersons so ualif
have no way to
U.s. defectors
00197
MORl DoclD: 1451843
1
)
SUBJECT: Involvement In Domestic Affairs
4. The CIA Library has several informal

snag files intended to aid the librarians in
answering the kinds of questions that they .know
they will get on a continuing basis. An
appointments file is a collection of ' clippings
on appointed federal officials: who holds what
job when and what is his background? The extremist
fil~s are a coll~ction of folders on a variety
of organizations and a' few p~ople with intricate
organizational links. Any sort of extremism
is grist for these particular files., And a fe~
persons, e.g., Rap Brown and Eldridge Cleaver,
have dossiers consisting almost exclusively of
clippings from public media. These files are
unclassified and consist mostly of clippings
from the public press: U.S., foreign, underground,
scholarly.
5. I am not aware of any other kind of

involvement in domestic activities that is not
related to development of techniques or logistics
or legitimate traininr of CRS personnel.
n. c. EISENBEISS
Director, Central Reference Service
00198
. '.
MORl DoclD: l45l843
/ .' ~
/
,
00199
MORl DoclD: 1451843
. ,.:.'.:,
.. "
,. Ie tionable NP C Pro ects

I ! ,
"
..
I
:' :.. ,"0
.:. /' . 1. Leaks of Jack Anders ....

. :
I
~ '.
In January 1972. NPre erformed Im ze enhancement techniques on~'IV

tapes of" a Jack Anderson s 0'1'1. The· P se was to try to identify .
serial ntiIPher's of GrA do ents Jn And rson' s possession. The request
I . . '' ,-'
0"
. ".
:'
was. ~evB1.,on WIG through he Office 0 .Security.·"
" .
'.
." "0
-,;'
: •• f. .•
,2. The PoppY. Project .;
,~ ~IC .I~' p;oVi.ded the' ernces" of ne PI ~sis,~ an interagency' , .' ~ .
. to
effort to dttect poppy cu1 ivation. II addition the Center has provided
the QIDtractual mechanism support 0 the Bureau of Narcotics and
Dangerous Drugs for a mu~t spectral c:r p study by a private company. "
','
• 1
. :
..
.. .
'! ..
I : ~ "0
': " '.:, ,;" ,NPIC has been request to provtde nunber of 1001<5 at domestic
:: , coverage for special purpo es •. F.xc:--upl - Include:
".
.,. ,', ,
. :
. ,
':f" ' ' ~ Santa Barbara 01 Spill . , . .' ":"

, - Los Angeles Earth ake " ,I'·.
" . - Sierra Snow (£10 threat),
'
- Current Mississi i Floods

~ :Hurricane Cammile Danage on· t e' Coas·t of the Gulf of Mexico
-. Civil Di5turhan~e in Detroit .
- 0El? u. S. Data Bas
I' ",
I ••
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.
; .. .
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00200'
"
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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oozo~
MORl DocID: 1451843
8 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: DDl
SUBJECT Sensitive Activities
1. FBIS has been engaged in no activities related to the Ellsberg

and Watergate cases.
2. FBIS operat~ons occasionally extend to the domestic arena. From

time to t~e, FBIS linguists are made available to DDO or Office of
Communications components for special operations (usually abroad) involving
close-support SIGlNT work or translation of audio take. On one occasion '
recently DDO, on behalf of the FBI, requested the services of several
FBlS linguists skilled in Arabic to work directly, ..for the FBI on a short-
term project here in Washington. The arrangements were made by Mr. Oberg
of the DDO Cl Staff~ He said the project was very highly classified and
D
that FBIS participation was approved by Mr. Colby and the Director. FBlS
participation was approved by the Director of FBIS after a check with
the ADD!. Other examples of sensitive linguistic support work are help
in the handling and resettlement of defectors, the recent assignment of
an employee to the Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs to transcribe
recordings in a rare Chinese dialect, and the detailing of another
Chinese linguist on two occasions to assist in the U.'S. military training
of Chinese Nationalist cadets.
3. Within its responsibility for monitoring press agency trans-

missions for intelligence information, FBlS publishes and distributes
some material which falls in a "gray" area of copyright protection, libel,
and privacy of international communications. Pre~s services controlled
by national governme~~s and transmitted by radioteletype without
specific addressees, e.g. the Soviet TASS service and the PRC's NCNA,
are monitored by FBIS'and the material is disseminated without restric-
tion. The legality qf this has been affirmed by decisions of the
Office of General Counsel.
00202
~'
SftJSiTIV£
, \
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,! ~ -. ':~..
4. The routine FBIS monitoring of foreign radio broadcasts often

involves statements or speeches made by u.s. citizens using those radio
facilities. Examples are statements made or allegedly made by American
POW's in Hanoi~ by Jane Fonda in Hanoi and by Ramsey Clark in Vietnam.
At the request of FBI and the Department of Justice, and with the
approval of the CIA Office of General Counsel, we have on occasion sub-
mitted transcripts of such broadcasts to the Dep~~tment of Justice as
part of that Department's consideration of a possible trial~ In such
cases, we have been required to' submit names of FBIS monitors involved,
presumably because of the possibility they might be required as witnesses.
(In one case in 1971, an FBIS staff employee was directed to appear as
an expert witness in the court-martial of a Marine enlisted man charged
with aiding the enemy in a broadcast from Hanoi.) FBIS views all this
. with misgivings. Monitoring of such broadcasts is incidental and we
ru~ attribution of their news to FBIS, and we should not be considered
policemen maintaining surveillance of' traveling Americans.
1
·1
I J!;. !i.
I
Director
Foreign Broadcast Information Service
-2-
'SfCBET 00203
SENSItlVE-
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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MORl DocID: 1451843
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1_-
SUBJ}~CT : D:x;u::Jen t11. 1.:10n S1.':..:Fort for Use in the
, Un.l t e d Stv.tes
:.1.. As you ;,:1,:;:0 awace -I.:h:1.8 c;: Jic:; pl'ov:Ldes docl.::::<cnt

support for a variety,of covert activities.
L.-~-----;-:;--:;-:;----;---~-:-----;;-;:;-;-------c;---'
Specif i c use is 110 t
always available to this office a.nd should pr-oper-Ly com.e from
the requesting office who' can provide the details. U.S.
alias documentation use in the United Sta~es is approved by
the Office of Security and normally -ha s the concurrence of
.. Central Cover Staff or FI and.CI Staffs. Requests received
by this office 'from outside the Cls.ndestin.e Service are
approved by an appropriate office q:f' thaDDO.
2. A r.eview o£ this Officers document support files £or

'the period 1 January 1972 to date,indicates that the following
number- of U.S. alias document r-e que s ts wez-e fulfill,ed for
'probable use in the United States. ''l'he statistics below are
broken down by requester:
OOZ05
".
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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MORl DoclD: l45l843
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I'
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cc : lJD/Sg:T
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EJ C8fiFiBEliTIAL O INTERNAL
USE ONLY r. D UN(lASSIFlED
"
-
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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.. ."":. f0i.::~(~B:e ;,~p.a;s,~itt2b£fice > ~Be;J?a4~~nt;"O;(State, (lYfr•.RQbertJo!:U::'s;on)
....: . - .:~.iP£~~a).l:Y~;~~;~~.e., o.n.~~he;#i~~~I;rat ~Q:ffi.c~ ·.;mignt..D.o:r:ro,v.a ;'sr:!1all
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I . I
and.subsequently held severa s i on s
.V4:1;~_1z~~esenta.tiv.es of QUI' I Pf£t:c~. 'It was ~~cided to loan
:f:tI;e:':iJ?,;a;-~~P.'o-J,':t.Qffi.·ce.', a- small cornrne-r ci.a'L.r ecord'er . (N oraleo
. c.a·.s·s~tte·Re·corder> Model.150), which we had in stock.
.. .... A' ·r..e;'p:r,~s~ntati.ve"-Qi"a~r Train~ng B~·an~h. [

,:0,.
,I: land I·'de:1.i~r:e.d);be·'::Ij':ecorder. to ',lyfiss J$1:'1igh~ ~ :=zx.!.lce
~ ; I·:iiemonstxa:ted. the recorder I 5 capabi.lrti.es
and::instructed ~r in its us e, -She did not seem: too pleased at
tl:re:"J.?~kcirding quality; however> the :recordex Wa's."lett with her.
. 4. On ..t his date (21 May 197-3) I asked Mr. Johnson. to

.qh:e:ck:.0p.the:status of.~,the r;e,~o:t'ii~1:':. He said it Was.never used
i'n. any 'way. I ,therefor-e . retrieved it from.. the-Bass·port Office
'arid c;i:elivered it"to Tr.aini:qg Branch I I
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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'Cart" Duckett brought this up and ~.aid. he is

very uncomfortable with what. Sid Gottlieb is
I. -reporting and thinks the Director . w ould be ill-
advised to say he is acquainted .with this pro-
'd
I gram. Duckett plans to scrub i.t down with
Gottlieb. but obviously cannot dOft this after-
noon.
1
I ..
II
BeJi"'t'vans
.8' MaX 1973
(DATE) .
:1 FOR... Ho.
0021.3 :1
I I ·AUG 5C '01 REPLACES FoORM fO'IOi

WHICH MAY BE USEO~
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
::,,;,,~
~ i •• t;
11EMORANDU~
. .1 }"OR: . De puty Di r c c to r for ,Science & Technology ,
1. 'I'e c hn i ca.I Services Dlvi s ion.l s charter (CSI 1-8) requires

that it provide technical assistance to both CLl\. operations and
other activities as may be directed by tl-..c Depu tyDi r e cto r for
Operations.
2. Over the years the chief non-CIA recipients of this

support have been the Depart:ment of Defense, the Federal
Bureau of Investigation, Bureau of Narcotics and Dangerous
Drugs, I:mrnigration and Natura.lization Scrvi.ce , De pa r trrie nf
of State, United States Postal Service, Secret Service, Agency
for In te z-na ti ona.I De've Iopm errt, and the 'White House.
,_, 3. 'While vary-ing widely among the,different recipients, these

services have included training and rn a te r iaIs , and in a few in-
stances participation in the fields of audio and visual surveillance',
secret writing and related cornrnuni ca ti orrs , .pe r sona.I protection.
aHas docurnen tafiou .and questioned docu:ment exa:mination, di s gut se ,
conceahnent de-vices;' electronic beaconry, illicit narcotics detec-
tion, and counte;r-sabo'tage!ter;rorisln.
4. In :most instances requirements fo r-fhi s-rsuppor-t are

"re cerved by TSD through higher echelons (Office of the Director'
or Deputy Director for Operations). Uril e s s the service involved
is a t r i vi a.l or. continuing one, the request is referred to the
Foreign Intelligence Staff Departmental Coordination Group for
coordina ti on and approval at the app r-op r-i a.te Agency levels.
Approval within TSD 'by the Chief of Operations or Development
and,Engineering and the Chief of TSD or his Deputy also is re-
quired.
5. The .attachment lists the primary services provided to

the organizations named in Paragraph two.
E2 IMPDET
CL BY OS909~
002:15
------------------- MORl DoclD:1451843
L" ...
-. 2 -
6. J::.::;::::tl)CC of f,,);.~;;,:·d ~-l:·:t.~o:1:!.lldr:..;ntity '·~~lt"tz!r:\.:1-!t:11~{)11 by

'),3D):; c or' l i..r, olI -,/,1
' ..... t .... ,-"""-';'/"';"'.f
..... ~, 'J i . t I..':;) '0
1. 1''/0
.. b
~.ro ac d cr;",-·,·;.,l.·
~ - J . . . . ., . " {V-,-.
J i: C of
<11H:1 ty pc of d C'C"t.il :'li": ~:: La ti(,. -1 r (":tl;':(:3 i·(~d..
z,:(: i: C ~ ~ I': J.; .:\ r ,;,;r.1 ~.! » s t
for dl~n;. c
d ar ca dO(,,1l1Ylerd~i.t~ollf i crn a. D})O Avc a j)iv·1:::::")jl1.;;
(/; .; -r , !10110r(~d ;:t[t:er p r cp e r vaIi-Ja ri on. }""'rec . .v o r Id (~I.}-.-·t.~:"C(·:'l!'..\i.?.Ol1.
Ina>," l'equil'c ~OD'le extra coo:c('E~~ation !loWGver. \
7. Unless ordered o rhc zwi s e by higher Agency au~~".)rity.'

no U. S. do curriezrta ti ori is issued by TSD Headquarters without,
prior coordination with the Office of Security. and the Central
Cover Staff. TSD Regional Bases require at least the va.Iida-,
tron of U. S. documentation requests by the COS. or his
designated r cp r e s en ta ti ve , of ~!lC requesting Station. Because
it could be usedl . ' : lno
U~ S. Birth Cer'tiflcate 'IS Issued WllhOOL approval 0 me uud, '
via Central Cover Staff. Backstopped major credit cards are
issued by Office of Security, not TSD.
8. Provision of forged documentation to non-DDO requesters,

whether they be CIA or other Agency requesters. a lways requires'
approval of rrori-v'I'S'D offices. Support to the military for instance
would be validated by PI Staff/Departmental Coordination Group
at HeaCiquarters or by the COS overseas having responsibility"for
coordination of the operation. BNDD requests a r-e coordinated'
with DDO/NARCOG. Requests for documentation oflnimigration
and Naturalization Service is coordinated via the Alien Affairs
Staff.
9. Authentication items are is sued on .a loan basis and must

be returned to TSD or acco~nted for. After any documentation has
been issued. TSD'retains photographs and records of such support
until the documentation has been returned to TSD. If the material
is not returned 'after a reasonable time. the requester is z-errrinded
of the outs tand-ing documentation.
r" '
I
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Attachment .; SidneY,.,Gottlieb
D'istribution: " Chief
o & 1 - Addressee,w!att Technical Ser'vi ce s Division
00Z1.6
MORl DoclD: l45l843
-.
Do o urrre rrt s , di s:bu1.se, '~O)1Ct:·;:r.J.11·~._~n.t dev-!.ces 7 Se';:l·c;t "\.vr . i ti ng ,

f~~lr.~S a r . d sC1.!.lSi c o u n t e r ir.:... i r g e r i c y (~{:(l CQ1.1:r:.tl';X ~~2:.bo!:~.ge c c u r s e s
j ..
have be eufurni ahe to all

d i.nt c Il.i g en c c t=10111.i;~11tS of tl1e
De pa r trnorrt
of Defense and certain e Lerrre nt s of the Special E'o r c e s , All requests
are eoordinated wi th the FI De pa r-trn ent.al, Coo r di.nati.on Group' at .
Headquarters and ,...r ith the Chief of Sta t i on s ovez s e a s , In turn
these elements fur ni s he d TSD wi th e xe rnpl.a r s of foreign identities
documents, foreign cachets, foreign intelligen.ce secret writing.
systems, foreign' intelligence .concealment devices. SeleCted
audi o r equi r ernent.s have b e err.fu r ni s hed overseas for CI -t yp e
cases.
Fe-de-ral Bureau· oi Investigation
.At th~··r.~quest of the FB(we cooperate with the Bur~au

in a fe"\v audi.o-, Eiu:n-eillance ope r a ti on s against sensitive foreign
targets i~ :t;b;~·.United States.
BU:i:".eau of .Narcotics and Dangerous Drugs
Beacons... cameras, audio and telephone devices for

ove::seas:op~r.ations, identi.ty docurr.ent s , car-trailing devices,
SRAC, flaps and 'seals and training of selected pe.r s ormeL . .
responsible for use thereof has been furnished this Bureau.
All.requirements are sent to DDO/NARCOG for coordination
with area divisions and for action by TSD If appropriate.
Requests Overseas are coordinated wi th the COS or his
designee before action by TSD is taken.
I'rnmigration and Naturalization
CI analyses of foreign passports and visas, guidance in

developing tarnperproof alien registration cards, I I
I. Ihave been furnished the SerVlce.Requests
are forwarded dlrectIy to TSD for coordination within TSD if
technical, with the FI Departmental Coo rdinati.on Group if oper-
ational.
00217
MORl DoclD: 1451843
',;;.
D:;])arhilel'J!;
_ _ ••
of S:,a~:c
_ OM "'_ '_'_'h _ _ " _ ••. __ ....... • _ ._
~
. "erl;cJ~r:l'''';·:.l :S!:·"1:1·.; •. .s :~·:.1.i:.I:..;..n~·:~ f;~l dr-;'Ij·:.·}.oi,;1r.tg a nC\\t.TJIli~\;d.
:~..:~: .. ",I::!; J.'?d.:~ ~·l)Oj... t
J i.~... .. ~ 'J n f.::3 L,f :G T ,-: j :~ 11 :-.;:-,\ -s ~:t) 1. ;:5, I,.::::. r ..;;1. I ?::.'l,);:iug
:1 J .,1 ~:ler ~I onnc c I.:>::~ ~ L·:'" :';l (~)f~;'> .::011 s) f(JL ../'-,:U":~~':::,s S ;;.do s
l : r h a v c b e e n
:;: i.."i~)~)lietl tb e St.:? ~:e D':·:e,-:..:rf"::1:1c::ut. In a(~c1it.:i'011 ,a:naly s e s and

(;;:-~posure of
b l a c1, l:..:.d:.t(:r f)l:-e:L"'=1i:io:.ns a 6 c.i n s t tIle Urii.t e d States
:,.l.b:r.o~~d rria
a r e d _~~.11 gj:~:11)11ics j:";''';':;!:Le:rflJ::::.ts
e , ~o:r~::."2_:L"'(!r::d
a r e
to J.'SD fo r f'ur tlve r ":;.::()r'~~~;';·.·:t~.!)11 -·,,::!:'·.~rl 1}1e :81.,.:-is10n. 'I'h e

Depa r-trne nt of St.a.te i\Lt:nish~s (::i~j:'-;2h:,l'S of ,foreign pass?orts,
fo r e i gn visas andintl-:eFast passports orr.a priority basis.
Postal Seryice
The Offi ce of Chief Postal Inspector has had selected

personnel attend basic surveillance photographic courses, has
been furnished foreign postal information and has been the . r
recipient of letter bornb analyses, furnished I I
t==]typewriter a na.Iy s e s , Re qui r ern ent.s are coordinated with
the DDO and ~DDO:lEA. The, Post Office 11:as furnished TSD '
with exempl"ars of letter bornb s ~ird I
, . ". IWe al~o have
an arrangement wrrn crre l .... OS~ Uillce 1-0 eXdHlute .'J.nd reinsert
a 'lo,\y yolUIne ~f certain foreign mail arriving in the United Stat.e s.,
Secr'et Service
Gate passes, security passes, passes for Presidential

campaign" ernbl ern.s for Presidential vehicles; a secure ID
.
photo sys tern have been furnished this Serv-ice. Blanket. approval
'
for graphics support has been granted to the Deputy Di r e ctoz--fo r

'Operations. In each case TSD requests approval from the noo.'
U. S. Agency for International Development
We furnish instructors to a USAID-s onsored,Technical
- Investigation Course (Counter Terror) at
- 2 -
0021.8
\.
MORl DoclD: l45l843
(. ~, .'
; • • I
White E·..r us e \ .
Statioll l :: r y , spedal H1ClllOrarJcla, 11"101d5 of the Gz o at

~31::;;"1 have b e e n f·\:.: r}1.i.:=; lJ !:;Q th I:: ~?oci2..1 Sec r\~ta~r'/. r:Plj ~ }:'.; ~!1.lt)r
J)i.cecto1.'" for Ol).:~:r:~t~C:)l1S 1::; '.~·'~)J~1.~i·;d of -;"b...;~eMrecr.::.i:L""(;1"(ft'3nts.
Police Respresenting Washington. Arlington. Fairfa~ld

Alexandria .
During the period 1968 -'1969 a series of cla s s e s

reflecting basic' and sui:veillance photography. basic audio,
locks and picks,' countersabotage and surreptitious entry
were given ~o selected rn erribe r s from the ab ove rrie rrti.on e d
cities. Overall training was approved by the' Director of
Centeral Intelligence and -in turn validation was required for
each course fr-orri the Director of Security.
00219·
---------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
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':'(T: :'::-•.•... '::1) '... '. .: f
I.
r.:~}~::.1.?~:1:-tti·Jl1.S of rt'SD su;)port to

other U. S. Gov e r nrn errt ag cnc i es ,
-.tr.r !'Crt rr
. 6~~-Ut~LIt
.. ~ -
J-------------+---f----=-j,--:---t -
14.
00220
15.
fORM
3-62 o CONFIDENTIAL o INTERNAL
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-----,-- .. - . . . .- . _• • • - •••• • • • , , _• • _ _ •• _ . _ _ A •••• ... _ _ . . . _ . _ .. _ _ • • • •_
~rSD has h.ad a close ·.~/orking r cta ti on ship w ith the F~:I e-:f;r
tl:.e IJi!·st levY yc a c s . ·.r~1e i:",l:·I is' the on.l)r organj:;~;)..tit)ll that ha s
been fully b r ie Icd on. TSD aud i o techniques a nd e qu i prn cn t, The
fo How i ng are situations where TSD equipment and guidance we r e
involved in operations:
..
OOZ21.
MORl DocID: 1451843
,.
• ; ...•.. i:
- '."
i
I'
I
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- 2 -
0022Z
SteRR- .-
MORl DoclD: 1451843
"';';DD,.::;:o P.33 ..-rs
8 ; ~·0.y 1:973'
EXGcu~ive Offic2r
SUBJECT: .Contacts with Dome s t Lc Police Organiza:t.ions
1. In Dec. ,:ber 1~63, July 1969 and December 1970, SDB

provided ba.sic countersabotage familiariza.:tion training for
selected members of the Washington metropolitan area police
departments. The traini?g vlas. given at the Fairfax County,
police pistol and rifle range. Authorization for the train-
j,ng carne from mjp and Ch:tf~f, Office of Secur-i·ty.
2 •. o~ occasion dpring the 'past few years, under the

auspices ·of ~he Law Enforcement Assis~ance Administra~ion of
the Departmeht of Justice and with the approval of CI Staff
and Office of. Sec-uri ty, SDB provi.ded -c:raining and familiari-
zation ~o police officers of several domestic police
deparDuents'in the uses of the Explosives Residue Detection
Technique and Trace Metals Detection Technique. These tech-
niques had been decla'ssi£ied and are ·currently available to
the law enforcement community. The National Bomb Data Center
pUblishes periodic: guidance in their uses.
, ..
3. In order to augment the SDB mission responsibilities
in. the field of countersabotage and counterterror, .SDB offi-
cers have in the past two years visited, under appropriate
covers, the explosives disposal units of the New York City
police department, Dade County (Mifu~i) Florida Dept. and the
Los Angeles Police Dept. Also, in March 1973; two SDB offi-
cer.s attended ·.the· Explosives' and Ordnance Disposal Conference
in Sacramento, California, sponsored by LEAA~ When the
recent letter bomb menace began in September 1972, our liaison
with the NYCPD bomb squad paid off in that we had complete in-
formation on letter bomb construction in hours, 'enabling the
~gency to make worldwide disseminatio "thin a da .
00223
MORl DoclD: 1451843
Ij.1 ::'1.d(1it:ioJl t'J r)l'tillt:~n:.,{ o f ' ':: . . .1. 1C·1.15 r~G.s:;.:cs n nd

1
i f 5. c a t:: t:~ 11. r> :.:~ b J.. (~!:1~3; ·i\~)·}) : .. ::~:; ill :-:'1) s~11:'1) 1.5- rd -~;:e
cT.:? 11 t, j.
s ec i-e t S (~j." v 5~ c o \\:i t h SC~~:'1 e 1J. S. ,1.]. :.::.s ;~:o c u ·t:J;l.-~ :1.. t i .:-1i1 :
00224
MORl DoclD: 1451843
... .
. ~
f"d:C
L . '.P::.:! r.i.:.·~.t :'(';;-',::11: of ';~:':(;]:);:i( ;,1 "i.·!i~~(:';l;B hy r:r:.';·i).';g ?.r~!"h::h

1\·~~.:.; ·~::~":.!:.:cte(i (1.1,.:c5 i:a =.. ;le ·t-·\,.....~~,::.l ""j' Oc t ob e r - 26 :-~:.". ,.::::G.t':I"·
J.~16'8. 'fhe J"oJ.l,c:·:ij·ig sch\:I:~tl:J,.] ,'}lfl ::::'i)jCi.:ts :·.-(;l'"C i.~~·.C;tJ iiI
the.tniining of s Lx pc::,lJc:::.:s o f the 2';c:t:c:(~polit;li1 Po Li.ce '
Dcp artr-cn t ,
A. 7-].8 OctobeT - Sljr~·,~ptitf~\Js Entry .

C,:· .. f."t e~n t 0 1':· ~3 ub ~~ :.:: :Lh. t :
j c: c t
1. Familiarization and identity of American locks.

. .
2. Hetho·d of :il2.nipulatioH of Loc ks .
3. Methods and techniques of conducting Surrepti-
tious Entry Survey.
~~ 21-29 October - Photo Survei11anc~
Content of Subject taught:
'I. Fimiliarization with cameias: 'Pentax Spotmatic,
Leica, Nikon F, Robot and Polar~id.
2. Lens, telephoto and wi de angle.
3. Exposure Meter, Tripod~; Bowum, etc.
4. Film, film, processing and print processing.
S. Document copy exercises.
6. Night Photography and nigh~ exercises~
. 7. TV· Surveillance.
C. 18-23 November - Audio Surveillance

Content of Subject taught:
1. Microphones, wire Lmp ed.arrce.s and line amplifiers.

(Shure MC-30, Sennheiser "MM-22, RCA - BK - 6B and
RCA BK-12a all commercially available)
2. RF commercial transmitter. (Research Products,
Tracer Inc., Scientific Research Corp.)
00225
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.:s. :~. t_,_ i . ..: :S. (:.;~; 3,:.. i)~ ;. :.d (>.', .. '~ t.'j;~ l ... I. ~}~ -'l
···.t1 >.~ ;. L] '.' ~" .c t , ·:·~",::\:t r'i~ll):-.)
.1
"r • :r C 1. r ',P!: :'..•~ 'r': ~)s. ((~~.":~'I)J0·~.C ;:··-'·t~~::l :::.},,-- 2 l~"~:j 1. :!t .l,' ".
r: 11
v-: 11:i f:\':·.il:·1;]e ~'l) .~,..'\.:c~;·":~:·~\;r1t '~'."7{.l l· . . c -,:~:'.
fo)."c.- :"Ilt .: ~ ... ~ i.~ ",1...: 5) .
5. RC:C: ....· :rI?!..: .. ::; (:!\':r,c:x.-GOl-2 Stereo, ~~_.:;; .)TC 'T-~:04

?,~(}',a, :":~','_:1' "~OGOL, all CGTi:J;1(;.rd.al1y obt,:-,5]'~:.~.:)J.~).
e n d i\'all t,,::s t or f: t5. on.
1. This prDblem entailed an operational cicrcise

ag a ln s t t h r e e of our S;:,fc-sties. The StUr}(-71tS had to
s urv e y , case and pe e t r ot c t1~,(:se Lo c a t i cn s using surrepti-
tious entry, photography and audio surveillance,.
- - - - - 2.
-, All
been terminated.
atl- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
. .
II. After this first NPD group other police departments
personnel trained using the identical safe sites and
enp Loy Ln g the s arne s ub j e c t matter and commercial cqu i p -
merit as i.ndicated above were taught on the f o Ll ow i.n g dates'.
The Fairfax Police Department and Arlington Police Dep~rt
mente Date - 21 October - 10 December 1968. Six officers,
4 from APD and 2 from FPD.
III. In 19~9 additi~nal offi~ers from the Metropolitan POlice

DeparL~ent, FaIrfax PolIce Department and Arlington Police
Department received identifical training as that stated
• abo~e: .In total 24 police officers were trained in our
facIlItIes.
OOZ26
---------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
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00227
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'610 USE rRfVlOUS
CONFIDEHTrAl o INTERNAL
UNCUSSIHED
.. '"noH' [xl USE ONLY
MORl DoclD: 1451~43
~.;::.:~.~:-- ·~.n~:):··I F(jR.: . ~~;.~:,~jtl ·':i:t·i...~~:t.c·.t" ~:Cl." Sc·j '·.J.;I.~.~ z"._~li

T(;t.:!·;.:' 1,:: Ic,sY
SUBJECT Repeated Survey of ORD for Non-

Foreign Intelligence ~ctivities
The, 7 May survey has been repeated and refined

with respect to all ORD services or dealings with
other'a~encies on domestic, non-foreign matters. In
~ddit~on, this report covers all our'acti::rities.deal-
lng wlth the research 2n~ develop2ent of lnteillgence
eq~ipment for foreign ~se Khich has been tested in
the United States and mi ghz have collected d omes t i c
information. Again, each-member of ORD available
today was asked either. directly or "through his super-
visor to provide the above requested information,
vhe the r he wa s directly Lnvo Iv ed OT not. 1\'e have
used'all diligence to search our records available
to us during' this' time period to. ensure this is a
complete and factual :list. .
I.· I
~ayre .,5te3enS .
Director of Rese.arch &- Development
Attachments:
1 Contacts with Other
Government Agencies
2 Domestic Tests
00ZZ8
---------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
-,
CONTACTS WITH OTHER 'U.S. GOVER~~ENT AGENCIES WHICH

COULD OR HAVE RESULTED IN USE OF CIA-DEVELOPED
. TECHNOLOGY IN ADDRESSING'DOMESTIC'PROBLEMS
Executive Office of the President

ORD represents DD/S&T on the R&D Sub-Committee
. of the Cabinet Conuni ttee for International Narcotics
.. Control that is concerned with research support of
'the narcotics control problem.
(Dr. Leonard Laster, OST)
Office of Telecorrununications Policy

Techhiaal surVeill~nce. cotintermeasures and
phys Lca I s ecur Lty .i.nfo rma tion \·r a s exchanged ,d th
them.
,
Bureau of Narcqtics and Dangerous Drugs (BNDD)
1-
Techniques and equ Ipmen't for n av i ga t Lor; and
tracking was discussed ,with BNDD.
IBNDD)
I
IDi'it,_')
we r e p r cc e s s e d t n• _~l'liJ .......
n ,.. l.'1 .'",
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Th e 50 1.1: ( ( > . ' 0 ~ t, I.'::: t c'l.irC ~ \.;a s u t°i.:·::(L!J ~·ti:..
L- \ BNDfij
~, ..
002.cg
, ~ I
MORl DocID: 1451843
' ..
-
iJ. S. (',. ;-.:; ~'."-"':'lt
~~ I.; :;,!..i 11 c; d .;;1 1.: s C of CTA-
D:.:: "~.-.:~ 1 C iii,.:(1 '.1'_' c ': J: (~ 1 iJ S=, y'" .; 11. '\ ·.~,~1 :t' .... .: ::; .~ ~1.S D c=--:~ t: st.: l:
i"', ,.. . ]-;1:::(;1$
r.:-:T:n (cG::lt 1 d ) \
::~hDD ··.·e.5 given ·P~·"'TI.i-:,S.\C':l i.n tho L,J]. of 1972

°t.o :c"~r-(:i\"'(~ r~1.·~·:1)o::::'1.1s ':E'}~(::1 ,:. t:~i~I:· .. r::,:.' . c, Tn c , , c:c:i:.(:(::Ti1l11g
a. Ra d a r Pc o p Le Dct e c t o r d~::\ ,·;J.t::i}(·~l for (;:~o.
IBNDD)
I I
~NDDJ
'-----------,-----'
USIB Technical Surveillance Countermeasures Committee

Continuing contacts wcire maintained with the
Lnt e l t i gence COTIIIi1Unity regarding technical surveillance
countermeai~rs and physical security. This exchange
of infol~ation, reports,·and equipment has been con-
ducted und e r the auspices of USIB TSCC and involves
State, FBI~. Secret Service, NSA~ DIA,. Army, AF, and .
Navy.
State Department.
Two contracts for development of countermeasures
techn~ques were funded jointly. with the State Department.
00230
-.
------------------ MORl DoclD: l45l843
~~
: .
. ~. .
.
~iJ 9,:;J:r:l': Ccn t:~ I •. : s L' 3 ~:1 (~"i..!: or t,r S.

It G~:'·& ':.";0 __, ::::",It' ;"..~.g '.:;"'11": j ,'." S
.:;r~'l:lr:}l (~·~··]f.1 ~)'l~ :Ii~\"e l".:(,.:.~:! ";-,:::<} TIl ;.~~e of (~J.:\'
])C:..~~\:·l,:,i."jcll ''cq<.;;",.;1f)}.I,:g>r j 11 . \·~~!:r~s s ij:.i l)C';j~~;.:.:;t -;.. c
P;'I~' 1". .1. ..:) S
S{):::e of rhc l\n(~ I.:l1:.:)·~·~~."COL :L:.~~) e.:;. ~ S~:..-i.·c.~~~l~~]l

a r c ~~·l.~·;~l;i)·.ctc~(.l =---=y t~l,,:\ to c.... ·~~Je.]. ou
~~i\""er L,zl:··_~.i.;.~,:tory·,
radio nuclide sampling a~d detection techniqu~s ~nd
devices. These Laboratories have used sampling
techniques developed fOT CIA to mea sur e cems nuclear
p l ant; r0J.(;3.Ses.
, . (Ivlr . B. Bens on, ABC)
At the request of.AEC Security Officer, Mr. Richard

Cowan, the walls of the office of the Chairman of the
ABC (then Mr. Schlesinger) wc r e X-rayed. The operation
occurred,one evening and Has an attempt to resolve some
anomalies', .created by the us.e of the )
I . I < - - - L- - - -
(Mr. Richard Covan, AEC) . I
--------
Lal" Enforc'ement Ass 1.stance Agency (LEAA)
Reports and information about the ORD-developed
Adhe-sive-.Restraint, Non-Lethal Incapacitation System
we re- made available to Department of .Jus t Lce , .LEAA in
Augus t 1.97"2. If zhey developed the sys t em , it would
be used for civilian cr owd and riot' contro.l.
(Mr~ Les Schubin, LEAA)
Technical surveillance countermeasures and physical
.securi ty infcrma tion wer e exchanged wi·th· LEAA •
.I '--------
3
00231.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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1'.1dt:h CC:i)J.tl -:>1" E:.,·,-e ~~(~S:.TItJ·<l In Us e oC.CIA-·
T~ Co ,:-C! Lc 1"': d. r~; C" ;:.TAO1.:..1 ~~}- '; ~1 ~\.: ~ ~'.! :,.. . :.;S S 1.;1 g DQ;:1C~ t ic
. Pro bJ.'e:',.\S
~~~:::~:.~1 ~:.\lEl.
,:: :. :. : = =--- - - '.·15·
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1",,,';',,,, ~·:.1·;J]·""-·d
.: '::.:" ",~L"? _.C"-:i
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'1""(';1~1l"V
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a .5,.,....,..,-~"'J.7-s...,.t~J".n-'---=:~7'{)).· }:1'1,.1 J. a t :~ -:1 g t 1'1 e J_ I" ::~ ~ D 1) '.t." t~.: g i' ~t::1 :-:_11 d o '1.' £; t;: n 1. Z r1 t
-;:0 1 (111
in arrtLc i.p a t i on of JL!,C c s t c b l ishncn t of the 110\'; dr ug
enforcement administration. The request for his services
was made.byl Narcotics Coordi- I.th:· Agency's
na.t o r. I\Jr. j
tdlSC1.J,SS(~(i tEG r c qucs t and cleal'cd the
detailing tnrougn ''''. COlby. I
'------------
Customs/Treasury De~3rtl~ent
Technica~ discussions i~eTe held ~ith'Customs relating
to detecting illic'i t n i gh t.t i.me aircraft intrusions over
the Il , S. -Mex Lco border.
(Nr , Ha.rtin Pera, Customs)

I
Alc'ohol' & Tobatc'o "Tax DiY/IRS
, .
. .
. " About five -years ago, assistance ,,,,as ,..r eques t ed in
doraes t.Lc'<s.ear'ch of "mocns hd ne" stills using:.·.~IA infrared
s canne.r-s;"...·This '...as turned down. , ..
.-~-------
Secret .Servi'ce
.. We ·have had numerous discussions ivi th .the .'Secret

Service" .r e ga.rdf.ng navigation and tracking- ~.:t.echniques
and ·equipment.
I- --;---..,..,--------
OO~32
MORl DoclD: l45l843
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~·th.5.,.:.h C,,:'·,!l<.l O£' i'I~::\:-c' ~;::·)t.lJ.tj':(.1· Tj1 Use o f Cl~\-
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. The xe s u l t s of our r r-s c o r ch \;'Yfk in the d e t e c t Lon

f -,
t,o (.. c; Is
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i::'!"'/" ':'.-, ~ us
:"}':- •.• e
v_\-'
in the de te-"C-~-'~l:-l-0-n-of h i.j e.cke:c i·;'.:-:::'_pc;~ls.
National Institute ofJIe~lth'r~~H)
: ",At the -requcs t of O~D, . oes as s i.gned 'avs t af'f ··.technician

to unde rtake to wr i t e a compute r program for·th.e: Wiss,vesser
·Line."Not.ation·CWLN) chemical notation method; -: , 'This wo rk was
d one cf.n co op e'ra t Lon 'Kith NIH.
(Ms,' ·Coniver·
. NIH)
.
.... ',:
.,)
"
,..
1----'-'-----
AT·ms ClintI'o! and Disarmament Agency (.~eDA)
.. D ."ORDmet frequently lvit]~- ACDA pei-so'n~el i~ order

to . ture ORDfs "~1YCW research p r ogr amsv t o 'Support
_.ACDA ,ne eds , .
.. '. ":·'1
;" . :..... ..
• :. o' '.
• 'j
.
-:---------
Environmental Prot-ection Agency .(EPA)·
.·Technical 'information relating to detection· of
radio nuclides 'in the environment was exchanged with
them.-
. -..... ~.
(Mr ~ .· ..Char-Les 'Weaver) EPA)
' ..
...
..
".
.. ~ ... ;::::.. . .,
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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::~:'StJr:.(:'l'9: . (~\~;:.J.t:,:,"·;-S :;·j.';·11 .C:·;.:~:;.JJ." U ..S. O.~;\i:-;,~·.:·::lt ,:".~:';;:·(:·;.t:·:5

1,'h.1Ch C':··.l:l.rl 1.11' ;r,iVe n.:~s\)~'i:f;d In r~,c 0f ·C1.:\-
,! "\./C.-.~ \.;'· i.•• "',' ; ••••_,.,!._ \·1 '1'1..
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_ ,.~. d(.3y.(~ ~{.
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·trf~ ... h·1·1r·31 d I sc.us s Lon s ·........ J·.. t.!··lg t o lJ'--i-lg TH~ Sc .. ·q ... )-;·pg'"
: cqu i~W~!~~~J t:;' :~1 e';: ~:.;~:t.'·~'~;li~~, 2·J.-:':·~~";d· 1;5.:::•• i~/~J S';3~~ ;i. t<l~-;"7 ';;~d
. fill have been conducted. .
" "
. '. (Mr. ·Gene James, EPA)

'. I
Federal Bureau ~f. In~~~t}~~ation
At their r-eque s t , we described .. -Image ry Enhancement
·..t echn.i ques ge rmane to removing dd s t o r t Lons from some
.·photogr·aphy. they had on an alleged' ·bank robber •... Request
for specific support in processing . the .imagery ..,·ras· turned
down,
'. .: Secret Se~:vice

'. 'FBI ':
lJ:S. Customs
.... .1. ItO't~l contact ..with oth:r. agencies
an terms' of assl.stance 'In th d ome.st Lc ope rat.t ons has be-en
. ;·in. the ;field.. of audio su rve i Ll ance -c.ourrt e rme asures ~ arrt i.>
hijacking~ or drugs. ." .
.. '(Mr. Robert Burnell, SS) .' '1 I'
(Mr. Thomas Allen~ FBI)
(Mr. Martin Per a , Customs)
.. NASAand USDA 1 ,.- :---,==========;- _
We have an on- zo i.na DrOQ"ram .' Ito

I I
ear tn resources as s'essmen t s ~
····IL..--~
,"
6 00234
.'.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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mental program to aid in 6st~fi2ting·the Sovi~t wheat

. crop. A part of the .information would be obtained fTOfu
a satellite Lau.ich c d for o t he r an·uo1.iJ1ced"p:cograi;Js. Ground-
t rut.h data h'ill be collected 0]1 No r t h Ainer i can c.rop s ,
'u.s. Department of Agriculture' a'h.'d".Bureati 'of Narcot:ics

a~a :gan.,gerOll.? D~'u~s
.CIA has requested the e s t ab'L'i-shmerrt o.f a t";o-acre

'plot of opium poppies at a USDA· r esearch site in Washington
... ". s t a t e , to be used for tests of pho to-tre cogn.l tion of opium
poppies ...
I--------------------------~--:-::-------:-------:~- "., ."
·.·.:·Army~ MilitaT'~ Police Agel'!5:YLJ-t~ ':Gordon

. Air Force, 01; ice o:t. the Illspe'ctor Ge':ieT3l
. '.:..:Army, Offlce: of· Prov'ost Marshall General
.. We have exchanged technic·al··:sllr\n;illance . c~untei.·-
measures and physical security information with them.
_I
. ·U. S.· Army
Rocky' Moun·tarn Arse'naT, Ne\\rport· Army AmTIit,'ni t'io.n Plant~
.ToeIle Ordnance Depot
Do'RD tested environmental' samples from testing~
sto~age,and production £acilities in the U.S.
-_--:.-_--:.---:.-_---
.1_-
00235
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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-,--'. ·,':'}1-i.CJl t\·~~;.1.l1 IJ'l' f!\l1,"~"·Fr~,~';~;.J'rc:J In LT$(: : j [ (YA-
;)(.v (.~ Ij;,:.\··(l 'f"~'l~I~~lolog}r .i n . ~:1 ,"'1 ~;~·.s~·ng ~;}:)l::stic
F10!:Jl,::,.jS· '."
.:
u.: S.._~~E~~_LB_~_$.,~:~:_~~.:?_~.. .h_~:,:?~~:~~ l~.! ..

__~Do;:UJ i~:; .';!Jilr5.:1g' ,,::,·.;':-;j·?SCS 1,;:i.th :Cii~ld
u. S._ Navx,
I
u.s. Coast Guard
. Abnut six years ago, CIA infrared equipment was
made available for USCG tests t.o evaluate IR as a means
£Oar night search of life boats. . .
(then-Lt. James McIn t osh ," USCG)
I
Sa.n Mateo County Sheri£f's' Of£ice
ORD conducted polygraph tests qn.a11·app1icants.
Polygraph security findings were compared with the
Sheriff's own security f~ndi~g5.
(Sheriff)
A study was. 'made on .con-men techniques and assess-
ment methods in 1967-68.
(Sheriff)
-,
8
00236
'.
MORl DocID:' 1451843
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·>·1~11:..Jl (~.:·~!]<.l o r 1:::·.. 0 Rc~;~:ll·~··rl T 1 Us c o f (':1;\-
:')' .'.·t·; :.t';. -,~.il ~r'I:'CJ~!1 (lJ.I;~:)T' ~7 11 .' :.::.~i."': :~::,;··j.~lg 1~ :~!::: ..'~::~: .ic
::~.~. ,)h! _. ~s
li ()1-- s ccu r it y :c,:,rso;:1$, the Cl1i:~f ~\:~s :.~;':(·]r.'~ ;::-.',:'iil'''C of r.:

:1
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J'" .•. e
~ Isocial groups. (1967)------------~-_--------- ~_
(Police Chief)
0.0237
MORl DocID: 1451843
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DOMESTIC. TESTS FOR

. ',. -,
',': .:.
AGENCY RES~ARCH AND'DEVELOP~ffiNT EFFORTS:
1. ,As a normal part 'of ORD f S efforts in the

research and development of equipment and techniques'
.Eo r Agency" app Id ca.t i ons .Ln foreign intel1igence~ we
:''f~,
conduct experiments 'and tests in the United States .. '~:" . :.~.
-: Clearly, the design and development of our intelli-

gence equiprnents can .be done more economically and
more securely in this country. Although most of
". the tests of our R&D equipments are performed in
.closed laboratories or, in secure areas simulating
the foreign environment, some. of the te s t s and expe r L-
merrt s, 'of' necessi t y , "reveal dome st i c information.
. .
2. A revlel,,"of··.t:he' surve I t Lance equipment or

-t e chn i.qu es which have at some' time or other been
exposed t.O domestic ~.tes~ing is as f'o l Lows : . • ',1.- ••
,:,'
,'"
.', :.'
a. Laser Probe ~ About 1967, ~he laser

probe' developeCft.)}r~-ORD was tested by TSD in
San Francisco under "very c l o s e-Ly controlled . :', .'
conditions. '. The: .OR}), Proj eC,tOfficer lvi t ne s s ed
portions'" of the "t e s t." 'Recordings that we r e
made of La se r probe ;·ou·tput were -c a'r e fu Tl y
controlled' as c Lass Lffed material and. it is
believed. ·that the.:.tapes. have long since been
des-trayed ~';.:.' ..
- About
"r-----'-~---'---=------'---'------J
e-
III tercepts we r e " ..\ .. r: .;:.
,~""-""""""""",,,....,----l des t r oye d ·s8\'-.eral
y car s ago ,
" I'.
.t').. -l'.'l·'j\_ \('1'-"'\
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~~ .• ! ... .-
"i...l. . . . . . <, ~.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Jti\~i~l;. :F::·· _·".i i: ;":f.F U .t"t s
9
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.'
t_ese are patterne
f o r "-lli S ..1.·,.''''1
... L.~. _.\,.._~O]l , ". .
t lie op e r a tion of
United Statcs is
Message content 1.S -;. .:' '.

L.-...,-"--n-o~1.~n-.t-;-.-e-r~e-s--'t;-.-a-n--,---
...........,.----lnot be r ec orded ; . .Ove r> : ..
seas testin~ is planned at a subsequ~nt date.~: .
To dat·e~·:·;,soVle domesti.c tcsting of this concept; ','
h.as .bcerrvcar-r i ed 'out at the' contractor' s ·plant~::'-.
No recordings have been made of such data.·->Ex'-··.
t r eme Ly.. .b r Le f tests .exercising U. S. and foreign
t e Lephone is y s t.ems I
....n"""'?-"""t~l.a....
~ ave. b een ""c""a""'r""r""1.·.""e""'d""··. ,. ,o·"'u"t."..---~t""'O"""""'\i""'" e"""'r.....l""'f"yrr -1. . I.---~-
o=n,....,c"""e"'p=·t=.=s ~ .i:...The dura t i on of 't.es t i.ng was less . ·' .
'-=c...
;than -one- 1+a.lf hour. . . .
'.' :'" .' .
..,~.".<i.~' :~~Dther Sensor res ting Examples of"\':.S'~: ..: '.
engirieering',development test's of special' s erisocs.'.
't..ri th'I1i. th~· ..Uni ted states 'include and ...· ..
n a ese cases, ~ e
testing has been used for engi.ne er i.ng deve Icp-
merrt .andthe content .has been restricted t.o : ."
dissemination to those in Government involve.d
wi t h rt.he '~mgineering d e sLgn , :i ...
~ .. '
.. ':.: .
"
/ "
00·239
MORl DoclD: 1451843
". '.,'"
"':,~'~.:, ., ::._-~ .
", '
, '
, .. ";.-
" ',,' £. .Pe r s ona Ld ty Structure of Defectors

Study - :-per-
(m:D-W1(reT{o-oY-:;c-o-"dcTci-nlIll~-fhe
sonari~y structure of defectors dur~ug the'
period 1966- 69.' The -wo r k primarily involved
an analysis of the open literatpreou', known .
. defectors. An ancillary effort'was concerned
w:ith' a, 'study of the phenomenon of .def'ec t Lorr
its~lf~"i.e., leaving one religion,fo~ another,
or changi~g one set of political belief~'for
anot.her,' The 'Kork ",'as conducted' at Stanford
Un i.ver s'Lt.y , I I
, :~/ J
, '
"h~"'" Communications Link Loadin
n eT care u y contra e con 1t1ons~ some U. s.

microwave communications were recdrded and passed
through the intercept system under, test to 'prove
, .quality of performance. All intercept:material
, connected wi t h this was destroyed wit,hin a few weeks
of'the,ti~e of intercept and the material was never
'~hecked for ~ubstantive content. \
I--,----_--=------:--~-:--
'~.
:; 00240,
. ~ -~_ .. _.._.- -" - '. .

,
--------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
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,
.C I.·:~·.:) .:: y j) i L-t';C t o r {en" Sc i.cn ce
Technology
,
SUBJECT Survey of ORD for Non-foreign
Intelligence ~ctivities
. , ,
At 11 a.m. todaY,eich division and staff chief

or his representative was ins.tructed ·to que ry all, of
his people, and report back by this, ~f.ternooll Khetller

orn.o.t· t.hey had provided any services or de aLt; wi th
.any', o.ther .ageric i e s on domes tic, non-Tor e i.gn matters.
The..a.t.r ached 'list is an inventory o( ..ai r items we

were', able "t o uncover. If addi tional 'information on
a:~y:·''of' :th~~e t.op fcs is desired, we,"c·aD. ,.proYide either
a .verbal'-or a written report on very ·short.notice.
SClentlI1C AUVISOI
'.',·to.
Director of Resea'rch '& Development
Attachment:
ks: s t a't'ed
00241.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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be
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A p r c-pc s cd {JFH. ·.":;'·eat e s t imat o r1. _ c.am 1) ]' c_J'1
\0.oJ,.,.
pnlitical1y sEnsitive.
~arcotjcs--our fo~cjgn activities ar~ Kell kno~n

~ .... in Dl;lS&T.
A negativ~ report from the Support Staff.
ORD's I
wor k I l~as r?P?rted to the-.,·FAA abou~ .
t.hre e years ago. No ac t a.on was t aken,: to ~ur know'Ledg e ,
~ Performed intelligibility enhanc emerrt

----".,o-,f-·-a,-u-d..,..l~·-:-o--:.-.t-::a-:-:p-::e-::s for BNDD. Source of. tapes unknown;
'\ .' 1- At .t h e r~q~est of FBI, we described

.imagery bhhancement Techniques 'germane to: removing,
distortions from some photography,theyhad'on an
alleged b~nk robber. Request for spe~ific support
in processing the imagery was turned
. .
down •
L. I,
I
I
I
I
.,' "
.-'
----------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
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;'lY total contact with o th e r ag enc i e s 5.n ~C'~Tr.JS o f va s s Ls t a nc e

'- h.
.'".r~ .i•.;. '"-~. (.y..••, ,':> 5 t; _i. C"·
t .. "J... ..."-,'
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J_~,.; U."e e "1 _ . ;
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.'.,,_:, -c i
_. __ ~., 1 d r»
v f 'n -
t._U di
_ 0 ". i I r -
.
veil1anc~ countermeasures, anti-hij~cking,' or drugs. Speci-
.fically, I participated Ln TSCC and R&D Sub CQi':i;:J it t e e me e t ings

which included technology exchanges and some equipment ex~
changes. on a temporary bas~s ostensibly ior testing or trial'.

:1' also- a'ssi.sted in x-raying t he vo ff i ce Halls of the Chairman
~f . the AE.C '.(then I'll'. Schlesinge.r). at ..t he. request of Mr. Richard
.. ,'.
Cowan of AEC security. The op e r a t i on occurred one evening

. (date unkno:m). and 'HaS an attemp.t to resolve. some anoraa.Li e s
created byvt he 'use of th~·1 I.

Other.persons·contacted over·the·years have· been:
:. ' .
.. Hr. Robert Burnett, Secret' Service
Mr~:Martin Pera, U. S. Customs·
Mr. Ma-rvin Beasley, DASA

Mr. Thomas Allen, FBI
. Major Jack Nelson, OSI!US~F
Major John Langager, ONI/USN
Mr. 'Richard Cowan, AEC
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State Navy II
ld.r Po:cce us Secret· Service
i
i
Army NSA
.'.
DIA
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FBI
2. Joint 'funding o'f'two ·contracts ''lith State Depart-

. .
rnent (TR~·l/LLL). Two elec.tret microphones were furnished"
to. State Depa.rtment for .test pu.cpos e s ,.' Joint funding of '.
'. one contract with NSA' (Sandia). Participation in ~NA/DQD'
", _. ~ . _..:. ..~_.: .",.-:=<: . ',C'_ :.~~~- - _'" , • '
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contract .(Bureau of StanFtards)·.
. . -3. Other DOD and Governnlent contacts for information

collection or exchange .on'Ly.•
..
ARPA
LEAA/Dept. of Justi~e
DNA/DOD
O£fic~ Tetecommunications Policy
Office of Army/Provost Marshal General
Army/Military,police ·Agency, Ft. Gordon
Air For~e/Of£ice.of·the Ins.pec.tor General
Air Force/Electronic Systems Division

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land fill. I
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ENDD
Exchan~e,'6f techri{cal information relatirig'to

developmen't of I
I :'~ -. .
USDA & BNDD

CIA has l:equested the establishment of a'tw'o-acre
plot of:6p~um,poppies at a DStiA research site in
Washingto.~ state, to be used' for, tests of pnoto-
r e cognd t Lon of opium poppies •
. f~. :',;:-
US COAST GUARD " :;,. ::

I ,
- About s'i~ ,:,'years ag o , CIA infrared equipment was made

available~for USCG tests to evaluate IR as a means
for night search of life boats.
- ALCOHOL &TOBACCO TAx DIV/IRS
- About 'five: years ago ass i s t ance was r-eque s t ed in

domestic search of "moonshine" stills using CIA
infrared scanners. This ",as turned, dmm'. ' ,
I
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1
nuc Lf d o Llg ~o:.:d detection 1:':cjmi(i.~'ti-s nrid

S.::1D,p]
(}.;\rices. T11E:Se L;;:00T<·1 1: c: :d . c s h:::ve us e d s;3:::p}i:i1g
t(;chni.q.i.lcs dc"\-cloped for CTA '::0 :ill:~,;suxe COXUS
nuclear plant releases~
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p r olx) s al s
developed from Aerospace, Inc., concerning a Radar P~op1e Detector
DjOPJ). _. for ORD. TiI;:Je: Fall of' 1972. Action vas app:wved by
J
. .". .
. 3. Dei...~loped Adhesive Restraint, Non.,..lethal II:1capaci tation System.
Reports and inf'or.mation was made available to Department of' Justice, LEP~
in August 1972. If·they de-..:eloped the system, it would be use<;l f'or' .
civilian crowd and riot control.
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On 13 i\pril 1972 .r.h.' CharlesGa~kins of the Bureau of

1.
1·~2t:rcoti(:;3 arid D~·:.·l~~g~.l. . O\.lS D r ug s l04~q1,.:'C ste d SJ:._ \'t..,,! I:":. n / C'.:{D 2 s s i s ta nc e
to, imp::o-~c tl~e inte!ligib!.lit y'" of a n Zltldio tape t!~'at had been ac qu i r e d
by BI"IDD 2gC:n~:J ..
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~i,~~o t..s.pe lie r:cG. rS:::Ct..:.i"'ifed fro;!! tIH?_ Bal-t::t.1'::,:;:C;
l~fr. .John 'Bulla.rd, RegiQn.c.l Di-;e:c tor, h6.G. CO;.~t:ac: t.ed 1-:::-. hcisG to .eid
El\DD i.n the i:Zl:.encenent of the, -conve r.se t Lons on thr:; .tepa ::-e.co!:"cing "hich
"rere t"-",_sked b:r backgz-cund ' music. The r€s~lt s of thep::-oces6ing ,,"':l.1.1"he":
used in e. g:=8t'.d jury inv~stisa.tion a n 4 2,:"!s"sihle follo,>\'-on -trial. }fr". ';.'
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erriba r r a s sing s i tuat iorr,
1•. There 'are no rrri s s ion s wh i ch we have flown. during the last four
years with.which.I:Can associate the result di r ectlyto any activity' .' .
po terrti al ly ernba-rr a s s Ing to the Agency. There were a number. of rrri s s ions
flown that indirectly:hav~ the potential for this. ernba.r r a s srn ent,' .' Bear. in
mind th at, once we tu r-n the fiII11 over to NPIC or any o thc r- agency, we'
have no ·con:tr~l ov:er.subsequent distribution. .
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2. The .rr:d.~~{o:~.s listed on the 'attaclnnent are in three ~ategories:.

. . .;' ... :~: .;.
~~'-"¢~'t:egory A: These Cire rrii s s i on s flown in the U.S~.
that' aF.e ve:ry -sirnf.l a r to the pot en ti a.Ltlaat you discussed with me
u smg the example of the Santa Ba r ba r a oil disaster.
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. popPY 'gr~~;}'i-s.a-separate c"a
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. .t""c"-;·g=o"'r=y=-b=-e=c=a"'='u""s=e~of the h~gh sensitivity
of'
of Q.lis supJect.: ."
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cnowl edge not mg sensitive was pre ce

this :activitycould be labeled illegal.
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3. Lhave-spectfical ly looked to see where our U'~2'·s.were
operating du.r,ing the Watergate break-in discovery.. Democratic National
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oc cu r r cd i'n the l:-:i:l.::t: ;:ll"~r1 o n r ::.j.l·f.~r:·:.ft f.~·! ~"']cj'r :'}!i~;slon's di.. trJ:~g :J!i:j t im e
~.fJ;l'5.t"(.1 \'::-i$~.u the ";:1·\·~~.~{,.lorn l:-:",.. j·t I,ll fhe I} .. S.
Brif,::.-:1iel- G'eneJ:al, USAF

Director of Special .l\ctivities
. At ta chrn.ent - 1
As n ot ed above
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, , '7'ASK POS'SIB'LE' IMPLICA;'i':~ON"'

e
"." ;.
.-- CATEGORY A
Santa Barbara Oil Dept. or'Interior.; Fe'1;>' 1969. Potential for pr-ovi.ding ba.si s iOl'
Disaster criminal law surts , Pj.;e~ suse 01.
oil company to change ope r a.. t i or..
HILLTOP (. : \..' ) ORD/NASA Eal~th Resources , Po s s ible 1.1:';(; £01' i;.-.d-.:.. ::;t:;:ic=.. L
,.
Programs.', Spring/Fall 1969 explo itauion. Crop' P:::OL~..~ct,~or.
control & e s tirn... a.t e s i"'""·~\.t:~...c 'rr··Id.:i.·,itCl:. j' :;
I
Snow Survey (Ii ;, '.'i Environmental Science Services Induet.riaf ex:?::'oita"i:ion,. 'WC:L"~Cl'
Admfni.s tr-at.ion (ESSA), Dep~. r e s cur-c e a.Il.ocatio n,
of Commerce th ru COMlREX.
Spring 1969.
Hurricane, Bas e bince b"! Econom:ic'Pre,pC\.red- PQli~icalleve;L'age'£01' di.sa stea-

Line ness. Spring 1970. .' a r oa funds '.
8;;
Earthqtlake Darnag e 'Self generated, NPIC processed. Political Lcvc.cag o, '(::'l·il~!~li:"i~il ..-:' o:;d
r.!.' 'J Ii '-', '._ l ~
•
Feb 1'971. neglig.ence suits. ~~<.: C-:'l~.S;;:..·l~ctiv. . . .. -;.~ H
: :
cxpl.oi.tafion, tj
o
....... o
, Mi~neapo1is - OSI/.A:EC Division. Jan - Mar En.viJ:o'nmcntal apllli.ci.I,t.i,.)i::.s, H
tj
o ;', .Kansas 'Gity 1972. uzban planning; e xpl.o it., l,~0i'1.
o I--'
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BY WHOM/WHEN
. . POSSIBi..E Ii:VIPL:::Cl\.TIO:'\
CATEGORY A (9 0 n t i nu e d )
"RIVER
'>
BOAT(~\~""""jll"
~
1 '.. t
~q,
NRO -.·IeRs. April 1973.
.
i
Political leverage. Lclu<';l;l"i<.;.l
exploitation, civil d:a-r..- iCi;;O suits.
West Virginia Dam
NRO - Army Corps of
Site Coverage Pot~l1tial fo:: :;:cal·c::,J;.:;.ti::
Engineers. Jan/reb 1973.
exploitation., wat c r cent:..'ol.·.
r;
CATEGORY B 'j -.
I (Puerto. Rico) , Multi

I BNDD, DDI/CIA, NPIC, ORb.
erA extension of clOi)'~ t.i·::,...~·t~cldnb
Dept. 9~ ;Agriculture. Fall 1972.
Spectral Sensor fl'om SEA to CON1:,s. 3d;t<::::t'
'techniques to avord clot.:::ction or
growth.
CATEGORY.C
. LONG SHAFT
NSA/ CIA COMINI' collection.
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1- e So U 1 t s ~: t? S d t 'i_"",' C
L-_~--I- contacted all but t wo who were on leave-·-n,:;gative.
Parangosky negative on those he could contact. FolloKing ar~

people he could not reach:
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:'lE·10R..,;~·m\JM FOR: Deputy Director for S,:ic11'ce an.d

Techn.?l()gy ..
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SUBJECT: Policy Rega~·d.ing Ass Ls t an c e to i\gencies "
Outside" the En t e Ll i gen ce" Communi ty on

Spe9ch Processing .Proble~s
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1. Re cen t putilic':f'6:~;~~rn over ",Age.ncy . af£i~iatio:ns .:..... :

with law enf~rcement activities has made me warf of offeririg..
-' ,::" '. sp.ee ch p ro ce s s Lng as s.I s.t ance .to various other governaen t .....
. agencies. :My concern herevis restricted to government .. :.
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act i vi ties .cu t s Lde the' 'int:elligence' communi t.yio· . Because !
. of a'. scientific commun i-ty .awarenes s vof the' expertise. of .
.memb.ers of..O:pL in speech -p'r'oces s Lng .p r.ob Lems , we are .often
. as ke d by individuals in .g ove r'nmen t for help o.n various .
speech·problems. The.requests are 'usually informal on a
person-to'-person basis. lvhile most' iof these contacts
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involve only' an exchange. of 'unc l as s Lfd ed Ln fo rmat.Lon ,
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.severa.l, 'have ~nvolved. th(t.use .,of laboratory r es our-ces,
, 2. cO'~~acts hav~·::,:~'~:he ':£~om t~e FBi, A~to;~~y .
.. '.' .
General's office,. Bur eau.iof .Nar-co t Lcs 'and Dangerous .". ~.-
.. ' ,:'... prugs (BNDD), Post O£fic~".:'a.nd ·the .Treasury Department •
. Of the above , assistance' ·.toBNDD had been. spec i fd caj.Ly
san.ctioned by Mr. Helms. In one recent instance wher-e a"
noisy tape was· to be used ,.. in a cour-t case, care was t aken.:'
t o i.nsurethat -t.he vp ro ces sLng of the t.ape was idone. entirely' '.'
by. a BNDD .employee:even·:t:hough it was done' in an Agency,", ,'. .
laboratory. 'us in.g the.:·Ag:en.~y's .Coherent Spectrum Shaper ...
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there is a benefit to us in t ha t such ccn t ac t erHioles .:
the staff' to test tec;hFliqilGS an d t::'-t1.1ipr,wnt en avariet.y' .
of speech pr-oblC'::ns. InFt.)l'j;l:Jl '.ntc;-;::cU.cms at the tcch!Hc.i!l' .. ~
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~gcncy goals. Hence we ~ould be ~il1ing to continue.to .,
support other departments on an ad hoc basis ~ . but ',-"oul,d":' .
appreciate your guidance re the wisdom of OEL's involvement
in ltdCl:lestic" activities. .' .,.....'
. '0 OnN IV. MCMAHON . ...::

Director of ELINT
DD/S&T
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. '.
, IGe.t copies. of' the repcrtis 'on "Restless Youth'.' :aIia. black radicalism. .....~:--..
I ~, How. is the cryogenic magnetometer used, on whom, and f'or'what

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..
<c- '. purpose?
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..3 Inc~ude the: submiSsion of FR Division.~. '.
c.. . ..:-~. Get ~he ful~.:story on providing a~ias dOcu.m~~tation to 'the 'Secret
'/. servi.ce , ' .. . . '
1..--.....-
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... "WhY did :we' pay. the costs of" the respon~es:·.to letters received
I~r-.l:!-bout the PresJ.de:o,tls .speech on CambodJ.a1
';:{i{~tipPiying ~e~c~~s 'to Ambassadors

:.:'. seems ~i~;~.:~·.gOOd idea. Eowmany ---
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~ are' ..t here in use' and where? '. ; ~i -',
'..,':~y.' is' 'Logistics procuring~police-type-_equi.J;Jinen.t·f 'or local .police v··

, -forces? '
.·.I!r What is' .a. telepho~e .analyzer?' ,,/

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:":;4' '~ore on Vesco. How did it get started? . What.·was done? Why was ,..--
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9 July 1970 .: . . ..~ .,,," :...:..: :..... ' :$
" . The Di·~~tqr. ~civised

the' .DD/I "tha'tWbite House ·~taii~;'~!;~~i~·~~:~ . ':
and .Pres:Ldentia.f"COl.;msellor·Pat Moynihan' thought well·,.of ·t4e.: ...-. )'
memorandum' on "Black Radi'calisniin the C!3-ribbean~II '
10 July 1970 -.
.;".. ". Mau~i'bl'i~'~e~"'6~"hiS meeti~ yesterday wi thC6ngreS'sm~n' ·Richard.

Ichord"Chairm~n of'.th~. House Internal Secur~ty Commit~ee, .wbo.had
asked woot' Me are doing "to .investigate "securf,ty Leaks." .connected with
press, accounts' of .Lon Nol's having sold rice to the Communists and
having engaged in .an attempted deal with Hanoi. Maury briefed on his
explanatiop.of .why we are doing nothing, since such reports are not
exclusively·,confined. tio ..o ur information.
. ·t·, .
.......
1 September A1970
: "';'.
-:.,.;.-
MaurY :~bted. that the Director sent a letter to' C~ilg:reBs~an

Moss on',~tet~p'hone monitoring practice;3 •
.. ' :' ;'"
The Director' noted a 1 'Septembermemorandum from' Jphn .Bross on. .

Daniel E.ls~rg '·(sic).· He:~sked the. DDS ·to lift his cl~~raiJ.~es and ".
to make this';;f'act mown in security channels. <':{}t'..· ",· .
15 October 1970 ." ,. "'.. .!"
'. :' .'.:. . .• :.:i:j;~·"·~:<· ~': .. :'.... '. : ';:~~::~{~~1:i~~;:'· ."" -; ~
DDS ··reported that· the Weathermen have declared" tn:tsiilonth for
their falL;"offe'n:sive and have.' ~entionedthe Agency' as;;~at?ta:rg~t .for
bombings ·ap.d.·'.kiaD.apping. He briefed on precautio~ri\m:easures
adopted' ~nq:<aske'q,<senior:officers to :vary their route/,tQ::~nd..from
work, 'and .to·:rep.ort· any pecuLiar telephone calls oruriusual"events
around their residence.
28. Octo~r' '1970' . -:-:'.2.
·D~P.:::·~~o·~~ed
that the FBI desires to check for'·.ii~~rprints
on all·: ci;'Yptogram messages .mailed to high Goveznmerrt officiaLs.
The messa~~6.~11 then be passed to ·NSA for exploita~ip§~1 DDP
requested;·:that Agency:personnel 'who receive such messagl?$ pass
them to him :.for transmittal to the FBI. . \./.'
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". 10 ;De~emb~r·:1970·:.- '. ·····;···\:>;i!i;i~:;·:;;/:/:·
.:...: ~ .' ':.. Db±.. preas accounts Of' ~I Direct~rJ,-"E~~g<ko'over ,;'s··· "
nbted.·
19 No~eni~r. statement that th~ Biack .Panthers are·s1ipp~rted:.by':
terrorfst:9rg~nizations. He said. th~t ..we have: e~:i,*~d:the" F1;iPs
related"ffles-, and .our own data Q.nCi find no indicatton::;'of',.any. '.
relation~h:ip be.tween .the. fedayeen and the Black ·Parithers. ·He
provided:.. th~ Di'rector"with a memorandum on' this t9pic~.
. '
':Exe.cutive Dire:ctor called attention to the President's .21

December memorandum on "Discloaares of Classified:Information .
~ . -' .
.an~::q9.'?;t'c;ination .and.·CleaI/(tce at· Official St9.~e~~~~~i-!:\;which i~ ..;,:', .
"
be1ieve.d·..: to.be the result of'. represemtations by'.'t;l;i ";; Trector and.:'
A~~ra:W.wA~~erson~.:::.;E?,~.cutiveDirecto:( said tlia~;T:;"'~\' '4,~~km~et~:~i:i;:, -. '
,seJ.ected::··EXecutive·.. Committee Members next week.:t ;. "s'cuss the '..' .'c' ..:':
memoraridUin's·inlplfea.tions and to- develop' recommen~tions.f6raction .
bY:.tb;if~.D:i:~ctorin: :view of' the special :ies:ponsi:bi:ii;Bi~~>placed':on:: '.
'hi1n'?~:~~~~eV:resi~~:nt·•. '., . . "<';~";;t;t~)~1~~~'?\::':"";' ">:::i::::;'~':',: ,
.. ",
r 29 December 1970 ." . . ;. ;::>:"-~,: ,.. . ~": .
.,. . :~:::.: .-., : '.' "
····ji?x.e·c~ti'Ve Dire~tor reminded Executive committ~E1;~·,participa~ts·. "

. about··::.-t1ie·":in~eting· involving most of them this mor:i:tlng' 'on: the '.
Prwsident. 1 sdirective .on disclosure of classified::,:hiformat10n. ,"
.3o,.~:i~~~·r,. 1970 ..... :'. ,.' '. .. ~·):i«t.;.:.::~:.
r"'>:' ":'
'. .•... .'
:~:~:.Ji~~'~~~ive Director ·briefed·on the re~u1ts '~t~'~st~'rdaY's
meet:irig--; on.":what the . 'Direct~r now .needs to do in' .~ur§uab:ce of' the: . ":,
Presidenc,'s: directive .on disclosure of classi:fi~d;:i:iri.form~tion..'.:-.He:~ will'
outliri~ 'in the pirector I s brie:fi~ book actions'·-wid.ci:r:iare to' 'be .'-;.. .'.
taken. '.'< . .:.
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MORl DocID: 1451843
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·;·.:::i4',>January 1971, .
.. '. ~~' :;:f :' ~ .. . . . .'
., . Bross said·.that 1;l~.and· Bronson Tweed~r.wii;t},h!i:ve.:lunch today with .

. :aen.eral Bennett, Director of' .DIA. The Directoi":said that 'he might ask
.: 'Bross to take along a copy of' his letter .and guidance on the Dis'closures
,. ::o£::Caassified 'Information and Coordination and :Ciearance' of Official·
.. Statem~nts but :that he firstvdshes to ciarify' with: the Exe.cutive
. "Director 'some of the' -Language in the guidance ·section•
.' .: ·-. is "Janua'ry 1971 .' -,

.. ,'~'."
~
.
. Maury said.· that he antdcfpate a-a number of' questions from the
..Hill on the .at.tached article by Jack Ande rsondn today"s,Washington
, . ::..Post, "6 Attempts .to Kill Castro Laid to CIA." .
'.'~.:~:~; ;,<:;: :.' '~~uSt4~re4tted
that 'he .will havel~~~\;~~~;::wit~
Assistant
:':.>Attorney 'General Robert C. Marclian to discui;is~~j;ii~>riirector.rs.guide-
.', :.'(tiJieson the disclosure of' classified inf'omai:lpn. .
". ;,:i~:i~i{~;;:::'B'r6ss
·rehted. that Pa;rott met wi~hG~ri~~~:\~~~hnett re~iew
to
.·.: ..) :'¥'€/:',Director'S 'letter on dis'closu~ ?f c~£3~'iti~~.~nf'o:rI+lationand
·:said that. Gene.ral Bennett will now d~scuss '.~ t·,:w:J;t.h. Deputy Secretary
. .'J;lackard, who may in turn 'review it with Secre.tary~ird. .The
/'" ·.;Directorasked to be·.advisedof' Secretary Pac~rdrs. reactions and-
. :. ["6~~d:·that he 'wants to -check the. final guidance.:w;ith .Secretary"
. · ··::Laird and with someone in ,the" White Housebefore:it
. is issued.
"i••
·.·. :~ir:f~~;:~:~e.~rua~ .1971 -. : :: .:.~":.~;:;~;}/

.: :,;::.::i:~.:. DD/P C!llled attention to' Jack Andersoni~'~"~o:iUmn'in'today"s
.::: ...
",Waspirigton
. : ' ~
Pos t , "Castro Stalker Worked For.··.The- .CIA. 1f
. :.
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(-- "'y' .,,··:t·july·1 971 ...' ,.. . .

.' ~ .....'~...;: :.'. . ..... '. .' . . ,.':;:;!~:~:(':::'" . ..' . '., "'::"::' .'
::.; :\'.J;;:;:.::.:.~:.; (,:: . ~'Ca.rver noted that SecretarY Lciir4~'tR.'ad·:re.quested: thatour printi.ng;·;>: .' .
..'. :.. ·:\.pl~nt .as sist "iIl reproducing .the.forty-s·eVb~Y~lUi.nesec~e{ Pentagon ~~dy'''<:,
. '. ::. on: :Vietnam io'r distribution to the'.' pre.s~·,:aI{a·: ~t~ rs ~his .m.or!;ling.·, This -. , : .
. . )r.equesf:.. was aborted by the Prbsident. 7'.: " ....." .. ' . ·'''''''''lD,.l?C?~~:ht':t1i.e 'chair) .
'. 2 July 1971
said that in the abse~~~,.ofl . :>'~p~

.. "':;":' . "I:!D/S .•...
..... 'arne etingat the White Hous e ye:sterday.ofthe interagency group which is',·
lat~end.eq< I
reyiewing c la s sdffca rion and de c Ias sffication policy. The President spent'
an hour with the group and said that he wants': ••• and (6) the revocation
of all c leaz-ance s and the retu·rn. .of all classified rnat e ri.af held at.Harvard,
·Brookin.gs~· Rand, and Cal Tech r : as :well. ·the' withdrawal of Q' clearances as
.:.heldby·the Regents o:f'the U;niversity··o{Ca,lifo·rnia. A brief discussion .. .: .
:.··fo~t.ow~d~.?~ni:f the Exe4=utive Diredoi'·nottid·.that DOD bas asked' us to provide
.. inform~tion on all our cont racrs With: Rand,'. as well'as all clearances held ' .
; . .' <·by,·Ranq. p~rsonn'el for our Pu~pos.es.·. ·Ading.'Dir~·ctorasked that we asse~ble
....: ... .:·data.:pe·J:tainmg,to the ~reside~tls:r'~ma.rks,btifi:~twe'tai;te no action until .
. "
: .the President's guidance bas. been confirmed, andthe DDls:ha.s provided a
.memoxandum on it. I I " ' .. (DDClin the chair)
. : -:' '. '.'Carver 'reported that they will; probably complete their detailed reView
'..of. the secret Pentagon
. . papers by 6 July. .
II . , . -
. .
...'. "'Viari:t~r,:.called attentio~i:6:Seq;¥.'eta:~i·R~gers'·requ~st that the p:res~:

. " . .:··:·,pe·rm.it the. Govermnent to. review i.n~civahce p.otentially daInaging documents
;":" .£rom,the ~entagon papers." "., -, ' : :,;.' ..... '.: ..... ' .... .
. . - . .'''' ". ~ .: '':'.'
:"..
" . -. -" .
. '"
6 JUlv 1971
.'.' ... '. ' . .ItCa'rve.r said that their re.vi~w:·o~.Jhe se~ret Penta on stud 0
.' ..... .: . : .v1.et~a~ has a lmo st been completed•.'.'::', . . . . g y. n
... :. ~'.," ' .. " \.'

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7 July 1971
r, ,JlCarver' said that he will be atte~ding a meeting toca.y called by As. sist~nt
Secretary of Defense' for Public Affairs Dan~erHEmkin. He added that· he' . -, :
',: as surnea it will concern the de~~assi£ic~tiono~ some' of the' secret Pentag6zi. '. '
papez-s andfhat, if it does, he will s e ekehe DirectorJs advice•. " (DDCI-'in c.:hai
"At the Executive Director's requ~st, the DD/S.aareed to 0aet too-ether , (;> Q
. with the DD/S&T and General Counsel to prepare a briefing paper for 'the '
Director on where we stand with res'p~C~ to classified rnatez-ia'Is at Rand
~nd, efforts to' safeguard t hezn, Ii ".
., . :
" ','Maury reported .that CongresBm~n Mahon would like to meet with the"
Director on 9 July to discuss t?-e Pentagon papers and various world hot's'Oots
Carver said that he will prepar:e a briefing paper fo!:, the Director. on the •
Pentagon study. II
.:.)', . . "Carver briefly notedl . the ~oncern ov~J:

revelations in the Lansdale ~z:n=-=e=m=-=o-=r-=a-=n:-:'d!:'w:n==-.
-,~w.:::;hi;-'·;-:,c"h~.-\V-a-s-s-u-r£"'aced·as part of
;d'··
" -t
the Pentagon p~pers. "
I..-
: .
.
8 July 1971
,
iI 1.IDD/S.reported that a DOD s ecu rdtyEearn is goi.n.g to Santa 1vlonica
' ..! , to repossess classified De.fense·ni.a~aria:ls held at Rand, He 'suggested that,
,,
." ..... _4 __ .' ~
:
<11 ....: ,}. . '.
... ' .."..: . .
I'- '. '. , ..;:. .,.~ .:~. ~
'...:1 .. ',' , . rather than take, parallel actfon; .we s end ,a' Security Officer to observe
.'1, .. the' opez-attouand inventory Agencyrriatezia'Is thepossessiori of Rand• in
J
:
•
:
.In response ta the Director's question he expbined that we have seven
contracts With Rand; only oneLs .cl.as·si:fied, and it is with Randts Washing-'
bon officer although some material could have been sent to Santa Monica•.
The Dire.etor concurred and requested a review todete rrntne the essen- .
tiality of cu'rrent prC;;posed·.contracts w-ith.·Rand. Houston commencedthat;
according to Dab General Counsel Buahardt, DOD.~s technically under
instructions to lift 'the secur;ity clearances of Rand con.tractors but has .
taken no action. nDCr repo::-ted'that John E}l.l"lic~":nSE:...heg.J~~~s.~~,P-'.~g:
~dviS~_':.~.Jl:;!!..!h2...'tThi!~!!9~,~~ __!tL~.P.2..m!}P:gj'R~~~...f1-1:...~m'p',lHY~~-.fi92.~~d , ,,:
·Hunt as a securipl cons~~tE':.I!-.t., .Lat~r·in the meeting the Director a sked a'll
Executive Committee members to review their .lists of consultants to de- .
termine whether each is really needed•. Ii
. ,/ "Garver briefed: on his rne'etmg'yesterday with Assistant Secretary . ' .:

/ . '0£ Defense for Public .Aifairs Daniel Henkin and noted that any further
exc~sions from the text of thes ecr'et Pentagon' papers :rp.ust be p.rcvided
: .
i· by ,Monday. He added that no. decision .has yet been made on wherhe r ..1:o
f..... 'f'
release to the. public the volumes .o·r a version fhe zeof; The Director noted
;.':' that we should oppose any such course of act'ion, II '
. I:. • .
00286
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'.. ..•.
.,
t·•.
'16 July 1971

Ca~~r said that (""'.'Y' "..)fu~ most ,a~:Pre·ciative 0:( the -tim~
'which Houston SIlent WJ.thhiril"yesterday•
.::.. r·
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. l, . '9 July 1971 .
'. ; .,,::~).
"In 'respo~se't~'1:h'~:~pi;~ctO~f~'qu~st~o~ Carver r~ported'i:li~i~:~one:,:~:(.~·..

I';' ';e;ew xork:!;!:t::~!iZ:&:t ~:~:~e~~~~'7::;::~\1~:~'!'fs~e~'
.. a complete copy of the..:for·ty·~seven volumes .
I I . '.. .
16 July 1971
- ,
"Carver reported that the book which General Lansdale has 'been ,-
writing for a year and 'a,h~if is now in:- the hands of the publisher. With' some
I
minor changes being made.in light of .reve1ations resulting·from. the publica-
tion'of the secret Pentagonpape re , In 'response to· the PD/P' S question
Carver said that he mig:Q.t·',be: able ·to· ar:l':ang~ for ua to read the teXt;~!I.. ';".", .f
(DDCI in the chair) .,.,.· '.'
. ·i·";~/ .'.;:-:' ....
. .' "\,' .
trTweedy noted th~t:~twiute Hci~se ·~e.quest a PFIAB co~itte·e". com:~
posed of Franklin Linc;p~;:d)r. William Baker, aid Frank Pa~e wiil'~~:fer";
tak,e·a damage assessni~nt;rifthe publication of' th~ secret Pe~tago.n··~~p~.rs•
. He added that the committee will.want to -near from. us and spoke of plaIts
for Houston and Carver to unde.rtake this .task. II ,
~'.: '" ..
."
.." ... ,._~:.~_ ..• _.. ,'--
20 Julv 1971
" . ,',';. ";
'ITweedy repo;t·~.d}6.~.~.telephone c'~ll' from. 'AndY Marshall a~d;1~~Jid.:

that Marshall and Ran&.i?~~:side~tHe~ry., Rowen are brooding ab6ufth~~~:: .. ,:.
::
secur ity pz-obl.em in Rand/;' Marshall exp re s s ed a. de s'i r e to talk ·Witl,:(bTfe.. :-

of our senioi- security.oI£lcers when he next visits Washington ~n or9:e£·'t6
get. a feel for securitjr':p*a::ctites in' general.' Executive Director .~4Th~:~d
a'gainst our getting out front in. term.s ofadvi.sdng a major DODconf.r;;Lctor
I
. on security. The Dir~ctor approved and requested that re ze apond to ¥.r'.
Marshall's request in loVi key and that 'the meeting be held.in,thi.,~· 'b~i1qing~l\
~. . ..' ....
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.?2 J-u.ly'1971 (the dayHowa rd Hunt came to see· General Cushman) 1

II ca.r,ve;::...highligh~·f;'d. bi s., s."':3 I'd r)P~~eJ:da,.Y_\Yitb..li§..Q s:taiie r ':D~:rid . j
.-·...,..Yo-u.ng, ·~~ho is ~s s iatingJ o'w}_lfht!J.EJEp~~!-..i~_~Y.i,"~g,J,~~~~:s-:;:.~.t;~~nt:;·gon
./ papers., II : : ' < .
~ ..--,. __ .._. ... .. .:, ": "

...":.' . :
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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"",\" " ' '«t ','

, riCarve.: high,l~~hte~ his, .Houstou' 5,: and I
1se s ston with. t1i'~~:"'" .
~FIAB cor.r.unlttl\'~:.:~p.i,<;:,h
13, undertaking a damage as s es srnent. oithe publfca-
,~~;:1'~~ th~ ~ec~et.:~;~~~'7go"n,papers., (See, ~~orn~ng Meeting M~ut~~ of, ,~6 July
!'"
I
6 August 1971
The Directi;):l' cai1ed attention to the article by Michael Getler in t odayt s

VTashil+gton J:>o~t" "CI:A,patrols'Into China Said Halted, ", and di z-ected (1)
that Maury write a letter, io» his s Igna.tur e to Senator Stennis making it clear
that Senator Case wa sb rf efed on t~s topic and obViously leaked it; (2) that
Maury brief Carl March 'on the background, including the fact that these opera-
tiOU$ were not te rmmatedbecaus e of the Pz-es identrs projected trip. to Com-
:munist China butl;>ecau's~,certainaspects of the:m were preV:iously exposed in
the press; ,(3) that theD,ll.·ector';of Security (who was present at the Morning
Meeting) get additional backgr-ound from Maury and see White House staffer'
David Young;(4} ,thatGo~dWiil.,rep1yto 'queries by saying that we know nothing
about ,this ~atter; (5 ):,th~t,,~ousto,riand Maury utilize this incident in any
rnat.e rfal p repaz-ed for his' u se in,opposing the Cooper biil; and (6) that the
ODeI brief Dz, Ki s s irige x or .Gen era.I Haig on this :matter today.
-.
'''--''-.'' .... " .....
.::* 13 Augus,t,'1971
:<' '.,
, Knbch'e'cail¢datteriti.6n:to the .artiCle by Tad Szul~,in. todayt s New York

Times, "Soviet Mqy-e,:t6,Ayert ,War Is Seen in Pact with India, II and 'said that
the material contained' therein' on the reason for Foreign -Minister Gr.omyko's
visit to New Delhi is ,cleariy,froIn highly c1as'suiedCS'materia1. 'TheA-DDP
noted.hi's concern ove.r this breach of security.
..; .
16 'August 1971
,
i
!
-1 \ 'A-DDP n~t~lthit"~hearticl~ b T ' " '. . .
"Attempted Pr6-'SoVi~t Coup in y Y - ,ad Szulc In Sundayrs'~~ Times,
from a TDCS. Th~:Diredo
.' '
k e;en 18 Reported, " contains information ',-

,
~o~se stafi~r ~a-rid~oung•.r as, e that he call this to the"attention of vVmte ,

!t .: ." "0
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18 August 197'~ -: ,~.:',:

··1 < A-DDP riot~d that. he has
reported to 'l,v-hite Hou~e :sta£f;;~
.:..<:;.
b:~vici'YounO'
r "
t
" .'. . ",;,:,__/
'on the re-:>ults,().£th~,Deputy'Directorof Security's'survey of'~lio-s'~,~,W};o saw'
. - ".'~'
0
\
the classified, a ss e sament upon which Tad Szu.Ic, based ,h\s'13;::i\b.g~i#:,:article.
(~ee Morning Meetbi.g Minutes of I? August 1971}.· ** ,'::."((;:::;:i:' .: :. "
: '.:~: ",' .
~,~; ..
" '." r-..
19 AUQ;us't 1971,'
'IIMaury hriefed Qn,.vynite House s~ai:fer Jo1:'.:1 Leh..-na~'s::~equ'est'fo::' ~~r

'. ' '. d" t . . a"W'on'a t four volumes of the secret .Pentagcn paper",
aSslstance ln e errrllnm o , ,,' ° • H
' . G 1'" t dly provided to Beacon Press, for pu,bhc,atloll· e,
Senator' rave ,repor. e , , ' " b
noted thatP~u1 Chretien pf'o.TR,is an acquamtanc e ()~'t4:,'S.en.at~r~n~ n:~y .e
able to assist. "Carver said that the four v'oluro.es probao~'y pertal:" to e1!or~~
to ne otiate a sett,lement and outlined the sensit~ve ~aten:l'contaln,e~ther~ln.
L Hous;on re,"ommended against our involvement ln, th7.: rn.at..e~, a~d su:gested
that t h e D epar
' , tm nt of Justice que ry Beacon PresS • .',Ma:ury sa:~d that.Fhe ,
e ~ , 'It' "'th Cl k
. 't ;""l'ni:itructed that we dc),nothing unti11Jlaury c.(;m~,u ,5 ~ ar.
D ~rec 0 .... , - , ' .' dC' ional
M O"e;or' CoU:nsel,to' the, Presi.dent for Legislat1ve"a~,' ongr-e s s ,
::teo ~,c, h" . ,,' 't £ town 'and will not return until the first;9 f next week.
Affalrs W 0,15 OU 0 ' hm
In the ~'~ariti:m:e" :Mau'ry noted tp.at hl:: will dete~ine,..f.ro,m, !ohn..Le a~.,
n
whother,'th~y have considered consulting the Depa:r,tment of JU5tl:e °h ~!l!.hs. )
-, '0 , " ." , ',',,(DDCr l.n t e c alr
' ,',
rnatte r ••.
..' ..
20 'Augusi:' 197 1 ,
. ,~
' : ' . 4.' "
",rM:aury safd that he called '\V4ite Hous e stafI~'r ,J 000 Lehman yesterday
and cite4:;~ih'~.Code :which would' p ezmit the Justice "D~p'~:r:tnlent:i:o go 9-fter' the
four' vohlines':,?£,the, sEicr~t,Pentag6npapers report~'d{y:'gi:v~n:~oB'eacon Pres s;
Lehman "s', reaction .wa's .that, since there is an, exi.stingpoiiCy',preventing the
use of su~po~nason this matter, he'stiU hopes we wntass,ist ,{n'det'erm.ining
'what Senato:r Gra:\reI may have given. Beacon Press~:":Th-e,DDC(a5kedMaury
not to ut~lize,' Paul:Chretien's entree 'to the Senator ~th.out prior consultation
With the Director, and Carver commented that he is' opposed to our'involve- "
ment (see :M~rning,MeetingMinutes of' 19 August 1971. it '" (DDCr in'the chair)
" '
~;)~< . .
'::' .'
23 Aug'.l,st'1971 ,
\ " ' t:TiwDirector reviewed ior Houston a conversation he had with a'
<o,uug la~\~'Y:er who has reviewed the secret Penta,go,r(,pap'ers' -in'response to'
,..-_tIle Jl~stlce Department's efforts to pzo s ecute, Ace'ordina :to' thi'· tt '<:a..
,
J .... did ' . ' 0, sa o rney,

. us ..rce ,,1 .. ~ot c ibe the: approprlate proVJ.sions of the Code audhaa ze sent d
lots case poorly. /-I , p e
~: i·
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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,. .... '
• -.~ :,;~:, I"~
l:~~=,::that thi.i."~aaY;.in the~lti'~itand

called:i:l.tt·~rition·to the foiloWing article's: .I1Maci".li?Hedi, Linj - '_",i- ,.,-
Apparently Out in Powe·r·,shuffle" by Stanley KB.rn9i,1}'."Nqrth·Vi'etnam's·
Next MO~e" 'by Evans/Nova,k,' and "lin Piao 'is iFinisli~41.':'1,JY Joseph
Alsop (a ttached}. He noted 'that,while the artic:i.e:J~y':Stanley .
Karnowprovides good coverage of the topic, it· has :'8, 'State. Depar-tment;
flavor. He also recalle'a that on 25 October we'dis'seminated
in~ormation simiJ..8.r to that corrtadned in 'the EVel!lf!/}lo:va~.article •
·He.·tnentioned that .the Alsop .article is ·probably.the m:ost damagin'g,
since' it inciudEii!3.,materiall . ...... '"
IThe..Director noted.. :p;JJ.:l.~,s,.to. do S.omething t,
La--'b·o"""u-:t·.-.t"h--'i'-:s::--C::pC::-r:-::o'i:b""l-=-e:-m~:b=u:Lt-a=-d3':v~ised the A-DDP to . cope ':Wi th any adverse..

..re~ctionT -. fbY
'noting ~he la:ge··~~()~~e.:01'. repor;ts
onithe·pol1tica:I",situation in Commum.st· ChJ.na~:·,::·· ';'.: ..... --::. .",
. ."
11 _,November 1971
. .
±~, .response ·to the. Director's .question . ca;;~·~::~~~d'.~hat~some work
. requested. by ·.John 'Ehrlichman is pending. The Director asked to be
.' ·filled in later .on the detai1:s. . ..::'. . '. : ..
. '.~ "
. ;.'
... '.. 'Lehman . said. tha;t Jack"Anderson' s column inj;o~y' sWashiDgton
:. ~pa:t;::-J!Hu·sse:l;tl.:·.;:I:S;elp . or I'll Go on' a:' Ghazol1.~~~;~~LcC!ri:tairis. ver'bS;tiin .
. . ')~il.guag~. '!'rom ),Ul:': ExDis mes sage 1'rom'King' H}ui,~,¢;p.ij~~cf:the.·,~s 'fdent·· ,
·.and adq.edthat.:
'~ ~.' .
he ~ d.s 'looking into the' distri:Du'tiori Qt'. this message •
'. ':" .', " . - ,'" '. . '<':.: '.-.
.. . ~
,'. ;
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. . A-DDI ca].led attention to Jack Anderson's columns .inyesterday's
'and today's Washington Post (attached). Henqted .th~t the 27 December
.- piec~ .contained material frc:lIll.three SALT ExDis. .memcons and added
·.tliat·toaay' s column contains quotes from a state.: Ltiillis. eabf,e and
:\~:~Q::'~CSS. 'A bde1'.:'discussion 1'ollowed, ..th,~>P.R;;'[()bs.erving that, .' .
.;.:. if·'.these security.breaches continue, we wil~·:li~ve·.t·o· limit severely
'" ·the·. distribution of sensitive .intelligenceinformat1on.
• ' : .' , • : • '~~.:..:: • t' • •
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. ·'i,.· .
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.'. " "~i" January -1972.
.", ; 1:
.....::::.: .. Maury said that "acc::ording to Frank Slatin;she·k,.·Cha'~piJan .
. ':Nedzi' will rely on' us ratb.e;r::heavily forsuPPol;t· dur.ing his.hearings
'. on the problen"t.of classification and handling:'.of.Governtnent·.· .
. "'1rifprmation (see Morning Meeting Minutes of 6' January .1972). . The
. Director encouraged Maury to ,see Chad.rman Ned·z.i next.:week, and
." nouston suggasted that. the Chaiman be provided with ·the Rehnquist
.study.
': DDP briefed on .work under ,~y to limit··distribution of. reports

~and\noted that· C/FI ·is completing a review of
---=s""'t-=-e=p-=-s-w"""hL:J.""'·c="h=-=m...-:li""'g=Ulfi=t:--t::Q=e--=t/iken to re strict di sseminationof sensitive
reports from ·all·sources.
,
..' .....·.Ll.. January .1972
,,:,: . Maury: ~'lated' that Frank: SlatinsheK' ii;;;~~'~Sing for.'';~Ckground

. '. . ;:·materials pertaining to Pas:t efforts or.·studies·: related' to :the
classification and control of informatipn~.:{',1Ie added that he and
.>, !':'HoU!:Jton will meet with' the .Director later' ~¥aY ·t9 discu~B the
,.' '.' availability ·of .the Rehnquist. study. ! ' '. '
i2.January i972 ...::', ;:.

": .r:';.. :-.:
'....." Mat:t!y)tBriefed: onhis·anf!. Houstontssession with Frank ' .
. ' ' :.:". SJ.atinshek and their provision of a. large ,volimJe of material on
. '. .. .. past eiforts tq develop ei'fec-cive espiona:g~·:!(·laws.
,0. '.' ' . • • ',"0)",-';;"-;"',' '"
Hou~to~ ri6ted' the Pre'sident t ~ nOnii~~ig~,':'~f HenrY E~. ". Peterse~

., ,.:: '.>'.
..... : : ·tobeceme Assistant Attorney' General in ;:Chlirg~·,o.f.,the diminal ..
_ . 'Division ot the Justice' ·Department. He ol)se'rved ,that ·Mr•. Petersen
:.:..... ..' :has 'been ,m-os~ helpful to the Agency in:the",:~~t~:,~r.ticu;I.arly
, . on: the Itkin case. .
13 January .L972 .
. , , :'. Maury .n~ted ·.that the draftrevision,'bi 'Executive .Order 10501,

,: ...: ."Security.Classification Procedures," .whicp.::'iB 'be,ing circulated
'. '. by the .NSD staff fot comment, isa follow:on to the Rehnquist study•
.::00
'. .: ·DDI calied'attention to the article: intOday's New YO~k:.Times,

.. -."Nixon 'Acts to End' Security Leaks." (Excerpt: "last ·July,.. two "
'. 'members of the White Rouse 'staff, ·DavidR. Young of the Ne:t~ona.i "
. . ~ .8ecurity councr), and Egi.l Krogh Jr. of the. ;J;)omestic Council" were
/., " asked to investigate 'earlier leaks and prevent recurrences.") .
,.~·I~ . '. ..
O.o.29~
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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·1, February 1972 ..;- "
." :>-.. . '
...;A/DpS reported "the Rouse ;Appropriatio~s COl!JIll±ttee "re~uest :for "
a finance of'fi·cer ~oa.ssist them in }lork':."0Il: .tne budge t, '''-'~~ added "
that we have provided such assistancein·tlie past l and the Director
interposed no objec:tion. . .
7 February 1972
.' . "H9ustonexplained that no actzton wi~1 be taken in the near

future with "respect to 'the Rans Tofte" case I" since the Judge! has
been 'stricken with hepatitis.
tl February 1972
DDI noted the article by Michaei·:·.c¥:t~er in 'Today'S Washington

Pos~.; ."New Spy Satellites _
Plan.ned.:;:idr'C1ea"rerl" :rnstluit Pi~tures."
Later 'inthe meeting the Director. asked: the DDS to advf.se the
,.' Director of Security to undertake an·~nvestigation at this leak of
•'
:;.,'
'.::'.
'EOI-related
•
information "and
" .
to convenerthe USIB "Security
' .• '; ->, - . ' : ' ....
Committee •
. ','
: 11 February 1972
Carve.r -noted his hand.Hng of Wbii;e"' H9use staffer Sven Kraemer I s

,
ze quesf to' .FBIS f'or material cQncerriing;""U~S. FOW's.". The Director
"
..'
reminded Executive Committee members of'"Dr. Kissinger's :reCJ.uest
that any inquiries. from elements" of'the Wbiteo House staff. be re:ferred
: ..
to .his staf'f'
,.
for conveyance to :the Agen:~y
. . .,
~ ,,'
"
" ,., Houstonhigbl:ightecithe:meetirig.~i~.JOhn Ehrlicbman on the NSC
.. '. : "draf't Exec~tiveOrder on security Classifi~tion" "He" noted the
_ 'related articLe by Sanford Ungar in today'sWashington Post, "liSe"
." Urges: St;tff'er. raw On Secrets.". ".. ."
16 February 1972
. .. '
Lehman noted plans to continue' briefing Attorney 'General
'.".: ", '. '
Mitchell, .whose resignation is :e:t:fective 1 :March". :" . .
..
Houston related that Wbite:Hou:~e'~taffer David Young has
',':
invited him to review another ~ draft of the 'new Executive

Order on security classification.::.. .
" .. . ,.
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r..
"
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
.,:. ./
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".:.
:.,
~. .. ~.. ." ..: .. .. .. 2e February 1972 ". :i,:·;:,:::,: :
... -A: . . ~o~ston. SS:i'd th,~t he. andJ .:,;::.'.,::.... , DePuty Director ?:f
I
Security, recommend the DJ.rec-f;or;concur ·.J.n·.the M new ExecutJ.ye
Order on classification, in light "pt tbeir under'\and:Lng with NSC
staffer David Young, that some of the ':features df the' Executive
Order may not materialize. A bri~fdiseussion followed and th~
Director asked lIouston to 'review the matter with him.
;~
2 ~rch 1972
Houston reported that the draft Executive Order on classif'ication
has undergone a few minor changes•.. ~e noted Director's letter to John
Ehrlichman, dated 7 December '-19.71," wit~ respect .to our position on
problems related·to declassifica'tfon:and, suggested that a .copy be
....j
provided David Young, NSC stiffier~';.After a brief discuss1:0n, the
d
. .i D:l,rector Lrrte rposed no objection~:< .
:: .'
." r •
b March. 1972 .: ~
.:.. ' .
, .,.. "-
The Director noted his memorandum fo ·the Deputies' and Independent

Office Heads, subject: "Allegations: of ·Assassinat.ions." He asked
that it be mentioned at. Staff'. Meetings. . .
". : 21 March 1972

" '!
. '. The J)irector said tha:t.:tb~",~s.ident he-so seen his 17 February

memorandum on reducing: disclos:\.tres v.of: classified 'intelligence and
~.,
directed the White -House staff to pre~re.a memorandum urging ·that all
agencies comply with pr<;>per'di·sclosl1re·.procedures.
22' March' 1972
Houston reported that he fS·.scheduled to meet with John

'; ~ ;" .: . Ehrlichman this morrdng •
. : ":.-
.:):~:{~<: 23 March 1972

-"':' ~":':' .. Maury reported that, after' checking with 'Egil Krogh of the
Whi.te House staff, he has .nia.~earrarig;ements to brief Congressman " .. '
Le~r Wolff' of New York on·tbe:·AgenGY's role in international ' ...•. ~.. '?
narcotics control. .,: ... '. . . ' .

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1 May 1972 ':..::,.y
"~' DDS 'related that t~e~i::~;~;o~':'~:~ti~ity

has received a requ~st···· ..':
from the· .Becre t Service 'tC).provide .two .technicians Ln .support
of . . ..... -.
the Vice' President' s trip to ::TokYo. The Director concilrred.
2 May 1972.
DDS reported that the..Director .01' 'Security has received a request'

from the .Becreb Service fPr'c,otinteraudiotechnicians to support
the President's trip to Mos"cd>W:The Director concurred, .
11 May 1972
!. Houston noted his.~orre~ponderic~··Wit h White House.' staffer

t. .:
! . David Young' pertaining' t.o,:'::·.C>jJ'r.propleJ;lls.:With Exe cutive "brder li652
and addedvthat; Mr. YOllDg',:lias.accepted :bUI- position on about 90
percent of our problems :w1:tp· the. ·impleme:q.ting draft· directive.
!, " :
i
!
2LJ. May 1972 ." ... ....
. Houston explained that'he bad obtain,ed vlhite House. Staffer .'

. David Young'·sunderstanding tbat'wewi;Ll not meet the l.:rune deadlio,.e/'
for producing internal Ag$ncy regulations .implementing the NSC' .. ' .
directove on Executive .:Orq.er: 11652.'. A~brie1' discussi(>ll.foliowed on r ':
the cumbersome bookkeeping, and 'declassif'ica·tion a'uthbrities which· .
may be required. The Director obserVed ·that the topic: was
6uff'icien.tly .i~portant.for.~. uq:;:t.o,be in .no great rush, to meet a 1:
June 'deadline and Houstb#::~ssui'ed hfm thai; Mr. 'Yo:ung understands .:::'.
b June 1972
0.;'
TllUermer explained..,thafhe.will continue._working with the" ..... r •

. . -" . ~
. General Counsel in response to Charles Nes'son' s efforts to serve a

subpoena on him in connectaon with tbe Ellsberg case. He noted the
related article by Rober;t.,A. Wright .Ln tqday's New XorkTimes,
"Hearing Is Asked In Eli'sperg Case. It . .
."
7 June 1972 . . ~~i~1~tI'~'~::::' '. '.' .
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.:
. Houston noted a.:let~r. from the Just:tc~ Depar-tment; conveying a .. ,

subpoena dire.cted to ·Ariiu.s: Thuermer .iIi connection ·with the Ellsbe:rg'::;:·::'·:·-·:
case •. He highlighted tbe'~schedule of documents .requested, most, of ':":::'"
which' were mentionediIi'·,:footilOteS·.to the Pentagon papers. He ncted :...'; .
. 'plans to ask Justice to :decJ.B.re the materia~ i,rrelevant to the ease ;;:'.',; .
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M June 1972
. Houston said tha~h~,1ri.ll,~~attending a meeting called 'by~'

DOD General Counsel 'Buzl1ardt;"wlib"'ls recommending ~ba~ Justice drop,'
. the' case against Daniel ·.E·llsberg.
19 June 1972
<. ~. . . .
The Director noted ·the -17 June arrest of James W. McCord and
four others who' were apprehended at the Democratic National Committee',
headquarters at the Watergate~. With·,the Director .of Security presEint
to prOVide biographic details,· the Director made it perfectly clear
that responses to any inquiry with respect to. McCord or Howard Hunt,
who may be implicated, ~re to.be limited to a statemen~ that they.
are fomer employees: who. retired in.MMill1 August and ~il 1970 .: .... :.: ,:.,
respectively. The. Director asked·:th.at this guidance, be
dissemiDEl'ted
via ·sta.ff meetings"·'~:'·:a;'l:ie.Directorasked that any inquiry from other·.:.:;":
e Lementis of" the gov~~E;nt"be ref'erred.to the Director of' Security::'"
who is to be the f'ocal.·point. InquirieE? f'rom the press are. to be'; •.
ref'erred to Mr., Unumb)Who"may say that·"McCoxd worked in the Of'f'i.ce~.\,··',::·,-
~~:e~~~~~t t~:nD~~~:~~g~~~~~:~~:piet~a~::s~~:~~~:i~~l~~r:~.L};':\\';\:· .'.
EM FBrrs request f'or name .traces. It.vias' noted that Howard' Hurrt. ;. . ' .
may have done some "\fork since retire~eJ;lt in connection with the'. ... !
preparation of' supporting -, material f'or'some awards. The' Executive ..."" \.
Direct"or was asked·'··~9 ,review this topic 'and .repo.rt to the Director'~ '."
20 June 1972 , .....

.'ii~:·.:.~:.~:. . ..".~ ... ~~-~.; . ~'." :
In response to·.;:the·Director' s. request, the Director of' Security.·
highlighted deve Lopmentis over the .past twenty-f'our. hours .with ' . .
respect to 'the McCord/Hunt·, et ale, situation. He noted that the·,,:-...
late edition of'· the ;Ne'W' "Yqrk. Times-car;ries a dif'f'erent story. by. Ta(i': -. :··~: .
. Szulc than that wh~ch~ppe,ared in the edi.tion received here 1-~ .:' .:" .,_
. (attached). The Director ·of. Security anticipates some inquiries on···.'·
Bernard L. Barker's. situation, and it was noted that Mr. Barker. .
was hired ·by the Agency in 1960 andteminated in 1966. The .DirE~c'l,;oi·· /
r
complimented Unumb on':'his handling of' incil1iries and asked that.:f\iture .

inquiries be met::w:Lth.;a .response confined to the f'act that,now::·,t~at .
we have acknowledged that .bo'th 'McCord and Hunt are fOrnier Agency. '. . .,
employees, we know" n,otid.ng more ().bout the case and the caller 'should I
be referred to the~:FBI
. .
-. as appropriate.
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20 June 1972
The Dir~:cj;q;r'noted :recei,pt. of a. papar on a safehouse in· :.:,

Miami which isoeing made avad.Lab.le to the Secret Service :tn'. support
of its work in connection with the Republican and Democratic'
National Conventions. He asked the ADDP and the DDS to make. i t
absolu.tely . cl;~~r.1 . I. that ou: coopezatd.on in ~~i~:;:_J"-' ' ..
undertakingis..::~.o beconf~ned to. provfsf.on of the sa:ee40u~~:r~.~n~·:,· ~
·that it. is not:·;to.1?e. used as a site for investigations, inMti;ogations,
or llwa lk- i ns n , ··:e't¢;. . The·.Direc;:tor added that 'we will not 'ioan>~',:;::;," .
people to the'F!3± or::Secret Service in connection with thei,:r:.'::':.·.' .:,
responsibilit:i;~s;,at .the Conventions nor will we provide.:eqii:lpme,·nt
unique to t~.~::G\:~~ilc,y" ::_::~:~1~{;:::;~' :'..:.
. .';: :';'~;. ~~'."
21 June. 1972
. . -t- - .:', .
'In view: of.>·the:. coverage in todayJ's New York Times and wa:shirigton
Post, Maury re~oimne'nded. that Chairman Nedzi be, briefedontJ:i~"McCord
affair and that'·this briefing include all our information abouf the
c@-he,rs inv()lv~Q.~· "The'Director as;ked Maury t.o touch b~se ,wi~h·the .
'Director·pf.Se.c'grity,and.prepare·El. briefing 'paper on t.his·t9P:i.c'for
his review~"Citing '-the ·numbe;r.·of distorted rumor~ about;;tli~'fiY\:'<.
matter, the'Exe~tive:'Dire'ct'or said that. during the couis~o:::q:f~the
day he hopes .. 'to:.,proi.'ide a .sugge,ated Headquarters Bulletin 'fQr'lali
employees fqr. ~he 'Director's review.' " :' ..... '. :
,-. • '~'~I~
Unumb 'hoteda ·U1.iIiJber of inquiries from the press witli;:;~spect .-

to the Cuban-Americans ~volved in the bugging atte~pt.atthe .
Democratic Natiopal Committee headquarters and their alJ,.eged· . .
involvement· in the.:Bay of Pigs, etc •. The Director as~ed',that.such
inquiries 'pe met With an explanation that we are not prei;>aredto be
helpful ori.·'this··matter. ' ' .::; .. '-: '.
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linUmb'obse~ed that 'inCluiri~s on the'~;Mccord/Htintsit~~tion
seem to be::~la9kening off. ' '_
The Director called D/oCI I s attention to coverage of the McCord

affair in .the Metro Section of today's Washington Post and asked that
future issues' of the "CIA Operations Center Morrting New$paper
Highlight~" inclUde press items on this topic. ' '
Maury noted that he briefed Chairman Nedzi on the McCord/

Hunt situation and on a security case'•
."':.:
26 June. 1972
,Houstonnote.d the Fenst'erwald Freedom{Of Irif'oi'inatiori: .case ,
1"he Dire'ctor' endorsed his plans to concur an the FBI 's'. release of
three 'photOs;.one being of' Lee Harvey Oswald, which wei'e..'B,cCluired
in Mex:lc~',and;: .previously :f).lInished..to the Warren comiIiis'sion.
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'5 Jtiiy<i9't 2 ' .'...:.__. : .~'.,. :-.:·k~~~~:~;.;\'.~~ ...:; ... -t'. :

.. ,
'. .·::ibtis~~n.~cal1E:ld
atte'ntionto the judge;s rul,irii{{ii :ih~':EiJ,sbergl
Russo ..ease de~zig the ~ defense motion for):l,??-:~yidentiary
hearing~': as.. are'suIt of which ·the subpoena directeq.:.f!.tCIA:·ls ..
euspended , ..... ".
. '-,
: 1.1 July 1972

. DDI noted-presa attention atrtached to $ecre~:r::Y of ,Com~erce
.Peter/?,?n~s.·planned trip to the .. Soviet Union and observedvthati r - - - - - ,
secre ry'ass~gne
'-nr~JHE""""'SS-J:"Sl=n:;-'to the..Pre siq,ent

for
Internationa;t. "Economic Affairs, continues to,wo:r1'\:.•.f.or,.him .andmay go
td'.:the·. Sonet·:tJnion". She will be in a LWOP sta,tu.s::during "the.
remalnder:·of·he·r:tenure
.':= ,". ' . ,. . .
with .
the' Secretary•.
' .
:-,:. ·;:·:i,'t:;:
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.l4'July; 1972' . " '
''- '... ·.Jca.rver-"re·called that we have providEid some ~~.:[e~nis· t~·Senator·

Eagleton ·:on,::Vietnam. The Director .saf.d that in tiine ·.we will' receive
instructions . from the White House on briefing Sena.tors McGovern'
~~~~. . " ,I
.: :".~I ' .' ."...':, •. . .' ,~ . .
... ' .
".
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. ·...Houabon, reported that the Justice'D=partment is anxious that
,·no>~ommen1l.be,.made· on the Ellsberg/Russo trialand.tliat any '.' .: :
.inquiries f1hoUld be re ferred·. to the Justice', DePa~ent"s ·.PUblic
Re1S.tions .Office.
. . ", ..
. .... "'" '
24 July i972 't' '. .
.,'':., ,Hous.ton noted that he' had called David 'YoungI s 'attention" to
the. fact that the White House (NSp Stafi') is not'\.ltilizing the new
~~ssii'ication
.. - :
procedUreS
.
•
.i,:,~25·\ru~. '1972 : ('::;~~~'~';:/ '{' ..: .

. :. :5lr·.·.\~~·rep~rted
that according to WhiteHous~,Staffer'John
. ·'.;·:~bn!an" DaVid. Young is of the opinion t~t EstiImites.-are subject to
'. declassi'i'ication after ten years. Houston wi:ll :'see, Mr. "Young to
strai~ten him out on this t o p i c . ' "
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.~'. '. "~l Juiy .1972 .: '.~ : ~ ~
... -" ".
,
The Di~ctor ..••• went on to ask:th~·DDS.:i'or .theba.'ckgrqund
a
'01' decision to have I 101' the Off:Lce'ijf ·Se·C~:ity.'.accompany
. Fred Flott on a White House survey of the . di:'ug scene -an Southeast
: Asia.'· The D~rectorsaid that in the fu:tlll7e'J;li·~·.CrthePDCI's
. 'prior" approval will be required in all caseswhere rthe Agency
.. 1s asked by the White House or any other element of the G<;>vernrnent
.'to·send an Agency officer on anarcotic~-co~ected mission.
27·July 1972
. DDP reported :that Cord Meyer advised Bud Krogh of the White
House .~~~f of. our unwillingness to h~vel. .Ia~com~ny a new
narcotics survey team to Southeast ASJ.a . and·;:thepossJ.bihtythat
. " "'..Krogh .may' call the Direttor to reclama. '. ,ThEr. J)irector b;riefed on
. -:,:-.. '- ··the backgroUnd of this .deci·sion·and notea::;ilis ·~conver.sati'on with
..... Al :Haig on this. topic. '. .' ';"
.1 August i 9 7 2 . . 0 , " "<"... ,' ..
. '. DDS related that MrJ-----lclfthe· ':di:g~ffrec~'i~ed a call

fr~ the Se'cret Service re~ our. training film on ·defensive
drivirig. The'Director interposed no obje.ct10n. to 'zriakini?; this
.. film available •
. 8 August 1972
HOUS'tqIl reported that· Judge McArdi~;~~~hted'amotion for

: summary juc1gPJent in the Tofte case". .... ;;>~i:;\.; -: :.. . ."
:>::.-.,•
.'21· August 1972 ..

.:: ",
Houston 'noted a tele.phone call fr~~"'tt~~d~~i~~:~\explained

that his atrtorney 'Was with him and had ·a·question about, a friend's
.' . past affiliation with the Agency. I JD1?/sec, .has .
. . reviewed the. employment, and Houston reporte.d '{;at he replied
.'::':'.. directmyto: ~unt' s friend, Mr.1 .
thaf-l:li s old I
. >'" affiliation should create no·probl~.ms·iri:;co~ectionwith· his
" .... :' appearance' before a grand jury. . ':. :.:.... , ...
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22 August 1972
'~ ", • <. •
"; . ~
Thuemer reported on a call from a ·Mr. Crewdson of .the New York

Times who said he was Ilfomally re'luestirig" a photograph of Howrd
Hunt. The DDP observed that we are unde;r no obligation to provide
a photograph, and Thuenner said he had de c.l.Lned,
23 August 1972
DDI noted a letter from the McGovern campaign headquarters

reque atdng the FBIS ImMliI ditily white book and any recent studies on
Southeast Asia. A. brief discussion followed and the l~ter will be
disregarded. .~ .
14 September 1972
Maury reported on his conversation with Messrs •. 'Flug and Epstein

of Senator .Kennedy's staff in response to the ~Senator's 18'
August letter to the Director alleging impr.~r ~ontact.r
I Memorandum I or the Record) • . '
J{ for detail~~s""ee""urrL\jT"T'"""n'
5,,----
Thuerrner noted that WhiteHouse staffer David Young will hold a

meeting today to brief the press on the .implementation of Executive '.
Order 11652 •
.21 September 1972
Warner reported that Marchetti's la\f.Yers have been in touch with

Justice in connectzton with ACLU's. fil~Iig' a. secret oriefwith the
. Supreme Court and said that ·the Office of .Securi"ty wi.ll· pick it up
as a convenl:tence to J u s t i c e . , . .
Warner noted that the Director is one of severaf, defendants in ~

.
I
a civil-case filed by Ellsberg and Russo.
. . .
Unumb Illoted a re'luestfrom the National Observer for biographic
data on Howard Hunt and James' McCord. inconriection with a. story they
are doing on the Watergate incident. The Director endorsed his
... having prmcided only the dates these individuals left' the Agency.
25 September'1972
The Director noted a caJ.-l from Assistant Secretary,of State

_S{sco/
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, 18 October 1972
Maury noted his response to a request from CSC General CoUnsel

Anthony Mondello, who was reacting to a' request for the personnel
files of those former Agency officers involved in the Watergate
i~cident from Senator Kennedy's Subcommittee on Administrative
Practices and Procedures. He added that we are exempted from
related CSC regulations, and the Director endorsed his plan to
p~ov~ only the ~ates of their departure from the Agency in the
event'the Senator's office calls us-on this matter•.
3 November 1972
Houst9n recalled that last August he reported on·a call from
Howard Hunt and his subsequent, ~idan~e~ Ion how
to handle affiliation with the Agency, .1 t, I
The Director highlighte<:l his conversation with: David Kra;ldw

of, the Washington Star News and his flat denial of a proposed 'story
thatih~,'Agency was asked to rellort on •.t he Democratic' :Party which
led to'the Watergate incident ana others. The Director' noted his.
plans to issue a statement of denial if such a storY,were to appear
and su~g~stedthat Thuermer consider drafting one for contingency
use. ','
15 Novembe:r 1972
DDP noted a report from Chfef, WE Division that on.9 October a

. Mr. Harper of the New York Times 'WaS working on a story which tries
, to link the Agency with Cuban emigre s , the break-in at the Chilean
,Embassy, action against Daniel,Ellsberg, andrthe Watergate case. ,
Tbbermer, observed that this,is the first,he has hea~ about this topic,
and the DDP concluded that such,a story could have no Oasis in fact
and it would be i'nadvisabletotryto straighten out 'Mr. Harper.
20 November 1972
_. . .
"DDjI called attention to Jack Anderson r s column in today· s
Washington Post and the quotes' contained therein from an Agency
report .on a famous singer. The Director highlighte.d his brief
conversation with Jack Anderson and explained that ,the Director
01' Security is looking into .this.matter.
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22 November 1972.
Warner .related that accordfng to Assistant Att~rney General

Henry Petersen,"U-,S. Attorney·Earl Silbert has several' questions on
the Watergate case. The Director indicateihe will review this
matter later •
. 12 December 1972
Thuermer noted ,~n inquiry from. Dave Burnham of the New York
Times, who appears to be writing a story on the twelve New York
Police officers who were briefed by the Agency on information
processing. A brief discussion followed, and Thuermer will advise
Burnham that we have occasionally provided briefings at the request
of various police organization~, but theie are exceptional cases.
13 December 1972.
The Director noted the' article .by Thomas B. Ross in yesterday's

Evening Star-News, "New Watergate Dhnension?," and the impression
.j" left therein that the Agency wa~'involved'in the' Watergate incident
because a passport bear-Lngrthe. name Edward Hamilton was found on
Frank Sturgis. Any inquiries from the' press or elsewhere are t.O be
met With a "bhf.s is nonsense" .reply. The Executive Director noted work
under way to identify the genesis of the passport st.ory,' .
29 December.1972
Unumb J;'eported that.. SeYmour Hersh of the New York Times, who
is preparing a story on the Watergate incident, had asked. if
Martinez had been emploYedoy th.€! Agency. Acting DC! recommended
that 'the Agency not assist Mro"'Hersh's efforts.
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10 January 1973
Maury related' that we will be on firm ground in respon,di.i:Lg 'to

Congressman Koch if- we indicate' that our assistance to the NY Ci.ty .
Police Dept. 'WaS not training but a' briefing on an essentifj,lly
unclassified basis undertaken in response to the suggestion of a .
consultant to the N.Y.P.D. Thuermer reminded those concerned that
_____________--'1 is a former Agency employee.
12 January 1973
15 Janua ry 1973
Maury noted.press. st~ries that. Watergate defendant Martinez'·
was on the Agency pay roll until 17 June and anticipated some .
in~uiry on this topic. The DDP endorsed his view that'M Whereas
Martinez was inten;oittently used as a .source to. report on Cuban
exile mateers,' this relationship should cause no serious difficulty.
17 January 1973
The Director. called .attention to the .article by James Reston
"The Watergate Spies,.r: contained in the New York Times, and won.dered
how Reston .got the errOfteous impression that Hunt was " •.
Operational head .of the' CIA":;; Cuban Bay of Pigs • •• "
18 January 1973 .
~~ry reported that when he and Dave Blee, Chief/SB, saw

Chairman Nedzi with respect to the Chairman t s forthcoming trip ::to .
-
Finrtand, leningrad, .Sofio..and Aghens, Chairman Nedzi briefed
.'
his November conversation with New York Times correspondent Seymour'
Hersh. MaurY went ()n'to highlight the several t.opics and allega:-tions
on.'· :..
Hersh claims he has wi.th respect to Agency activities,' .

particularly allegations tha.t we. are' enga,ed in extensiye dOlllesiic'
operations. 'Maury will circulate a .memorandum on, the information. ' .
Hersh claims he has. ." The. Director explained that we should assemble
.a ~senior team ·to meet with Chafzman Nedzi and clearly outline what we .
do and do not do i.n the United States. The Executive Director. ;:,'"
called attention to his 29 February 1972 memorandum to the 'deputies,
<~~
••.• :Subject: Allegations of Agency involvement in the US, and ·suggested.
that it might serve as an outline for 'ma,teria,l to be covered with'
Ghairman Nedzi. . ",
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MORl DocID: 1451843
. ;L8 January 1973
Maury·noted .that·in response to Tom Korologis' (Special Assistant

t1l1M to the Presiden:t for"IBgisl.a,tive Affairs (Senate)) request·for
materials on instances where classified information had been leaked
to the press, he assembled a paper on this topic and provided it with
a nqte than an examination of most. leaks reveals that ~ the White
House and Executive Branch are the guilty parties.
19 January 1973
Maury reported that Chairman Nedzi would like .the full
Subcommittee on Intelligence Operations to hear a presentation by
us on Agency activitity .in the United states sometimei~ mid-February.
The :Director noted.:that· his decision of yesterday to tu:-n out a senior
team for ·this briefing stands. .. .
22 January 1973
General Walters noted Howard Hunt's appearance on television
last night. Tbuermer wj.ll obtain a transcript of the program, and 'tbe
Executive Director noted his concern over Hur(;.t IS suggestion.that he is
no longer bound by his secrecy agreement. . . .
,
23 January 1973
.
Executive Director noted that the termfnal secrecy agreement
which Howard Hunt signed said. that he will be· a cknowl.edged as an
Agency employee. ·His· ass{tion that he is not bound by "the· agreement
because we dd.d in fact acknowledge his employment here is therefore
ill-advised.
The Director noted a call frbm Elliot Richardson asking about

some Lnf'ormatdon that Seymour Hersh has developed to the effect that.
HEW automatically provides the Agency.with travel orders on its
.employees and that this agreement was made in Secretary Ribicofi" s
time. The DDI ·will determine what this is about and advise. .
24 January 1973 ...

. }.'.
MaUry noted that he met with Congressman Koch on our minimal

assistance in briefing the .New York City pCl)lice officers. The.
Congressman ·would like something in writing on this, which Maury will
prepare and sign:.
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,24 January 1973

, .
,,"'Thuermer noted advf.ce from a former Agency enipf.oyee that' ';~""'-'"
Seymour Hersh has been assigned full time to the Watergate story, but
in the meantime" Mr. Hersh claims he has evidence of Agency interest
in an arsenal in the Midwest, a map-making facility in Vermont" and
in Camp Peary.
26.January 1973,
The Director noted he has'ao-vised the Director of Training of

Mrs. Lyndon Johnson's request for Marie Chiarodo to handle the
large volume of mail she has received.
DDt reported that he lias been unable to turn up any information

which would·:).ead·8.eymour Hersh to allege that we have a map-making
facility in Vermont.
30 January 1973
Thuermer reported' that the Vi:rginia Gazette seems rto be .

persisting in its efforts to embarrass cale Peary and has. been in touch
with Victor Marchetti and Patrick McGarvey" who have' tended to confirm
allegations t~at the Phoenix. program was supported by contract assassins .
. Maury noted that Mr. Helms, is appearing before the Senate

Foreign.Relations Committee this morning on police tI'i:iining" KJfIH
ITT" and the. Watergate incident. He also noted that he has
solicited the, support of Senators Humphrey" McGee, and Scott .tio
make appropriate public statements following Mr. Helms' 'appearance .
Mary advised that in response to Chairman Holifield's

investigation of Agency training pf policemen" he will meet with
Herbert .Robaek; Counse L of the House Government Operations .
Committee" ·to explain our briefing c;>f various poli,ce depar-tmerrts ,
8 February'1973
~
The'Direc.tor noted his scheduled meeting tomorrow:with

Defense .secretary Richardson and asked Executive Committe~ members
to give him.·a, note on any item they' wish him to rai,se with the
\ ..
Secretary. Canq,idates are •••. Secretary RiCbardsons' earlier
.co!1cerns'·With respect to HEW providing the Agency with travel plans
. of officers going to Communist Bloc countrieS. On the ,~tter item
the DDIexplaineq. that since Secretary RiCthardson,'s .inquiry -to Mr.
... Helms (see niinutes of 23 Jan 73)" a survey had been 'undertaken and
reviewe,d'with H:EW; which had no problems with these old arrangements
but is shiftirig the point of pickup to its J?ublic ',affairs s'taft
where such information is available to anyone.
()0306
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Ma~ry· noted :the statE)ment. by Senator Full.light follOWing Mr.
Helms' appearance yesterday before the Senate Foregin'Relations
Committee' in which the Sentator expressed his opposition to·the whole
concept of the Agency getting involved with the. police 'even Lnan
innocuous way.. Maury added that he will 'see Chairman Holifield's
staff assd.starrt Herbert Roback today. Maury said that a stement had
been transmitted to the White House yesterday for John Ehrlichman's
possible' use. (a:t~ched) • The Dire ctor asked that ',a .contingency
document be prepared along the . lines that we will cont-inue to comply
with the Omnibus Crime Control and Safe Streets Act of 1968 which
approves of·our assistance to various police forces when ~
authorized~by the Justice Department. In' response to the·DDI's
suggestions, . the DDS will review what assistance to.police.··.forces
had been giyen pr:lor .t.o 1968 and advise. . ,... .' ,
Manry concur-red in the Director's judgment that·, it· is' ;Dmpossible

to keep all·:congressional elements happy and that we :face a period
of increase.d 'cri"ticism from this quarter which must· bernet with
firm aasurancea.itbat; what we are bef.ng criticized for··is. fully
authorized ·andjustified. Unless the facts justify such a 'statement,
we would be well advised to terminate .the $tivity in ques'td.on, .
,Maury.~eea,lled· that we are obligated to sit:dowD. ·W:f.th .

Cha,irman',Nedzi and review what we do and don't do 'in the 'U'-S. (see
MOmling Minu.tes of ill9IvlM 18' and 19 January). The Director"
concurred':' .·,The DDI suggested that we undertake an-In-house review
of what .it.::t:s·we are doing wi thin the U.S. and·. identify. and.
eliminate :the :ma:r;-ginal.· .
9 FebruarY 1973
, Maury, said he spent an hour yesterday with C'ong~ssman Holifield
- arid they decided to have the"ir re spective staffs work' on a letter for
Holifie~d to send to the Director suggesting restrictive,' but not
prohibitive,..guidlines regarding such activities "in .tne future.
Maury noted Chairman .Nedzi ' s cur-rent- concerns. about.' ,this .·topic and
said' 'the 'proposed. IlOOifM letter may satisfy hiswo:t"r~e·s.•
14 February 1973
. Thuermer noted advice from Hicholas Hor-rock-of' Newsweek that
a '.'soft 'story'" is floatihg' around Newsweek On the"gEme~l topic of
.pq;Litical espionage and' e~-CIA agents. Mr. ·Horrock asked what
. constraints .we. have-on former empioyees •. A . lengthy '-discussi.on
followed, noting in particular that the onlY·leg~lconstraint
imposed is the terminal secrecy 'agreement as' reinforceq. by the MMMMM
co~s:tn··the Marchetti case. Other than this, there are no constraint
except moral ones. Th£rmer m.ll advise .Horrick that .thous~ds of .
employees have gone through CIA, and it is a.matter .01' consJ.derable
T1ridethat only a: handlllul have deported themselves imllroperly. . ,
~ . . ~ 00307
MORl DoclD: 1451843
... .'. " • i •
... (
~ .. ' ." ."
r. ",
i5. Februai:x..1973
~ . .
• • • ~:;,\.,.,~aury added that he went over (With' Nedzi) Seymour
Hersh's chargee with respect to tlte Agency and.our position oneach ,
DDI recalled our obligation to brfJe~ Chairman Nedzi on Agency
activities in· the US.
20 February 1973
Maury re·J.ated that Herb EM Roback of Senator 'Holifield's staff

is being asked. by David Burnham of the New'York Times for the names
of those city police departments we have briefed in the past. The
DDS called attention to our obligation to clear with these police
departments any merrtd.on of their having beerr-br-Ie.fedv .!n response
to the Direct6r's sllggestion that the AgencY'issue'a press release
on this ··.topic,a lengthy discussion· followed"and the Director
asked the'DDS ··to report to him oil wha"t our undezatandfng .with..
various 'pOlice departments ba s been prior to our .agreement to
brief·!3ame.•· He also asked thai:; editorial comment .on any past
.Agency briefing. of the press or press reI.eases be aasemb'Iedvand
ex:PJ.ained. that in principle we should from time to time im.ke it known
tli~t we" are part of the U.S.Government.
23 February 1973'
. Ho" .
. '. t'!-hury 'noted that Herb Roback of "Senator ;llifield is .staff and
Chairman' Nedzi have concurred in'a letter for~the Director's
signature~which.will indicate that we will undertake training of
U.S. pibli·c~".~nly for the most compe.t.Lfng reasons. ltJ!brief' .
. ·.discussion followed and the Director .observedthat it is' important
for us ·to de.cidt:: what we do and then advise' t1;l.e Rill accordingly.
21 February j973
The Director noted a call from· Senator Jackson, who asked him
to meet :with Senator McClellan sometime next week with regard to
'. Congressman Holifield's inquiry.concerning Agency training of U.S.
.. police 'departments.
. .
.
:',.
r .
1 March 1973 :. I
. Maury related that· former DirectorRicha~d HeJins has been:

asked by Senator Fulbright to reappear before the Senate Foreign
Re~tion~ Committee. Maury said that Mr.: He~s would .pr~bab~ 'be
.... "queried on the Watergate incident, Agency .t!'ainirig· of police, and
_ITT and w~nt on to describe Mr~ Helms' anti~ipated.reponse •.
.- ....
00308
~-------------------------------~
MORl DocID: 1451843
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1 March, 1973
Maury reported 'that' Congressm'8.!f~Rolii'ield's staff is anxiously
awaiting a lett~r from the Director in response to the Congressman's
written inquiry on police training. The Director noted plans to'
foward it.
2 March 1973
Maury highlighted yesterday's LIG meeting at the White House,

and his recommendation that we not provide .examples of Congressional
leaks of' classified information 'for Wbit~ Rouse use in reacting to
Congressional criticism of the Administrmtion's "indiscretions."
The DDS advised that the Office of Security is keepfng .a reasonably
complete record of obvious leaks of intelligence information in
, the' press 'and elsewhere.
5 March 1973
, ',Maury highlighted the statement Congreasman Rolifield, will
introduce, into the Congressional Record today on Agency briefing
of ,U.S. p&lice forces. He also noted a'related news release that
will be issued by the Congressman's office.:
6 March 1973,
Maur'y highlighted Congressman Koch's reaction' to our~sponse to
Congressman Holif;i.eld's letter concerning poliCf;J training, as reported
in today-'s press. MautrY' noted that Congressman 'Koch plans to ask
',GAO ;t'or a ruling on this matter, and the Director suggested that
Colby provt"de 'same guidance', to Comptroller ,General Elmer Staats.
The Director noted /C\Iviee

that Hugh Sid~y of Time magazine
plans to write a story alleging that Howard Hunt -was employed by a
cover organization, ~., Robert R. Mullen Company, when he left
the Agency. Colby noted 'that this company is a completely private
concern but has provided cover for one or two officers ovesseas ,
," The 'Director asked Thuermer .to be prepare~ to co~ wi th'any
inquiries when the story appears.
00309
MORl DoclD: 1451843
. 9 March 1973
DDI called attention to Joseph Alsop's article in today's
Washington Post, "Analyzing the CIA's Analysts," wbich erroneously
refers to Sam Adams as a former employee. later in the meeting,
Houston explained why the allegation tbat the Agency bas tried to
muzzle Adams is false. He went on to brief onJ I
communications wi tb Justice and tbe fact tbat ne Juuge rUlea
Adams' material was not exculpatory. In response to tbe Director's
question, the DDI reported that Mr. Adams bas not been placed on
probation. The Director found" this unsatisfactory.
Houston explained tbe legal illplications of tbe subpoena

served on Tb~rmer
-. for documents related to the Ellsberg case and
advised that the Director may bave to claim executive privilege.
15 March 1973
Houston said that tbe judge squashed the subpoena served on
Thuermer (see Morning Minutes of 7 March).
0031.0
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,.
/"
Included in this folder are miscellaneous items, including the

following:
Chuck Briggs' submission, including support of the Committee on narcotics

Review of Minutes of Morning Meetings
Agency funding of heroin st~dy.
Tom Parrott's involvement with David Young
Cary's memo on briefing of Special. Subcommittee on Intelligence

Of House Armed Services Cc:mnnittee (this relates to the McCord
letters to the Agency)
Brae's report of his and Colby'smeeting with Nedzi
0031.:1
MORl DoclD: 1451843
1:1 ONctAssl~leD . ~ CONFr '-\'TIAL t;] SECRET

,
f
SUBJECT: (Oplionoll
-
: e of Disguise Materials and Alias Documentation Within the U.S.
, EXTENSION
FROM: NO.
Director of Training \ I
I{
. . ! ..•.
\,'
, room number, and DATE
buildinll) OFFICER'S COMMENTS [Number each comment 10 show from ...mom
INITIALS to whom. Draw a line aero.. column after each comment.)
RECEIVEO fORWARDEO
1.
Inspector General :'/;~
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5.
6.
7. .
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
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,
0031.2
,
FORM INTERNAL
3-62
USE ONti
MORl DoclD: 1451843
I,
,1 S JUN 1973
MEMJRANDUM FOR: Inspector General

SUBJECT Use of Disguise Materials and Alias Documentation
Within the u.s.
REFERENCE Memo dtd 30 May 73 to IJfR fm I ~ubj :
Issuance of Disguise Materials for Probable Use
Within U.s. ' or It's Territories
, 1. The Associate Deputy Director for Operations has asked

that we give you a detailed report of the actual use that the Office
of Ttain:i.n,g has made within the u.s. of all disguise materials and
alias docUmentation we have obtained for our staff members and students.
2. Disguise ~~terials
,OTR has obtained from ars disguise materials - including

glasses, wigs, mustaches , and special shoes to increase height - for
. 12 staff instructors at the Domestic Training Station. The purpose of
these materials is to increase the difficulty that students in the Basic,
instructors during problems and exercises conducted r:
Operations Course and Advanced Operations Course will have in recognizing
lnear
urs. Exercises include surveillance, countersurveH ance; Drusn passes,
and dead drop problems in which instructors monitor student activity.
These exercises are run under carefully controlled conditions only in
areas where adequate liaison exists with local authorities to avoid any
flap should difficulty arise during an exercise.
00313
~
uu nnU[.l1llML
MORl DoclD: 1451843
...
.
The sole use of disguise materials by .these instructors

has been or will be in support of the training exercise noted above.
At no time have the materials been used for other purposes.
3. Alias Documents
u.s. alias documents ,consisting primarily of busmess and
social cards, but also including drivers' licenses and social securi
cards, have been used for more than a year by students
e cone US1.on 0 e course, tea aas

cumen s are co ecte rom the students and returned to ars. Again,
these documents are used only Under carefully controlled ,conditions in an '
environment I It:rhere adequate liaison With local authorities exists
to contain any flap; and the docenents-areused only for the purposes stated,
4. A thorough canvass of all elements of OTR discloses no other
instance in recent years in which we have used disguise materials 'or alias
documentation within the U.S. or obtained such materials for that purpose.
I~~
Duector of Tra~g
cc: ADOO
-2-
0031.4
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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0031.5
(DATE)
rORM 1(0. 101 REPLACES FORM 10· 101
I AUG 54 "" I CH MAY BE USED.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
. J .
DUNCLASSI FirED
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JNLY o CONFr .TlAl o SECRET
~-
r"BJECT: (OpiiollCll)
FROM: £XJfNSlON NO.
I Deoutv Chief WB Division

I OATE
20 June 1973
TO, (Offieer de.ignalion, room number. and DATE
buildin;) OFflCerrS COMMfNTS (Number eoeh comment to $how from whom
INlTI-'\lS 10 whom. Prow 0 line aer.,.$ eolumn oher eaeh comment.)
REClIVEO FO~WAROEO
J
1. (lAWrl,YJ i:,v JUN 1973' !j..J:;:/
IJDDO ~i J IN 1973
2.
DDO {J\1Y \J\

i~V:/
3. 1:/
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Executive Secretary, u
CIA Management Commi tee b/~ ):/
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Return to O/IG .~ ~":~.I c:::.i t
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8.
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10. 0
11. .
12.
13.
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00316
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3-62 61 0 u~Dr~~s 0 SECRET o CONFIDENTIAL n INTERNAL ..
~."'P
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
. '
' ..
Executive Registry T
'7'--< -' /. ~,) /
20 June 1973
SUBJECT: John Dean Allegations to Newsweek Magazine
1. Mr. William Jorden, the Latin American referent

on Dr. Kissinger's Staff, called today in reference to State
cable' No. 1'12189, dated 11 June (attached). He said that he
had specific reference to paragraph 2 of that cable and would
like to have "everything and anything we know" on that subject
in the Agen cy.
2. The undersigned indicated to Mr. Jorden that he

had checked 'out the allegatiqn that some low level White House
officials had considered assassinating Torrijos when the story
first appeared in Newsweek an~ despite checking outside WH
Division also, could find flo 'one in the Agency who could
recollect or find anything relating to such a plan on the part
of any poz-Hon of U. S. officialdom. I told him that I felt sure
that nothing of this nature had ceme to WH Division's attention
because f~r the period in question I had been Deputy Chief of
WH Division and had heard nothing about any such plan. Mr.
Jorden asked if the Agency knew anything about Howard Hunt
having had a team in Mexico. "before the missfon was aborted"·
and I indicated that as far as I knew, the Agency had no infor-
mation on Hunt being in Mexico on such a mission. I also
indicated, however, they could have been and the Agency might
well not know it simply because he could have used an alias and
he is an American citizen, which is outside the Agency's
province and really the FB.I's business. I suggested that it
might be best if he checked the FBI on that particular angle.
Subsequently I checked with Mr. William V. Broe, the IG,
and Mr. John Horton, recently returned I
'-----;================----
0031.7
MORl DoclD: 1451843
, .
.. r r'
•
and .both indicated that they had not run across any information
concerning this latter al.lagatton of Hunt and.a team in Mexico
on a mission related to Panama.
3. It was apparent that Mr. Jorden was under some

pz-e s sur e to refute these allegations and was casting about in
all directions to make as certain of his ground as he possibly
could before he. tried to do so;
Deputy C ie
e ern Hemisphere Division
Attachment:
As Stated Above
00318
MORl DoclD: 1451843
NG 027.76'-.
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THE' F'OLLOWIN'G rs··:e:<c··ERPrED··fROM.A FRONT PAGE ARTICLe'::::" .:,.. :~... ,:;-;.:;.
O~1 TODAY'S NEW YORK ;T:!·HES ·t-HHCH REPORTS 'ON ALLEGATIONS:"":':.:' ,'- : .i!
Dc BY JOHN DEA:N TO ·NEWSWEEK. HAGAiHNE.
"SOME "LOW~LEVEL"
.
HHITE 'HOU'SE .OFFICiAlS CONSIDERED';;S-:'

SSINATING PANAHA'S RULER OHAR TORRIJOS. BECAUSE THEy···.:' '.· ni"
SPEC TED iHE INVOLVE~'E~r.OF' HIGH PANAHAN tAN AU·p-tOR I TI ES: . . ;:I?,l.
n~··:,:..
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~OIN TRAF'r'IC AND .BECAUsE TH~Y tELT iHE GOVERimENT HA"D.· .·.:·,···~·:.·'ti .' '.
::i:': UNCOQPERA T i VI: ASOUT. RENEGOi! ATI:-iG THE PAi'lM·t.\ CANAL.':' -. ::': .~~i·
::ATY • . E, HOWARD .HUNT.JR.~.·. A L.EADER OF THE l~A·rERGAiE. :'::>'l:-~'.' ./
:~Q.LARS. HAD A TEAH .IN HEXICO·· t1 8 EF QRE THE MISSION HA?.· ,,,::.:-t 1 -·-/
Oil TElD. 11 NEwS WE EK.SAID. 11. RU SH:.;}':~ ..
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(DATE) r:
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FOR'" NO.,
I AUG 54 101 REPLACES FORM 10-101
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WHICH,NAY BE USED.
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No evidence has turned up

•
I
, · ...... ·I diat members of the team that
broke into the Watergate were
~, ;.W
'. a'.terga:« I nuesiiuators . .., ",-to to
involved in the
'although hints that s?~e of
I them may have participated
entries,
~ . • - '. . ./ have come. from the' authorities

~. In Florida.. :
, ~ By MICHAEL. C. JENSEN . First reports about a break-
'One unsolved puzzte that!' The next break-in was saidli" at the',Chilean ~n1ba~sy .be.
Watergate mvosugators are! to have taken "lace' six da 'S gan to Circulate In Miami a
!tttd)~ing is the jdenti~y of in-! later at .the E:/st 38th Strc~e~l'veek.?r so after W~er?;ate .tile
·truders who ...!>rokl' mto the; apartment in :\Ianhaltan of Ja.1 break-in of June I? 19!2. and
. ' . off.ices ~nd res!dences. of; vier Urrutia•. resident of thet there \~'as sp('cula.tlOn tnat the
Chilean diplomats In Wash!ng.! Chilean De\'elgpment Corpora.' t:\'o mlf.hl have oeen related.
s- " ,• ••,J!>" and New \,prk at least lOur:_t-icm and a close ..economic ad.ll,h~} link nevcr. ~as. been
.. ..
1972. .,
Four. break-Ins aaalnst 'Chile-
. Salvador Allende Gossens. .
• ' .
I
.times from April, J971 to May, viser to Chile's' president, Dr.l proved. and. son~e tn\ esugators
doupt that It..ex!sts.
One .explanatlon. offere.~ for
ans took place in the 14 months Pistol Stolen the Chilean break:m was t~~tl
Immediatelv preceding the Mr. Urrutia told the police if cU~Y Cuban-Americans p.arttc\-i
break-in at the Democrats' 1hM a .:?5-caliber Bernardelli pared, as was the c~se in .the'
Watergate headquarters last pistol had been stolen. How- :Wat'~r~ate,. they might have
June. Thev also occurred at a ever, a fur. coat in a closet been 10oklO~ ~or, aocume!lls
I
time when the Chilean Govern- was reportedly untouched, Gov-. that would ~n~lcale. coltuslOnl
ment was 'negotiating with the ernment papers were said to' between the Chilean and castro/
International Telephone and have been disturbed. and chew- governments. .
Telegraph' Corporation over] illg gum was edged into the' Shortlyafter the spec~
compensation for Chile's take-l apartment's Iock, a. familiar Ilion began in :'-·liami. Chilean]
o\;er of the hu~e .conglomerate's practice of .pl'ofes.sional .intrud-' oificia!s acknowledged the i
telephone subsidiary, CI'S that. gives tnem time to break-In and reported it 'to the!
. Ileca\15e or far more scn~a· e5c.~lre ,If they arc surprised 'city·, pol!ce, who started an in-l
;
:1.
tional disclosures, Watergate m· dut mg the course of an entry. vestigauon that has been
vestlgators have not actively The third reported break-in conclusive. .
in-,
pursued the Chilean case ·in took place on Feb. 10; 1972, Earlier this month, a Cuban:
recent weeks. beyond asking a investigators said. at the New/ nam('d Felipe de Dieao was'
luestion or two. about the, York residence on East 46th Interrogated' by State Attorney
.ireak-ins rl!lrin~ interro;~ationsl Street of Victor Rioseco, for- Richard E. Gerstein in 'Florida
,..- ...: of theWatergate burglars. mcrly a Chilean official atthe regarding participation . in -the
\ . However, Senate investigat- United Nations. A radio and al
break-in at the offices of D:-:
'." ers have informed both the! television set were ,reportedlYf Daniel El!sberg'S psychiatrist
Senate Watl'r;late committee] taken and papers' disturbed. in Los Angeles.' . . '
;: and the Watergate prosecutors] Tile fourth and most pub. He and his allorn,,\' indicat-
[. In' Washington "bout the dctailsl Hclzed break-in took place over ied that, if' granted Imrnunltv
r,
! .
of ,the four break-ins At the 'the weekend of :Vlay 13. '1972, Mr. de Diego might Shed l1e:;;'
offices and residences of t:he at lim Chilean' Embassy in ligh], on other surreptitious op-
Chileans. Washington, Files of the Am- eratlons in Washin;:lon. Inves-
3 Occurred In New York- bassador and his Jirst secre- tlgators in Miami hiler indicat-
. tary, Fermm?o Bachelet, were ed that these operatlons might
Fl!rth.C'rlllore, a member of t~e reportedly rifled and two -ra- !.:Jclude the Chilean break-in
'specl3:1 tntelHgcnce Unit of- .tne dios taken. . or' break.ins•.
New Y?l:k Police Department Chilean officials have been i '.
was scud to have, con,c1l1de~ ordered by their Government;'
" that the, three break-ms loat OC-I not to discuss the maUer, bud
curr~d tn :'I1an!13ttan w,ere n?/ snurces close to the case said'
routme burg lanes. And. mve:;lI- that the former Chilean Am-l
'
~ators in \Vash.ington s,aid that. l>ilssador, Orlando l.eteHer, had I
t:le .four brf.'ak·ms had lOl/OWed confirmed that the Washington!
slOlIlar pattern.>.
l inlrliders ap'llarently wer~ seek-!
The~' were arparenliy done ing sensitive Govern'ment noeu-,
b~' rroff:'ssionals. \\ill! a' irwi ments. ".
Hems tak!.'n to make tll(! .bre~k.i .spl,culatiClll b" III\'e~tinators
.. ~:
Ins appear to he burglarlcs. 10·1 ~."
"
\,estigators said. Olht'r ,'aillablej . Capitol Hill investi;;:ators
itcnlS w('t'e left 'behind, how. have spccul<Jted that the in·
f~ e\'er, and sl"nsitivf.' papers were I trudrrs might haye been seek·
dislurbed. .possibly in tile ,: ing p.l'idcnce. of links b~tween,
course of being photu<,raphed Cuba and Chlle. or lookmg for
]nvestigatQrs '1eronstruct
break-ins a.:; fc,ilows: I
'II)(;! pnHt!cally sensitive documer,ts
mlallng to the take-over. by
Then, first known b.:eak-in oe- Chile of J.T.T. properties•
. curred' on the afternoon of
. pri! 5, 1971 3t th<: :'Ilanhaltan
asidence on Lcxin~ton Ave·
nul' of Humberto Diaz·Casa.
('. . nuevll. Chile's J\mbassador to
. th,e Uniled Nations... The Am·
bassador reportedly tolc! the
police that the intruders hildl
stolen such iems liS a hair·drver
and a nair of hOlliS ami tli~IIIl·.1 00322
MORl DoclP: l45l843
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ACTION". OlREC.T REPLY·
:fILE R.ETlJRH.·.'",:
. INfmiMATlOH ·SlliHATUaE:
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";." }\/'::·::.·:;\l~otli~'lig,·startling.1 but something
: .•' . ". pe~f.;I3.:PI{should. be aware of'.
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FOL.O HERE. TO RE.TURN TO S::NOE:R :.

FROM: N""'E:. AOORESS ANO PHONE: NO.
COl"FIDENTIAL " $:ECRET

Use previous' editions
. fORM NO.
". 2-61- 237
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
. . .·~~t~{,.; " . •.
. MEMORANDUM FOR.T>HE..R};:CORD
,.
:·:·)D:';:(l'~: . ;'.:· '.",/"
SUBJECT: Di spo s a.l- 9.r~Cla·ssified Ti-a,sll for the :i'I-a.tio~al Security,
. '.
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,";:1. Amemor.<:uid,Uin·for the record by the -Executive Of.ficer,·:.:'::·i'·:~;<-."
o{the. Office ·of L~gi~Jt~:~'i>oints out..that this Agency isdisposing-:;::~;:':,::~:::/{,;.. .' .,...
.,.;.. : -. o.f·cla:~sified .tr-a s '.' " ·'~S:C. :>:J::h¢(m,aterial. contams doc'.l'· " .. , ' , . ' .,;;::< ·:i".~(~ .
.'
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is made each Thtir: .
';'~;~ft
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.: ·'2. Under"~d e~a:ri'a.; c1;rcUm.stanc~~ such a: ':routiii~:

matt&r would.;"~t}b i, .. but iiv~ll: the recent furor ca us ad.ib
:. :. the ·ci€s·tru~tibkbf3;"
.;. - • !" ",'
t,s by·the'::.fS.'~t~ng 'FBI-Diredor Patr{s,'
Gra·Y:.W·is· felt'·tif~. :ler: shouil:i~at·least be' highlighted
" ' : . . .
foff. -
further consid~r:at " ..

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MORl DoclD: 1451843
.r .'URCE·
·O/IG·
DOC, NO.
DOC. I1":TE 30. Ma
'l~
HUMBER OF ~AGES .1
NU""B"ER OF' ATTACHME/(T'S ·2 ...... () "
fTS 18sZz.aI7Z!Z .&:: .': _, .t')·;\I·
'.. .,,' c.' . • J' . ', ,.... . . . . " , ::
~.TrENT10N: T1<I3 ·/ON/l.· uri blt pIeced oit,,·,top of end :iJtt4ched to e'a.ch ,Top Secrt;t do ment, I't:cl!.!"e<t till" th'e.Cettti'et' Irtt.eIl.:VIlTCCI!.' AI1~J: .
or Cla3$i,'1(<! Top Secret· lllWtin . ·the., .CI" ,aild will remain attache:! to, 'the :document !Lntfl "",7'., ti""e 'oU it b .. t!~t;':ng>'<l<!~c!. c!es:r~~'. Of'
-, tr4n3"t!:led oUI$it!~. Q"l.~., AC::.tfu, '(~'l'~,S7ert't .ml%t.t~~ lfmitt'd:to To'!Jl,irli/tcrt't Control 1l1l~~.. (!1: a~ :tn,··61~,~..<t!$-Ulho.ie c..1fclat
. dU2~el"t4 to th4l ~'m'U-•. ' 'Top S4lf,r'e'f''(fO'n'traf. Ot/tcdr3,' who" rl!.ceiu· and/or. release .the 4ttadU<! ·T0p, ·~~cr~t. m;4t"ii<t! ,lCill· ~ thl$· form ..
.4nd (ndlcat.· period.: of ..custod1ld1l. ;·t~.lt""Il(~~Jt..='#d col,.mn" ·lIro7l£t!et!. Each. fndhildu4Z . who . 3ee~," the '.TOp, i·St;~r:.ct..:' ~~. lQUf . .ng ... : ~rut .
indicate the dat., of IllJni!.I:~".S1·.f..; til'. ::'':,fg,~f~~q~IL~o~.. t,nn3. . ' .' ,_ " " ....:';- ," .;.....:.'.' '.: .
': . Re:le::A~e:O " SEEN.,BY·
S I GPO. T.URE OF,F tCE'.fo I'V •
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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'},O, ,May 1973

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MEKi.6t(ANriUM
. >'\ ;' .~ FOR: : Mr.
v ,,~ /"~:' .." ',' ~ .~ "" . William E. . -~.
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,'.r;'""" :!call . .:t.p....Y.pur attent!pn..!7 ~ atf;Q.~4ed sensitive annexes to our

~ 972, r!'!po:rt, '~6~ survey of{EUR:'Division:~, ,y bti.h,a:v,~;',seen,them:before,
but a fresh:16ok .:\.t, th~m mi ht' be in order in
developments.
Ii 'hb:>f ~tirrent me
e recent revelations about the activities
, uati<?n Committee a,Z:~,c,getting clos;e):o,our
~':;HAbs program. vr« are' particu1arlY'~6h6't;:diedabout:~'tHAOS ,!
'~'~,9;a~~~,:.,~~,::;t~~::highdegree of resentment'\~o/~~Brie:t:.:a,mong"~any ,!.
Ag~~cY:'~mpl~yees at their belng expected',~o:pa.·i-ticipate
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.:.... 8 JUN 1973·

. '.'
. .
MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy. Df.rec'tor for Managemen t anc1Services.
FROM ... ·Di,recto·r. of Security.
.,~'\.
SUBJECT : 'DD!M&S ·R.eq~irements:"·;i~: lVa:tergat.ej,..l.ncid~nt '

.' .....:,"'~~
1. This memor-andum is for in"f'o'rm'a't'i'on only 0
2.' In Juit
1971, t.he' .NeW' YO'~k Tim·es. featured an.
article under, the by-line otl1illiam Beecher whdch .
contained an' expos i t.Lon iof 'the then current status of·"
the" Strategic Arms Limi t at-i on. Talks '(SALT).' It· was .: ': ",
evident ',from rhd s: de.l.dneat Iori of these' talks that ',.,,: ':.'. "i-,"' '.'
William Beecher had obtained. the information·froni:hJ.ghiy":
classif~ed u.s. Government documents or from a person or'
persons' havfng had access' t.o.vsuch documents 0 • •
. 3!"' In this regard, Mr, Egil E. Krogh"Jr o f the.

White' House ,.tele.ph6~ically contacted the Director .of
Se'ctirity::of:this' Agency. and. requested that this :Agency
provide a polygraph examiner to' conduct polygraph' t.es ts
on 'four Depar-tment; of State. employees. In conjunction.
with 'Mr~' .Go: ~Iarvin Gen t i Le',; Deputy Assistant Secretary.
for Security,'. Department' of' Stat e, this Office 'arranged
for' a polygraph examiner to" conduct these. examinations, .
but :with no CIA.' involvement to be acknowle dged ..... In ' ..
othe'r words, .thds Office loaned the polygraph: examiner"
to: the,:'Department of St.at.e. and the 'polygraph. examinations
werec~>nducte,d 'for -,Mr. Go Marvin Gentile. .
~\ .
'4;. This. Of;fice Ln 1970,-. requested app rovaI 't o have
disguis'e ki·ts", issued to approximately fourteen people.
The"di~guise kits, were never 'issued for operatdonaf
. :"'..-.
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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. 'purposes' ,': .but. :.they were. '~ssued. for, pract.i.ce 'sl1rve:hiahc~ '.",
. to'. train local ficHd office' ersomiel' . in' th'eir·,Use',· ,.
/,,"oJ<.
L"...,~~~----.,,--=---..;;---------~--=----,Of tihe.se our teen

isgul.se its,' .four were returned to the Office' :of
Technical· servd ces.
•;,"'1-.'. • ••#~.,: ~"'"* \l:~~ • ~ • ,'"
. . S.~ . In regard to' otheracti.vitiestrrat ·.this Office'
has conducted' domestica11y,'the following two' projects: .
are· sUbmitte.d: ' .' " , -. ,. . :
A. ' P'ro'je'ct; WESTPOINTER: In September 196.9,
February 19'(0., May 1970." and october 1~71, a·,··
proj'ect,: si~i1ar to- Proj ect BRPOI1.1J'ER,.·, was
. conduct ed ·bY,the Office of' Secur Lty.," Ea.'st·Asia· ..'.
Division ~ 'and' the Office of Te.chnical: Se rvd.ces in -"
, the San Prancds co, California, area. The tiarge't :'
.. wa's','inail to, the. United States froaMainJ,and China.
. :: 6; ", Tan Office of Secur i ty

emp Loyee ; who will re t rr e e±fec-cive ,29 'J~e'1973, had a
chance .mee t Lng with Mr. James W. McCord, Jr •. on Z4, M~y ,'-' - -
.:- 1 1973:near the Senate Office Bui1ding~ ,A~cording to: Mr •
I 1
t he :ubstance of the. chance mee.ti~g.' ~~s 'an exchange
of 'pI~a antra.es , ,
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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SD3 and other student activist groups
s
, ',0;1 :p.roduced in December- 1967 at Halt RostOt-l'i. zeques't -a
30-page·t~r'pescript study of the SDS and its i'oreign: ties. .
I~ the StU'!l!:er or.~ 1968 eCl produced-o-agaf,n at. RostOi{f s request--

a pape~ on,Restless Youth. ~~e first, and most sensitive section,
':las a ~'J!li1C1s'.)!lhical tree. t;nen-t of studen-t unre su, its trotivaticn)
'" ,.;~. ~"':-"'~ ·~}1istor~{.
. . anu'~tac·tics.· :.#It· dre~'i l"1ea~:il"!r :;~l overt lite:-ca.
" ' . . ture and .
FBI· reporting on SDS and affiliated groups. Toe second section
comprised 19 chapters on foretgn student dissidence.
Fages 11 Z: 12 Black radicalism
ocr began i'ol10·rTing Caribbean black radicalism i::J. earnest in

.1968. T';/O papers' were produced on the subject; -one in August 1969
ana the other ~n June 1970.
ocr was
asked in. .rune 1970 to write a memo t~ th special'
attez:lt~on
to linlts be-tween black radicalism in ,the CaribbeC!.n and
advocates of black power in the US. 'l'he memo. 'tYas;produced,: in
typescript and give~ to the DCI.
ocr in pe~iodic type3cript meoc~ 'on. .Sto}~ly

1968 wrote
C~rrnichaelfs ·travels abroad during a p=riod when'he had dropped
f'rom public view.
"
00330
MORI DocID: 1451843
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Page 23 .Frohioition 'against cor·ITNT vs. US ci:ti~ens
.... In Se~tember 19721 Icoomo to' conduct hearability

tests of certain H? 10:t1..g-uJ..si:ance co~ercia~·:te1ephon.e circuits
. bet~roell the US and South k!;erica. Tne circtiits' carried drug-
,t"
related trai'fic. I
I :. =
...... _<,.}la.s ter.:.!:Lp,.a.veg: en
'..
..'viere
30
illegal. .
\fe conduct an !targe'ted

radio telephone
ci-tizens.
.: Testing 'in the US of' O?";)-d~veloped elec.t.ronic· colle.etion.

...s ;ystems occasionally result in the collec.tion of
domestic t.e1,e-::?hone
..' conversations. 'i'men the tests are cOr::Jplete"the inter:::epted .
' ..materialis destroyed. .
. .'. crs! lteChniCians c~ndu~ted t~s~s).n the. Miami 'area in

.August i971 aI' D,f gear intended :for use against a Bovf.e t agent in
.Boubh Vietnam. ~'lhile whol;Ly' Lnnocuous, the tests preceued the
'holding' of ·.the converrtd.ons there and could. be. construed as
being somehow related to them.
: Ln Februar'J 1972 CIA asked an ofi'icial of AT&T :for copies of

.,tel~phone" call:·slips
relating· to US-Chit::a Calls. The· o'Oeraticn
lasted foi' three or four months and then d:i:-ied up. CGC stated its
belief' that the collection of' these slips did not.violate·tbe
COIZlUnications Act since eavesdroppfng ws::noti.?-lvolved.
Page 29 Mail coverage
. Since 1953, CL~ bas operated a mail intercept progra~ of

incoming. and out~oing Ru~sian:l!!ail and, .at various tbes, :other
. selected mail at .Kennedy Air:Port in 1'Ie~·r .YorkCi~y•. 'Ynis progran
- ,. ;':. is nov dormant pending de'cision on ,·rhether. to continue or to
. abolish it. '
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. the. FBr ove
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. . :. .follo'vV:ing a're si:tuations 'where tfS!?leqt4;j..rn~tand· guida.n.~ w~re . \,:.{ ~:; i'. ':
involved.in ope'rations:' .' ~ i'~·:" ~ .r ;. ;.... .- ;~.'
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~7~t~~3 Qccasio~i+y r2sul~ in t~~ ~~llection 0: a0~=s~ic tel~phone
c;:;;:l.':ersations.~·
. :~iileh·the tests are cor.::plete,1 the il!.tercep£ed .....
l:J:3.teriai:is .destr?3·ed:~ . . '..
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CL4~ . ]t~~""~iciU~S ccnduc ced tc.:sts. in the ;·;iani area in
AlJ.511st -1. :r 1 OI', ;0-,.,' g-=ar. inte~ded :for use against a Soviet· 2.gen:t in
SOt.lt!! '''C:; et,..,~~ .. r.r~'i" .=,
11'..,("\1 1~:, i n~'-I""POljS tee tes t:~ pr,ec~,c~'?c1.: .......,h~
:":'l:li:l~ - a-:·~.;~ .- ~·~.~.~~;~~~~~-tc; r~ -;!~~. c~111o. C·? c.):,::;·~r:;·:d C!.:';"
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'teler;lO:l::" call 51-1:99' 'relating to U3-Chi::::a calls. The oDer:ition. . ·.
- .:.
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b.s~ed ·'fo!" .three· or_·~~our !:l0::lths, arid tee!! dried up. cae stE;.ted its
belief that. the "col'iection of these sliDs did n':}t' 'Vio.late the',
C:)::;Junicatio~s·.Act.·.~inC'e:e?Yesa.roPPing ~"3.S not in-.,rol'fed.·· .' ",
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f.::~l~cl;e\:l :"1~il !(:r_~ec1y
.4ir2?·,jl-.t· in 1;-.:\·( Yorl-: City. ?r·his E!"ogrc.t=l
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a udi o s u rv e i l ian ce op:eratiofls which rn ight not be
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. : : .. FOLD HERE TO RETUR'N TO SENDER ..

-.:. ~....:. :'.' , FROM: NAME, ADDRESS AND PHON!!: NO. DAn;:
"
;:tCh~'rl~~
... -:;.'.: A. Briggs, n/PPB ". .'5(23/73
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I UNCLASSIFIED I· I CO~FIDE!'iTIAL I SECRET
U:!. pre',ious tdilions .......
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. (':0)
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SUBJ'SCT: \·::·'I{~·:;:~~;.t(; r)~·::'e~~)~ils - ~:~;l'i;ct t)l' .J.::·c:i:.... ect
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1. ~his ilH;l:lor;-,ndum r-eaponds to the Dircch>j;"'s req~~st fQi-

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J:: _
,,:::-ith }~r~ss.rs. Hurit , !.f;:Col'"d~ :r..;i·~(~YI Yourig , "e:t- ;::-r:~gl1..
2. I have had none ...vi th Hunt. Lidcly 01" Young •

. ",
1 . 3. ,My 'McCord contact was indirect 'and occur-r-ed sometime
during the late 1960's when. r WE-<S Dil"ector, Office of Computer
Services. I opposed p laris .f01" 'I'echrrical D.i•.'i~ion., Office of
Security (under Mr •. !-.fcCord) to r.c.qui~e .a soparate computer [C.;l'
its In-Pla~e.: !"f0nito:ring Syste=~'1 DD/S&T' (th~-,n ORD) 10£
was the coroputer- individual wOl"Rmg \'lltll ID and , r. think, would
hav e c1etail~ .. · . -
4. The Krog h 'contact also ..v as rndir-cct arid invoived his

request. fUtst through O}!JB I that CIA fund 101.'"(:i.[:n tr~vel on bchalf :
of the Cabinet. Committee on Jntcc-national Narcotics Control. Indi-
vidual phone discussions. are noted in the atta ched , . The Agency
I=:~or
.
w~re I land I
has ~ci:rward~d n::le\.'ant documentation ,
-II under-stand
Copies .of.: .
. n 3..:from Messrs. Krogh. I land Colby 'a:rc:_iltta~bed
• also. .
5. I held a staff meeting yestea-day to ?;;.:;:s· the r-e-que-st to

<.Ill OPPB employees , One officer- who was attending a !uncl':"Ll will
not be avaflab'le untfl tomorrc.w •
.:J\bcB\CV-EF-lB5'=V-::r.. ti: r!-:;~~ (:)3:;:i~j·~3)
J - ::'\1:::'2 El.G2 CUT;~ ::.:TJG- lsI Charles A. BriZ~5
J :-. 1°'-1. E· C OTP1--
Charles A .. Briggs' .
Director Planning. of
Programming. and·~udgeting
Attachment
As stated 00344·
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: tr o vr-l i!l 'L.;;r.:ni".-:ct~(:~n '..;:i!11 ~;L::il"' r1Ercr,~i('s. i:&:tt~:1·"':5tS. Ji}:Tl was
p!",":'r°t:ing us to tl.,e:il" ir:tt::l-:tir,..Jl"i. to ::'!:..:J.t trs . fe,i'" ;Ul'lOS [(:11'" ~:~e
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7' F,,:b .72 F011ov~-U'Ft 11·Gln 1'~~y·l(,l.-;

,;':'I:_n 3-5 b.-1i)S fer 3 in(!i~;-i(!ounl=.-
a11 hi FY 72 0 C~st pr-obably SiCK. Mtrmick r-eady to m:tke
first t-ipo I lis p9ugGcd In , E:·:Dir said OK l"e t(::hr~l1.
'/'i~it •
7 Feb 72 See attached' raerno fl"c.m Egil KroSh, J1', to Bin C"lby and
foltcw-cn Tr.t=;10S !rC}m·I'---
(2 Aug 72). -
I(~l Jul 72) and Colby .
12(?) ?·..~o.r :7~ J'ohn Hurley, O:\f2, celled , z:wntiv,,-hlg possfbl o l(l-Cgh/
~ Minni.ck atterrdanco itt a L;:;::i:l Al~.....;ric:tn (St<.tiorl Chid?)
I
.~ ~:.' :~;.:,f.i?~e!<::ncc on nar-cofics He ,ds~ said .Jei! .Shp.}herdl'
I ..(.:.
. . '. "·hOt
; 1 e _'~I ous e , wa.s 1nYlng on a-t~
~f ';(1 'th or 0
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i . hfmself , Shepher d and l','oal"k Aker. Ol.1B to Euz-one ,
" ~ 4
23 Jun n ~__-:-:-.--_-=.-_Icolnmcnt(:d on ¥0..ogh/~;H·11~iCk:interest

in g cttirig CA activ'itl es , including l;;,,:>ge-scale PM,
~n :~arc.C?tics f;ont 0 I .
6 J~i..7i"· !'I--;'::-;-_-=:!~al1~do Notes say only: ni·,lin~icl~-:"l~·Ul·l€;y film.
'.'
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,.l~e '';'i!l send. II
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1 Nov 72
•.e:-:1CO.
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:: provided,·by.the E,.:ecutive~£Hceof the J?residenf;~: qther.expens'es.aie
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' :
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.. '. :The. CIA. s!t ou1d. bep.repar·ed to defray, ilot more than ·.§ft:een t1:lous and .:
' " ..dollars :in 'over e'e'as fra vel' e:>:.'P en s e s .fOJ;'C ab.inet . Go:m....--n,ittce staff'du.ring
···..~··;}j;e-remainq~r of FY--1972. .. ., .:". ,'. . .
" '.
. .: .1V~lter C_· .1vfi1U"'-i.ck,. the Com.mitl:ee's Staff..Co~T.di:ri.ator,.

.. . .'..::..:£01." furth'ex- details •. -. :..'. .. . ., .:' '..' '. .. .
:..' .': ' ..
".. "'~"'''~ L~<·
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Egil·:E{rogh., .r-;.
B.xCC~ltivcD.lrcctor· .
.. ,
'Ca:bi~et Gommitt.ee on:
',
,',.
~ , :
.Int:er'riatio:nal Narcotics Control

..:GC:: :John Eh:tlichman .-r:"
.' .... '. ". Assi~tant· to the President for D~:m:e;stic '.lufa-irs. '
' ..
.. ;:.
;:Mark. Alger . . ". ":"'." '" . .
___ ....•..•. ·1 .. OMB; Chie(, General G6Vernm~~t.:ro~"am:$Ilivjsion
.....,;: ': .':: .... . CIA I cp~'esenf:ati-vel CCINC v/b~id.tig·. drm~'p "'.
.. ,,-:-.
I, ; v, • • '.,: ." .
r; ',-:.
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003-41
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••••• ~' ;' .. : - - •• : -. ". ~ "0

MORl DoclD: 1451843
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21 ;rt.~I.y 1972; s arrie .~u'bj:?:ct
"., .
... -
. 1" Thia is in l"esponse. .t()·:tha.refe:t'ence~ rnezno r~g.a.rdin,S
-us e. .0 !' vJ..,i;
..... ,. '\ .:;.U}~·1S.
r' ,
to cove-r .' . '
trave'.l . - '., -H" • -';"
e:~pe~5e$ lO~ tila \1- n.lte l.-:ouse
Cabi.n~t Comr,,11ttee Staff fo~ .z""Iscal ).~r::.;.\r 1973..
.: "
:'.' 2~
You~.r$ .::.ut:.~o;i.Zed .iQbbligate~f lJP !:o $15 .. O!iO for fb.e 'Use
··,of the \Vhit.eHouie Cabhi~t' Committz.e
. StaHfor ~r~vel ex~enses
.. clu~in;g 1:"'Y 1973~ O.bl!g3.tton.. ~bo:}ld tl~' Lecol:'d~d ,-;;.g-~!'n.3t 1~e O/DDP
.
: ~al!6~:-=1~D.'t and 'E:ra'V~l order3' is.Gu'ed "~b':::"'.'
--.. . . inI4·~·"t.,..O· ..,"""' o--n
~ ....... ,T.~ ..:p~
"'~-"":"'at-Ory~;::>!-..::a
<C:""r'::- l.-L ......
fa.n lr'_
number-,
-~ '\
.. ~ 3.. To.U\c· e~~eMt i:ha.~y~~ are .tU1a~Ie:·G·ab~o!:hthis requl..l"emcnt

'wlthin'yourpi;e:senf: aUotmetit;::'vie\::"lU hav&·to,·a.rrange some 'repro-'
g·rah:-..rnbg b.ter-· i::1 the y.~ar:··f:o:cove~ :'his unb.udgeiea item. o
W.·E. Colhy
Ezecu1:iye' Dlt'ecto:"'-Co~.."pt:ol1e~
....i! o IPPB~,-:-=-- !hg ·z A~~'72

~ist~ibution:
-I
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I 1 - ·;ExDir
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1 :Ir:R
0
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0034-8
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~ ..., .. .:. Readinz :
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
.....
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EXt"': ';ll-;:;·.~.v·~'·t)~~.t:,..:(:t~l~ <: ·C(;~;;ij·;';.~:·():u.cr

'<
VIA.
:
Ha:ccotics '9<;m"t:r'oT (GCINC)

.j
, ..:. .: .' .
-.
At our ii:.lvit·ation·:> I.-Ii:. ~'T21t~r C.. Binniek:> Sta.:fI'"
1'.
'Merr~er of the CCINC:> is;s~heduled to ~ttend and participate
in the Regi~n2.1 Narcotic~·.:Senrl.nar sp.onsored ·by l'lH Di1Ti:;:;ion ...
on' 27-28 JUly' 2972.: ':'" i·._ . '. . .;
'. , .... .-". '. ,... '- . . . -' : ... .; .
2. In accordance with procedur~s adbpted ror irave1
..
." of ·\rnite Hou.se C2binet Gommit;"tee StafY in FY 1972.) it is ...~' ..
r~quested.thc.t runds to·. cover- t.he·cost·.·of'Jilr. NinnickJs - ' . : ."'i:.
trip be ·rel~2sed... Attached:.lierei'lith is. a copy .0Ta :ro:rma~
requ~st :from r·~.,...~ Egil Kr~ogh·d·ated '.1' February 1972 toNr •. ';.
U:l"lli&'i1 Colby requesting' t~2.vel fU:hds. :for :.the balance' or
:py ·197:2'. r;Ir,;. K(~0gh is' riow preparing a formal reque.st :for. '.
$15,000.DO to cover tra.vei' 'expenses ror \fnite House Cab.inet .. :
GO?ihl1itte.e sta.fr "par FYi:.,19.73.~. I.. will TOI';1ard this request.~ .. ~.
·:r to ~·ou1!o:frice:2.:5_ .s.con as -.i1;··a·rr~ve5~ :. ' - : 0 , "_.
. " ~ - .-
0.: .
.:... "
., ' ..:
Attachment:
....
.003;49'
• ......»
. .... ,.~ ~-; .....

HElJuRIJ f}BPJ .... ! . . .
MORl DoclD: 1451843
, '. ' ,::~er yo,i>"C~~'~'

" ,:~.:;.\i1.,~.~t~s·o£ the .Dh·e';
"~\ " :::1·J'w.y:J970 through,
.)·:~~:~~r::; in; ~~Y'jiv.ay tP·:'~Vf.~~~' ;:,":"?:",
:;:,;.;oo;;"<":\.:"Jf:,: .. .'
" : :"'i,!\:~~~,nonnn~tm~ con ve,n't~~, .0
: ;:. b~~Jn;~~rand~ ':ii"

:~l~h .He asked the DDS';
~th(fi 'lact known insecu ,Z
.. . .~~;;&i:,:.:;:.':.- ·.. ';:,H';.:·~:N.;;;~;;~·:,!: .>:.,,'
-: ','"
:::~:.7;{1::~'~;<:;E;c~~·i.
rl-~l':': :;fl(~;5 ~!\S;~:;':tt~~ti';n
.~. ;.,..•-:.,:.~,E.~_. ~:. :~.:;~.; .:.;:.,:~ .:,-i.~;.:_,.·~.: f.·~:.;~·\~.: ,~;.,L.: : '
to tli'¢ )?resid
. :. . .:
;'21 Deceml?'·:. :JDi's:closures>o[·Clas·s'f

::·::·Iit:f'ormatio·· ifa:'Cl~ar'~nh~'oiOff{cii
. Staten1en:t'~~'\"":':'7"'_ . ~" "., .".'" ':f16>~e' tfi~· re~:.111t:bf ~~~t
".sentations by::t~e;~~:Dlfe~·i:or.·a:n}i·.,Aan.;.iral Ande·rson.... Exec.
:,. :.: .u~ve 'Dire,ct4r:~~~¥'~d:that he y,rill:~~~t withsel~~tecl.Ex~4;'
.f -: " .::·.;><.CoD:1niitte,~~ ";'''':''''~:'~~:¥.:~~~~~, w:e:~'kto'.4is~uss~:t~~·mem~~ -: ·:·:
'.::." :::'-, .' ,·,:/:j.m:plic~t·:;~."c;i~(a·e'Velop':~·ec(jn:inlend~.ti.oiui for. acti'
.' '. ,':;::",::' the ,Dhect: .of.the·:sp~Ci~l resp.onslbiiUies.pl
MORl DoclD: 1451843
t·····":··· .; .. " .r, ' , - .. ~ .'. ee-..... '~l": ~.: -:.~ . : ... ~ • • .
;.,li0:;~'(1t;:~:-":;:';l~$:~l~~W"'" ,,'. . ,: !t~$!t~~~l~{t);',~~l~~~~~~?~~~~'i:j.·

>. :;-, ",}?;Q.Cf~eported· t~t Jo1mEhrllchma~' had telephoi:1f~a.';to·:adVise.':·".~:/.,-, "
usthat·the.:,Wh1.te House' is appobiting fOrxner CIA e~pl~yee !-towa.rd ..... :":.
H~t:':7 . ~t;f~{~dty ~o~~.~tant •. : -:. ". . ,:' .~.~: .i-, :... ,. ::~~.S,;:·;,~~!,~~~~}},~~·:::::::'·::·:.·... ".::'~::: :':
, :>··.:·':·~4~pth~r account of the Mo.rrong .Meeting Qf.tb.!~~j,~1;~;'·~ea.ds: .: '..
I~:'~·~~.:~i·~~;n~~tin~'edt~t~~~rdH~-~~::;'~~'l~:~~~~'d:"s~'~~i~':<. :"
consultane to the White House. GeIier~f.Cu~hma.n:told "Ehrlicmnan' . '-"
......
that :Mr~ ". Hunt would have full co?peration. from C~.,· '~. '~:, :.:' .:.'
:~~.~ • '.:,.'. .:; .' • ".::. • • • • :.' • • • ••• ' . '....; l·'· :.
. .. "-' . . .' . . . ... ~.~
16.July.i9·71,. .. . ..' _," :" ':'::':~. _., . ".....
. '. C'a;~~~":~~idth~~l'
Was. .. mo·~t'~~?~eci~ii~~-::~~.th~·~~ :;; -':
which HOll.ston spent W1th nun yesterday.' . ...... - -. "':,' .... , : .\.
~~ . . ".~
.~: :
22 July 1971 (the day Ho.\Va.td Hunt came t~ see: General·CI,i·~·hm.cin)', ..':
.: -. :~"~/.~::'<. '-,: .',.. -,: ';:'"
...:.. .' . - . ...~\: .... , >' • " • •' ~ ... :'-::::!~~::')~{::'.::{-::::.~:.':..~'.:. ," ....
' ..·:Carver'highlighted his session yesterday with'~~Cstaffe:r. >.. .
David Yo'uug,:';who is a.ssisting John Eb.rlichman in ~'¢~ewing -':he·. " ;:
· secret..P entagon papers . · . " ':: ,;~::;~,;:,>~~,;::}~?-::'. . ".:>.:..":
18l~E~;~~71·. " , .": .: . . .1it~I~f:ft;:~'~:':'
. A.J?DP noted that he' has reported to White, Housestaffel' David' .... -
Y0l;lng c)nJhe results of the Deputy Direttor of Securi~yls':'surveyof ,;,,:, ":: .
those w"ho ·sa.,V-the classified a s s eaernent upon whid~··Tad.Szuk b~aed'.··"::~,.
-~ ': .~..- ," •. ' t·',-

·:;~~::tl::Cle.:: . . ..,:,." ., ,<?i.J~~I~~t;i" '. -. .r" .
,. I~' ~~;~~ns'e ~'. the 'Directo~' s 'questio~ ca~v~~'~~#~{~~{~~~e ~:.: ':-:'
';. '.
t
er
::::ff::: on ~e ~U..·, :',;,;if~{t~.., '.'
workr'equested by John Ehrlichman is pending;' . X1ie;plr~ctoJ," a.sked :.':
: .
7
· '. :<,:",DD;l:~lled attention to the article in today's·New York Times, .

',' "Nixon Acts 'to End Sec'urity Leaks.. Il. (~ret!'t '£'r()~ the'.~rticle: :. "
. IllAst J'uly, two rnembea-a of the WhiteHouse s~ff.· -,ba:vj.d R. YoUng.:·':.
:.of the'Natio~l Security· Council and Egtl Kroghr.Jr~:~. of·~he Domesti¢;.,
. CouncU~:-'w,ere asked to investiga.te.earlier leaks .. p~ev:ent ·recur:- :~:::-:'
-. renc~s.·'.') - . . . . . . . '. ···c.. : .,...,;:,-..
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
i;~~i~i{~l'i~~j{f;:'1);~~!J,1~f~~i~~I~~~;~~,:;--i?-g;~'-;!\,;:';'1't~lt~~rl~r~:t:$I~~iC<'
:.:;.:' ;~'."':'!::.' ~"'" . i:: ::: s'
.,'
::. :':;''-:', .:.::' .;.DP~ noted. 't}ie :artiCle by-Michael G~tler in tod~y' Wai'lhi~g'fon,,::····: ....
'..</ \.:;.,. ,. <: ~ ·.Post,. ·'.'New SpY·$a.tE:il1ite$ Planned for Clearei"~·.;'InstantPi¢tures.·I~ . ' ..
.:.. :~:. Lat(;i:'in the meeting the Director askedthe PPS'to' advise the":'. .
'. :-:;"Di~ector of Sec~rity to' under-take an ln~estiga,.t~.o~ofthis leaIi of .
':··/;EOI-re1a.ted info~matioIl: and to convene the ~B Security::'.' '''..
: ·':· i·.·lCl·'·~F·~e: ·':b': ·;r:·:~u·'~a·:er':_;9": :7{ ':_'0.l".~.~.;.;~.··.:~.;'-t--_/ '-''-.,.:--, ,

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. .: :.... :. :""::~.::~:: ·""i :.:". .•.. '." .. <>
" '. .: :··::::::·;':;'h~:'n{·~~a~~ re~i~d'eci Ex~cutive 'co~~i~e '~~~~e;:s ~f

: .":'" . ..:
'. ~::.:: :. '. . :'.:. '.:': D~:~ ··Kissi.nge~ls r equeatthat any inquiries fr~:rh elem~nts the .' c;i
,. :~:~'~". ., .White·Hotis·~··sta.ffbe referred to his staff for .conveyance to the
. ". -Agency,
,:.,::; .. -, . .... ... ,. , .'
.
" :.: ,;.. .. . ·5····· .
-,'
.:.: : ..... .~ ..... ".:" .
. ' . "': '. i6: Febrriary '1972 . ,".-
• I :...",.. , '. '.:', ::': '<Lelunan:''noted plans to continue briefing Attb'~ne'y G'~~er~l
I
r:
..' '.,:::
:.....
>·Mi.tchell,':."'
..~hose resignation-is efiective i :M:ar·c;h.·.·:,~.
.' .. ".
',:- ',.,::' i:..
' • • • -.
'", ': , ' . '::, • '. .' .t· • _. • ;~
. ", '.~" .': . 6 March"197Z ..' . . ':~l /~-' -.( .~
. ..,~
l'
.. , .r. '.' .: .'-, , "!'~.' ::~.T~iD~re·~tor noted his memorand~··'to·:·the.ri~~rit~es ~cl, .....
.
'/ ..:.' hidepe~dent Office Rea "s, subject:. "AllegationS .of Assas~in~tio:ris~II
."'. ~ .>~
'.'
' ', .
••".
'He 'a~ked .that it be mentioned at Staff Meetings~:'·::'.i·," .:' :.. ' .
.•••. • . ' . r.r . _ .' .:-: •
:. ,
:.. ';
.'
:"-.,'
~ .." -t..
. 7, .:.'
...... ".
.
...... : ... "
. :.:.:: .:: ~.:.:: The l:>irector 'said that the Presi~e~t has '~e'~~ his·.17., ~:..::
"':':'.. ' '" :,~ .::-::::'February rnernozandum on reducing disclosures of clas~ified. '. :.
, .... :. . 'intelligence .anddl reoted the White Hous e stafrio pr-epar-e ·a'.:
...memorandum urging that all agencies comply'·with proper dis-
'; :.c1o·~ure procedures. . ',.. ..... '. . .....
: ... . ':-'
" : . .": ..... ::.~ ,:.. ,:
". \ .", " .
....... • • . • ;. "'~" : / . :•• ~::' . , ' • • '. "::'~:" l' •
: .. ', 8 ·.rune 1972
.,: :....::: Houston, said that he will be attending a meeting called .

·:·i':/by 'DOD General GOWlsel Buzhazdt, wno is recominending that
.' Jus~ic(;.,drop the case against I?aniel.'.~l1sberg.· . -
:' . . '
" '. . . ~'.
" . ,. '.\':::'.:J:.... ' "..:

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MORl DoclD: 1451843
1?~'·/:,:",;.'. ':~~9S~~'i9~~;0'i"";,, .:' ., . .-;;:;~~~~~~~i~l~t,

:...:;. . , ,:." .''. Th~ Director noted
the 17 June arrest ot James \V. MeCor.ti' ~n~:t:\ ,~l":. :,
.' .. '":>: .four others who were apprehended at
the Democ:rati~ National Cori1·.·::;it:,~~:~(r.:{.
. ' . :-./. mittee he2.dquarters a.t ~he Watergate.'-:i··'W.ith the Director of SecUritj':.~~;:;i-·:;::'·::;.
....:-, ":' ;':'. presel;lt ·to provide 1?iographic details~ theDire~tor made it.perfectly·'t~:i:.'S:··..
.' . . .i. c~ea.r that ·l'espC?nses to any- inquiry..w?-th, .r~speCt to McCord or .Ho~rd:.:?{:.:·:::'
·ltUnt~··.who maybe'lmplicated, are to be lirpitec1 tc? a.. statement that.>t~·XH(·

, . '.. they a~e fC)rmer employees -\vho'1"etired in August and AprU·197.0 re•.::':::.;;~;?·:'.;
spectively. 'r~e Director asked that' this gl,lidarice be dissennn.ated:L::·· .>~"'::"
......,' .-.:'. via.' staff meetings•. The Director a.sked that any inquiry ii-om. other ": {.,:-.:. ~
:". .' ;:.:-',: elem.ents of the govermnent be referred to the Director of Secllrity . ~: : ,.: .
......: : who is to be the focal polrtt. Inquii-i'es. from the pres s are to b~' re- . "; . :~ ..
'. '. terred to Mr. Unumb who may say that McCord worked. in the Office.·. L .. ,
.. "')'''0£ Security. The DirectQr noted ·trui.t we. have no responsibilitY·with·...:,,·::;·:

resp~ct to an investigation except to be .responsiya to the FBlt's re- ...• ".:: :
quest for name traces.. It was ncted that Howard Hunt may have done": ".:':.
. '. som.e work since re.tircment in .connection with the preparation of : .
'. :":,": <, ">supporting matedal!or some awards.:' The ·Executive Directorwa:s: .
. -: /:··.··:::~skedto review this topic and repo~to:the Dir~ctor" ::. ;
. . .. , . .~ :. . . ;"'. . . , " . . ; .
•~ ~'., .. -z .
. '.....20 ·Jlme 1972 ~ . . :" -..
:::':" '. t:
.... , .... , : .....:." ~ . : .
'. '. .:.': .::.' .:..' :' ':- In response to the Directorf's r;ci~est, the Director of Se~urity:· .
'. -. h1ghUghted developments over the past twenty~four hours wi~h resp~ct '" ;~.
. 'to the McCord/Hunt_ et "'.1.. situation. He noted that the late edition .'.'
.' of the Ne\v York Times carries a difier'ent story by Tad Szulc than ",
-. ·that.whiehappeared in the edition..received here. 'The Director ot : .v-;;.: :-,
Security anticipates s~m.e. ~nquiries on·B·ernard.L.. Barker's situation,. .. · .
. and it was noted .that Mr. Barker was hired by the Agency in i960 and .~/~ .
~. ..... ~: .~" '":. terminated in 1966. The Director complimented Un~b o~ his han~g" ~ .
.. ' ':, .:.... ::. <: :: ofinquirles and a sked that future inqUiries beznet with'a; response :~);?:.;,
.. ' .. '.. > : .>.;'::' confined to the. fact that, now that we have acknowledged that both "... ,:.~::.:
""': . .'. McCord and Hunt·are former AgencY employee~,. we know nothing: . ::.:-:':;".
. ". "'." . ' '. . ': more abolit..the-~se.and the caller should be referred to the FBI ~~ :.::; '!<~.::'.:
a p p r o p r i a t e . :.- ; ...'
~ ..
, 20 June 1972
-: : ..: .,~' :.' ~....
';' , ' . ::. . '... .' '::
. . ' T~e T:i:rectornoted receipt o!'a'Pal::e;- on a safehouae in Mia~ :;:':'.

which is being made a.vailable to: .the 'Secret Service in support of .:' .
. ":;". ..' .: .. '. .... its work in connection with theaep.~bncanandDemocratic Nationa..l . .
.... :. Conventio;ts. lie a..sked·theADD~a,.ndthe DDS to ma.~e it absolutely,' :':.:"';'
. '.~' . .
"," ... ;...

.:4 ....
!.
' ... ' . ";'~ .
... ,. ;
• :" ....-.7"-.-.1 •.-~•• , .....
MORl DoclD: l45l843
k!{;·<:ii;f·'·:!::~t<~::)~::1:,\;:~:>gl~~~J.' ." ,', .'. ". t.·th;~~.H·.~2::;~ggg;~.~f:~~9.tf:~.5t!,:y~,i?~~~%·{8~~·~5~~.lq~g··, .:"

I.: 3-, ~ .:.'.: ~l..:. :'::.:;.'( ,!;.: ;".•):~. :.:1 S"
tc);'be 'corifltied tQ' P rovts1o~~\Qf·:·~h'«·.:: s.afehp.us·e·::Ci~~::t.h~'.t:):tlS .not to .
rA;-:t>:;f;'<\~~ '::::."::.~.~,::·'·)::':;~{be\ '~~'~'ci:'~~ :~k:::~1t.~j~r 'inY~$~ig~'~i~~~/"i~te~rog~H:~~~):'~Vyw~l~:-in~!'~.
! ;":.:'.' ;~: ....::. :. etc." ·.The ·Director..added 'that we. will not 'loan people to .the .FBT or'
1·::·'· ....,.·.: ..· / . '.' Secr.erServic~.ih connectton With i:.h~~r· resp~msibilities.at-the:' .
:. :'.:\.'(. .',.: , .. Gonvenfions nor wjll we provi4e.:e·q~~pmeritunique to the .Agency;
;::;."~': . • n.d:e ~:: Offuecoverage' ~i~~f;SN. ; and·; Times

..... . .....: '. '.' .... 'Washington Post;.... MCJ-ury recommended that Chairman ~edzi be
. : .,. . briefed on the McCord affair and that this briefing include all .I I )1::
. .... . our information'about tile others···involved•. The .Director asked

.'. :::~.. :.;:~.:' -:
,::: .. ...... .Maury to .t.onch base with the Director of Sec~rity' and prepare .
.·ilf.il··· .' ~'.'\""'Ii"'.::' .·:·a ·~iug<papfril.-~on this:·:topic.,for hisr~yiew.· Citing the 'nurnbe r
. of distorted rumors. about this matter , the Executive Director
. /".: .:.:: .: ::' ..: ': ' .: said that during the co~rse of theda y he' hopes to provide a .
. ': . suggested Headquarters Bulletin fo.r all employees for the' .
. ' Director's review.' ' . '.: .... :'. '. . :;: '. .: .' .' .
. .
..
'. '. Unumb·nofed a number of inquiries from the press with .
.: ;espect to the 'Cuban-Ameri'caiis'tnyolved ui the'b~gging' attempt
' ~'"
.... at the' Democratic National co~i.ttee Iieadquaz te r s and thedz

.' '. ::.alleged involvement in the Baio[!)igs, etc. ,.·The Dtr ector asked
.~~':.' ..:.,;--: ;":: :. :. 'that such inquiries be met with anexplanati~n.that-we are not.
• ,:",., I
.prepared to be helpful on thism#ter•.· .

. • : . . ' . ;. .":. ·::~'r··>:· .::'. '.,~. ". e ': t
23 June 1972 . ...:.. -/.::, ::: .... . '
. . :':-'Maury noted that "~ 'briefe(fCh~irmanNedzi··on the McCord!

. ." .. Hunt s i t u a t I o n . :.''... c.; ~;,:,:_: -,,:_ :
"
"
.:- .
: .t", '.', • • :.;
' ..... 21 August 1972
,
.. ..... Houston noted a tel.ephone .·call.from Howard. Hunt who" .. :.
.;.: ':.' .' . " ···e~pbiined that his attorney. wa$ with hirn a:nd had a' question' '.
. .. ':
. ...
.
. ":'.::". '. '.: . . about. a· friend's past affiliation, ~th the Agency•.1 1
.... .. .... DD/Sec,~as reviewed the employment, and Houston reported
.'" . .'~.)':' '. .: .: that he replied directly to Hunt's friend, Mr.1
e • '. thatthis old affiliation should create I!-O proble~i:n~·-s~.i;-"n-c-o-nn-e-c~t:-;i-o-n---
v • with his' appearance before a grand jury. .
. ;..
18 October 1972
Ma ury noted his response t6 a r.equest [r.om CSC General
Counsel Anthony Mondeflov'who -wa s rea~ting. to a request for the
personnel files of those ·forme~ :Agency officers .involyed in the
. .;
... :." . , "
'.'
..'., - 5 .. · . ' ..
,
• • • • J.
,i.:.:': ..
..,.-: ;': -. ,:.
,~~I.:" ~'.:. ., .. .,',

.:.... "': .
• . '00354
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
1;~{Jt~~;'i"i!r~!;;~tlj:'(~~~11i\h~1~t~:~:r8~g~rf~~~~~~:i~~:~~f}~~;\'1\:!:;;
!·::t i .:· ','.',:";'.'.;./ ., ,.:'. ·Administ~ative Practi'ces'~nd Procedur~s .: 'He added that ~~·:.::;:~~·.,:··;'.··;:J~L(~>·
'.:;' .';.... are ·.exempte~rfrom relate4 t::.SC regui~tions, and the·.Directo~<.::.~::i:~G.~i;::~~~::{~·
.. ',. ' . endcr.sedhfs-pfan to. provide only the 'dates of their d·epartur~.:··>:::·~~:,:~;;t~~~~:?f;,:
"N~ t ~"' .•
.. • • • • ' . ','" •• '., . . . . . . .
from the Agency in}he event the Senator's office ca.Il.s us. .on this:::·;~;:·Yf~fgl:~U:\.
" '
: -.
: ":"
. . -, :::~ . . ' '.: ..' .::'..... -'; '
.:. 3 November 1972 .. ", . '.

. . ,
..:..' .;
· . ::'~.' '. '. ~ .:
,- '.' ".
:". ' " Houston recalled tliatl~stAugu~t'he'repO'rt~d'ona call (
'. ,'"" . ',~ :'from Howar(l' ~un~ and his :s~~se~ue'nt~guidance to)
" ...~ pn ho'W t9 handl~"afflliahonWJ.th '~he 'Agen~
......:.:
"".
.:-;': . . .'
....
"
: :.'
. ·Th~ Di.rector highlighted hi~,conver.sationwith David K~~sio~

· .of.the Washington Star News and his flat denial pi a pr'op~sed:" '..
, .
:' :. ' .. story that the Agency was asked to report on the Democratic .: ; . .~
, . ~
\.
. Party which led to th~ .W.atergate incident and others. The ";"."'..,
.~ .; ..:':.:'
t· .
'
Director 'noted his ·plans·t~.Jssue.a statement of denial if such:.:,:'
:
!
.' ..
a. story wereto appeaz-andeuggeated, that Thuermer .considet.:,'·:,:}'::::~:~;;\t~l;~;~;:~t:,
"l
'dl:afting one for conti:ngency:use., ' ..... -, " .
.. ,~ .", .
.15 November 1972 .,. ".:.
...'. ,
: '."
-' :#
. DDP noted 'a rep~r~ from Chief, WH Division that on 9 .', ('~:".'
.October a l\.1~. Harper of the New York Tinles was working on a. ..
'.:: . -.: ,'. :,:'" . story' Which·tries to link the ·Agency with Cuban emigr es ; the "}:;,:",,:~\;,,,
i ::'::.: .' ,: ...... .... ..;' .. "break-iii at the Chilean Embassy, action against Danfel EUsbe:~'~}1j;::
:.::: "
~. ··i -',
...... ". ;
theWatergat'e case•..'·Thuermer observed that this and
the'first'" is. :>',:<.',;.',,",T.'
!. ;~'.' " " : he has heard about this topic', and the PPP concluded that such';;!.,:,:'
story would have no basis in fact and it wouldbe inadvisable ·~o. "{:
try to straighten out Mr. Harper. . " . ;. ;"
2Z November 1972 ' . .;.

. .., .. :: .. . ~'", .~
'Warner rei~ted. that according to A s,sistant A tto rney G~~~~a:l" .; .-,' ".
\: ..:.', Henry :·)eterson,· .U. S. Attorney Ear1Siibert has several questions :'.
........ . ". , . ., ~ ".
on the Watergate case. The Director indicated he will reviewtms
.' .:' matter later'. . ,'., '. ',..... . .,;. :,:
.. '; . .
. '. " ~. '.
.. ....
, '-
';', ..... .",.
- 6-
. - ,"
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. ..,: .
.
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. ' ..
MORl DoclD: 1451843
!1~:1:~~~c;~~~1~~~i~i1~~:1:ilI~~!~tt~;;·!:·~j;~:1~~~"~;~~1~A';rtit~1i!-m~~~~MJ~~~'
. . / . . ~.;.::: ..... ' "<:".', ':'. 'The "Directo;"~oted the a~ticle by Tho~~s. B.' 'Ro~~ 'i~"": ..:·.:,··..i:\,.=-.. ': -'.
, .: , : .'. ',:. yester'day's Eveniiii Star-:-News, "~New Watergate··I)imensipn?·~~:·:\..~ ..·· . ..:- .
1'.'. ..... and the Impr es sfon left therein that .the Agency was involved'·':·\:> ,:",:: ..,. .
r:.; .: ".:' .. in .the ·Watergate·~nc.id·ent-beGausea i:assport bearing' the na!ri~.···.'.(~···:.:..
, f:::~:;.: :.... :' :' .:., .: ~EdwCl:~d Hamiltmi\va:s .found on Frank' Sturgis'.' ..Any. inquirie~·.··< . ':'.
" :: ."; ., :. '.:.' :..,'.,: '. . from the press ·elsewhe.re- are to be met with a "this is ··:···i.:·: .-:' :.:. :~ ';, . or,
. '.:'::. ~.:' '. '. . ...: nonsense1'·.r:ep'ly.·· The: Executivei Director noted wozk under .:.:'
-: -v-
. .:, way to i.dentify the genes'is of the passport story.

.. . . . , .. .. . . .~: . ~.~ .': .: -"; ,::' .' . ". "
'.:' ~.'
~.~~~~::~. ':""~ .~
.. .15 Jan~a:ry 197.3" -, ::": -. .. ; "',:: ~: . ", .... ~ .. .,
.::~: ..:j~;. '.. : • ·l ....~.. • ·t.:~i ':. ".. • " ".....':",.~, ... ' .' .. ;
. Ma~ry noted.pzeaa storie.s :that Watergate defendant;.,'::·.·.·,:

Martinez was on·tl~(;fA.gency:payrolluntill7 June and antfctpated .5. :' . . . . . .
some inquiry on this topic.: The DDP endorsed his view that, . ". '.
whereas Martinez wa's-dntez-rnittently used a~'1(ource to.report .. '.
. ,,: '. ... on Cuban, exil.e matters,thi-s .relationship should cause no ..seJ::~ous .
.... .
:
.....
difficulty".:.: '>", "'. . "., "':". ',' ,.?:~:~;·1-.J~J~:i:};": .:.. .
.' .", 18 ·January 1973·' . .. : ,:-." :'....':', .'.',
• i-: .' \': '\~~:.\.~..~'.".;'.': .: ".'",,: ,:'. ,',
. .' ~ . ::':.
' ;,.; . : . .
:' ~ Maury·.rep·oi:t;ecfthat·~enhe and Dave Blee, ChieilSB~:?'~~w:
.p '. .
i _.~~ \. .
Chairm,an Nedzl·with.respect to the' Chairman's forthcomfugtrip .
to Finland,. Leningrad; ·:«5o£ia., and Athens, Chairman Nedzf ',: ..' ., .....
briefed on his' November conversation with New York Times:,;:.,,:" r.·,
. : ~.: .. ::-: . '. .:' . . coz-zeapondent Seymour Her~h. Maury went on to highlight;the ;:'"
sevez-af topics ~ and allegations Hersh claims he has with re:S:p'ed -:: '.';" ,. '. '.
~. . to Agency activities, :particularly allegations that we ar~ engaged'.:"
~ . .: .
' ... ' : .....' ; ........
.-:.
·in extensive ~o-mesti,c: operations. M~ury will circulate atmi3mo:-.: ':::;: ~\
', : .... -randum onfhe information .Hersh claims he has. The 'DireCtor .' :.:<" ~ "
explained that-we. should assemble a senior team to m~et With
'. :'. s,
.... :'.:. ..
..... Chairman N edzi a:hdclearly outline what we 'do and do not do ip." J .' <' :
':' =.. :' the United States. ':.:: :..c.... . :. ";:):.:.' ", ..
~ •• ":'~ .... '.:r :,;
19 January 1973
'. : ~ -'i :>'" .-.~.
Maury reported' that Chairman. Nedzi .would like'the full' :.: . ,
:. . Subcommitte'e' oiiIntelligence Operations to h~ar a presenta~on·
by ·us 0ll Agency-'activity in the Unitet: States sometime mlci- ." in
February.:.'-The Dir·eCtornoted that hi's decision 'of Yeste'i·daY-··i'.~·.'
to turn out a 'senior tea:in for this briefing stands. . . . . ... :....
. . :.~. ... . .
.', .. :..
' :....
...:....
;
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.... .;.~
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...... ........ _ . .'.., .... . ... .v.._
~ .~
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MORl DoclD: l45l843
·ft;ii,'{!: •. <·~~::.·\'f1;Vj2~~~Jt;~~9~;A,;' "

... ::~':.:.' ~: ,:-, .:....~..... : :·:t~·~····:l;:~· :".~ '.. ':. ',.... . .. ' >.'.:.: /.~:: "':';,::".'~ .:(:')': t:·:·:··~ : : . : " " , ;...
!.:': ~:.' '.': .: :. " -, ':: .: ":'.~. >: ~.; ::. d'e~~~~l :W~it~'i'~ 'ri~~~'d ;{o~a:rd ir~t' s appea~~~ce '~n l:e.le···:>
...' :'<":'visi'~n 18,st,rdght. :'. 'l'hue'rmer will obtain a·tran's·c;;.iptoi.. the " .'::: ..
, : ;<>, pr·ogram.. · .and the Exec·\:!-tive 'Director 'noted his concern ·over.·' ':' '. ..'
. : 'H~t's"sugge'stion that he is.no Ionger bound by his.:.sec;,~c.Y.· : ,;c' '.\ .' ;;. ,'.
::r;:~:;;1973';\ ", ,', ',.. ," , :;:"'<~;'~1;tl1f;-~:;,-<:.

" E~~cutiv:e'.Director noted that the terminal secrecy·agreement·· .
: :,,:.. 'which Howard Hunt 'signed said that he Will be acknowledged as an '.
:Ag.ency 'empioyee.:Hi.s
,,' '~",,~,~, .'.. -...•
assei-tion that
. .
he is not bound by the ~gree,..
'" :.~,.;..
: ment because we·di.d iri"fact acknowledge his employment here is ',:

.' therefore
.
. i l l - a d v i s e d:.:... ~'. :',
. . .-: . ,: . :.
'..
.... ". ., ' . '.:'
. , . ..
-: ,,:.' . .;: :
"- ~'
: '.,
'_.,,' _:,
'.'~
7 February 1973 ,'" " .'
-,
;.:. . .... ~
, .:
"
; :.' M~t.lry noted.tha:.t Mr. Helms is appearing before' the 'Sen~te f.

:.,
For~ig:n'Relations .Committee this morning oil po~c'~'training; .~' ....:.
ITT;.and the 'Waterg~te incident.' He also noted that 'hehas .:.: :'.'
soliCited. the suppor-t- of Senators Humphrey, M~Gee~:"a~d .Scott ..
to makeappzopz-Iate pubfic statementefolfowing Mr~'i:Ie1ms:' :.
~ppear.an¢~. . '.' .' . .,' . .
:'f
8 February 1973
.:. -.'
. .
.'
-":':
': :~ : ':'.
' .•
,.'., .Ma·U:ry recalled that we are obligated to sit down, w:i,th.,,;· " ~:" '.
·.. Chairman N~dzi and review what we do and don't dotn' the U.'S~·:". "" ..... ':::~'.
Th: Director co~curr.ed. T.he. DDI sugges:e~eund~rtake .::-... <>:
~.~n .1n-house r evtew-of what l.t 1S we ar:e domg ),!rth~: ~~ and, -', . 1.1:'. :'. .y.
. ,.'
identify. and eliminate the marginal•. ' . . {-~~'\;:h::-:'~:; •. .., "': '.
.' . " •...' ::>-: .... :.,~.~'.'::!~ ;': ";':'.': . ,".
~::zt:~:1:oted advice from'Nicholas H2~2L~iws;e]·.";.·';;·

14· . ' . . ,
that ~"soft. story"

is floating around Newsweek on the general ... :. . '
topic of political espionage and ex-CIA agents •. ":';"\>..: ·.'i , .. ' ". ". ;'; :" .....
,',
:. ' . ',..
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. ,
MORl DoclD: 1451843
: :.:. / t··:. ';.) ;, : '...: C:[:..:Matiry 'related that former Director Richard Hehns·. has been"
~., .:' ....' ':. :.: ~ ·.·~~~eaj:>y Senator' Fulbright to zeappear before .the·S~nate 'Foreign '.
.. .: .:: ' •. ' ->,' . : - Reia.ti~>ns 'Committee~ Maury said that Mr. He4ri~:Y.'oiiJ.d..probably'
.. '" . be"'4ti~ried ontheWate.rgate incident,' Agency trathiiJ.·g.of polfce, ':.
. .... .':. :and~i'T:and went: on to. describe ¥r•. Helms'. a~ti~.ip#e4·.r:~spons~.
". r~a~~ki~73
" .~.
r.
.
•••.....
. .. .
} '
·.;:t.X~··' ;.;. .' "
'. .... .'.. ::~:'~::'''.'. '".....;.. "::':"'M~~r'; highlight~d yest~rday's .~IG me~ti~~·~tth·~·::White··;
.. ' ::.:(. ;... :~;; Hous'e.~nd·his··recomrnendatiol1- thatwe not provide 'examples of
•••• • ". ':" :"":I;;lJ;_~1
"":;"":':0", • .....:t· -':'<..,.,.... .. . , ';"":f;::r,,," -. " ~. ~.,
. . Congr.essionalleaks of classified information for ·Whi.te House'

-.:.. , . .: :"us'e 'hi reacting to Congressional criticism: of the Agministration's'
. ,. . IImdisc·r~tions. 'II The DDS advised that the Office ~f Security is·
.' keeping.a r easonably complete record of obvious 'Leaks ,of intel:r~...;
, gence information in the press and elsewhere.. ..: :... ,: ',:" ..:. " -.
" . .. ':.: .' _." ...
6.~f:~·:i~ctor noted that Side;':1~~l:~b~~me

., ',." .
. ....
advice Hugh
'pl~nf; .to write; a' story alleging that Howard Hurit.was.:eriiployed .
, by.;a,.: cover. or.ganization,. i. e., Robert R. Mulle#.::CoD:1p~ny,'when
"hel~ft the Agency. Colby 'noted that this companyfs 'a,. completely
private concern but has provided cove.r for one or.two tifficers '.'
, .overseas. .:The Director asked Thuermer to be p~ep~red to cope
wi,th.. any inquiries·whe.u. the story. appears. . .>" ..., '::.' .. ::', :.
. .: . ::. :";"
":."/~.~
~, ;
.' ~ .
:
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0 .. ' ; .....
(Si/in'od) WilI1e.m;·:V /:B~oe .'.: .• :.:, >:": .'.':. .. .. . ;

. . . .:" ". ~
William V.' .Br~e··:.;·· ;." ..". ..;' ~. ,.

. ......1.;.
..... .-.
Inspectpr. Genezaf -"-:.' .. '. .. .- .
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
.:\~?~~~~e~ '.' ..
I:: ,:( \,~y:::::.~;;~~~~~!~~y., :'.: "".. : ,.~. :. .,;;-"
I ;~~l~~"¢~;,j,"Pt~. WVJ3:I)aily Log of 30 May 197·$(' . ".
!·"::.·K~'~':l.~•s:.;fs·: .;l~:n .lg. ·.·s~·.k· e·

d.' folCr''alslo'emd .L.~diii~·s1-lmrn·e:r:··0{:';i:9i7;(ft
'e"'1" h'a·.·.s·.-.'t:.a
. . •,. . .. \tention .the . eWpVa:Bp·.~e;';.~ts:o ;hbe.·~.·~·. . 'fa:'ct.t~~~,
. n'Ow·.wants.;to·s~e·them again. One;.. Restl~~f§ lith:,' june: .1:970'). 'OOI;:'1'rote
a~,wh~le:set Qfcolintr.y·bhppters; and ofthe GS'(sin¢e1eft
;q'IA):;.~;:r.'oteamq.re
,.:.il. '. < •.
"sensiJiv:epiece
"0-':;:.';," "'.
drawing.:~ t"~y..
.....
other countr-ie.s for
• • • ". ~ • _ .... ,,~. _'.,"~"". '\.tr(.. ~. ~ .
..' exan1:p-l:e,s 'to'mak~"its point. l'jOCI balke d-' ...·~n ,"w~nt to do arryth'ing on the r
.,:..1~..
'·::)l,,'J·U~ sid~":":'~he wh~le~roject'ev~~ual1YI w'a~~~eci.·o~:e"t·~to CA. 1......- 1.
'..: w~~~e.d. u~der I
Isupervi~ion "" J~t.~.,?,1eft--in Boston).'. ,
", ::'. ;,;o-y' ~.';: .
The reafter ~KiX. in August 1970~ bec~i.1i~·e we had done so much work
we· publfshed a' aepaxate paper "Student UnresfAlJroad"-'::.-compilatiori of the
coun~ry, S t~9:i~ s •
I:
.;'i~~~'~~~;::".i
..-WV:B'iis':famii'iarwith the 3---but
a3rd - - -on the.Caiib~r
, ' . ' . . . dIdn't'
. .. '"
. ,a~p,.~#;ts'.
,··.~':"';·;~·;':(:f:~:·~· ". :, " .
'<~~,~'~I had IKis·.s·~ger

. me paper; tOlciL~t~¥5::.,..\tys.sent a.p~
\.... I s:¢nt it 6ackwith' some nice words on. it-:-.-.\V;0 ',.. .ike to see. again" .. (not a
.' di~:ect q~.oter~::"wv.:a·said' he had' the DD·~.~,i;::~<?:~YK'~Whitm.ansays' Lat.irne r
~a~ .copies ofbothzepozts •. His .'rec·o~~~f~~~~'~!.r.t;.th:at pa:pAr::~ as I
·ca.r;riedto San ~1.'ementeperhaps by Gen·:~:t~',·.ushman;but·.'ga,.the,red
" .. ·.<.O:!+~ij,.rn.an· had-been u'nable to deliyer 'it t,'''':< ".. :.:~.: Could be thatt·{iss:inger.
,: : '~/':;':{~~~~~~!~' seeA lonly the other. " ( f o : not confirin~ this:;iri' '
·2 .. c:·de~t3;il~ La·hmer 1S struggling with Kis.s 'est.
.'
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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l~l';£:r, "O;)i:t impi1c::,ting ITT inFhe.. clty that he hnd .a 'lear::' I Th':l .".~'nshi~:::~on Post re./ mo,',: :ttt:,)!:.h-e of::Ce.ii to get
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f Be"rd rro'.lut rer:on;;cb~ !h~ l izmg 'of the ':-:"'01.' Y"r'k :lpart.
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I ~C 3ti !.~; a :r:~!~~io~::hip :H·::"Jve~.n I ..~~' is p05si:::!e th~t E. 1To".;- r:~::n:o. \rca .!"epo::t~·d !~;!t. G!'~y. nl:=ntS £if C!.il-:2a:a. (H:~:,:vr..a::"~:;; i i
. I1-T :tnd _the te:lm \t-hich ~\:as tard i{unt, ~ctL'"!g :lS the Con·. :rnean'.vhHe, turned- th~ ori;Ji:'i\\:erc· d~ECrn)~d hI t:1C 111C:':'o
arr~st~d at .the l}jl1~..r~~1~.~~t'tr:!.ctor· for the :.'team.' had! n:il .memo o\'e, to IT!' for· itS/'·as "simi!2.1" c!ei!ll brea,k.!ns."
I Btjt he s!rc::sed "that the easel'more' than: one' dient 21~d t!mt le:;;pe:!s to try to discredit.
~lu~1i:Jt'd h~ -this. n1~I:'1O:~cl~i:rJ:l.$·r;:ona ciie-nc ~'a~, l°r-T. \\hicn! "G:-ay r~fused to cC~!l:nE:nt! r4!r~.s~:i ~~ .C't~l;:'lei\~_ on . h!s
JJ~ c!rcums~:lnt!tll .z:nd' tnnt·!""·!2S i;"~e-.:·:;+~d in o:;-,u"ijp'1 'r:: _ v..O.. . ,t'e ('''1lTcd t;,n. FBi ior hts! n1~,;.r:sQ. "-'."!llCit n~ ;:-:ni1 •.' ·:!S:t t
• ~ll~'~'e is ::0 h::rd e\'j,~~;;!:<: ,,1' li~t:l:;ti:,;~~';:jO"lt· ~~:J~ti:l~; r~5;~n;e. 'Cl~!!~ti(;~-ed b~' sCt:~.; i~:l(;i:d
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q·.·."p;C~ .... ~lS £"Ll_';~ \"estment in the Chiluan 'fel",·ltestified that' be . tr.d'· J~ot!·nI~~g'ttlcns"'1 -,..,1 . . ~hout
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~ iphone Co:n!'::lny.. 'fhe mem.iturned the nero!> 0.£:1" to ITTI~' ;:''''::-' _~:-'l .,0,:1 :l-"'. u::",=:.:e,.
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Chancetv of: Chile,-1736 Has~::!'chn.ful.tt.s Avenue". tJ.Jo~ 1 Rnmp.t.ime bptri'EfID llO-,,(L~":-:~ ~
. Friday, Yay· 13 ' 1972, and on 0855 1:on1'3 this dabe ,
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of'the Embas sv of' ChiJ.e, that'the Chc.;"!cer:;-- of .. Chile Has entered and ~l .:th2 of.fi~~s
.... ,
v:D..S, -tiffie the Eev[;OQ of' ent.roy or ite::;.~s· taken i.s unknown;
·riCra ransacked.. At -'-1,."
- l-rr. ,lIavarro"adrises that he ..rill 'contact the. Foreign}~iss;ons Di'td..s ion-;·...a 'tch . C01;T,iOlnC ,
.
'llhen deteriniuati on otmJ:::sing art.i c) AS j::: made, (cont.i nn Ed) 23. PHOTOS
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I SEX IIEIGHT I ' ,WEIGHT ,I' HAIR
~ EYES 1 .' D~T& 0':, BlllTH l • SOCIAL, SECURI:l'Y 110•• IIA'i'lO"Al.I'
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E. Butl~r 0~-15-72 Captain Pete N. }~anthos '05';'15,
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N!A·
FIRST 1. ' .. MIl!DL't'\ .~IlOR·tsS' \
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EYES ., D~lE Of' BUITH I • SOCIAl. SECURITY 110•• , llATIOllACl1'Y
ADDRESS
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RAce I HEI.~HT \ '::"'ElGH! \ . l!A1R,·l .~ [y.ES. \ • DATE c~. ~lilHI l .SOCIAL ~ECURIT7 riD. .IiATIOliAl./n
9. ARREST PD I 10. ARREST NO. I 12., DATE 13. HOUR
I".'CURRENT CAS[ 015;>05110H , ,IS. l,ISSS-ID CASE se,

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OPEN '00378,
~8. OATE.\ 19. /.P?ROVED IS{'~,''lATUfi\& TITLE) } 20. DATE
fJru {\ \I\'\Q.. . .\ W-'.
'05-15-7 Captain Pete N. Manthos 05-15-
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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t;.":.7Ur:~ OF U":;J..::::tES lOCAT:O~ ON B~D-Y o J,D:,~
I P: /7/ / .0 RELf.
I 28. TRANSPORTED BY , .....
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; OFfICE USE· O:-ilY

Q.~ , IT. T. NUMBER· . IDAT:'.:&.TIt.~ THIS REPORT·· . .37. DATE/TIME TYPE NO. 35; f(EP~ODUCE /';0,
) s:» 7'/ ... ·1 S -/~ '.7~ . /5dtl
39. REPORTINGOFi'IC::R UNIT l. SADGE: NO. :';0. STATUS (Check. Onel 0 UNfOUNDED ~l. UNIT REFERRED TO 42. UCR DISPOSITiC
/125. /-(l j r/'~ZLA SL! :Y77C. ?-(OPEN.O CLOSED 0 SUSPENDED
<:3. SE~Q~O OfFICE'R UNIT t.. BADGE NO. 44. SUPERVISOR'APPROVING • 45. REVIEWER
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PAGE ~I SANTJA 02473

UNCLASS I F" i'EO 154 ~~-----,----~------r::.,....-
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INR.:06 NSAE"e:::'l F' .. e s RSC v01 USIA .. 1.2 PRS ... ~I,
DODE·0~
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'.J<~ /070 W 016973,
~1622~4Z MAV 72
rt1 A~1E;!!?, 01, ss Y S A.NT I AGO
TO SECsTATE WAS~DC ,123~
I
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i ' ... aLLC\~! NG I S OUR I NFORt1AL TR,h IfSL A T I ON OF ST ATEMENT, ·.t UN.:-IECESSARY
l":O~r.S OM I TTED I FoNM iN UNDERSECRC' ARY PALMA GA V.E ,PRESS EVEN! ~G
MAY 101 ,Q\.IOT:: r . CHILEAN A~1BA'SS,d~OR IN lISH!\S INFORMED ra i s
'MINrST~Y THAT OVER WEEKiNO CHANCERY OF 2MBASSY IN WA5~rNGT~~'
WAS ErTE,~ED lLL~GALLY.~VIOLADA) aY UNKNO~~ INDIV[DU~LS ~H~ p~0~
tE(D~~ T3 ~ORCE' OPEN DESKS AND KARDE¥ES OF EMBASSYIS'POllTICAl
Aj:"~.td RS OFF' t cE·. ..: i ~
CG~~ER.C~A~ciERY ~FFJCES~ tN' ILLE~lL~~
>,'
ADDITION, WERE ENTERED
A(SEIT ON LE;SER SCALE. PRELI~I~~RY iNVESTIG~TI0N,OlSCLOStD~E~
HC.':IAL OF DOCl:MENTS.I BOOKS' RAD 108 , ETC. AS' R~sUL TTHE:'SE SERl iJUS
~crs; CH;LEA~ Ar.B TO US ADVISED STATE DEPT WHICH EXPR~SSED
;!T5 DEEp REGRET' AT WHAT HAD,OCCUREO- , '
II Hi 1S .l\FTf.RNOO'N _ UNDERSC:C~ET AR\' CALLED iN US AMBASS'ADOR
~Q EXPRESS,GOe'.s 'CONCERN AeoUT SEcURITY OF iTS DIP~OMATIC
~rS~IG~ IN US3 ~EQUESTING RAPID ~ND RIGORCUS INVESTIGATION AS,
t.. El..I. AS csr A6L I SHMENT OF POL I CE GUARD TO PREVENT REAL,I !AT I O~ OF
THES['LAMENTM3LE.ABUSES lOESMANESlo ' '

'u~OR ITS PART OUR'G6VT HAS ADOPTED MEASURES TO SAfEGUARD
THESc;:';ORITY OF OlJR"COI-lMUNICATION$ AND OBLIGATORY :J.NV1:SrrGATTON
".~ CSUMAR!OI HAS BEEN ORDERED. UNQTE. . ~ ..
. '.'
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2 .. _viPTlJ,A,Ll.Y ALL SANJl'iAGO DAILiES ,THI'$ HORNING CAR.R" .TEX.T OR
CD" ~AIT~F~L SUMMARIES' PALMA

..
STATEMENT ~ITHOUT tOM~ENT ~R FANtiFUL
.......•.....
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Departme1lt of State
p;\.GE 02 SANTtA 02473 \623~tZ

~o 6,_, NES. S1 a RV BANNEREO:\CRGS S 'FRONT ,p AGE' ';. ~Cil'EV E,R , , e v
cO~"UNISTNEWS
~ETWDRK LAST EVENIN~ RAM ANNOUNCEME~T AGAINST BlCKDRdP
EL .SIGLO AND, INDEPENDE!lT LA TERcER.; GOV'r"f'v
GF 1T1 ExpdSE pos~ER~

'DA~ IS
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JYepartment Of State YELEG~A~~
71
ACTl"'N t.~A .. 1':"
Cl~~-e~ DODE-~P INR.-~6 .(
PQS.~i 55-14 NSC-10 .R~R~~l·

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008831
R It;?3~6~ MAY 77-

FM A~FMRA~SV SANTIA~O.
TO ~ECsT~TE ~ASHDC 1218
.... -:
c.b ~ F I ~ ~ N T I ~ L SANTIAGO ~4t;0

SUBJl="TTs I.I N Ad T HOR l l ED ENTF" ·TtJTO cHTLEAN E~BASSY
I" I='f'PE.1G"" !.q"~·ISTRY SU::1·.Si:i:RETAl:?)' PALMA. AGlttD ME.·TO CALL ON
.HIK TnOAY AT ~:~~ P.~~ ' .• 'r ~UST.R~AD 4P ST~RY FROM ~A~HINGTON
ABOU: V!!"lIn'~)RI7.;.:r ~;.: f;:?'f t":-r~ CHILEAN EMBASSY - AND KNE.'·r .WH . . T TO
EY.PFCT'. ~P.Ai..~1;' EMP·H!:.'~ _,:n Tk.\· At,c BA5 SAOI') R' S OFFICE SHOW:;:f) SU:NS
o~ HAVl~G' BE~N .C~RrF~LLY S~A~CHI='D ~0R PAP~RS WHILE VALUARLE~ ~AD
NOT ~fE'" .TOUCHED.HF SA!O CHtLFAN GOVERNMENT ~SSUME~ MOTTvr
HAD cCE~ .. POLTTICAL. FRO~ HIS OWN RE~ENT tXP~~IE~CEl~ WASHINGTON;
P~LM' S~ID, HE ~NE~~ROTECTr0N GIVE~ C~1LEAN'F~BASSY WAS L~~S
EFF~rTIV~ T~AN IT ~TGHT BE~~~E '~A!ID CHIL~AN ~nVERNkFNT MACE·
. SPECJAL 5FFh~Tp TO PRnT~CT u.Se. OFFI·CES AI\ID RESI;)F~CES p~ SANTIAGO ...
. It" ?,',RT' 3FC A;)SE ~~F DELICACY ·')F nUR' QELAl !n~S - ANr} HE THOUGHT USG
SHOlJl.D ·ALSO. ,STRIVE TO fiIVE CiJILFMi ,)FF~CE'S Ai':;) H':r~£S E\'E'TTER THAN.
RUN-~F-TH~-MILL ~RdTEcTICN. PALMA ASSURED ~E THAT.GOC HAS ~~
. DFSl~F T~AT THIS I~CI~I='~T Bf ~AGNI~!ED. j~,FACTI H~ AP~CARE~.
SLIG~TLY tA~~N ABACK WH~~ 1 ~ENTION~D THAt'lNGIDENT WAS ALRI='ADf
.O~ P~FSS SERVICF WIRES. . . . . '
2. T FXPq~SS~D PEGRFT T4A~ l~CI~ENT HAD OCCURRED AND THANKED
PAL~~ FO~ PR1TECTICN U.q. OFFICES A1~ QECEIVING. 'CARA8I~ERn~
3 'I)?' OE"-I';NST~A1 fON I N FR'"l~H 0;:' :::ON~Ut,A"TE" A ·80URS Asn.,
FEW
N
I SAJO' ! WOULD PASS C'IJ fiOt:: ~;:'QUFST ~OR INC RE' .6 SED pp.orEcTI.o. •
QO;<r.
. ~'''.C;TftTE ~46C;5 ARRIVS') A FEW Mo~ENT~ AGO~ F"AV1A

MENTION OF P~OPEQTY DAM~GE oR THEFT OF RADIO •
.. (iyAVIO. \ . ' ..:

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. 5/15/72 EXT.' 22575 .;.'
. ,ARA/8 C :'~JWfTSHER
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.,:U~~'~·,;:··-.~;;.~t~:T·,.~;~:;. :·~SL~~r:~.AN" CHANCERy.... .. , . . 't.~ jK . I
1.···~: CHILEf.;N ·t1I:~COur~s :VALDES. PHONED DEPT {FISliERlf'iORNING. '::'..
. MAY '15 T.O,.REPORT ·THAT UPON ARRIVAL .SAME 110RNING THEY
DISCO.vE·RE:J}:.;PE'RSO~J,:or: PERSONS UNKNOl:m HAD nrr'ERED CH'ANCERY,
-•. ~··.:iAPP.AREN.TLY'''·SArUf~D·A·Y.:~·:·NI:GHT. OR. SUl'mAY· .NIGHTi-··AND··HAD SSARCHED i , ~ ·;.t,:~
.,:. ·:'SEVERAL .. Of.fJ.:CES· Mnr' :TAKEN sonc RADIOS ANl} scoxs. DE~T. .: ., ":".
, rlttlEl>IATElY N·OTIFIED: APPROPRIATE AUTHO~ITIES THROUGH' ..• ., ...."-: -.'
~::
.. " PROTOGOL'. AN'l)·.·SY CHANt'llELS:1' AND, J)EPTOFF {GIRDLER} VISITED' ..,

'. CHANCERY' T.O·: vSXPRESS . CONCERN AND REGRET." ' ...::... :: .: :. '"
• • ". • '. .;'. • • • • '. .. • • .. 10 > ~ • '." • <', • :.' • ' •
.' 2. ·;·'i.: DURING' V!SIT, . Ati8' LETELIER AND EMBOFFS DISMIsSED· ..

ROBBERY.AS POSSIBLE MOTIVE, STATING IT IMPOSSIBLE CON-
. CEIVE TH~T'fOR~IG~ CHANCERY LOGrCAL·~ARGET·FOR STRAIGHT ..
ROBBERY. AND 'CONCL~DING THAT REAL PURPOSE WAS SEARCH FOR' -
r::;, ·.{UNSPt·ClfIED} DOCUMENTS. WHILE TERC'1ING INCIDENT ·':DISAGREE-. '. . "..~"
~'. A9LEn . THEY MADE NO HIN.T Of, OR REFEf.E~JCETO'l POSSIBLE
PROTEST' OR tLAIM FOR PROPERTY DAMAGE. YY ; .~:
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AS REFERRED'TO
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:.:~~~;~·13.~0930
"~;~~~~~r1.973 .
MEMORANDUM FOR THE RECORD"
SUBJECT: Chblean Embassy Break In on 15 Ma.y.1972
1. On 24 May 1973 I telephoned Mr ~. James Robinson,

Gene xa.I Cz-irne Section, Department of Justice and asked if he
had ·any information as to c r im.ina.l, In~6secuti6'n>:di persons involved
.·in' abzeak in at the: Chilean E:qlbas~y:,:.~j:i:W~l:1.J:lington,D. C. on
15 May 1972'. Mr.' Robins'onstated'h:e had.:rl6:.kriowledge ofthis but
suggested that it would be betterfo .~h~ck,with"·Mr. ·G. Marvi~ Gentile,
. Deputy A-ssistant Secretary f6rSecurtty,·~:;t>,~Eartrnentof State,. and
..,.:' :·.'the Secret Service' s Inc e they hadre'~p(;)ffi3;t~t;tltie's'fo r the .Executive
.: ::: :Pr~tective Service' (EPS). Itelephoh'e'a:14~":JGenti1e.and he identi-
fied. two. State Department cables re:!ative:·to:'the in~identj one .from
the embassy in Santiago' to the Depa:#;n.1.e~~,...No.·2450, ·d.3.ted·
. ~ .15 May 1972, Subjects Unauthorize:,j:{Entry Outlining. the ~rotest
, 'of the Chttean Goveznment pres'ent~¢;to theAme'rtcan Embassy•
. and the State Department reply to:Sa:~iiago, No .. 084655, dated
.. ' '.'15 May 1972 •. Mr. Genti1e·als~ide#~t'fie'd\tJ:ie.:E;PSnepoz-tof '., ..
'.:. investigation and suggested thatt~Eie:a:GbPY:';fromthe Sect-et Servlc·e.
.'.' . ' ~'I then. calle41 ~t'Secr:~t·S.etv~:ce and he had his liaison
. man deliver me a copy of the EPS'report of. investigation.
• .. •• ".' 'i" :;_. ~ • ••
. • .1
. . 2:On 25' May 1973 I recetveda-caflfz-om FBI Agent .

.-1 lstating that he had received
about prosecution: r
a- telephone call f~om Mr. Janies.Ropinson:.relative to :my inquiry
f~gJc:at~d that. the·.FBI Washington. .
:Field Offi.c e-ha.d reoncC;tctea tue i.,~~ropolita:n Police D.epartment (MPD)
·on 2",1: May and reviewed therepo.;;;:r:No:~ 248:"4l4'xiled with the 3rd
. District. MPDo whi.ch states. ·that· ac;,bxEicik,i.n:-occurred the Chilean at
Emhassy between 5:00 'and '~:OO a~;iri~' on 15 May 1972;·
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Repoxted loss' at that· tirne consis"t~:4~~i£O,ur·am/frn 'radios

chid one electric razor. The·po1i:c:~}~ifi.Yesttgationidentified
... .some late'?-t fingerp;rints' but no
·i·d"etit~fibaiion:o.f·tho5e. prints'
was made; . Since the reported lositw.as .unde'r $~J 000 and there .:. <».
was no ev.idence. of a crossing of stcite'boundries, :the FBI did"

.
not make an inve.stigationof the incident.' The MPD reported
th.iit:~1;J.ere had been no pros~cutionandno' suspect wa~ identified.
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. In5p~ctor General
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Ne..'"aes revealed in Office of ..:Security repci"'1:

p. 'Retiring .Tune 19"7~, referred to.~Cord for job
~I ----------,--
I- Wanted 'to :i:'cise ~.cnd for EcCo:ro.
Whe:ce do we stan& \(1 th:

......... '
steve .Kuhn )
. )
. Bruce Solie) "rere to have been. interi"iewed
). .
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PaulG9.ynor)
I think 'WVB' has' int.arvie·wed follo.!:ing:
,I
. John 'Hart . ).
'rlhose names appear itj,my notes .to see
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Ed Ryan
.)
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~ord l.feyer )
SDB OO~g6
MORl DoclD: l45l843
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I 26 Mll.Y1973 ;- ~" ..
MEMORANpUM FOR. TIm RECORD'
", . SUBJECT: ",DPI"Tra:p" . on 'Le~ks ofNarcotics Intelligence,

.,.' . :~:,.,j ,\~,:*}r'~" ',:.':~"f:~';'
,1. In materiiil:I'rovid~d by the DDI on contacts with c~rtain'"

persons on the White House Staff. there is a 9 September 1972
memorandum from Mr •. He1ID.s to Dr. Kissinger relating the
identification of a 113;:..1<: to, th~ press as having been 41 the BNDD.
The memorandum st~tes'in .part:
. . ;,,;';)~';Z~:,.; ~ :", . 0,' ,- ~ ,
"After notingll:ha't,J'ackAnderson had a continuing
source for classi£ied documents on narcotics, we
arranged a:tl:,~p,so that recipient organizations
of CIA Intelhg~l:e-Memoranda',(IM) on narcotics . '".
".' ' .
. -/' ,.. could be ietentifie.d. ": . '
,---------------~--'----~-------------.
,, 2.
3. This cour~~o'{'acittonwas at the' initiative'of theDirecta~a;e'f:

of Int~lligence, without. consultation with persons elsewhere In' the
government, except in reporting the results to Dr, Kiss.inger. It
represents a welt-concetved aetempt to target on a possiblesoul'ce .
of leaks. We doubt.that:it would be susceptible to miaunderstan,Ung
if exposed to,!>ubllcYlew. 'but the fact is that it was something ·o[:.lin',
attempt to trap 'so1'heon:~,.an:dit was. a part. of the gen'eral attempt,to :
seal of[ a leak sinill,i'r to those 'leading to the "plumbing" operation.,
Because of the latter',con6ideration it is noted for the. record•., -,,',
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(b.:=ac0:'ls) to '!::a};:,e it ICC::;"a: rd~pcr...'~~:!.ve to C0n,,;;r'~f:S:~~:;;u
!, Nedzi's que5ti~~.
:L<?J) 16: J.."'::l e::::":liJ.o.21.9. '~:iOl1 cf -ti~3 :;::':1e;:l3;tl':'.'.:-;;~"i."

I making car:iiog::-al?hs.
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Tab.1T: .1m r~-initiated :follo,t-up onl----::===='~hicb
vas merely nc:-red on p~ge' 17 of t.b~ origina1 sellsit:Lve
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s~ary.
rrab 18; T\;o IG-irJ..t·iat.ed i'0110;-:-u?s on itel!1s t~;at lle::L'~

\
I included in :tbe in:i..tial Directo~'flte subwissions" but 't-rel."e" t'oa
f:ragEenta ry ~or·inclusion· in 'our c;;iginal s~a,:xY..
7
I.
I 2ab 19:
th'2 cour..a e of
'On~
.C:... rr
cO::JplE(tely nex it.em that su!:"'feced in
inq"ui:!'ies.
I Tl:::e tabs are not arranged in anY' logicel Cl"a-:?r, because w~
chose to place' the bulkier' i teros on tha bottom o:f the file to
I,
I
I
!:lake :for easiar. llantlling of it. Tbe fo1101iing is a breakdown of
the tabs by initiator of :follmr-up. (Both you and. l{edzi. asked:
:for-a follOW-Up' on.:th~ item in Tab 2.) . .:
-I
Dolby-initiated - l1edzi-initiated IG-initiated !,ew submis.sion
I 1
2
2
4
~7
18
19
3 10
I' 5 II
I 8-
6
7
12
13
14
I 9.
16'
15
-I If:l,llism V-; Brae

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Inspector Galleral·
00388
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It is reluest-ad that material be cBroad on 3 x 5 cards 1"01"
future possib1.~ USS o It shcr.11d shev (1) the nane or the e:-:ployea"
in upper lei' hand corner,- (2) nane ot person bain!( reported on ,
(e.g. lfunt, ~ord, ete.)m (3) event raported, i1' significant,and
the word wrouU.., e· if' not signif'icant, (4) identi1'T...n~ referen03 .
wl:2mo ill which i."lfomat:l.on is reccrded. ' .
If an &YnJlt reported in this material is siginfica."lt,. please.

,report it ir.:olediately for handling (either a "jevell Q or !lO~.thing
connected with l-atergate and associated events) . . .' . . ..•
l'lease reisEI any questions that o~cur as yO'.! gat into the
material. Especiall~" as you get ideas as York progresses,pleaso
put them for.mrd.
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25 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Mr. Broe -,

SUBJECT : Reported Agency Fundixg of Heroin Study "
..
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• " .,', I. 'ORD, in reporting 'association of employees with Egil

: Krogh in connection with the gcveznmeat narcotics program, . ;..
.. ;:
referred to an Ag~ncy funding ,action on 30 Jun~ 197~ whereby
-,
$37,500 was transferred to OST (the Office of Science

l '
Tech- and " .
nology under the E:~ecutlve) from ORD's budget. The money was
: 'to fund a study proposed by IDA (r" am told this is the ID.stitute for.
1
Defens: Analysis), and was approved by, the DDI. ADD/S&T,
rcting for the DDS, and Mr. C,.olby as Executive Director- ,
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DCI/IC (CIA)
DDI \~J\5HHIGTON (UP!) -- CIA OFFICIALS TESTIFIEiJ wEiJtiE::iUAY THEY FORGOT:
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DiJO (2·AiiGNY;·iGU:i r":AiHjIi':GS riiEY HECEIVED TH.'\f THE ::HITE 1!OV3£ ;~AS TttYltlG TO
:,)D5/'1' PII~ BLAi'iE eN THE AGE,ICY fQH ml,: IvATER(jitTE SCAliiJAL.
D/OCI fiEP. LuCIErl I~Ej)t::1, D-l'ilCH.,G,~LLED·THIiEE OfFICIALS OF.THE CIA TO
ONE EXPLAllJ wilY THE LETTERS -- WHICH HAVE BI,:EN TRACED TO WAIEiiGATE ~%'
OSR ·CON.3PlilATGR JAi'JES j'JCCORD "- DID NOT SURFAGE UNTIL TWO DAYS ·AGO. c:~:,.
':i!.::"
OSI (2 "OIlE Of THE REA~OriS THEY GAVE WIlS THE FANILIAR • I FOh60T,·" NEDZI ~'"
Ch/O",,,,SAID. "T!1;;:y ALSO SAID II h'AS A foJ!lTTlCR 01' rU,WH4(:j IT ovrs TO SOl'iEONE t·:.':,
"DB ELSE MIiJ AS:;Lii'iItJG HE lIOiJLD Pl,SS II O l i . " · · · . r
INDICO THE SIX Ll;.TTERS -- ONE 01' THEN_SIGr.ED .. JIl'l' AND THE OTHERS .I.'
000/00 ANONYi'iOU,5 -- WERE SEH TO FORi'iEK C·IA DlftECTOR RICHAfW HELi'iS BETWEEN •
r: JULY 1.972 AiW LAST JAI;UARY. !
~ .J>" 1:.":;;,,1 SAID II HAl) bEEN "?i\'~TTY Dl::FINITELY ESTABLISHED" THAI i
OSO i'/CCCiiD, A FOii~;ER CIA AGEiiT, WAS IHE AUTHOR OF ALL THE LETTERS. NEDZI ~,~.::;
mea iJECLINED TO SAY WHAT WAS IN THEN, EUT REP. WILLIAI'i BRAY, R-IND., SAID;\~~
THEY wERE "CO~:FUSEiJ~ Arm "DISJOINTEO" WARNINGS IHAT THE WHITE HOUSE ~.:;:!
~~ WAS TilHNG TO NAKE THEbiA H':RGATE BilEAK-IN AS 'A CIA PLOT.
eur ijOTH NEDZI AND BRAY SAID THEHE WAS NO EVIDENCE THAT CIA WAS 'IN ANY;
r-
WAY RESPONSIBLE FOR THE WATERGATE BREAK-IN. I
TESTIFYIIlG AI THE SESSION WErlE PAUL GAYNOR, HOWARD OSBORNE.AND I
,-huermer WILLIAi'1 5RAUX, TO? CIA OFFICIALS WHO HAD CUSTODY 01' THE NCCORD .
~egco
tous ton
i-EHERS AI VARIOUS STAGES AfTER THEY WERE SENI. .
NED~I INITIALLY SPELLED SRAUX'S NAME AS BROE AND SAID.HE DID NOT
'.
:
I
)sborne KNOW IF II WAS IHE SAME MAN WHO TOLD THE SENATE COMMITIEE ABOUT .
~roe NE2TINGS HE HIID WITH I II PRESIDENT HAROLD GEI/EEN IO DISCUSS THE
.aynoz- CR-EATION or
INTERNAL ECC1W1'IIC STRIFE IN CHILE.
IIP105-24 05:12 PED' I
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Comment:
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\ These comments represent the initiaZ 'and tentative .reaction of

the Office of Current InteZligence to the attached item from the
news services. .
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Specificl,)l'om Parrotti.s Involvement with David YoUiig')~':,';:'i '.
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We met with Tom Latimer this morning·toget from him the .only
existing copy of the sens.itive attachment to our family jewelsi'ep9rt·:··, ' "'"
". in prder that wenughtiriake a temporary stayback burn copy~·'·.:·.I\i·that'/, "":',"
.time', Latimer said he had a call 4do Broe to repa'rt that when >.:.... , 'Tom: :.:;'"
Parrott was DCI dutY'officer some time in September 1972 he rec.eiyed ..:.'::..'
frQm·'~~r..~d~~ung.;,:." ,:,~:~~§:;,fj;:.... ';:.':
'.
if;>' . some calls .'
':' I called Par:t:Qt.t's .home.(FE 7-35l2} at 0925. ,The perso:q; '.'~,~ ._ .
answering, presumably Mrs. P.arrott, gave me his telephone.:hWhber '
at the EnvironmElntal.Protection .i\.gency (755~0533) •. I called :parrott;' .....
there and told him that I would like to meet. with him to debri~{.Ji~ "/:C ':":' '.
on the sabstance .of .calls he received from the Whit e House :v-.rheii.:lr~·::.:5: .,'., r:
was DCI duty offic:-er in 'September 1972 •. Tom 'said he would'.. b~'ha.ppy'·· ..
to meet with me but that he saw. no reason why he coUld not give JP,e'
the information. over the telephone, f::~i}f·;l;'·.· .
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.;' . Tom received'a call from David Young at about rniddayori a.:::·-. :. ,,"
Saturday. Young.was ~alling about that .morning's program oy:Dail:. ':.

Rath~r .in which. i~ther Incfuded inaterial from a classified l:;~~'o.,-:I:.),;:.
Young wanted to come out to the headquarters building to' see Pi!::t.:;r6tt.
Parr'ott started ~hasing it down, <l:Je spoke with Bruce Clar~El:~hohad '";:;'''
the DDI duty, ··It,turned out that'Rather's comment wastnade;ori;his.:.·
.program of the pzevlcus day and that it was based on a repo:rJ ·th":{.i'::':
carne out of George Carver's .shop, The report was distributed in ",'
..
' only seven or eight copies, and only two of them had gone. outside the
.Agency-> both' to Kissinger. ." . .... . . ' .':: ,)t;i;..\,::·...
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Young gf'it lost trying to find the build' ng and did not 'arrive until .:
about one. By ·then,. Parrott had identified the Carver report :and, had .
a copy of the. distribution list. Young was shaken upon discovering..': .
that the only e':tE;rn~l distribution was to Kissinger. He was. ''!'Xtremely .
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. 1. :Thi8inohiing:Messr~. LaY/renee.HOuston, G.epel'al·Cpun.s.el:'
. WilliaIn Broe.,'·fuSpeCi:~:rGen:era1.:,Ho~ai(iQsb~rn."Di~.e:cto;":o£·S~6ilrity;:
. PaUl. GaYilor~,,;,q~~~!tS.:~~?~f~ty,~~e~earch Staff; aJi4\ ' 0 . . ' . ,'1'.. .: ,.
Secretary:,to)Gen;e~ti .;a.~ers .. appeazed bc£ol."ethe~a.':!i~",e'S'ci11.eq~ttee
·ab.out, A.'g.in.e.
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meeting las,ted~,#ic) . . .. ~'hOUj,.f{-i:or2)j,5 ..h(jtiJi'$~· ::.'rh~~;~~VI'l-~«r~;;t~'c1jnic'al. . .,
sweep 'o(thll:'l:oQ:mi"¢"Z:l?'Raybiwt Houae O£fic~ BJill.iWig;i~:·aIta;the·,rQom, , .
. Was;;no·~~ept'~9~~<}~~~:&~IqalfgP;iliti:lring.:'iDiS cus~~S ,:' ". :;;j~~~;r#a.s,e 9i~~, -.
~eve~~ '..A.ti.an;!i,9,~I\~~*~~>t,jil<;El;~.~.nIl,3:Sonfi1.e Ul' :thEl: . J?t\'~;~gi,sl~ti:V-e.:·.
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23 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR THE- RECORD
On this date Mr. William E. Colby and the writer held a

meeting with Congressman Lucien N. Nedzi. The reason for the
nleeting was to review with the Congressman material sent us by
,-I"
the Directorates describing the Agency activities that had flap
potential•
. At the outset, Mr.· Colby advised that the Director had issued
instructions to each directorate to come forward with descriptions
of activities (especially involved in the domestic scene) that had flap
potential. In addition, in a memorandum to all employees of the CIA,
the Director had instructed all employees to report to him any
activities the Agency was conducting that they construed as outside
.the Agency charter. Congressman Nedzi requested a copy of this
Agency notice be furnished to him.
The full report, including the sensitive section, was: discussed

with the Congressman item-by-itezn and in most cases he actually
read the text. This took two hours .and the Congressman followed
the material with great care.
With regard. to the it~m concerning Mr. ·McCord's letters to the- .

Agency iti July and December 1972 and January 1973, he expzesned .
.astonishment that the material took so long to be surfaced and when
. surfaced took so long to get to the Director. He was very outapoken
in :l:S criticism of the people involved. .
I will not try to set forth all his reactions to the material, which
I believe he found sobering, but I will set out herel.,aIter the items in
which he showed special interest:
a. Alien documentation furnished to the Secret Service.

He desired more information concerning the reason why
issued, the use, and how controlled.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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b. Financial support to the White House in connecticn

with the replies to letters and telegrams as a result of the
President's speecb on Carnbodia in 1970. He requested
more information on this subject.
c. Beacons furnished Ambassadors. He was interested

in the number issued to Ambassadors and the position the State
Department took on the use of these beacons. He was interested
if the Department of State was pushing this program, as he
."" believed tlJ:ey should J;j,~.. ,'t. '"if"" .<
d. Logfsttcs" acquisition of police equipment. He
questioned whether LEAA, Department of Justice, should
not be doing this rather than the Agency.
e. He noted LogisticS furnished telephone analyzers, and

desired to know what they were and how used.
f.
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g. OER's crasb project concerning Robert L. Vesco
requested by the DCI. 'The Congressman was interested in who
outside the Agency instigated the project and why was it stopped.
h. Several ORD projects indicated research done without .

knowtedge of the host system or on unwitting subjects. He was
of the opinion that this was risky and recommended' it be
terminated. He stated he would like to see a directive go out
to the researche:rs concerning these practices.
i. John Dean's request re Investors Overseas Service.

He reviewed the six reports that had been furnished. He noted,
however, that the item stated "there were multiple channels
to the Agency from the White House" and request~d informatiol\
concerning these channels.
j, Alien passports. Mr. Colby advised that he planned

to review this whole subject and the Congressman agreed with
the need to do so.
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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The' Congressman noted that in connection with .Tohn McCone's

consultative role with the Agency the Director had stated some time
in the past that he planned to take action regarding individuals in this
category. The Congressman requested a report on what had been done.
Mr. Nedzi asked Mr. Colby if the Agency had considered how
much of the information just reviewed with him could be made public.
Mr. Colby stated this had ,not been done yet, and spoke to the question
't"'" ",~ of s'~u"Ces, meth~s. an,d"t~'impacto,y,,~e instiftl,\1»Ii>n. The'~ngress~,.~,
man stated that in the current climate he felt it was necessary to open
up more information to help clear the air. Mr. Colby stated the Agency
would give the matter deep consideration. and added he had been thtnk-
ing of a general statement along these lines to be used at his confirmation
hearing.
The meeting ended at 1Z o'clock noon.
,(Signed) William V., Brae:

WUliam V. Broe
Inspector General
Distribution:
Director of Central Intelligence
Mr. Colby
Office of Legislative Counsel
NOTE: The above listed' items, except for item j. are being pursued
by the Office of the Inspector General.
- 3 -
00403
MORl DoclD: 1451843
" .
. .. '.
, I.: ; :
"if5'404
23 ~:ay 1973
iI·;·.·.:iT
-- -[!5"ArC>-'--
Directo rity
~-_./
MORl DoclD: 1451843
\. t- :.: J. q ;\ V I T
"
dsposes and says as follows:

J.; I n;n the Dil'ector of Security of the Ccnt.r-aL
Intelligenco Agency •.
2~ The purpose of this s tut enent; is to r-cco rd ,
\ •.
. to the best of my knowledge and l:ccollection, circui!!stafices
irtvolved in the receipt of a series of unsigned. co r r e spon-

denco raceivod by the Agency during the period from 1 August
/,
1972 to 7 J~nllary lS73~ Tho si2uiBlcance of these lcttor~
is that by th:}ir conten.t and by the handt'lr'iting on tHO of

them, they ar-e believed to have becn'wr-Lt t en by James W'.
McCord, Jr~,. one of the de£cadants in th-e Watergate .trr inj.,
3.. By £ir.st involvcment in this matter occurred
on t.he 2nd or 3rd of August 1972 "hen an envelope addressed

to ~lr. I~eln\s > then Director of the Central Intelligence
Asency, with no return address, and postaarked 30 July ~972
;
was routed to my desk fro~ the Director's office as a routine
piece of "crank mail".. The cnve.Lope contained a carbon copy
of a typewritten letter signed "Jim" j·lith the nane in the',
salutary address excised .. "Dear" ..
the letter as .a piece of crank J>lail" I had second thoughts
and r~-cogl1izCcl the handwriting .on the enve Iope and the
signature "Jimlt on the lat:ter as beina similar to that of
}'fr. McCord) Hho formerly worked fOT me as a security officer
before hid retiroment fro.m the Agency ..
MORl DocID: 1451843
.'.~.
"\'
,1.. C;1.:'-;-.h;:J: s;-:::";: J;'/JI \ .. ':~ '.d ~,,;',,:: :/;;1.:. ,: ':.:>
a ~tl"t"i!..~ ;.n~Q!)~.~b3.;.·;.:_y
.}·~)r .. .......
l':I~''':'''''d...
"'~ ~r _.1"
.0' --
OV~l~ to tho Fcde ra.l. BUl'u,iU of ~n."""c$tisatioil.. Hr. ;:~l.L1.$,~ aitor

"
sone reflaction, doc i dcd that he r,'ould. like to have" a .l!ogal
GC'n~)Ta.l Counsel of the Agency to his office and hud hia

t
roau tha letter. After he had finished reading the letter
thO) ensufrrg 'di~eussiunJl to t.he bos t of a}" rt1colloction,.
centered about whether,the A&oncy had any legal obligaia Ofi ,
to forHaI'd tho letter to tho Justice Depa'rtment; or the, Fc(!~·cal
DU1"cau of -In.vestigation. Both ;·jr. HeLms and Nr. Houst.on
f
decided th~t there NO.$ no such obligation and I was to~d' to
hold t)le let:1:er in a secure file in my office and take. no
further action on it. Mr. Balms instructed t10 to restr;ict
t...
knolflcdge of the existence of the letter to an absolute
mini:aum number of poopke ,
5. The next envelope received was addressed 'to
, ,
, Nr. Paul Gayner, a staff chief in 1,1y office and a former,
close friend of Mr. McCord's, on or about tho 23rd of
Decembe-r 1972. The next envelope received was addressed
to Mr. Gaynor's residence and \ins undated but posttlurkod
27 uecenber- 1972. The t,.,o envelopes contained one or 130re
uns Lgncd typewritten pieces of correspondence \'Thich appear-ed

, 'I'
to relate to Mr. }fcCord's involvement in the 1:fa.tC:Fgat~."nff::\irli.
Bot h of these letters were handcar-rIed by rna to/Mrs. Elizab"ti,
) 2
" ::00406
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.....
"
,.-
'.;'.: ~:::J)·s(,.lt"'il11y bYe-n."s ..
. -.
(1. ·~;l!~~;;;~iH"mt:ly, '.):1 Z:J ;;..~I:cr,jb..;r J.972 M". t ! on ~.
<) .r:l:~~::ary J.973 ::.:v1 ? .]':;.::1:11'Y J.~)73) thl--.!!e .'li.dit.~. 'Hol .::n~-{.~J.0;''2:S
by t,ir~ Ga>'Tlor at h'is resi.donca and pro;;\ptly ·.~clivarecI t~o

ne for roJ:view and subs equen t Lnc Ius Lon in the SCCl.1ro: file.
but a week or so later dolivered to him a folder uith all

copies of the lotters we had received. As I recall, my
l·UQUOS t to him was for guidance us to l:nnt action SilOU1,1 .
be taken with .egard to them in the light of his depatmlre

,frma the Agency incident to his nomination as United States
_';"r:'!.bIlSSD.clo:'";,,dasigna.te tp Iran.. After rcviCH¥-ing .t.hem, lie-
i.nformed'me that he did not sed any. reason t.o ta.ke any ~ac1:ion
at that tiLle, but asked that I show them to Hr. Houston
and if Hr-, Houston, had. no obj"ctio~, I "as to retain them
in a Secure fi1'e and take no actio::> ,t!th rogard to t.i:.am.·
As I recall, Mr. Houston ,.,0.5 out of t01ffi at the time and
it was 'severnl day,s before I had an'opport.llnity to give
him the fOlder· with the copies of the letters in it for
"
review. After rov.-iewing them, he informed DIe that he had
no objection to the instructions loll'. Helms had given me and
I so informed /.Irs. Elizabeth Dunlevy, secre1;ary to Mr. Hel.ms~
7.' On 14 f'lay 1973, ~{r. William Broe, Inspector
General of tho Agency. and his Deputy, lolr. Kenneth Greer,
met ,with me in my office in connoction with an investigation
i
thoy \.;ore undcz tnkdng at the'direction of .Mr. Schlesinger
to uotermine if anyone .in the Agoncy had any contact ,I}ith
()0407
MORl DoclD: l45l843
. '. '.~.
:':", :', C·..·,:l. .::; ,';} ~;!.j -v • : ••: • • • ~ •••• : '.',·:',1~"":~t

\,
.::c ':'$:.
'
~:,,~ ..• ·I.,,::.i

•. : •.. :: ,-;;.:.3 . :,:.,"::' .:"1 :~,~
':.. 1 .; ,,':~ .';:'1:1 ::~-_ ;'."':,~ •. j.' ;. ·~.··~:·~:';t .... ~ !'t tv ',: ~..,,)
j,~r. McCord since tHe Watcrg;,.to 5.:;~cldc!1t.. (I )iu~scqm:::1tly
dctI31·r.\iiled from Nr .. Gaynnr' th3.t he l'H1S not seen or talked.

to 1.1r~ McCord since his retireL.ent from. tho. Ag,r:;iH:y on 3;' ':\U2-ust
1970.) ,I 'also told them thl't a Hr. Leo Rosenbaum, an e,"ployee
of tho Agency) had requested an ar>pointma:at t'1ith me to ,discuss
the £:msibility of contributing to llr. r..!c:Co\'d's. defense. fund
,;
and that'I thought I had' convinced him that this wou'ld be
inimical, to the best interests of himself 1 the Agency and
;-,;1". :·!cCord." I also stated that ;.Jr. Rasen~aum. lw.d calle"'d. -me
several weeks ago to say· that he was well kno~l as a clpse

friend of Nr. r.icCord t 5 and r.!ight be called to testify at the
;'
current Senate Hearings. I advised. him to seek gUidanJ~

in this regard from the Office of General Counsel. I,do not
'know that he did so. I then romembered the envelopes and
correspondence purportedly origi~ated by Mr. McCord. I briefed
Hr. Broe and,Hr. Greer on the circumstances involved in the
recoipt and SUbsequent Iland1ing of tlleT.! and made a cop~, of
each of them and deliVered them to !-Jr. Broe the next day.
I 0.150 gave a copy , at the same time, to my i.nme.diate supervdsor ,
1-ir. Harold B,ro.....ruaan ,
8. 'A £el< days after this, I nas contacted by
Mr. John Gren,ney, Office of the General Counsel of the'
Agency, who asked me about any official or unofficial ~Qntacts
anyone in the Agency had had "ith Mr. HcCord. I'mention"d
00408
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.. '.~.
,
\
On this S:1J.:l:l date; I wns instructed by !·lr. Jnim~s R•.Schle:;iazer,

Dlructor of tho Central IUf;elligcru.::a Agen.cy,.· to partic:t:p,iltc
.).
in certain Congressional briefings on this matto'i" and tb
prepare this affidavit.
9. Up to the 14th of f.ray 1973 when I infol·m·~tl.
1·i1t , Bl·oe and l·fr. Gre(:r o~ the envelopes and their cont,Jilts"
the only. p~r50ns knov l edgeab Le of the existence' of thCD t
in addd ticn. to J:le ,,. t"'t.l:r~: !··ir. He1:,15 , Nr-s , Eli~abeth Dunl'evy ~
, 'I'
his. secretary, Mr .. Houston, Mr .. Paul Gaynor of my staff,
. < ,
Miss Kathryn Aldridge, my secretary ,.,ha prepared the £':(le,.
i
Mr.. Leo J. Dunn, my Executive Officer,. knew of the fil" If:.
I
envolope and corrospondence but not of subsequent enVe ~pes.
I'
10. The ,only other matter pertinent to this··l:
particular matter was tho fact that an intennittent '50 .rce
. of this Office, who vas a close personal friend
·r
of ~lr. 'McCord' 5
has relayed "to Mr. Gaynor and his staff certain information
,.
concerning the poxsonak situation of Mr. and Hrs. McCord during
and after the time he was. in jail and since he has been
released on bond. This source has'boen utilized by thi~ office
for many yoars :,nd by "ly direction, no effort was r.lad".'to solicit
info~:i:'Iation frOp.l h lrn about: Mr. HcCord and the information provic1ed
HaS done so purely gratuitously.
lImfa:rd IlY. Osborn
Subs c r i.bed and sworn to before me) a Notary Public, in and for t.ho
Couat y of Fairf.ax, Stato of Virginia, this ;13 day of '-2'!~'f--
}.!y coramLs s Lon e~pire9 ~_& %< ..!s"'~ /11'--- -i?'
, . 00409
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-
-
Bill ?~d"", \l,"'tl

;c·o.;.l .·,j ,;,,' i·;·1·:·.I.:: to .,;,,;,.::
had told h irn thatl ] at the t irne he w as In chargo:= of
narcotics rnat t o r-s for the DDP, knew Lid~y and w as priJ~)a::':ly
:·~~·ol~··d \,,:~1, I ou CO''''''';'l'''~S
['unt- -, .. ·-··,1'""" t
;~~Vth'~;Vh~t~~ r-i;Ui;:a 2.l~~~~V.:-2~~Ae; t~ n1eet~~~"'n.~~~~ r~ ~~ ~
t!.. :"lo .... •.. irue cinc .
wc r
... .
_ _~_~lund"'J:stq.n<!i.ng~t may have introduced
to Conein.
I _
.',
I Iqlleried as to what would be thj b:st, prrcedUJ:e . .

The w it r advised that we should interview
e r c c n c e r n i n g
his :-e!.a~ions with Liddy, Hunt, and Conein, an that this office
would do so.
0041.0
MORl DoclD: 1451843
As!. .1 STRATPlii I NT!='RNh! USE ON! Y
23 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: All Employees
SUBJECT Ag enc y Involvernent in the Wa te r-gate Case

~ ::.~ ,L: .
.,
" ."- "," . . . . ., ' •• L ..
~~:.~ -~~
1. The leadership of the Agency continues to make a deter-

mined effort to investigate all aspects of Agency involvement with
the "Watergate" case or any of those persons connected with it.
The results of these investigations have been given to the appro-
priate legislative, executive, and judicial elements of the Govern-
ment investigating these rrre.ete r s , Each exnployee has been asked
and is directed to report to the Director any knowledge he or she
has of the Watergate affa i z- and related matters, any persons con-
nected with it, or any other illegal activity in which they believe
the Agency was' involved in any way.
2. In consonance with the foregoing, anyone who has had

any connection or contact wi th individuals on the attached list, or
anyone in their offices or anyone purporting to act for them or
acting pursuant to their authority, should report these contacts
fully. Activities of these and other individuals include not only the
Watergate affair, but any investigative work on the Pentagon Papers/
Ellsberg case and any contacts relating to the Executive Branch and
White House efforts to locate and stern leaks of classified informa-
tion to the press starting as early as July 1970.
3. Any work done by anyone in the Agency on any of these

subjects, or any knowledge related thereto, should be reported to
the 10 through the appropriate Deputy Director, or directly and
personally to the Director.
kB111111 STRoH I'IE I HTI!iJUHL !lS E ON' Y 0041.1.

,~ ...
--------------- MORl DoclD: l45l843
,
INTErNAl "SF (. (
4. It ~s imperative that every piece of information

bearing on these matters be reported immediately for evaluation
by the senior rnanag ement of the Agency. The public interest
requires that all information be produced and reported to our
,,,pversighl:<M;.ommittees,,,(on a clas~j.fied basis;)!,necessar;yJ so ./;';'"
that the Agency's actual role will be clariIied with respect to
various charges and speculation.
W. E. Colby
Executive Secretar:
, ' ,/ .
CIA Management Commlttee
Attachment
(
APPROVED
_~Rj~~
C..James R. SChlesinge
Director
ADMINISTRATIYE - INTERNAl "SF oN' ¥

MORI DocID: 1451843
.,
At .Hf3T~ATlr/E Itl·rE~)I\b Uf E OW'Y'
Attachment.
H. R. Haldeman
John D. Ehrlichman
John Dean
Egil Krogh
David Young
Et"1i:oward H.i'rll ,,';;"
r-,
:,~
O. Gordon Liddy
James W. McCord
Charles W. Colson
John J. Caulfield
Eugenio Rolando Martinez Careaga
Juan Rigoberto Ruiz Villegas
Bernard L. Barker
Virgilio Gonzales
Frank Anthony Sturgis
'NfIMI£TRATIVE 'NTERNAI USE aNI y
OOl.(. 1/ b
MORl DoclD: 1451843
./
MENORA!Jl)UM TO :;
Exflcutive eOI.'1' olitar :r
CMA ¥~nagement C~ru~ittee
SUBJ&~T
Lean of Televiei,m System to Secret Service
for Usa at De!l!01)X'atie and Republican National
Conv'3ntiolls
".....
in 19'12
. ::. ;~-...
o~ .
1. The attaehed;\suJnmary reports the loan of televisim
equip'/,lent by the Agency ta the Secret ;;ervtM for Use durIng the
Domoeratia and Republican National Convent Ions last year. The
equipment was for use in helicopter aeriel survo1l1ance, primarily f:r<

CI'OW control. The assumpi:ion is that i t was used for that purpose ,
The eqUipment vas recovered in .l\~vember 1972.
2. The transaction seems a straightforward arrangement,

.
related to tho legal responsibility of the Secrat ~ervico.
I1owever, the fact that the, AKeney proMdod th~ equipment for: usa
in a domentic political situation c~~lrt be presented in a different

light.
004:12
MORl DoclD: 1451843
: Executive Secretary
CIA Joilnap'ement CQJJlmittee
SUBJECT Drue TestinR Program

1. The attached sum~,ary trom ORO descrIbes research
:t'i' ...
indicate that the repol'ted drug was part of a larger program

in whioh '
~ ,th" Agenoy had l."e1ation.~ ,rith com:nercial drug manufaoturers,
WhereBY they paaaed on drugs rej ected because of unfavol'ab1e eide
effects. The drugs w~e soreened with the Use of ADP equipment,
and those selected for experimentation were tested atlL- ___
IUSing monke~ end mioe. Materials

---'na"'"v"'mmog~--------~-----------
Df/further interest, as dem0!1strated by this testing, lIere then
tested at Edgewood, usinR voltulteer members of the Armed Forces.
2. The program WiS ter:nin'lted last fall. nie computer progran
remaine in the machine, its final disposition not yet ha.ving been
decided.
3. Carl Duokett emphasdaes that the program was considered
as defensl'7.6, in the sensa that we would be able" to recognize
certain behavior i f siJnilar materials were used against ArnerlcanBo
WVB
00413
MORl DoclD: 1451843
ORD-2550-73
23 May 1973
',:~.
...~'
.. .:.,. "'~'
..~.
MEMORANDUM FOR: . Deputy Director for Science and

Technology
SUBJECT: ORD Involvement in Domestic Affairs
\ In surveying all of the people within the Office of Research

and Development in search of specific contact or knowledge of .
, . Messrs. Hunt, Krogh, Young, and Liddy, an additional incident
in which ORO supplied equipment for domestic use was uncovered.
It is attached. I have also provided the additional information you
r-equested on Pr-oject] land project/, I
I~~~-
Sayre Stevens
Director of Research and Development
Attachments:
As stated
l .
MORl DoclD: 1451843
22 May 1973
SUJ3JECT: General; The Family Jewels Sxercise

Specific: Meeting wi,th Colby This Date
-Broe and Il
met with Mr. Colby at' 1115 hours today. Colby
asked that ve ~e him with fuller infonnation on the following
items:
pt"'-6l!'b copieJi,.of cer's reports ou .!!.Ree-t-3::e13"5-¥eu+1:l 11 and Black Raaiea3:~
:p e-r-:
't> ~ ~ ¥ , -r t6~i -
.Get d"ta;l,j;:r::pil
--sub-je-c-nr:- o h;J
C1'yogaii£C04i!aSae4;Gma-t<w that is used <in unwitting
":>
lone fotte: case .

..
./ .Give ColOIY eo copy of FR Dtvlsiuu's eentl?iba-ti-en;o
.'
0041.5
MORT DocTD: 1451843
...~ . • .
'1
" ,
f';",\.L!O!;/v,
~
~ A .'
C'~
'>!
fJ: .-
:-:
ffi ""z::
~ ....QZ
~I~~ o~
t: ~ ~
BULLETIN
,
No. 359 21 ~Iay 1973
i. -. -"'<r>
ODCi STATEf-lENT ABOUT THE N,I-\TERGP1TE CASE
The fo11 ol'ii og statement was made by Li eutenant Genen 1 If ernon ,~" Ha Iters
i. during a recent appearance before a Congressional COlWlittee .
.~"
On 23 June 1972 I was ordered by a phone message from my office
to be at the White House at about 1300 with Director Helms. I had
lunch with Mr. Helms and we went to Mr, Ehr1ichman's office at the
"Illite House. Present \1ere Nf'. Ehrlicr.;r:~!~~ ;";t. ~~~·1·j~';":"!1, :~,;-, :{·~'i.t:5
and myse l f , As I recall it, HI'. Haldeman said that the Hatergate
incident wes c<1'.I5ing trouble and was being exploited by the opposi-
tion. It had been decided at toe Hllite HO'Jse that I ,,;ould go to
Acting FaI Directo":'" Gray and tell hi'~: t':~": n0:'; that t:··~ f'!v~ ,::,I:~:".:.C'~."i
were arres tsd, Yur'Cner enquiries into the I-lexican aspects of chi.>
matter might jeopa'rdize some of the CIA's covert activities in t.hat
area. An appointment was made for me to see HI' •. Gray at 1430 tlJ~t
. same day. I \'1001; .over and told ili;n that I had been directed by top
White Houseofftc t al s to tell hlm that fu)'th~i' in'!esti,:,~.l:ic~ int·~ th~ ,
Mex'kan aspects of the Watergate episode might jeopardize some of the
Agency's covert actions in th~t area, He said that he understood the
agr.::'tment between the FBI and the >lganey regarding t.heir .sour-ces but-
th;l t thi s ':JJ, ~ CCiliP 1 i catud case, H2 v.OiJ i d not 'I i OJ a te tile agreemen.t
with CIA regal'ding sources. On my return to the Agency I 'checked to
see whether there \1aS any danger in the Agency's covert sources if
the 14ex i call part of the invest i gati on conti nued and ascerta i ned tha t
no one bel ieved that this was the case. No one had any knoHled!le of
the plan to bug the Democratic National COlr~1ittee.
On June 26 the Counsel to the President John Dean called 'me and
asked me to come and see him about the matter I had di scussed with,
Haldeman and Ehrlicl1man. He si\id I could check with Ehrlichman and
I did. He said I could talk to Dean so I went to Dean's office at
1145 on June 26.
I informed Dean that I had checked careful ly to $"~~ ;"h"ther
there was any jeopardy to the Agency's sources by a further investi-
grltion of thRfh:dc:!~ SOlP"C,?S of tri:- ;-;~.~A.''''' :~,i I.. ::,.! '~"":.:'J :;.,::;":. \·;E:.3
non€:. l.;:.~;:dl J: i 1e:<1 es 1(0:'.1 Nnether ;:l;:~ erA ,:-;-:-:t·:t have t~:!~.::;'i y.:.rt iii ti:2
U,ltergate episode without my kno',ling it. I said that this was not
00416
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,If,
" . I ... '
1='
-2-
r-
possible. I knew that the Agency had had no part in the operation
against the Democratic National Cowmittee. I therefore could not
say that further investigation would Jeopardtza Agency sources. I
felt that someone had bungled badly and that the responsible parties
should be fired. He asked, whether there was not soma way ia \'Ihich
the Agency might.have be"n involved. I said that I had checked with
.' Director Helms and was convinced it was not. Any attempt to stifle
j this investigation would destroy the effectiveness of the Agency and
th o CRT and :'\,'r'HI"~-'
' ·\"-'!';(.r~ (I .. r..~.• ,..:rtlr\:",,, ... r-.:-r's,":\yll!
:f;~~ _~11 ':S ',,/.< • • 1.\ ..... ,.... '")~0 til.:".
'.'~_ ~.',,_ ?'·:.'\~1'·;:-·~··
__ • 1 t t"'~l'lrl
.,~,I
.,- .• ,"".. • .1
r··::·.~ ',',; ~ .;':'.. i:~ f",... :. . -i- '; ':-':-:~..'3-.

Ha a~;~~J ~hltii~r I h~t! f:> 'r i ,~:;:. s .....
","
th,}~' ~:l, ..; ~.E" r",:sp{':l~';'i~11:; 5;·';'.11d ~~

Ii.';; c.
The fol1owing day I sa'..! Dean ag:<in in hi s office at his :'quest.

He again reviewed the Watergate Case saying that some witnesses were
get t ,i ng scared and were "wobhling", T ~,;<:! that no metter how scared
they got, they could not involvs CIA because it was not involv~d in
the bugging of the Haterq~te. He then asked if the CIA could not
furnish bail and pay the suspects' salades while they were in jail,
us1r:~: ;:·:n'~r't act i en fl1i":'.1S for 'i:rd s ri"I{[:C S0.
I repl ted that this was out of the question, It would implicate
the ;).gency in something in which it was not implicated. Any such
action D.]" the -Agency wou'id imply an order from the hiqh0St level and
r '".:dd :,C;'; :'~2 a ~h':~·~,Y ~c (.,'~)' S=.i;.:j'j ,~'::'~;)i:. i.t ,':0djG 08 a 'grave d i s-
service to the President ad the country and would destroy the CIA's
credibility Nith th2 Congtsss and tne people. I Houid t~e$ign rather
than do this and, if o:"':",:r:~d to do -it: : '. ~.:'.ild·~~,-;:: tc ':'2:: t;i;~ ?r'QsiJs;·,;..
to explai n the reasons for myrefusa 1. fur-thermor-e , when the Agency
e;~;::;,:d.:.d fl~nd5 ~n t:12 U.S,:> ',.;,~ had ;;) (.:!;~~rtc c{ir::) co tile O\f2tsigt1t
Committees of the Agency in Congress. He was much taken aback by thi s
and agreed that risks of iri'!}licating the CJ.1. ar:d FBI in tht s matt€r'
\'lould be enormous. r said that \':hat ~.J~O:; n.rv ~" ~\.:.dfA"·:l '."~!.'~~ cJ)lJld
becene a morta l one. ~Jhat \'iaS now ~; "conve.it.ionat explosion could be
-turned into a multi-magaton explosion". I again advised him to fire
the ~'espoI13ib'le parties.
Again Dean sent for me on the 2ath of Jl!'~e,1nd ! saw him at hi s
off lee at 1130 that dey. H~ iH~qi.i1)~e·': ~·;i·::::t;;st' I "had learned anytil'ing
more about CIA i nvo 1vement , I rep 1 ~ ~'Q ·th<:t tb.?"2 was no i nvollfe",,",,t
of the Agency in the bugging of the ;':,'l'C8i'9·}te, He then asked ~Iiiether
1 had any ideas and I said that I had none which CQuld be.helpful.
Perhaps the Cubans who were anti-Castro might have had a hand in it
but the CIA did not.
GIl July 5 I re:eiv2d a call 1.;~ ~Gti~g U!~·2c~or of th~ far Gray
sayir.r; i:h;t he coul.l f'!'"):: ~h":: . . :.Trt"-~· ; ..... ;?"~f~':":~'>-': ::;..:: :~:2 =:2.~~:::;;~
aspecus of this matter ur.Iess he hf!d a fOi'.1ial lett€H' from th~. Oirector
0:f ~y~ .~<, :"': :,..• : ~-~ .. ,. . '..: . . ", :;'... "'<. I;':;'
D';:';:':\::, !:;'-:j r 5';;;:: :i':;;; :~:t ~ "'~.1 :::l~' i"G;; ...... ,.:; .;;.}, {~ .. ,j.
MORT DocTD: 1451843 -
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I told him"'that I could not tal1 him that further investigation

would jeopardize the Agency's'covert sources. I had checKed on this
and it was not so. I had ascertained that General Cushman had initially
authorized the issuance of some equipment to Howard Hunt without knowirg
its purpose other than it \'jZiS ClS I understood if, to shut off lllec.ks '
j ! .
This was 'long b'1fore the Hdtergate bugging. Since then I had caraful Iy
checked and there was no other i nvo 1vement of aliy sort by the CIA in the
operation against the ~}atergat~.. L sai.r,l",t.Mt r felt.tpat attem.?"t,;.,t~,n
CG'/~i" t:f~i:s u·: OJ'' r>,": 1 "',' ;," .,::-: :~,,-: C::\ 1:' ":.'::! :'.':';~.~ '.>:~ ~'.;;,':. !.'~ ..' ."? <:
tL::~;- ·ll:·~?;:, ..':':J ::,,,.:; ~. ,.;,;:: '.;'.{;:(: ('~.1 (>.: t\-~::-';'j\k;nt ar:c '~,,;l:":\ ce':!:.:··'I, f
~'mv'id h:::"i8. 110 ~"~:''l. ':n ,.:·.i:~ 't"': l~~ ~'!';;~:-: :_:uj~J:' p::;:;rHited t~) res';qn (,; , ':'i::
i5'~t:~ .. ' '\".: <..... : _
H':~;'i"Li . . i t:.. i:,;' '.'i~~ .~ :',;:;._; . . \ l;:-:: .;':', '.' ,_",_,:,.1• ."~.: .• ;
i.:~":'~J~i':j ct ~\'.:r ,-, ~i:.L":i·",:; :::~ •....: ;':~ ';:c::.:. ~;~:5 prt;::;:~r2Q to rcS}~;1: on :.n1-:;
issue. I geve Gray a l'fst of t!ic 1?(";i.d;';r~e!1t the ligenc.y 'Jihl glv??1 Hf.H:~:
and the account of our deaiings with the former CIA employees up to the
termination of their employment with the Agency long before the ~!atsr~,t?
epi sode , .
I saw Gray again on the 12th of July and gave him one additional
memorandum regard i ng t.he r:ont~ct fl)r'p- i shed !-!ur.t. l'!2 rs'!i T';~C t~:.:! r;~.:.·~:: ·::r
reib:::,.~ting the posi tlcn i,'~: l: .::d ;:~;'~-::;i }in:'Iiously. r
said -;:[l?tt I had t,::-:c
Dean that the best solution 'IOU 1(: b0. to "fire those responsible, GI'ay said
he had made the same recofmliendatlQ!I. Once again we a9reed that anythtno
that migl)t damage the integrity of th.:- F3I and CIA ~...ou ld be a grave d is-
$c:r"/i~e to 'l:h~ ;:r'~:3idr~r.t :F.d "'::...: :,: ,.~:.:-:;::C:r;-~ .•
In February 1973 shortly after ik. Schlesins~r beca~::2 fJ'ir<odor I

tcld him of my conversat ionswtth Ha1c!eman, Eht'lichman and [)~an. In
Febru(lry Deiln called Dr. Schlesinger 'Co see if the !,gency couid get
back from the FBI the ma tsri al it. !'.:r!. se~t to ·t~-e ~~I.:S:i·':2 ;~::-·.1r'~;.-:·:-::r~
concern i ng our con tact ~Iith Hunt. Or. Schl esi nger and r agreed tha t
this could not be done. I attempted to contact Dean but he \'las ·in
Florida. On his return! saw Dea'(j at his office on February 21 and t~ld
hir~ ~~~~t \.;~ CGu':d {tot esk tj",,::.: F2; J~0r' ~:j"Je material back. "(flat wou lo uniy
serve to
impl icate the CIA and L'coul d not and would not do it. I had
seen Acting FB! Director Gray that p.crning and to'le him of :Jean's l'eQu2st
and our refusa l , He agreed sayin9 that he could not do such a thing.
Si nce that date I have had no fur-ther contact with Dean. The abJ"2
represents my recot Iect ion of ~Ihat occurred and the dates are checked in
my appointment book.
DISTRIBUTION: ~.LL HIPLOYEES

MORl DoclD: 1451843
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CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY

WASHINGTON .. D,C, 20~O~
OFFICE OF THE DIRECTOR
'. 9"May 1973
',-
'
MEMORANDUM ' ' ' ' ALL CIA EMPLOYEES
FOR
1. Recent press reports outline in detail certain alleged CIA

activities witfi respect to Mr. Howard Hunt and other parties. The
presently known facts behind these stories are those stated in the
attached draft of a statement I will be making to the Senate Committee
on Appropriations on 9 May. As can be seen, the Agency provided
limited assistance in response to a request by senior officials. The
Agency has cooperated with and made availa~le to the appropriate law
enforcement bodies information about these activities and will con-
tinue'to do so.
2. All CIA employees should understand my attitude on this
type of issue. I shall do everything in my power to confine CIA
activities to those which fall within a strict interpretation of its
legislative charter. I take this position because I am determined
that the law shall be respected and because this is the best way to
foster the legitimate, and necessary contributions we in CIA can make
to the national security of the United States .
3. I am taking several actions to implement this objective:
I have ordered all the senior operating officials of this
Agency to report to me immediately on any activities now
going on, or that have gone on in the past, which might
be construed to be outside the legislative charter of this
Agency.
I hereby direct every person presently employed by
CIA to report to me on any such activities of which he
has knowledge. I invite all ex-employees to do the same.
Anyone who has such information should call my secretary
(extension 6363) and say that he wishes to talk to me
about "activities outside CIA's charter."
ADflINI5TRYrrI'IE INTERNAl IISF ONLy

---------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
ADM! Ro.TI'JE HITERIMl ~3E tlllli
-4. To ensure that Agency activities are proper in the future, •

I hereby promulgate the following standing order for all CIA employees:
Any CIA employee who believes that he has received •
instructions Which in any way appear inconsistent
with the CIA legislative charter shall inform the
D.Jrector of Central .In~~lJ.igence)"diatel.Y:~.;;"'1.ili"": ,i;>~; ;":''':'~{~~!
;.t<-
~I~J~'
~~ James R. Schlesinger
Director
ADMINISTRATIVE - INTERNAl "Sf ONI Y

MORl DoclD: l45l843
. .'
OCI STATEHENT
BEFORE
SENArE APPROPRIATIONS SUBCOMMITTEE
ON INTELLIGENCE OPERATIONS
9'NAY 1973
004:1.9
MORI DocID: 1451843
, .
OPENING STATEMENT
Mr. Chairmarr, I am here to discuss the questions which have.arisen
." over CIA's real and alleged role in events that occurred in 1971 and 1972 .
I have opened a detailed investigation into the precise nature of that role.
,'fit, I canreport to you on what..Agency records, now being intensively reviewed,
reveal at this juncture. However I do not yet know that I have all the
facts in the matter. Nonetheless, I am pleased to present to you such facts
• •
as are now available, arid I will certainly provide you with any further
details as they come to my attention.
let me start. with the Agency's relationship with Mr. Howard Hunt,
whose testimony has recently been made public. Mr. Hunt was a staff
employee of the Agency from 8 November 1949 to 30 April 1970. At that time
n~ retired from the Agency. He performed one editorial job of writing up
a recomnendatlon for an award for one of our officers. in .November 1970.
He ~IaS not paid for these services; although the Agency placed the sums of
$200.00 and $50.00 in two charitable~rganizations for. the service performed.
. .
In early July 1971,.General.Cushman, then the Deputy Director of
Central Intelligence, received a telephone call fro~ the Hhite House. He
was informed that Nr. Hunt had become a consultant on security affairs for
the Hhite House, and a request was 'made that Hr. Hunt receive assistance
from the Agency. The minutes of the Agency Morning Meeting of 8 July 1971
indicate that the DDCI (General Cushman) reported a call by John Ehrlichman
stating. that Howard Hunt had been appointed a Hhite House security consultant.
On 22 July 1971 Nr. Hunt visited Generai Cushman at the CIA building.
According to the records, Mr. Hunt stated" that he had been charged with a
'highly sensitive mission by the White House to visit and elicit information
00420
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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from an individual whose ideology he was not entirely sure of, and for that "
purpose he said he was asked to come to the Agency to see ifhe could get
two things: identification documents in alias and some degree of physical
disguise, for a one-time operation. He stressed that he wanted the matter
~. '.11;" .... . • • .' - " . •• _.J:;~V> :?11
to be held as closely as possible and that he would like to meet the Agency
people in an Agency safehouse. Agency records indicate that, in, the course
of the conversation, Mr. ~unt referred to' Mr. Ehrlichman by name and General
Cushman acknowledged an earlier call from Mr. Ehrlichman to him. The
Committee may desire to query General Cushman whose knowledge would not ,.
come from such secondary sources.
General Cushman directed the appropriate technical service of the
Agency to be of assistance to Mr. 'Hunt, based on the above request. On
23 July 1971 Mr. Hunt was given alias documents, including a Social Security
card, driver's license, and several association membership cards, in the
, ,
name of "Edward Joseph Harren" simHar to material he had been furnished

for operational use while he had been an Agency employee, under the name
of "!,d\~ard V. Hamt l ton;" The same day Mr. Hunt was also given disguise
materials (a wig, glasses, and a speech alteration device).
By calling an unlisted telephone number given him, Mr. Hunt arranged
several a~ditional meetings with Agency technical, officers, the dates of which
cannot be provided with precision. In these, he requested and was provided,
a commercial tape recorder (in a typewriter case) and a commercial Tessina
camera disguised in a tobacco pouch. He also brought in a then-unidentified
associate (later identified from press photos as Mr. G. Gordon Liddy) and
secured for him a disguise (wig and glasses) and alias documents in the name
.of "George F. Leonard."
J
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The Agency""technica1 officers met these requests despite the absence

of the procedural steps and approvals normally required by Age~cy regulations ..
However, they became increasingly concerned at the escalation of Mr. Hunt's
... , . stance , These finally included .. a

requests for.. assf
~,~ ,
request from Mr. Hunt to
be met on the morning of 27 August 1971, upon his return from California,
to have a film developed and returned to bim. This was done the same day.
·He also asked for a New YOrk mail address and telephone-answering service
for operational use.
The technical officers raised- their concern with senior officers.
who noted the possibility that these activities could involve the Agency in
operations outside it~ proper functions. As a result. again according to
Agency records, General Cushman telephoned Mr. Ehrlichman at the White House
on 27 August 1971 and explained, that further such assistance could not be
'given. Mr. Ehrlichman agreed. The request for mail address and telephone
answering service was not honored. On 31 August 1971, Mr. Hunt contacted
the technical'Qfficers again. requesting a credit card.·but this was refused.
Mr.·Hunt had also made 'a request on 18 August 1971 for the assignment of
a secretary he had known during his Agency career. This was also refused. The
earlier-furnished alias documents and other material were not recovered, however,-
except for the Tessina camera which was returned on 27 August as unsuitable.
Since the end of August 1971. the Technical Services, Division has had no
further association with Mr. Hunt. As a point of reference, I would note
that the break-in of the office of Mr. El1sberg's psychiatrist took place
on or about 3 September 1971.
00421.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-4-
The Agency ~utlined the above events to Mr. Patrick Gray,< Acting
Director of the FBI, in letters dated Sand 7 July 1972, and a meeting on
28 July 1972. A series of questions were asked the Agency on 11 October 1972
"" _" by'l:!w Earl SilbeJ;<t, princ,.~l Assista:~. Unite~ ~~tes At,~w;JJ,ey for the .
.. - - " " .' •....
District of Columbia. On 24 October 1972, Attorney General Kleindienst and
,Assistant Jll:torney General Petersen revie1ied the Sand 7' July transmittals
together with additional, more detailed but undated materials, that had 'been
provided to Acting FBI Director Gray on 18 October 1972. The Agency is<
aware that this material was reviewed on 27 November 1972 by Mr. Silbert, who
asked additional questions'on that date as well as on 29 November 1972.
Written responses to the foregoing questions were provided on 13 December 1972.
, An additional, submission was made to the Assistant Attorney'General Petersen
on 21 December 1972. This material was discussedat a meeting held with
Assistant Attorney General Petersen and Mr. Silbert on 22 December 1972.
All of the foregoing materials can be made available to the Committee if it
so desires.
As a separate matter, which was not known by those \-,ho prepared the
material for the Department of Justice in the fall of last year, the Office
~f Medical Services of the Agency prepared and forwarded to the White House
two indirect personality assessments of Mr. Daniel Ellsberg. The Agency has
had a program of producing, on a selective basis, such assessments or studies
on' foreign.'leaders for many years. In July 1971 Mr. Helms, then Director,
instructed Agency officers to work with Mr. David Young of the Hhite House
Staff relative to security leaks in the intelligence community.
• I .,
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. Hr. Young requested a study on Hr. Ellsbergin the latter part of

t July 1971, which Agency activity was apparently approved by Mr. Helms.
At that time, i'lr. Young supplied ra~1 material consisting principally of
newspaper and magazine articles together with some State Department and
Justice Department papers. The fi rst assessment delivered to the Hhite House
dated 9 August 1971, was judged insufficient. As a result, there were
several meetings between pro f1a1loy, Mr. Hunt, and Mr. liddy, in which
classified information of the Justice and State Departments was introduced.
One such meeting occurred on 12 August 1971. Additional material ~~s
transmitted by Mr. Hunt on 12 October, and another meeting was held on

27 October.
" . These meetings led to a second version of the assessment, ~
dated 9 November 1971. This document was delivered to the Executive Office
by Dr.,Malloy on 12 November 1971. Agency records 'indicate that Mr. Helms
had previously communicated with Mr. Young indicating he had read both
reports.
~
In another contact "about October 1971," an Agency officer arranged
to provide Mr. Hunt certain unclassified materials from CIA files relative
to a 1954 French case of leakage of Government documents. These were
delivered to'his office at the White House.
In closing, I would like to stress several conclusions of my
investigation so far:
a. CIA had no awareness of the details of Mr. Hunt's
activities. The Agency's impression was that Mr; Hunt was engaged
in an activity related to identifying and closing off the security
leaks that were so much a preoccupation of the GQvernment at the time.
00422
MORl DoclD: 1451843
....
,
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b. The Agency clearly was insufficiently cautious in the

initiation of its assistance to ~Ir. Hunt. later, when the nature of
Mr. Hunt's requests for assistance began to indicate a possible active
involvement by the Agency'in activities beyond its charter, the
Agency terminated the relationship and refused further assistance.
c. The preparation of a profile on an American citizen under
these circumstances lies beyond the normal activity of the Agency.
~
It shall not be repeated -- and I have so instructed the staff. This

shall be made a part of the regulations governing such activities.
d. As Director, I have called for' a review of all Agency
activities and the termination of any which might be considered
outside its legitimate charter. In addition"to requesting this
review from my sUbordinates, I have directed each employee and invited
each ex-employee to submit to me any cases which theY may question.
I am determined that the Agency will not engage in activities outside
of its ~arter but will concentrate its energies on its important
intelligence mission.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
t r (~
......
8 May 1973
DCI:
Sy Hersh's provocative teaser for the day:

"I have information that Cushman
knew exac t Iy what he was okaying when he I
--~~aut~tentioned
'g ave approval to assist Hunt ..• "
__ Sy H. again to the
statement 'e had given to the Times already,
,C 0 im I "noted" what he had to say
I
i
today.
He has calls in for you, Hous t onj
and Colby. I
))T I
I
. AMT
I
eCI.OGe
('If'
'lJ*. Coll>}:-
I
I
I
[
I·
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u· ..•.... .,..,p_
.~ ~"","-"-
00423
MORl DoclD: 1451843
t :
•
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RESPONSE TO PRESS INQUIRIES CONCERNING MR. HUNT'S
GRAND JURY TESTIMONY
THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY HAD N9
ADVANCE NOTICE OF ANY SORT WHATSOEVER OF THE
BREAK IN BY MR:' HUNT OF THE; OFFICE OF MR:

ELLSBERG'S PSYCHIATRIST OR OF THE WATERGATE
INCIDENT:" THE NEWSPAPER REPORTS OF THESE TWO
EVENTS WERE THE FIRST NOTICE TO ANYONE IN THE
AGENCY:" ALL AGENCY INFORMATION ON OJ R CONTACTS
WITH ANY PERSONS INVOLVED IN THESE INCIDENTS HAS
BEEN REPORTED FULLY TO THE DEPARTMENT Ol!- JUSTICE,"
AND AS INVESTIGATION OF THESE MATTERS IS IN THE HANDS
OF THE COURTS AND THE GRAND JURY, ALLINQUrnIES
SHOULD BE DIRECTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE:

"
00424
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MORl poclD: 1451843
8 May 1913
MEMORANDUM FOR: Executive Secretary, CrA Management COlIllIlittae
SUBJECT: Potentially Embarrassing Agency Activities
The Office of the InspectDr General has records on the

1'ollD;ring sensitive subjects tbat either have been or might in
the" future be tbe source of embarrassment to tbe Agency.
The report of the Board of Inquiry in the case of Han~ To:rte.

The To:rte affair ;ras fully exposed in pub.H c , of course, but
the report itself is e.LoseLy be1d w:i:thin the Agency. This
office ;,as designated as the' custodian of the report, and we
have the onlY·S1.1rviving CDPY.
An annex to the Izispector- General's "report D1' survey D1' the

Technical Services Di visiDn done in 1963. The annex deals
;ritb experiments in influencing human behavior thrDugh the
administratiDn oJ: mind or persDnality a;Ltering drugs to
un1<itting subjects.
An InspectDr General repDrt D1' investigation of a11egatiDns

that the Agency vas instrumental in bringing about; the
assassination of President Diem. The allegations ;rere
determined tD be 1<itbout foundation. "
An Inspector General report of investigatiDn D1' al1egatiDns

that the Agency was instrumental in bringing about the
assassination of President Trujillo. The investigation
disclosed quite extensive Agency invDlveme~t ;,ith the
plotters.
An InspectDr General report of investigation of allegatiDns

that the Agency conspfred to assassinate Fidel castro. The
story first appeared in Drew Pearson I s column and has since
appeared in Jack Anderson's column. \"1bile the columns
contained many :factual errors, the allegatiDns are basically
true.
00425
MORI DocID: 1451843
Page 1 SDS and other student activillt groups
OCI produced in December 1967 at Ua1t Rostow's request a

30~page t;y:pescript lltudy of the SDS and its foreign ties.
In the sumn:er of 1968 OCI produced-o-agat.n at Rostmr'g requeab-»

" paper on Restless Youth. The first, and most sensitive section,
, "Wa's a phi'll1:>S"<!iphical· ti:ei:it'ment of' student unrelit, its m()j;i~tion,
history, and tactics. It drew heavily on overt literature' and
FBI reporting on SDS and affiliated groups. The second section
cOmprised 19 chapters on foreign student dissidence.
Pages 11 & 12 Black radicalism
OCI began following Caribbean black radicalism in earnest in

1968. Two papers uere produced on the subject, one in August 1969
aud the other in June 1970.
OCI was asked in June 1970 to urite a memo with special

attention to links between black l'Eldicalism ill' the Caribbean and
advocates of black power in the US. The memo was produced in
t;y:pescript and given to the DCI.
OCI in 1968 wrote :Periodic ty:pescript memos on Stokely

Carmichael's travels abroad dur-Ing a period whell he had dropped
from PUblic view. .
00426
MORl DoclD: 1451843
........... ".- .~,-- ~_

~
.. .
...: ~ _~---_. __ .--_.-.
..:..~ ..::,;: _.- ........:-.-~~ .
" (,
(
Page 23 hobibition againat CCNIllT vs ~ US citbens
In September 1972 I
tests at certain RF lorl-g-w:scance c
J = o to collduat hearabill:ty
ercial telephone cirauits '
circuits carried drug-
I
•
between the US anr=d,--S::.0:cu:c~::::..cAm=e:.:ri:.::..::ca=-. ---==---"'=c:.::..::-'-'-_=::..c.:c....:::::..::::"-_
T'ne _--,
re1f.lted traffic.
was no
1Iere,i~1. . '
: .~. :~".~. " .. '.

"
,lie conduct an intercept opera,r-=t"'io=:n=--.:,in= --L====---,
tergeted' ' "
"
"....
'on radio tele hone conversations ::.
.,;~'.
e' "
:.:' : •.t· :: .
t' ~
Testing in the US of ORD-developed electronic collection

systems occnsion1!U:r result in the collection or domestic telephone
conversations. When the tests are canplete.. ~e intercepted
lllaterial is destroyed. '
CIa. r
)echn1cMns conducted tests in~e Miami ares in
August :r.9(X or'IIF' gear il:rtended f~r use against a Sartel: agent :I.n
South Vietnam. Wb:lle l1hoUy innocuous, the tests preceded the
holding ot the conventions there lind could be construed as
being :sGmeha/:'related
: . to them.
, ,
In Fe~ry' 1972 CIA asked, an official of AT&T :t'or cop:l.<:s of

telephone call slips relating to US-Chima' calls. The operation
lasted -:for three or four months and then dr:l.ed up. CGC stated its
belief that the collect:l.on of these 'slips did not violate the .. '.
CC!mlUI11ca.-::iOIls'.(Ic't since eavesdropping was not inVOlved.
v-
Page 29 Mail coverage "
\\~
\, \
-- ,,:
Since 1953, CIA bas operated a maii intarcept programot
, incOlIiing and outgo:tng Russian lllail and, at various times, other
selected ma:tl at Kennedy Airport :tn Irew York City. This prog:ram
is now do=nt pend:tng decision on .'hether to continue or to
abolish it.
'"
/)J\~
, ,
-,
" .: 'QQ4Z7
I': i
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
CO~IPIB13HYIAL
8 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Mr. W. E. Colby

Executive Secretary, CIA Management Committee
FROM Director, National Estlmates
SUBJECT Co~n)ents on Proposed DCI Statement (Hunt Case)
Since you are aware that 1 have no facts bearing on the case, I
.'take it tliat you asked fQr comment from the following point of view;
w111 the proposed statement be well received by the committee?
The main questions in the committee's mind will be: Did CIA
'cooperate wittingly in activities which were both illegal and outside its
charter? Or did it only respond supinely to higher authority even though
it had some reason for suspecting illegal conduct?
"
Tactically, I think there would be advantage in coming to grips
frankly with these questions in the statement itself. The text in its
present form could be taken as a minimum factual response which doesn't
quite get at the heart of the matter. I think it preferable, in the interest
of the Agency 's reputation on the Hill, to proceed to candor directly rather
-than to be drawn to it by subsequent questioning.
Key follow-up questions which can be anticipated would include

".the following:
Why is there no record of the initial Ehrlichman-Cushman contact?
If Cushman recorded the conversation with Hunt, was he not already

suspicious of the latter's purpose and why didn't he ask? At a
minimum, could he not have inquired Whether "the individual whose
ideology we aren't entirely sure of" was an American citizen?
00428 •
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MORl DoclD: 1452843
· .
e6 If FIB E H TIt- :r.
When Cushman told Ehrllchman on 27 August 1971 that -CIA was

suspending support to Hunt, was it only on the ground that the
latter had become "too demanding"?
Why was the personality study on Ellsberg provided when it

was obvious that this action transgressed the Agency's charter?
Obviously most questions which will be raised can only he answered

hy Helms and Cushman personaily• Nevertheless, I think the DCI would be
well advised to provide a candid evaluation of these proceedings in his. initial
- - statement. To do so voluntarily would make more persuasive the assurances
the Committee will want that nothing of the sort will be done under his
direction of the Agency.
-I
:J..II
JQliI}IJ1n~enga .
\'Y ---.
00429
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CONfiIBEUTIQ T
MORl DoclD: 1451843
1 . ',.
~.. .... , ". ---:. ~ ........
-: : , ,:
iJhll',d .i1
MEMORANDUM FOR ALL CIA EMPLOYEES
,vt"'i- f /
1. Recent press reports implicate CIA in certain il~ .
' .
I
activities allegedly committed in the United States. Without going
into the details of these allegations i' I can assure' you that I intend
to cooperate fully with the various law enforcement and Congressional
investigations of these matters.
2. All CIA employees. should understand my attitude toward
matters of this sort. I shall do everything in my power to confine
CIA activities to those which fall within the strictest interpretation
of its legislative charter. I take this position because I am determined
that the law shall be r-espected and because this is the best way to
foster the legitimate and necessary contributions we in CIA can make
to the national security of the United States.
3. I am taking several actions to implement this objective:
I have ordered all the senior operating officials of
this Agency to report to me immediately on any
activities now going on, or that have gone on in the
past, which might be construed by reasonable people
to be outside the legislative charter of this Agency.
00430
CIA HF£EHI!fAIs UiiiF aNI y
MORl DoclD: 1451843
Gift IN'£ERffAL,,T:fSE Ctal' 7f

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I hereby order every person presently employed by
CIA to report to me directly on any such activities
of which he has knowledge. I invite all ex-employees
to do the same. - Anyone who has such information shall
call my secretary (extension 6363) and say that he wishes
to talk to me about "questionable CIA activities".
I intend to name a highly respected person from outside
the Government to review, investigate, and prepare
reports for me on any apparent violations of the CIA
legislative charter which are 'brought to his attention
or may be uncovered on his own initiative. I shall give
this person complete and unrestricted access to all
records and per-sons in the Agency.
•
4. To insure that Agency activities are proper in the future; I
hereby promulgate the following standing order for all CIA employees:
Any CIA employee who believes that he has
received instructions which in any way appear
inconsistent with the CIA legislative charter shall
inform the Di.rector- of Central Intelligence immediately.
James R. Schlesinger
Director
0043:1
MORI DocID: 1451843
Retirement Information - E. Howard Hunt
1. Date of retirement: 30 April 1970
2. System: CIA Retirement and Disability System
3. Grade and salary at time of retirement: GS-15 , Step 8' - $28,226
4. Creditable civilian service used in computing annuity:

17 May 1948 to 8 June 1948 - Economic Cooperation Administration
9 June 1948 to 19 Februa~ 1949 - State (ECA)
8 November 1949 to 30 April 1970 - CIA
s. Armuity:
At retirement - $1,020 per month
At present - $1,181 per month (which includes cost-of-living
increases since date of retire~ent)
6.' At the time of retirement ~fr. Hunt did not elect survivorship benefits.
This meant that upon his death, his wife would not draw a survivorship
allflUity.· By letter of 5 April 1971 he raised the question of changing
his election but was' informed by the General Counsel on 6 ~lay 1971 that
.tlii'-s 'could not be done. By letter 'aated 5 May 1972 Mr. Hunt asked Mr..
Houston.to raise with the Director the possibility of being recalled to

duty for a short period of time, after. which he could retire again and
elect survivorship benefits. By letter of 16 ~lay 1972 fu. Houston advised
Mr. Hunt that to call him back to duty solely for the purpose of permitting
him to change survivorship benefits would be in violation of the spirit of
the CIA Retirement Act.
00432.
MORI DocID: 1451843
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Sl;:NOER-WILL. CHECK CLASSIFICATION TOP ANa BOTTOM
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OFFICIAL ROUTING SLIP "
TO NAME AND ADDRESS DAn: INITJoAls

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ACTION DIRECl REPLY PREPARE REPLY ~
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APPROVAL DISPATCN RECOMMENDATION
COMMENT FILE RETURN
CONCURRENCE INFORMATION SIGNATURE
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Remarks. "
, Attached in, chronological order is that

which MAG has produced and papers related
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to Management's reac~':>n thereto on :MAG's
concern re domestic activities. It is provided
for your review and conunent to Mr, Colby,
This is our file copy and t would hope it could
" be retrieved if required,
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FOLD HERE "1'6. .RETURN T9 SENDER i
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FROM: N,Il,ME. AC01.RSS AND PHON'e NO. O-'l,TE
......;:;;1-' • .~;
• O/ES/CIA MClBen Evans I I 18Mav73
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DIARY NOTES
Executive DirE.ctor-comPtroller~ 4.ranuary 1972
1. I met with the outgoing and Incoming MAG Cochairmen. We

discussed a number of topics but concentrated particularly on their
two most recent memoranda·concerning domestic activities. I ex-
pressed slight irritation with their second memorandum, which is a
shotgun approach to the problem, and asked them to be specific if
they have anything in mind. I said I understand they have heard that
we sent a surveillance team to the Democratic National Convention.
Mr., . Isaid that-he made this statement because an Office
of Security employee' reported in his presence that he personally was
a member of a team which went to the Convention.' (I subsequently
raised this with Howard Osborn, who after investigating reported back
that the Secret Servil;:e asked us for two technicians during the Demo-
cratic National Convention. These technicians were formally detailed
to the Sec.ret Service and went to Chicago, where they did RF monitor-
ing under the superVIsion of the Secret Service. The Secret Service
apparently calls RF monitoring "audio suzvetf.lanc e , II· and it seems that,
during the discussion whichtcok place at the Senior Seminar, those who
heard this assumed that "surveillance" meant actual surveillance of the
candidates, when actually the meeting rooms were' being checked to
ensure they had not been bugged. I have reported all this to the Director
and shall discuss it with MAG when I have dinp.er with the m on 11 January.)
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23 December 1971
MEMORANDUM FOR: The Executive Director-Comptroller

SUBJECT : CIA's ·Domestic Activities ,
REFERENCE : MAG Memoranda on same subject dated
March 1971 and November 1971 .
As requested, MAG met with the DDP on 21 December and

discussed with him the referenced memoranda on CIA's covert
domestic activities. Our.exchange consisted primarily of .
the DDP responding to the MAG memoranda as they related.to.
activities of the Clandestine Service alone. The DDP made
it clear that he spoke only for his Service. Since MAG's
initial concern over covert domestic activities extended to,
while not being restricted to, the Clandestine Service,
it recommends that the .referenced memoranda be also .brought
to the attention of appropriate senior officials in other
Agency components.
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The Management· Advisory Group
00435
MORI DocID: 1451843
U USE ONLY
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FROM. IXTENSION NO.
DDP 0...
22 Dec 71
TOl to'ffiear dui9notio." r/)(lm numbar, C1nd. DATE
building) OFFICER'S COMMENTS IN"mb'::_!!"~~ to ,hOW' ('om who..
INlTlALS to wh~ a ~no cetos'S mn ofr",.oddJ cornmlll\lJ
kECfIVEO fORW.AADE[)
)
1.
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Executive Director
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I 21 December 1971
.lv£EMORANDUM FOR: Executive Director-Comptroller
SUBJECT: Meeting with lvrAG Group
I
1. I met with the MAG group this morning for little over
an hour, and I set forth as candidly as possible those counter-
intelligence and counterespionage responsibilities of ours ove r s ea s
which make it mandatory for us occasionally to take an interest in
j American citizens overseas. I explained the r equd r erne nts placed

on us by the Department of J'us ti ce for over s ea s checks, and also
I the fact that our normal oversea's operations against Soviets and
I
.I others some times produce leads, to Americans in conspiratorial
contact with our Communist targets.
1• 2. I was asked about our having sent Agency representatives

'j to the Democratic National Convention in Chicago in 1968 and I
explained that I never hear.... of such a thing and did not believe it.
I I pointed out that, as they knew, the press had reported fully on the
Agency I?articipation at the beginning of the 'sky marshalling program
and I assumed they saw nothing wrong with this. They agreed. I
also pointed out that, at President Kennedy's funeral, with scores
of important foreign personalities here, the Agency lent some assistance
to the Secret Service, and here again the group understood that this
was a legitimate function.
3. The group made it clear that their concern was over the
Agency image if the g eneral public were aware that some of our
activities, 'wherever they took place, were targeted against Blacks.
I said that we did not target against Americans of any color in this
country, and that the 'Clandestine Service was color blind when it
came to carrying out its overseas .CI, respunsibilities and it would
continue to be so.
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4. . I agreed that the Director should be asked to speak a

little more fully and clearly on whether we "target against American
citizens" so that there is no am'biguity.
5. I told the group tha-t we must expect all kinds of irrespon-

sible accusations in the press, ,such as the one in the January 1972
issue of RAMPARTS magazine in which Bob Kiley and Drex Godfrey,
it is suggested, are still in the "lmploy of CIA working on a' crz,
plan to improve police organizations in this country. I said that this,
was palpably false as anyone who knows Kiley and Godfrey would .
understand. The group mentioned Dick Ober's unit and said that
there was a lot of scuttlebutt that the purpose of this unit was to keep
book on Black Power adheren!"£". I denied this saying that our interest
was as I had explained it previously.
6. I do not know whether this is a fair as sumption, but

Dick Ober's machine program is 'not handled in the Clandestine Service
and it is possible that someone is misreading and misinterpre~ingthe
intent of Ober's program from fragmentary bits and pieces that may'
be discernible from the handling of the machine program. I do not
state this as a fact because I have not examined it that closely.
7. I told the group that: I had offered to enlighten it candidly

on what We do so that they v "ju1d at least have the facts and I said
that I assume you would take it :from here;
TlH~ ~.
Thomas H. Karamessines
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Deputy Director for Plans
00438
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
"
JJEMORANDUM FUR: The Director

THROUGH: The Execut~ve Director-Cbmptroller
SUBJECT: CIA's Domestic Activities
REFERENCE: MAG Memorandum, "CIA's Domestic Activities,"
March 1971
1-. MAG is seriously concerned about possible reper-

cussions which may arise as the result of CIA's covert
,domestic activities •. Public revelation that CIA has become
involved in collecting infonmation on U.S. citizens would
likely redound to the Agency's ·discredit and jeopardize
overall Agency programs;
2. MAG first expressed its concern-about' CIA's covert
domestic activities in a memo for the DCI, transmitted
through.the Executive Director-Comptroller in the Spring
of 1971 (Attachment A). 'MAG's concern has increas~d
recently because of such ar1::il.c,le!S 'as Vic lfarchett,i' s UPI
interview (Attachment 'B). and the 10 October New York Times
article concerning rupture 0:£ FBI-CIA relatiOiiS""(Attachment
C). Both hint at extremely sensitive Agency involvement in
domestic activities. ,Additionally, 'the DCI.addresses to
the American Society of Newspaper Editors (Attachment D)
and to the CIA Annual Awards ceremony (Attachment E) make
rather categorical denials OI Agency covert targeting on
U.S. citizens. Agency'employees aware of the various
sensitive operations in question know that there is,
qualify"ing language explaining CIA involvement. However,
lfAG believes that in the event of an expose, ·such esoteric
'qualifiers will be lost on the American public and that
there is probably nothing the Agency could say to alleviate
a negative reaction from 'Congress and the U.S. ,pUblic. It
15 MAG's fear that ~uch a negative reaction.could seriously
damage our Chngressional relations, effect our ,work against
priority foreign targets and have significant impact on the
viability of CIA. '
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3. There are indications that the Agency, in responding
to'CE/eI requirements, is collecting information on selected
,00439
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U.S. citizen; both at home and abroad. In operational areas

which are highly sensitive and potentially explosive (e.g.,
domestic radical or racial groups) this Agency must carefully
weigh the needs and pressures for collecting and maintaining
this information against the risk and impac~ of revelation "
should the operation become compromised or public knowledge.
We therefore urge that all domestic collection and action
programs be severely reviewed so that only those be continued
which are of the highest priority and which absolutely cannot
be undertaken by domestic agencies. CIA should not take on
requirements.of this type by default.
4. Not all of the members of MAG are privy to CIA's
direct or indirect involvement in domestic activities. Those
who are aware probably know only parts of the whole picture.
But our increasing concern and our intense interest in
maximizing the Agency's abi1ity to do its proper job, impel
us to bring our "serious apprehensions to your
,
attention. .
"
,THE MANAGE1IENT ADVISORY GROUP

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Attachments B, C, D anq E
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'Attachment J - Vic Marchetti's UPI Interview, from U.S. News
ana-Wor1d Report, II October 1971:
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. , .. '~Fear.ing: .today .that. .the .CIA may already have begun
going against the eI)emy wi.thin '. .t ha..Unit.e,d. St.ates as they
I
may. conc.eive .it.,...-ctha.t. .is.,.. .d issident student groups and
civil-rights organizations ••• "
"Because the men of the Agency are superpatriots, he
said, it is only natural for them to view violent protest
and dissidence as a major threat to the nation •.. ~he inbred
CIA reaction,. he. said,..w,ould .be..t.o. .Launch a clandestine
. operation to infiltrate dissident groups.
That, said Marchetti, may already have started to
happen.
'I don't have very much to go on,' he said. 'Just bits
and pieces that indicate the U.S. intelligence community is
already targeting on groups in this country that they.feer-to
be subversive.
'I know this was being discussed in the halls of the CIA,
and that there were a l't of people who felt this should be
done.' "
Attachment C - New York Times, 10 October, '.'FBI-CIA Relations:"
.~'Information generally exchanged .bet.w.een ~he FBI. and the
CIA might concern such subjects as offic.ers of ..t he .Black ...
Panther party traveling overseas ••• and American youngsters
cutting sugar cane in Cuba."
Attachment D ,.. DCI Address to the American Society of Newspaper
Editors;
"And may I emphasize at this point that the statute
specifically forbids the Central Intelligence Agency to have
any police, subpoena, or law-enforcement powers, or any
domestic se~urity functions. I can dssure you that except
for the normal responsibilities for protecting the physical
sec~rity or our own personnel, our facilities, and our
claSsified information, we do not have any such powers and
functionj we have never sought any; we do not exercise any.
In short, we do not target on American' citizens."
00441.
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Attachment E - DCI Address to CIA Annual Awards Ceremony:
"1 gave a talk to the American Society of Newspaper
Editors last' winter, as you know, and I did it for only one
. purpose. Th~~ was to try and put in the record a few of these
denials that we've all wanted to see put in the public record
for some time. And you can rely on those denials. They're
true, and you can use that as any text that you may need to
demonstra.te. .that .w.e.'.r.e.. no.t. .in .the. dr.ug .tr.ai.fic., .and that
we're not..tr.y.ing to do espionage on American citizens in the
-, Unhed States. II
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, SUlJJECT ..,
WIG is concerned tho';:; CIA avoid 1nvolt";Jr;;:1l,"v 1n tIl<! om-rent
C:tpODO or the (]o~5'~!Q in~1l1~1l~ cct1v1.ticll of t2~ ,A."-'..r!/ and
H~ b::;liev.~ t~t t..lJcl~~ C,;,.~ eli\.
. othel" "fel1c.l:a.1. nzenc·lc3. .
.activittes s1r,:d1.e.r to tho.:=.;:] turr l;j"el~ -CCl~r:.iny il~C:l cou.ltl
~nt ct:ib<l.rrasG~nt ..~ \ib Jl!'~\)nc'J"
.. eauso C""- u 01
U:!ccu.ao ~h;::.lu
J
~\..oc.z
...
to
. . cJ:caed tho'scapo o'Z the CLtl C}10r-~~. ~p~ ZO~ ~ Aeo~:r'o
",' statuto;ry Cr:./CI l:'€lSpoll':l'lbilit:tO:J. Jo".i!,G OP-p:JSall ,0..."7 ,!10~:;
i act.ivity which could be con~:rt~..:,:)a as ttU."~\:d o.(;:2~...at a:a:! por-
I 'P • son 'Who enjoys the .P:;.<Otcc"~ion cft tr.:t US C~13tittr~:!CJ."1. -- , .
,! 'IIhcthor or no~ he :reo1dea m 'i;3o li<1i~d Sto:'1lO0. E;-.cO);i~,in' ,
;. I
I , t.',03G callas cJ.eorly J.'Olate:!. to n:;'i;:!,on:U. G=ity. r..o US
, c:1t:t~cn sho'.LI.9- 00 tho ob.,cou c:? CIA OPOt'O~-:tCl19. l-To t'cclt!:O
I
! tho!; on ccceeton tho Jlscncy 'tim (iC'J'Ulop fm'o~~"::\;1cn 01:04";;
i SOr09 citi::c!n '",ho is ()!!~Il ill cc"(;:lvitioB in'Laical. 't~ too
-j !
l , interests of: 't!P Unit:::f S'~:t. Su.c..":1 infortz.:::l.",ic;} C~,,"l qu1olt!J"
, I l~ tUl"':'~ ove~ to "~ha pl"o~r C!&3l1C~05 o~ €pv'"a~Ii'~ '£O~ flJ.?-
, !
t~er n(ltton~ even 11: So'/: IllOa::lO tUu'l; co=tiroa on occ;on1;:!,~
i
home--ol'iom:ad nzerlcy may b nol::Jd to ,psI.-i'= in 0 llmttcd op- I
erllttolla.l cll!?=1'1:.y OVO~·3CM. I,

:r:e t~e
do not puroua suell Q 00"....;'00 ~ <ma' day ~ pu?;>l1c "
I'! '
end the 'Cono;ro.s5 ",il1c:a~ 'to have (;l'OVU oau'l;l;s obou:';; cw,"l'Olo \ '
in (;OVCJ:'ll:,1Ont~ arrl ,.my lJovc:;;;JIy NlT.:,d.at C1ll" obU1t7 to pCl"-
tort I thoso to'll,,, p.-olPl-1y =<li~d 'to CIA.
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ME.:vroR.!\NDUM FOR: Depubf Db:aclor lOA Intellizencs

Deputy Diredor for Plans
Deputy Di.:ractar £01' Sttpport
De;uty Director £o:r Science and Xechnolo,gy
Hea,h ot ind"penden1: Offices
(For Distribution to ome"/Division Chief

L"v~l Only)
~ , . .
SUBJECT : CLI\. ~'1..ctivitias in !:he Unit..d States
1. Fro= tbna to t:i:ma S . = e of 0lU' employees express cOlJ<:ern. over

various alhgatioJ:1s or :rumors of CI.'I.. activities b 1:>'l.a United States. Tile
attached =-e=o:ra.nd= is designed to clarL'Y this subject 8-0 thatllU?"r-
-;isor", can aul:horita.tiV'~lyreply to any employa<>s ind,icatU1.g such conea=.
It is 3. state=ent of the facts 01 the siJ:ua!:ion. Ii incidents or activities are
reponed wbich app.aar to ~o.n:flict w.tfu this' st:Lt:a~',. they ~hould be :ra-
por~ed to appropria-ta.senior aUth.ority lor :;:esolution (or correction if un-
authorized aeti'Vi!:i..s· r.night have occurred). " . '
2. Because of the" pos'sible 3=sitivi!:'.! oX-this dailc:dption ox ilie

Agency's m.ethcdology~ this m~=r=d=is not being given the usual broad
clrcula.iion 0.£ ilia "FYI -- Al.lagation3 and AnsWers" se'des. Ollice and
DivLlion Chie!s are urgad, :however. to usa it to Worm Branch Chief" so
tha.t its pOints can be ~ea.di.ly,available to supemso:rs to ~eact' to expres:-
ai ona of e=ployee C011~am. . '
w,E. Colby'
E:;:e-eudve Director-Co=ptroller
At'"..ach=ent
wEcll
Distr~n:
o DDI .
1 Each Other Addressee:
DDP D/DCI/IC' A/DCI (Thue.rrner}
DDS n!PPB SA VA
DDS£<T ONE USIa Secretary
aGe OLC IG
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ALLEG'\TION:
L'1 a va.riety of ways it has been alleged that CIA is working within
the United States, with particular attention to,e::d:remist groups.
FACTS:
1. Section 102 of the National Security Act of 1947, subparagraph

D3, states, liThe Agency shall have no police, 'subpoena, law-eniorcement
powers; or internal Steurity functions." .'
In his speech to the American Society of Newspaper Editors on

14 April 1971. tha Director stated:
"l can assure you that excapt for the no=! responsibilitias'
for protec~g the physical 'securi~ of our own personnel; our
facilities, and our classified inio:;:m.a.tion, we do not have any
auch powers and functionsj we have never sought ~ny; we do not
exercise any. In short,. we do not target on Arile:rican dHzens."
In the Dire;ccor l s t1S1:a.te of ina Agancy1J speech to employeea on

.17 Septel'Ilbe,r. 1971, he sa.id: .
"I gave a talk to the AIneri= Society of Newspauer Editors

• •
last winter. as you know, and I did it for' only one purpos e, That
was to try and put in the record a few of these denials that we've
all wanted to see put in the publie record for some time. And
you can rely on those denials. They're true, and you can use
that as any text that you = y need to demonstra.te that we're noj
in the drug traffic. and that we're not trying to do espionage on
AmezIcan citizens in the United Sb.te3~ and we're not tapuL7lf1
• _.. 0
telephone lines, and that we're not doing a lot of other things
which we're accused of doing. One of the things that tends to
perpetuate some of these silly ideas are jokes t..~at a:;."e rnade
about the=. particularly about dom-estie. espionage. Although
the jokes have no ba ai s in fa ct they neverthela33 give us a, nama
which we don't de s eeve, I don't say that that rnakes all tl--.-a.t much
diff~rence, but it does ~ke some differenca,: and this tends to
spill over, so I would like to suggest that if you have it in your
hearts to do-ao that you speak up when the occasion arises and
try and set the fa.ct~ straight. II
00445
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2. From ti=a to r;..=e aozne e:mployees have been concerned that

.A;:s~:ncy activities mlght: conOid: vrith th.esa at.ataments... They can be
a s sur-ed fhai: Agency activli:i:as do no~ For cla.rific3.ll01l? some a cti:vi. tie a
~vhicb m:a.y have bean subject to ~SU!lda:t:3tandin.gare listed as follows;
-,
a, Do=~,..!:ic Contact". The Dome"tic Conb.ct Service
establishes discreet but overt ralationshipa "\mt..~·.Arn,ericanpri-
~l?t~ citizen,:" cODXalercial3" acad.em.ie and other organizatfons
and reslde:u:- allena for the pu.:rposes of collecting on a voluntary
basis foreign ln~e11igenc", iniorrr'-ation OJ:' soliciting fueir coopera-
tion in asslating the Agency to perloot"""" its mission. oversaas.
Records of the ih.dividuah and o2'ganizations cooperating with the
Agency are =a.intain-a4 as a necessary practical el==t o£ this:
procesa.
b. Security Investigations." SeCtU"ity investigations are con~

duceed on prospective e=plo~es, contractor", and consultants,".
and on se.cu.rity p:robiem3 which arise, These investiga.tions in-
vol..-e a wide :ta1'..ga of investigative pzccedus-ea; inc1ui!ing neighbor-
hood inquiries, checks with othe.:l." ·Gove:rn=.ent agencies, renew of
credit report.\!, and int==rviews :with .ronner employers and business
a.ssociates. This is eS3ential to aS3tU"e that ouz- pe:t"son..""'lel po aae s s
a high degree of pe::-sonal..integrity, sensa ot ·responsibillty~. and
compet<mce and t~ protect classified iniorn-.ationa:ud sensitiv.. in-
telligence sources and :methods.
. - The resu1l:in.g'illea ara held seo-
arataly by the Office Of S0Cu..-i~/ 3J;ld are not merg';ld with omsr
.
Agency files.. .
c.. Forei.g'U R-eaourcag. On some oc-c:asions.. f02"eign citizens

·of interest to CL.~ are contacted and :recr'llited in j\~-erica for '\VO:i:'k.
abroad. The pu...-pose of this a(:tivityi~ entirely restricted to the
AgenC'"f's foreign ~e:rati~3. .,
d. Recruil::::nent. CIA. recruit<>rs maintain a wide vane!;!; of

contacts within the Unibad States, assisting indi,,'idui.ls interested
in employ:=ant ,nth CL"'- to 1"""," :more about it and. to jo1., its e:m-
p'loye e force.. .
e. Contractin:;t. b the course of CIA bualnes s and operations,.

a nu...1'llb~r 01 con~racts for'p:;:,ocurement", resea1:"ch, or analysis az-e
made with a ',ari.ei:y of U.S. companies and individuals. This in no
""flay con3tltub~3 operations in the U. S. but :rather secures t-~e assist-
ance o! fh ese groups i.::l carryL~g out th~ Gr.-\. mission ag3.insl: foreign
targe~s.. .
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..... <~
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....... "' ..
i.. Operati.:Ju3.. The 1967 Katze":1bach Cornzni.tce e report -was ",

a.pp::oved by the Dh-e:;:to't' in Ma'rch 1967 and ig.bind;ng on any of
our :tala:tio!ls willi American organizations today, It specifically
proHbi~s ccvez-t :f5.narici3.1 assismnce or support. direct or L'ldil:"ecl;,
to any U. S. educa.tional or priVate voluntary organizaHon•. Any
reIa . l-'
. tlons..t.J,.J"p '"
or ope:ra~on th-e·A geney.nas
' 'f' an _A
w:u:a '
me:r1.can orgam• ...
za.Hon :m.ust be and is within these guidelines..
g. Details or Loans. On rare occasions. details of technically

qua1;6ed CL'\ personnel, technical advice , Or loans of CIA equip-
ment have been znade available to o!:her U. S. agencies at their
reqrn>st to as sis! them to carry out their responsibilitie,s. An
example is the skymarshal program, in which. some CIA personnel
were te=p<>rarUy detailed to th5 FAA in 9rder.to assist in a rapid
init'l.ation of tha~ program. SUch personnel al:td. equipment are under
the ope=til:>na.l control of the receiving agency. Assistance of this
:nature in no way constitnl:eil an assumption of responsibilit>f or
authodty by CIA for the progTa=.
. ,
h. Counterlntelliqence and,Drll,lls. To C3:t'ry out its responsi-

bilities Ior counterintelligence. Cr.... is interested in th.. activities
of foreign nations or intelligenC'e serric·es adznad a.t the U. S. To
't.':le ''e:<:l:ent that these activities lie outside the U. S•• including activ-
ities ai=-a<i at the U.S. utilizing U.S. citizens Or other a, they fall
within 'CIA's reapo=ipilities. Responsibility for coverage oE the
activities within the U. S. lie3 with the FBI. as an inte:rnal security
function. CIA's responsibility and authority are limited to the foreign
intelligence aspect of the prob1=. and any action o:f a law emorce-
ment or internal security natm:e lie" \vith the FBI or local police
fO:t'ces.· (CIA's, assistance to"the U.S. Gove:rnment p:rogr='agaj~st
narcotics and drugs is handled in the sarrie fashion. )
i. Operational' Support.' To support Cr.'\. operations, 'arrange:-

rnents are :made wi~ various U. S .. busmess or other entities to
provide cover or othar support for GL;\ personnel or activities
abroad. Tills can include propriel:aries,formed Or conl:1:o11ed by
CL-'\.. While these = y e..>ist wi!::bin tile U. S•• their purpose is to ,
conduct or s1..'ppon operations abr-oad,
.. -.' .
j; Defectors. As provided by le.w8~.o<5iiiio~giresettles
in the U. S. defectors and other foreign individuals of opeJ;'ational
interest. This rese·~l-emen'c:tnayinvolve' a new identity, relocation,
ernployrnent,P etc. Alj:hough this 'activi.ty f:q.kas place in this countr-y,
its pU:-pOS6 is t:he support of operations abroad.
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MORI DocID: 1451843
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c' F~"w
., .\. :•.-V"SIFU'O
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,l)E<-;TlAL ,I I S}:Crn:T \.
l " OFFICIAL ROUTIKG SUP
,
D.~TJ;" INITIALS
I 'ro NAM=--' ANO ADDRESS
L MAG Co-Chairmen
r 2
I 3
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I 5 "
(, I
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DIRECT REPLY
,~CTION
DISPATCH
PREPARE REPLY i
APPROVAL
CO:riME~T fiLE
RECOMIolEHOATIOII
RETURN
II
I to:iCUlHtEiiC~ INFORMATIOII SIGIIATURE
f
Remarks:
:
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For MAG review and ret~rn·. Please
do not reproduce.
I II .-:
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FOL.D HS:RE TO Po:

I FROM: HAMe. ADOR~SS AN ",,..,'
'O/Executive Directo "i?
I U~CLASSIFIED I I CONFIDENTIAL I I SECRET
u~~ (40)
237 pravio'Ji editions
I
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00448
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MORl DoclD: l45l843
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J,).;}PUty D1 t"·~ctor io--:- In~-alli.'J~nc ..:!

.2~!Juty DiJ":::c~or for 213::\3
D:'lpr.lty Dl.?~ct.,~ :lor Su?"por"t
Deputy Di:i:':?:c'z':)r for Sclenc e and ::rechnotoSj
Ganeral COll.n3al
I:ls'fH!ctO? Gene,rsl
As ststant to the Di:cector
SU.3JSCT .i\.llag3!:ion of Agency Invoi:vem-enl: in the \1. s.
1. The~ran;og"=,,nt Advisory Group, =008 oth"r:>,. has'

creport'Od on ilia concezna of aorne employ"'''" t1:at tha Aga=y is vul-
nerabla to the cr.a.rge of having an operational inter'3'st in.U.S... citizens
or organizations in viohtion oi fua National Sec=ity _'\ct. A~..3,ched ° °
is =y bast ~de r"t3:nding or the £acts. I! it is in ",;:ror 0:r)iicomp1"te.

I ask tha.t you let-·m.!> know orally or in wrHiog..· 0 °
2. ! h.,we d.."'afted til" attached with two pu~';;e9 in'mbd: First;

·::ts a basi:s tor some type o! Is suance t..~t 'J7ould ad"li.:le the command
li:!e and senior sup~rv!ao:rs of policy and £ac-:a "and, se cond;" a"S a !!:.t~re
i""ua 01. "FXI -- Allegations an;d .=\:::!.s·~e:ril."· 1 look lorY-lard to your
co=enl: in tha not-too-ill sb.:J.l: futura befoxe it is fo.=lly <listrib.uted."·
.JiVE:C
vr. E. Colby
E:'{e<:unve Dir·ector-Co~ptrollel"
At):;\CC,.-;:icN
() I .!5XUI:r I .0 Evan.s
Dis ,,,ibution:
D
O-DDI
1 - Each other a.ddz-e s s ee
(]I- £.:·:Di_r ~~~ -, ~ ~~l... vv--' ..:r
1 - ER y<: v ;. l>-<- It.. 0.. v-. ~
~ "" 0"., v--e. cI. .,'" J;'~ \roc;.1
~"...v---' Cs"'-.,
";;)-. \. \-\ <11, v"\ \"'- \. ),-

.... ....
" ~ ••.,• .. . . . " - .
00449
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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~;iarch 1972
.AL 'LEGA 'TIO:N:
1."1 a --l'a.:-iety of ways it haa be an all.e.:5ed that Cl.'\ is worki.ag ·vvithin the
"U~"'I.it-ed
States,) \vit~ par ctculaz- attention to ext:'amist gz-oup s, A :cacent
axam -cl.e wa a in the O..lick3ilvar Times of. 20 JaRUa:i:;'(
. 1972 (attached)*.
'.
F.ACTS:
1.. Saction 102 oi tha National Secu:t"ity Act of 1947;t 3ubpa:ragra::>A D3,
states, "Th·~ Agency shall have no police, subpoena.. law-eruorczmen't
powers, or interr.af secFity func:t~ons. "
1nhis speech to the American Society of Newapaper Editors. on 14 l\prU

1971, the Director stated:
"I can as;iu:;:e you that except for the normal reaponsiblliti,es
for protaciing the physical secu:dty of our own pe:rilonnel, our
. facilitias" and our clasailiad information, we do not have any such
powez-a and functionsj we hava nevar sought any; we do not ex·arc:\ae
any. 1.7], short.,. we do not targe"c on AmezIcan citizens. fI
Ln the Di:;:ector 1s '~3tate of tha Agency-II Speech to ernpkoye e a on 17 Sep-

tember 1971. he daid;
"r gave a taLl,; to the American Society of Newspaper Editors

rast ""inter, as you know, and I did it for only one purpose, That
was to try and put in the record a few 01 these denials that we've
all wantedto 'see put in the public record for some ti.--ne. And you
can r~ly On thosa demafa, Th'ey're true,; "and you can use that as
any te:tt that you may need to.d~r.non$trate tha.t \va1re not in the drug
tozaffic .. and that .\ve'xe not trying to do espionage on Amez-Ican. citi-.
zeus i:l the United States" and \v'e're not tapping telephone lines,
arid that \~elre not doing a lot of other thing3 which '\ve.Jre accused
of doing.. One of the thinga that tends to parpetuate some 01 thsse
::;CO~/i~!E.NT: The two gentLerrren cited a r e foz-rnez- CI:.~ employees..

::T..:).\~:ter th·~r nor the organizatiou3 with whtch they a r a cur z enrl.y associa.ted
~'::.l.,;.... :~ any operational cormect ion wtth the £-\~~nc1..
".00450
MORl DoclD: 1451843
• (
~i~~y :.c.l:af; a r e jc.:,..-:.1 t:tat et~'L: =~-~':t.c...~ i:.~';jt:.i: th~:"J.1J· p:::'i.-::ict:b.1.7:1r about
do me st l c e spio na ge , Altho~1gll ::h~ joke s ha.vo .1.0 ba s i s in £G:.ct· t~ey ".
i ... ,~\··~::·~h~tC:ss give us a narr;e '\;:'!.... iCi.1 \ ..:~ con't dC:38:!."Ve. I coc t ;: ~iar
::hr.l~ th;.t.~ mak cs a.11 .thn.:';; d.ifi.:.::=~:l"'..
much c e , i;:
bat t:\ak~
d oe s so m e
c:H:£fereace l , and 'this t e nd s to spin 0\"(;:-, 50 I would like to S\.1gg~3t

tha.t if '/01,.1., have it in your he;;l..ri:$ to do so that you speak up when
the oc ca s ion arises and try and S6t: the fa.ct s straight.. II
z. Fr-orn time to time some: e:nployca:3 have been. conce rn..e n that
..~\gi};".CY' activities might conflict vJ-ith t-:tc Nationa L Security Act. ana the
Ag13ncy ls staterne nt s , They can b e a s s ured that Agency activities do not ,
For clarification~ 50n1.~ activities wb.Lch may ha.v~ been subject to mi.a-
understanding are listed as £0110\'/5:
a) Security rnvestigatio~s. Security investigations are conducted

On prospectiy~e employees" contz-a.ctoz-s , and consultants. They in-
volve neighborhood checks on the ba.ckg::-ound of th.ese indivich,lals.
This is essential to.meat
.
the se cuz-Ity r-eou.iz-erne nte of the Agency,
0 ~
The :resulting information is held in separate security office files

and not m.erge.~ in other Agency :iiies.
b) Domestic Contacts.. On a n overt ba.sis the" Domestic Concact

Service m ako s visits to Arner ica.n pz-Ivat;e citizens,) firrns~. and othe r
or ganiaat'iona, soliciting tr a.nsmts s ion to the Govern:ment of iciorma- °
tion they ha.ve learned ab r oad , The purpose and content of the infor-
mation are restricted .to,for:eign intelligence:) i ... e ... ,) inte~ligence on
devalouments
. ~.
abroad. The records. of the firms and. individuals as
.
sources are mainta.ined as a purely practical element of this collec-
tion process.
c) Foreign Re s our ce s , A VZ11.·lGr.y of .foreign citizens of inter~'st

to CIA visit 0::: on oc ca s ion reside in Amez-Lca, Occasionally they- a;e
contacted and rec~uited for woz-k abroad in th.::: course of travels to
their homeland oz- for continuing collaboration w ith t4e, Agency in
t~eir homeland ct.Eter their return from the U. S~ Tha .purpo5e of this
c.ctivit:y is entirely r e ste lcted to the collection of fo r e ign intalligence ..
d) Rc c r uitrme nt , CIA recruiters maintain a \vicic. ·-.. ·;:~:.·iety of con-

tacts v/ifhin the U:-.. itad Sta~es end..::avoring to assist individuals inter-
ested in. employment w ith CLI\ to Lea r n rno r e about ir. and to join its
e mp'loyc e fo r c e ,
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00451.
MORI DocID: 1451843
"
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~) Co.:':tr;l(:1:i:n.~.. In the CQU.:;>3a oi CL\. busine s a ~}.nd o~~:::ai:l:>n3"
.:!. :1~l:nba:r'oi c o nt r a.c t s £0:- p:tocuri:tma,n.t, ~e3ea.rch, or ana.ly::l13 aze
lnai~ voJith a va~iety o.{ U...~~ companle a a~d incli·,.idua.13.. 'I'hi3 in no
t,VJly ~:::Jrt-=Jtitute9 o~~a.HO!!3 in the U.5. but :t'n.t;le~ secuz-e a tha L133i3t-
:).":'l.:a oi the ae ~p·OU?:; in ca'CI'yi.':l:~ ouc tha CL~ rn i s a iori of ior~ign i:1tel-
i) Ope::atlona.. The 1967 X<atzanbach Com::n.ittee rep0:l:"t "';:Fa:)

.=3.??.l~o...,~d by the Dt~ecto:r i:l i'Aarcb. 1967 ana is bi~ding on an'! at ouJ:
:raln:tio.n.s '.vHh American o:ga.'-';·,t;atio·na today, It speciiic?lly probibiG3
cover t financial .r),-33i.:;.ta,"ce O~ support;, direct 0::: ir::.dlrec1:" to anY' U .. Sa
ec.ucational or priyat.a volunta.ry o:gacizacion. A-:ay ~el:?.tionsbip o»
op-e,,'"ation. the: .Agen.cy has with a!?' _!\r:lal"ican orga:::.i3a.tion rnust be and
is \vithi.:l these guicl~li:J.es~
~
g) Details 0,," Loaeaa, On rare occasions, details or technically.
quali£bd CIA par'3oncel or loan" oi CL~ equipm.em have bean rnad e to
othe~ "GO' s. agenci~3 to a'Sais'l: ilJ. the ca.~:ryi:o.g out of ~~ai:r res"p<>::t.sibili __
tiS3.. .An ej(~-nple is the skyr;::.arshal prog:rmn to which some CL-\
personn~l ,,"V"s·re detalled in order to assist in a :rapid initiation· or ,t"P...ai: ..
prog!:Xtn.. A~si3tance of this nature in no ';:lay cona.titute9 a..n
a3sump-
tion. of respo.tl.3ibility or authority by CLt\ io::: tha p:rogl"anl'~
h}. !":.ounterL'ttelligence. To carry out its respon3ibilllia 3 :for

cott:li:::1rini:alli:,z-a;cca'. CL~ i3 intaxa3ted in tha activities of ior.ei"7D. na.-
- ,
~ion3 or intelligence saryices a.L-nad at tha U. S•. To the e:'(tant that
'"
the acth-itias Ii", outside the' U. 5., including adimid" ah;aed at the
U.S..." utiliz.ing U. S.. citizan3 or oi:heJ:s, it :fall3 wit'hin CL.~ 13 :respon-
sibilinas. Re3pon"ibiUty fdr cove rage of L'le <\ctivitias wil:1lin the
U. 3.' lias with the FBI,. a3
it iJ:!.-;01v33 an int:ernal· gecu:dty function.
CIl\ 13 :respc.n3ibllity and authority a2:'8 limited t·o tea: foreign int.alli-
gence a apect of tha problem and any action or
a law enforcement OJ:"
interu.a.l $ecu~ity na.tuze lieSl \vith the FBI.or lo_ca.l police fOl"ces ...
i) .Deredo.ea. As provided by law,' CIA occ:aaionall:r >:esattle"

in the U. S~ d~fector5
and othar forei3n individual3 of operational
ip.ta~ast, Thia r8:.:rettleme!lt m.ay in-.,rolve their aS3ump.tion of a new
identity, loca-tion of employment, e tc; Although thi3" activity takes
place i:a. this country, its pUXp03.03 i.:; the suppoZ't a! ope-ratio!la abroad..
3. -
00452
MORl DoclD: .1451843
"
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j) GOY"~. As a pal"t of GLi\ o:;>al"i.\tions abroad, a>:rallg,.m~i1t~
are l\1~\cla vJit'b. a numbe z- of U~ 3 .. enti.i::e.a to Se?v~ as tha ost:.::n.3ibl.a-
"
-,
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·.00453
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
"'.... ,,!.;...."'•• .u.i-l.l., J;:';;'\ .l,..J.....~

!
",~'="'" •
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20 Jan 1972 (
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l
I"~
1 yalL (ld \\',,-f1A) I
They I:l'!:l: aher-e tlith·Hel::\s. cere
shown around, a:;d ::aken to the secret .cited by agency peo?le to boHt
t~aining cn~rs. ~~at was ~he beginni~g fronts in the US, this time, ~v
of 'rumor-s \oOlthin the agency that; "the
po lie';: Bct.h pe!.·so.:nel shifts a
into lias given a nev :i.:le z-ecc

CIA ha~be~n.gi~an ~ne go 3h~~d to oa~ing hi~ head of ell intelli~
CIA\
srove into dcmes t Ic police operntdons ... end p resunab Iy pro\:'idtn2, htr.: Hi
~~ile everyone d~ni~d it, th~ t~eor/' ~lc~iti~~tc interest in in:arn3!
W3S that l:he.CI~ was told to get the .opc~ations. But such sugges=ic~
xadl cnj s , -bd arcr-Iy denfed all around,
The .. Central ihtellige;:~c Agen- . Two recent personne l changes "_. .
cy c lvays insists its non. aren't in- . inc:c~scd s?~culation. Onc.in~ol~ed
wotved in dceest Ic police work. But in. t-es Ignat Ion of flr:lr.!.'s spcc lu.l es s l s-
Chicn~o CIA nZcn~s have b~cn ~orking
tunr , f.:abert Kilo:l:Y. Kiley hand led the
v i fh the r:nr and -Trusury. men in an studc~t operations through N3tio~~1
effort to pin the bank bo~~inis on Scudcnt ASSQci:ltio~ fnc:ldes ••fa re-
r.dical grot/pi. .. . cently turned uc as assoc l ate director'
Ilcrct ofo recc.lundes t Ine CIA pot Ice of the Po l tcc f~ur:d<!t.i.onJ nne..., g:rOU:l •I
lmrk ~i thin the us was center-ed e rcund Idunched ~ita n $30 cillioa F~rd ~
Fo~r.ci~clo~·gr~n~~ ~ne c~ncy is neant
counter csp.ion:.l.~c .~f'fOl·t~ ~!;'\.~-!- at~
to be u,ud ~o,i~,rovc local p~licc.
301:i:::t ~Gi;.C tA l.~ili.ntains· sccre e bases rna second p~rson'nel shift ·lnv.;)!v~d
in .a1!·:.I~~jCt" US cit.ies.ThP.' agency a.l$Jo nrexe l G~:dfrt!)·: who ,7:l.s. bud' of the
has t:-air::r:~: cunps {n Virl:":l~ia and ClA's Ofrtcc cf Cur-rene In:t.:Uir:.::\c~.
the C.:\I·o! i nas , T:;~~~ at-e e.askcd as reg-
u lc r nl tl::tr:-· b:t.5~$.Sp~okS nee
He quit this hif.r. r.:;;;dn~: jo~.• turuc.l 00454
~~? 1:1 the nar-co t Ics bureau of the
tl"1.i:l~,1 f;")1' <!:\!;j' at h'llli:l.::$h:q:.:"3.
.rcs e tce Co:::~t~5if)i~ at l!J.tTio:b"I::~.
T:..:() rcar s :l$:v etA C;:"~I\Ort!::'$ ....cr.c
I'u , T!:~ co:,:·::t~.,t!l:-l i.~ .\::(,l:~cr ncs
":'''·l";"i ';,' l ',.1::;: ;::~·::h:.:r~ of til c r:hlc:;\~~:a _..,•.•.. : 4'" _; .... •••._ ~ ;_.~ ...... 1 ... __ 1
MORI DocID: 1451843
TABLE OF CONTENTS
East Asia Division Placing Agents in Leftist Milieu _

Cleared with FBI
Central Cover Staff Statistics on Alias Documentation and

Other Cover Support
European Division Research on Vesco Case
Soviet Bloc Division Relations with FBI and Local Police
NARCOG Support to Law Enforcement Agencies

Including Information on American Citizens
Division D International Telephone Links
Foreign Intelligence Security and Exchange Commission and

Staff Vesco Case
Counterintelligence Agency Funds Made Available to FBI

Staff
.... Vesco Case
t· Intelligence Evaluation Committee and Staff
"',MHCHAOS
CI!Police Group. International PoFce Academy
Foreign Resources .Lcc a.t i on s , Recruitments, Use Alias

Division Documents
00455
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B Y HAN D
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ACTION PREPARE REPLY
APPROVAL RECOMMENOATION
COMMENT 'FILE RETURN
CONCURREHCE IHFORMATIOH SIGHATURE
Remarks:
00456
FOLD HERE TO RETURN TO SENDER
FROM: NAME. ADDRESS AND PHON£" NO_. DATE
1 Jun
1973
SECIlET
rORI{ HO.
1_0
237 Uso ~" ,u"'...... , ""' .... """, ••• (4<
MORI DocID: 1451843
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f- ';'1} -It.·... ~·._,,~ ''':-

\ ; $ l I L' _- .. \. i.t~.: ~ e II b i:'R
... , .... i
1 June 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Mr. William E. Colby
SUBJECT: Special Activities
1. Following our recent conversation, I have

searched my memory and Mr. Mc Coriet s files for examples
of activities which to hostile observers or to someone
without complete knowledge and with a special kind of
motivation could be interpreted as examples of activities
exceeding CIA's charter.
2. First, as we discussed, on 7 March 1962,

DCI McCone, under pressure from Attorney Genera 1 Robert
F. Kennedy, agreed to tap the telephones of COlumnists
Robert S. Allen and Paul Scott in an effort to identify
their sources for classified information which was appear-
ing in their columns. Because 'the primary source appeared
to be in ·the Department of Defense, McCone ordered me
personally to brief General Joe'Carroll, Director of DIA,
orally, which I did. I understand more complete information
on this operation is available from the Director of Security.
I, personally, managed to avoid gaining any knowledge of
what precise actions were taken, what information was gained,
what was done with it, and when' the operation was terminated.
3.
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4. Although certain activities never got beyond

the planning stage, there are, I believe, three examples
of such planning which could be subject to misinterpretation.
One involved chemical warfare 0 eratiohs againstl I
. A e on i vo ed
a param1 1 ary s r1 e aga1ns
I Outside the United ta es overnmen, enera
~&~1~s~e~n~no~w~er was briefed on such planning. A third, which
assumes a new significance today, involved a proposal by
Angleton and Helms for a greatly increased intelligence
collection effort against foreign installations in this
country. This planning also involved a scheme for selected
00458
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exposure of KGB activities and counteractions against the

Soviet intelligence service, The reasons are still unclear
to me as to why the FBI chose to brief the PFIA8 to the
effect that CIA was planning to wiretap extensively and
indiscriminately' in this country, to greatly increase
the Agency representation in the Moscow Embassy, and
generally to use KGB-type tactics, also extensively and
indiscriminately. This led to a heated exch'a nge between
DCI McCone and Mr. Belmont of the FBI, one s~ch meeting
taking place in the presence of the Attorney General.
It is clear that the FBI was opposed to any such proposal
then, as now, 'and the plan never went forward.
5. During the period when Des FitzGerald was in

charge of the Cuban Task Force, DCI McCone's office
learned, quite by accident, that FitzGeraid had secured
the cooperation of several prominent US business firms
in denying economic items to Cuba. There was no question
but that the businessmen were glad to cooperate, but know-
lepge of this operation had to be rather widespread.
6.
1.0 connec ~on

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the 303 Committee, it was decided that the offers of
American business could not be accepted, it being neither
a'secure way nor an honorable way of doing such business.
This declaration of policy at this time bears on the recent
·ITT hearings, but I am not surprised that McCone has
forgotten thathe helped to set the prec~dent of refusing
to accept such collaboration between the Agency's operations
and private business.
7. At the direction of Attorney General Robert

Kennedy and with the explicit approval of President Kennedy,
j McCone injected the Agency, and particularly Cord Meyer,
00459
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into the US labor situation, and particularly to try

to ameliorate the quarrel between George Meany and
Walter Reuther. Cord Meyer steered a very skillful
course in this connection, but the Agency could be
vulnerable to charges that we' went behind Meany's back,
or were somehow consorting with Reuther against Meany's
wishes,
8, There are three examples of using Agency

funds which I know to be controversial. One was the
expenditure of money under Project MOSES in securing
the release of Cuban Brigade 'prisoners. Details of
this operation are best known to Larry Houston, Mike
Miskopsky, George MacManus, and James Smith. Second,
as you well know, when Lou Conein received his summons
to report to the Joint General Staff Headquarters on
1 November 1963 a large amount of cash went With him.
My impression is that the accounting for this and its
use has never been very frank or complete. Th~rd, at
one of the early Special Group meetings attended by
McCone he took strong exception to proposals to spend
Agency funds to improve the economic viability of West
Berlin, and for an investment program in Mali. His
general position was that such expenditures were not
within the Agency's charter, and that he would allOW
such spending nnly on the direct personal request of
the Secretary of State or the Secretary of Defense, or
the White House.
9. r raise these issues of funding because r

remember the Agency's being severely criticized by the
,House Appr opr-La t Lons Subcommittee for having spent $3,000
for stamps in connection with a program to buy tractors
to secure the release of prisoners from Cuba.
10. Under the heading of old business, r know that

anyone who has worked in the Director's office has worried
about the fact that conversations within the offices and
over the telephones were transcribed. During McCone's
00460
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MORI DocID: 1451843
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tenure, there were microphones in his' regular office,

his inner office, his dining room, his office in East
Building, and his study at his residence on White Haven
Street. I do not know who would be willing to raise such
an issue, but knowledge of such operations tends to
spread, and certainly the Agency is vulnerable on this
'score.
II. Also under the headinlr of old business,
I Sh or t Ly after the Cuban missile cr i.s i s , there was

~a~a~:~~s~p~osition in Washington to reexamine the Bay of Pigs,
and the fact that several'Alabama National Air Guard
officers lost their lives in the Bay of Pigs was surfaced
with surprisingly little excitement at the time.
12. During my stint on the 7th floor there was

a special arrangement with the Office of Communications
whereby the Director's office gained access to non-CIA
traffic. This surfaced eriefly at one point shortly after
Admiral Rayborn became DCI. He had visited the Signal
Center and removed a copy of a telegram from the Embassy
in the Dominican Republic for Under Seqretary George, Ball,
Eyes Only. He returned to his office and proceeded to
discuss this telegram with George Ball who was naturally
quite curious as to how Rayborn knew about it, and also as
to how Rayborn had it in his possession before Ball did.
Ben Read in the Secretary of State's office and I spent
several weeks putting this one to, rest.
13. Finally, DCI McCone, as you and I well know,

operated on a very lofty plane, and I think certain of
'his acti vi ties could be misunderstood. One example was
his decision in July of 1964 to have Aristotle Onassis and
Maria Callas flown from Rome to Athens on Air Force KC 135.
Their arrival in Athens in this airplane attracted the
attention of the local press and in due course Mr. John
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Hightower, Chief of the Associated Press Bureau for

Washington, came to see me to ask about the propriety
of this action.
14.
15. McCone dealt quite extensively with newsmen

in Washington. In fact, they gave him a gift and a
luncheon when he left Washington, which is perhaps
indicative of the press's relations with him. However,
in the case of the Ross and Wise book, The Invisible
Government, he did try to bring pressure on the publisher
and the authors to change things. They did not change
a comma, and I doubt that this old saw will ever sing
again.
16.
17. The above listing is uneven, but I have a

sinking feeling that discipline has broken down, and that
allegations from any quarter which cast these things in
the'wrong light would receive great publicity and attention,
and no amount of denial would ever set the record straight.
If I may be of any assistance in 'tracking down further
details, r am of course at your disposal, ,but I would point
00462
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out that I was very much in the position of the

enlisted man who knew that the commissioned officers
were aware of these activities and better able to
jUdge their propriety and possible impact or misinter-
pretation.
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l-fE:llORANDUM FOR THE RECORD:
In November 1962 Mr.! ladvised Hr. Lyman

Kirkp2trlck that he had, at one time, been directed by /1r. Richard
Bissell to assume responsibility for a project involving the assass-
ination of Patrice Lum"f'ba, then Premier, Republic of congo.,'
According tol J)oison was to have been tJ.1e vehicle as he _
made reference to having been instructed to see 'J!r. Sidney GottlieJD.,
in order procure the appropriate vehicle.
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
BALTll.!Cf1E 1::::I\,S A~.!ERICP:i1

12 APR 1973
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. The current imbroglio over- the role that" -"ShoUlo 'we protect democratic. (or even un~'
"1he Central InteWge!ls:e Agenr;X tI.rli{ih~ in;' democratic) nations "from toralltarian inva.
ternntlcnal Telephone -and Telegraph Co. sian 9r subversion? Should we utilize cun-
played (or considered playing) in trying to. foreign aid to nourish d~rnoctai!~ po!itic-al
block, ~he.' election of Chilean President AI;', development :"..as is provldedrn the. Fraser
Jende ~as jrs tanlalizj~z and perplexing as-: .•" Amendment·.tu· the" foreign aid -blll - or
pec~:'Was the erA's cash balance so low' it .' should .we "take astrkrly hands-off ap- J
needed a million dollars from rr.~·T? Did the'.. proach? • , i

efA and l!S·Y r~alry. think. they could pu.ll : ',,' . It. asat this point that the lT8·T fracas
off some of the stunts contemplated without. . ~ comes -back Jruc focus, and as Ileological
the word genlng out and working jnasstvejy- ,'.. shambles- occurs. Let us suppose for a "mo~
in favor, of . ,AJi.t·nde? But unde:rlY.ing this>.':. >-rnent ·th.a.Clhe Chase "'fai1hattan Bank. influ-
brawl are a series cf very difficult questlon, . enced by.the World Council of Churches and I
o.r.pr.incipl~, to say nothing ?fdelipltiol1., : . ~~;, black ~i1!(ants•. decided 10 pr01,:ide a cnndult
First" of .alt. -what consntutes. American- . - rc black-Iiberatlon mo v emems m SOUlh Afd··
0:
(publ~c. priyate) lnrerventton In thE.-ioter..,::,. ca, using- itS.busin,:ss connections [~ pro,·ide.;
t.d-1 .
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nal ' affairs ,of .anorher state?· Obviously.,,·' . arms and ether- aid to the revolutionaries, ,
sponsoring a-revrilutlon (as.Tfddy'Roosevelf. :: ;WnuJd this .be. a·' ebad'' thing? Was it. a -'" .-:------
did to break' Panama loose froni Colombia)'· : "bad" (hmg. when the efA, using a business ~L _ '7
Isat one pole. B,u~ b&!,,":(:en"s:pon~t)rjng revc- . ·.cover. sl!!Pp~d~·i~[O Santo· Domingo the. 1-~
juuons ~n.d tOI,allf eJim. il)ati.n~ ~Il~' Ame.ri::_ .; . ~ea ons use.d to kill the ~rutal dictator. J ru., ~
tan acnvny outside of"the UQHed Slates;" ')1 ~.. (1 don t ·now oW'ne feels about It to. ~
there is a long line on the spectrum, a line . day, Dut m 1901 inc Dommlcan stClt('sman '
-"lhat geLS fU~l:i~r and fuzzler·the- fimher 'you '. ;TUan Bosch thought that intervention was
go. ' . ,',' . . - . -'. .' :. tfie greatest -thlng since the discovery DC
. Moreover, even doing nothing can be. can:': Amerlca.L" . . , - ",
strued as, Interventionr .Egypt's President ",'. . What this comes down to is that Inrerven-.
Nasser throught that SecretaryDulles' te:.· , tibn is a "geed' thing when yo~ happenjn '
Iusal to help finance-the "S\~'d; Dam was a"· . Javor the cause Involved, but is noickf:'d ,and
form of: intervention. and Some years 'ago ' :.: :!ffi.m,?ral.. if )'O.U disappro\'e:of tlie goalS-. A-'.
six confee-prccuctng rrations in Latin Amerl-:" . perfectly human response; but hardly one on-,
caprorested to the Orgarnzanon of Amerl-' ... \~'hich souryd pubiic policy can be Iclmuiat-
can Slates that our refusal to )i~ .coffee. . ed.The thought of :lT8·.T losing its Chilean
prices Intervened in their iJifernjl ~f(airs. .'. assets doe-s"~ot bring tears to my eyes at"
I would 'argue 1hal Ih~ very eXistence o~ . - lead me to. Wish noe sufi had a supply of ~uil
the United SlateS as the ·most powerful" n.a:' poafs in stock. Capitalism. I'm told. invol\:es
Hon in Ine world ,aucomatlcallr imervenes·jn '. lakihg ris~s. and Ihe corporation may in the
the affairs of every other sHne. N<i5Ser and . end .be re)mbutsed by ,a federal agency set
the coffee producers ucre- right: Inaction an op to proride imurance for·such conlingen.
our part can hal;e as great an impact as ac~ des. .
tion. To take a vivid inslal)ce, if W~ had not 1'\0, ,"-hat bo!he:-s me is Ihe wholh' ad IlflC
~hipned military equipmeAt ID Brhain be~ reaction or Ihc Se:-nme- committee in~·esti,ga[-
. rore Pe3r.f Harbor, the war for EuroP.e.~ouJd.· ing the maUer. We' would be far beuer'
:havf been lost. served by Sen. Church and his col!('a~ucs if
f: If wt: accept (hat proPosilion. the futile they spen·t less time b~mg oU[ra~('d "ilnd a
arRument over whether .we should intervene little' more :rying to fommialC gC'i1entl
..<-lmom,Hkally goes by Ihe boards. Then W~ guidelines. guid~hn('s Which \~'ould apply 10
,turn to the hard one: To what (:-nds should South·l\me-rica and SO\llh Africa. to the: just
-we (oubliclr ;md privatel)') inrernne? ·and the unjust alike, hqwc\-er defined. '
00465
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SUBJECT: Bobert L; Ve s c 0
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I. 'On 31 JUly 1972!'y/wHD]was contacted by Mr. Jorden •
Latin American referent at the NSC. by telephone in order to
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determine if@KHERALf?!hadany information on Vesco. Mr.

Jorden was advised that a check would be made. A file review un-
covered I \\Q/WHi:'Jcalled Mr.
Jorden (31 July 1972) and ihformed him of the rollowing:
a) Vesco was known to us as head of IDS. had re-

cently visited Costa Rica and expressed a desire to settle there.
Iii addition. it was known that Vesco V
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- b) 19/w1m7also advised Mr. Jorden-that Vesco had
come to the attention of1 - ~nd they were aware that
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field. N.J. [:.!ubsequently
NSC was making inquiries DDne ve~co.
_
he was President of the International Control Corporation of Fair-
~as advised that the
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00472 L - - _ - - - '
MORI DocID; 1451843
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21 AUG 1973
!
I
MEMOR~qDUM FOR: Director of Central I~telliGence I

FROM Inspector General
SUBJECT Use and Control of Disguise and Alip-s Documents
Action Reouested:
--_._~---
1. 2~e attached report resulted from our general inquiries

into Waterg~te-re1ated issues and contains recommendations in
paragraph 9 for your approval.
Background: . ,'.
2. In the course of collecting information on various activi-

ties of the Agency with flap potential, we received a number of
reports on issuance and use of disguise and alias documentation.
The Executive Secretary, CIA Management Committee noted on the face
of the ,sUlIllIlary submitted by the Office of Technical Services (OTS)
on materials issued by it that it would be interesting to check the
reports of other components to see if they matched with OTS issu-
ances. In fact, OTS is not the only compone~t to issue alias
documentation, and the review was broadened to include the other
issuing components and their procedures for controlling the
materials. The attached report summarizes the findings. .
DOnald E. Ch8!D.oerlaln
Inspector General
Attachment
As Stated Above
APPROVED; &-r£dl, DATE; 24 AUG 1973
DISAPPROVED: DATE:
00473
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USE AND eO,/TROL OF DISGUISE AND AlIAS DOCmlE:HTS
1. ~1e policy~ responsibilities, and procedures concerning

U.S. docamentation issued to authenticate a f~lse ide~tity used
in the Directorate of Onerations &re set forth in CSI (now DOl)
240-)1 dated 23 AUgtl"t 1972. Tnis instruction, a revision of
CSI 220~7 dated 12 J.:sy 1959, repr"sents an extens ive uPbrading in
the definition of responsibilities a~d in establishing procedures
ensur-Ing that each r-equesf has the apj__ roval of a dcs i gnat.ed senior
oi'ficial in the component. The current instruction" rur-thezmor-e ,
requires that each request be routed through Cover and COh'!!ercia1
Staff, Official Cover Branch (eeS/OCB) for concurrence, "Which, in
effect, makes CCS/OCB the one component retai~ing complete records
and details of eve~ request. There are no other regulatior.s
applying to this subject, but i t currently is observed by all
compcnent.s ,
Issuing R~§]?onsihilities and P)'oceoures
. 1 2. Three major componenfis are responsible for issuing alias)

doc~~entation and/or disguise. The specific responsibilities are:
t 18 of lee ssues non acrs oppe acumen S In

L-----"rl;naOs-Uw~l~C·h are used exclusively for flash identification
purposes. Birth certificates in alias are considered to be
a special document and require a uniquely prescribed approval
procedure and control. This Br-anch a.l so responds to requests
for.disguises.
b·1
issue S ""U"l"'l"v"'e"r>'T'So-'.L"l."c"e"'n"s"e"s'---'w"'n"l"'cb""ar""'e.,t'u':rrryrv-o"a""cJ(v.os'<'tro"'p'"p"'e"d,---;a"'S.--..w"'e""ITlr--
as fully backstopped investigative credentials!
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00474
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MORI DocID: 1451843
3. P~l requests to any of the above three cOF.ponents for

ali as document.at.i on or disguise must be by memorandum end must be
s~[.lled by one of t,m authorized officers designated by the request-
ing component. The inst.ruction requires that this approval author-
ity be confined to the chief of the division or staff, or to a
senior operations officer specifically designated uy the division
or staff chief to exercise this function. Tne request is routed
through CCS/OCB for concurrence at which time the requesting
signature is verified as being on the approved list and a1.l of the
doclli~ents requested are recorded in the OCB file. All requests for,
documents to be used in CONUS are then routed to Office of Security,
Operational Support Division" Special iictivit.ies Branch for approval
and then are forwarded to the componel't which is to issue the docu-
ments. I~suing components are required to maintain "controls on
ac count.abdLi ty and establish conditions for use of documerrts that
they issue. OTS is developing a new computerized system which is
scheduled to bec~ne operational in November 1973. Every six mrnlths
each component will be given a complete listiQ£ of all documentation
and disguises issued to them and they will be required to either
justify the continued retention o~ the docrunents or return the~.
Compcnent.~on~rols
4. There is no established procedure prescribing how each

component is to control the documents issued to it. The instruc-
tions do require, hovever-, that the documents will be h""dled as
controlled aocuments from t1~ time of issue until thefr ultimate
disposition. The general practice is to maintain a record of all
doc~ents received within the component, but to issue the documents
to the appropriate officers who assume responsibility for hand.l i.ng
tbem'properly. There is no evidence of periodic spot checking. At
least one area division of the Directorate of Operations follows a
procedure which requires that the documents be retained in the front
office until needed for an operation, being returned a:rter the
operation is completed. On the surface this may appear to be a
strict control) but in actuality the documents are retained in
"individual packages for each senior officer, and are never Lnspect.ed
before they are issued nor after they are returned; in effect, no
record accoQ'ltability by the officer is required.
Ultimate Document Retrieval
5. Every employee using alias documents is now required to

process tbrough CCS as part of his exit-out process for either
resignation or retirement. It is at this time that he is given
a list of all alias documentation issued to him and is requested
to return all such documents. If there are any of these documents
- 2
00475
MORI DocID: 1451843
vhi ch ho is unab.Le to produce , th~ employee mus t. sub:..j t a signed

vritten statement describing, to t.he best of his abiUtJ', the con-
ditions under which the document or documents l1e::t'e either lost or
destroyed. ~11e controls that now exi.st were not in ops r-atd on when
Hovar-d Hunt was an employee, which lliay explain how he vas ailJ.e to
retain documents issued in the 19605. Nor do these controls o:pply
effectively to non-employees over whom the A3ency has no con~rol.
Most disguise material -- other than docu.lTIent,s -- is a-ege.r-ded ee
pE:1'iehable and non-s ens i tdve and OTS is not too concerned if
dis~~tse material is not returned.
6. A new coinput erd zed system is being readied ca'lLed CEliBAD

(Gentral Badge m1d Credential System). Initially this system will
Lnc.lude al.l of the Lssuances of the badge office, CCS, Central
Pr.ocessing 811d the motor 'pool. . The system will provide a monthly
listing to these four components of all credentials issued and
could b€ used to request outst~nding credential.s at the time of
checkou-t. As a follow-up the sys t em will provide a weekly creden-
tial status of all employees who have s epaz-abed but for whom Cm'IBAD
still shows outstanding credentials.
Q.~nc]usions_
7. Since the issuance of DOI 240-4 there has been a very

defini"t.e ir~iDrovement in the controls exercised over- alias documea-
tation. B)·- requiring that every request be routed through CCS/OGB
for concurrence, a veri COIQ1.~ ete file of all alias documents issued
has been compiled. The probability is sJ,ight that an Agency employee
could resign or retire without having been queried about all the
alias documents which had been issued to him. 'This procedure, "hile
cur-rent.Iy observed in the Agency, has no standing as a general re-
quirement arid exists only as an administrat.ive instruction in one
of the Agency's directorates.
8. The OTS ~omputerized system, "hen operational, shoul.d tend

to reduce the number of outstanding documents since-oa justificatio.n
every six months will be required for their retention. The CENBAD
system will not only make the CCS/OGB control even more effective
by mechand zd ng the up-to-date listing but in the rare instances
when an officer might depart without turning in his dOcllillents,
CENBAD will provide this ..data weekly to al.Lov for a follm·l-up .
.'
- 3 -
00476
---------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
, " .. "
9.
a. That an Agency Headquart".,.s Regulation'

be issued ~ormalizing the requirement for a
central ft-fJ,ency control over- issuance, account_
ability and recovery of alias docuroentation.
b. That each component designate an alias

documentation control officer ~ho would retain
ell docmaents, issuing them only for specific
operations and institute a policy of signed
receipts a~d return of documents upon the com-
pletion of the operation.
. •.
- 4-
MORl DocID: l451843
..··cl· U'~ClASSlmD [£] . SECReT

,
SUBJECT: (Optional)
ACTVITIES OF
FROM,
D....TE
25 May 1973'
TO: IOffiur designation, room numb.r. ond DATE
building) ~_~ _ _-I OffICER'S COMMENTS (Humber ecch comment' 10 show fro.rA whom
INiTIALS 10 whom. DraW' 0 line octon column ofte, each commen'.)
REQIVED fOAWARDfD
l.
SIlt.
2. I
'"
\
"
,
~-rl:
1',3/
/
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"''I
•
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12. il...<. LC·o.,.? Is er ' '-r-..~J

13,
~,ORj)(D,ilSdiT
.,..\.'l-<,~l~ 0 f- 0
:;",-<{ c.. >tl"'I l::b
14.
00478
''; .~ 10 U'io::'b"~~U' 0 SECRET 0 CONFIDENTIAL 0 INTERNAL', o .. UNCLASSIFIED
r
'{.._ . '" ........~ _, •._-:.........._.: _~~':"~" •• '._ - 0- ~"' __ """~' •._ .. __
USE QNlY
-,_•.__ ....- ..
:,. ..
.... ~-. . ~ ' ...•.
--------------~
MORI DocID: 1451843
7-' l')C>~
.'. - t-_
CD/O.!.;)...........
.--....- / - {./
•...•._-.----
--
24 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR: Acting Chief,I _

SUBJECT: Activities of Possible Interest to the
Director
1. A few years ago thel ' !Branch was asked to

support a test program and feas1b111ty study being conducted
by DD/S&T/ORD.
en 1S
proJec conc u e , e was g1ven permission
by DD/S&T/ORD to retain-Dm",=m~'ra and TV image transmission
syst~m for further experimentation. lr--------~------------
I_~-----:--~;::::::'==========;~~------:--
2. In early Jun~ 1972
I lDD/S&T/ORD, who
had been the Project OfficeI' Xli evaxuacxlig cnis TV data link
system, phoned thel I Branch. He stated that the U.S.
Secret Service had a requ1rement for this TV camera and data
.Li nk system. It was our understanding that the camera would
be carried in a helicopter and would be used for crowd sur-
veillance during the Democratic and Republican Conventions
at Miami Beach, Florida. Mr! _ rsked that we make the
equipment available for the per10d desired by the Secret
Service and indicated that the equipment would be returned to
us when no longer needed. On 19 June 1972, Mr. Michael T.
.1
Cas ey, accompanied by Mr I
lri sit ed ~o pick up the
equipment. Mr. Casey Of Secret SerV1ce was not made
witting of t~e fact that 's an Agency facility • .--------,
~. On 13 November 1972, the equipment, as a result of

a phone call from~I~ lwas picked up at Secret Service
Headquarters by 1 1 A few 6f the system's
'----_I 00479
MORI DocID: 1451843
., I
{
I •
components were missing when it was returned. These components

w~re . the
handle, tripod and electrical adapter. Later the
m1ss1ng components were returned to us·by the Secret Service.
4. A few months ago, Mr. ~called me about this
equipment and said that S&T wo~ to get the equipment
off its books since none of it would be needed in the.future
b S T. He offered to transfer the equipment at no cost to
ranch. A short time later the necessary paper
, ormed to reflect the receipt of this equipment
into the Branch inventory . .
\Ja.L.,.L, I "" an-en

Special b.~~.~~.~.~uy~ Division
---------------
MORl DoclD: 1451843
00481
-
MORl DoclD: 1451843
...
6EGRiT SENSITIyE I
SUBJECT: I ---.J
prOjectl liS a Headquarters initiated program

which has as its fundamental objective the long term rnanipu-
lations of s.electedagent assets operating against EA Division
difficult targets in the leftist and communist milieu in various
parts of the world. Although targetted overseas these agents are
often exposed to and directed against American radical, leftist,
and communist targets to gain a practical'\nowiledge of the leftwing,
radical, communist world. There is a possibility that an asset
might become suspect and be accused of being an employee of the
Agency or the Bureau; or it might happen some asset would, for
some reason, become disenchanted with his role and expose-his
Agency relationship and his activities, with resultant embar-
rassment. To minimize potential problems, therefore, each
case is cleared with the FBI and through CI/SO the Bureau is
kept informed on a regular basis.
~BCPFT SENSITIVE
00482
-----------.......-
MORl DoelD: 1451843
!~.
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ll>
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00483
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-'SbSR;;;T
.
- EiES AIsi'bw ~
-
Subject: Cover Support
Bill:
1. In addition to the matters listed in the CCS memorandum on

CCS Cover Support Within the United States the follo.ling bigoted cases
should be noted:
7 May 1973
00484
MORl DoclD: 1451843 ----
r:- ...·(i~.'(l'\SSIFIED
.'~
rl
. - - ------ - - - - _- -----
"
H'IAL
.. 'J)[ O::LY
IJ CON. ,f'l TI ,\l
------ --_.- - - -----
I!J SE(;:ET
'--'-~
flOUTII'G .\ND R::CO;W $HECT

.--.,. .. --.."-- --- -- . . - -'-"--- -- .,._- .. ---- ..
'~JEcr. lOp' "QIJ
Al ias P.l:-;. ..· :,.'rt:-:
-----_.
FROM,
.. - - ._- ._- _.- r .i..:;ENSIOI"" r"'.'
.. ---. ---
C;~T ;"~F' I GCS I'-;~Tf ..
8 MAY 1973
-- - ..
-10,
I .. . -_.- .-
(ORice, deligl'lotion. ',"'l'I • .
..
"lit'. ","" DATE
...... :li,ng) OffICER'S COMMENTS (Number each comment '0 shoW' hom , ,:
INITIALS w"orn. O'OW 0 linlt ceron cotuml'l of,o' .oeh (e... r,t".' •
RECEIVED fORWARDED
-" -- ..... ---- --- -'_. ..
I. ..!
..1;:,'
Mr. Colby,
2.
-
- .- bflif~-
i'tl//:
'.f../
- - .-'_." -
3. •
.. '" -,-~-
.... -' - .. - ---
~.
5.
- o'
I ~~~'!'o.~,H-;;:.
I! _._-_.
'6.
- --'_.,-
•
i
-- ._-- - -- -
7,
8.
9.
, ..
- '.
10.
"
,.
II.
.
' .
.
-
..
12.
,
. ..
:
13.
- - . -
..
1~,
..
----,.-----
15. 00485
forM
I •
l ., SECEf R CQi:rIQEiJTlt.L
MORl DoclD: l45l843
)j
8 May 1973
1.1E), ~ORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for Operations
SUBJECT: Allas Passports
villeI, Centr'at L:over;'!all .
-,
1
i
J'
nil L U;.',T GQ?¥ 99 NQi" R!!:LEASE

00486
,
\t,
':,.
'~~
\ \;
\ .i'J;.
-----------_....- MORl DoclD: 1451843
."
8 May 1973
MfMORANCUM FOR: Deputy Director for Operattons-
SUBJECT: Alias Paasporta .
IChief., Central Caver Staff

I \
-,
,"
1:'1" I "~',""
00487
MORl DoclD: 1451843
. ! ..J, ~"II·."-""'.·"ll ,....... 1.J U~l L:~l' •

._---._- , -- -. __._-_._------_._--- , - - - ----_._---~--
. ' 0
ROUm~G AND RECORD SHEET
-.
SI".l!l,r(Y
,- -.- ----
,Or' "011
--.. ---- -- ----- - ----
-'~-- -_.~- --
- ._.. .- - ._--------
COttJ\i-J- -- ..
I. UTlNsiO'N'"" NO•
fROM,
I I ptJ-- -/ I -
- C/CCS
I
CAolf
, 'Z r.~AY -;''"':7~
TO, 10!lice' del;gnolion. '~m numbar, ond U~ E

building) OffiCER'S COM..v.(~TS (Numb.r ~""ch commenl 10 show r'Qm
INITIALS It) ....hom. O'OW 0 Ii", acron column ohol .och cor.
R~CElVED fO.l:WAliOfO
--_ ..-
J. '; ,
o' . 0 t · • 0
DDO
--_ ...... _.. _. - ,-; :
2_ './
-'-,---"
3_
f---- ---' --
o'
,
- ---- - " - -
~-
.
S_ , •
-. '_.
'~~'i'C,
--
.4 _ _ _ _ _ _ ,
6_
-----, '---'--,-- - - - -
7_
--
'- _.-
B.
.
9_
,
10_
-,
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11_
12_ er AI.
t: -H7
kdVJ....
IJ.(.- , ."", -
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Ppnyctf[) (tir'»
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IS_
004eB
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a'10
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FOP""
a-e, r.;r'4-l;.\,~+- __ n
(OIlIONr. r:::r COrlfl DIi:UTIO' O INIERIIAl
. USE ONLY o urlClASSlr
~
\
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---------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
-
7 May 1973 (Revised)
MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for Operations
SUBJEcr : CCS Cover Support Provided Within

the United States
1. ~he following specific information regarding dom-

estic cov~r support ,provided by Central Cover Staff is
submitteq in ,response to your request;
Aliases Used in Conjunction with Documenta-
,
"
.
.
,
NOTE:
I
~he al>ove figures are based on the CCS record-
keeping system initiated in April 1972.
'f I I
{!J04Il83
• , , » _:" ,~~: 'J
.. ....• ..-
.~ - ._,. . . -",,- ~-" ...
I .
,
I
I
MORl DoclD: l45l843
c. Alias U.S. Birth Certificates.
d. Alias Credit Cards.
-2-
~te1ift--- 00490
MORI DoclD: l45l843
e. Alias Social Security Cards.
-3-
00491
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-4-
- 0049.<':
------------_....- MORl DoclD: 1451843
( (
1. Support to Bh~D Activities.
2. The following general information pertains to

domestic cover support activities outside the purview of
CCS:
a. Alias U. S. dr.i vers licenses \
b. Alias erA credentials \
-5-
00493
-----------_....- MORl DoclD: 1451843
7 May 1973 (Revised)
MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for Operations'

SUBJECT CCS Cover Support Provided Within
the United states
1. The following specific information regarding dom-

estic cover support provided by Central Cover Staff is
submitted in response to your request:
a. Aliases Used in Conjunction with Documenta-
tion.
NOTE: The above figures are based on the CCS record-
00494
I
----------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
. c. Alias U.S. Birth certificates.
d. Alias .Credit cards.
-2-
00495
~_--------_ ........-
MORl DoclD: 1451843
e. Alias Social Security cards.

"
r----.......,..,."...,..,~--------------------"
-3-
00496
MORl DoclD: 1451843
v,
..
00497
MORI DocID: l45l843
... ~ . -
1. Support to Bh~D Activities.
2. The following general information pertains to

domestic cover support activities outside the purview of
CCS:
a. Alias U.S. drivers licenses I
. ..~ ..,,,, I
Chief, Central Cover Staff
-5-
~ 00498
MaRl DoclD: l451843
CSI240-4
COVER
'-- --'1 CLANDESTINE SERVIL;);!,
INSTRUCTION 240-4 23 August 1972
ALIAS U.S. DOCUMENTATION
.'
i
I
uv. I,
I
I
. t ,.•_~
_... ------:-----------_._----- ... ._..-_. .._~,_.
MaRl DoclD: 1451843
..
SE~
'
CSI240-4
CLANDESTINE SERVICE COVER

INSTRUCTION 240-4 23 August 1972
.~
.-.
'--'
.. --- .
.-----
00500
MaRl DoclD: 1451843
,.
SE~ II
CSI 240--4 I
CLANDESTINE SERVICE COVER
INSTRUCTION 24()-4 23 August 1972
I !
Ij
I I
I !,
I .~I
3
s~
0050.1. "
i
. - ....- ..----- ._,---,-_._--_._-------_ ... . '. 4 ••• ~ '. _ .. , •• _ ..... -'
MORl DoclD:' 1451843
- SFQR'Bf -
CSI240-4
CLA:\DESTI1\E SERVICE COVER

Il'iSTHUCTION 240--4 23 August 1972
rr>
r:-.
'......
Thomas H. Karamessines
Deputy Director for Plans
\
.,
-
- 00502
MORl DoclD: l45l843
SEC~
CSI 240--4
Attachment 1
23 August 1972
,
1
I r
I ,
iI
I,
!
!
i
D0503 1
!
..........- 00_.-"_' L .. _
MORl DoclD: 1451843
CSI 240-4
Attachment 1
23 August 1972
~"
-,
00504
MORl DoclD: 1451843
CSI NO. 220-7
jO CLANDESTINE SERVICES
INSTRUCTION NO. 220-7
TECHNICAL SUPPORT
12 May 1959
. U. S. DOCUMENTATION I
IN CLANDESTINE SERVICES OPERAT""I""O""N"S..--------
o
o
o
o
o 1
S~
00505
MORl DoclD: 1451843
o \ o ~.
CLANDESTINE SERVICES
INSTRUCTION NO. 220-7
CSI NO. 220-7
TECHNICAL SUPPOR1\
12 May 1959'
o
o
o
.,
o
o
!
01
. , , I ..
~.
oo-s(
_._--
6
r
MORl DoclD: 1451843
i , .. \ ' - SfCPBI ~
I . '. Q
10 :CLANDESTINE SERVICES
INSTRUCTION NO. ·220-7
csr NO. 220-7
TECHNICAL SUPPORT
12 May 1959
RICHARD M. BISSELL, JR.
o Deputy Director
(Plans)
Released by:
Richard Helms
o Chief of Operations
o
rI
10
I
10
I
I
I
o
00507
\
----....,...,-,--..._.........:......,...~------------
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.•
7 May 1973
~mMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for Operations

SUBJECT CCS Cover Support Provided Within·
the United States
1. The following specific information regarding dom-

estic cover support provided by Central Cover Staff is
submitted in response to your request: '
ar:._..:A:::l:::i:.:a=s::.:e::.:s=-U:::s=e.::d'-=i:::n:....;:C::.:o:.:n;:,J~'
u::n::c:..t:;~:,·o:;n:::..w::.:::i,:;t.::h~D;;:o;;;c;;;u;,;m:;,;e;;;n;;"t;;a;;- -,
tion. I
I
00508
MORl DoclD: 1451843
b. \
,
,
;,
I
c. Alias 1=tir-l:h ('..,.... -1: i 1'i P." +O~ I I

I
tT R
I
d. Alias r.redit f'arc'ls I
-2-
'~
.....i .,.
..
,- : 'I
00509
.. _.',. '-
MORl DocID: 1451843
e. A1ias Social Security Cards. I

I
I
i
f. I
g. I
h. I
-3-
Sf11f[T ·0051.0
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-4-
0051.1
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.'
k.
1. other Special Arrangements.

(1) Alias U.S. drivers licenses
-5-
.~ 0051.2
~'~.'C'
MORI DocID: 1451843
..
(5) Alias CIA credentials I
Chief, Central Cover Staff
0051.3
MORl DoclD: l45l843
CORPORATE COVER
0051.4
MORI DocID: 1451843
DEVISED FACILITIES COVER
-I
00515
MORI DocID: 1451843
( i
S~r.l
\
PROPRIETARY ENTITY COVE~
005:16
~-------
[
MORl DoclD: 1451843
'J-
I,xJ
. ' ...<::
0
,.
'f;. '0
f('. '"
Il'
l'
~
t:!
i-, <:'",
... '
'- m
... '
,~,. 0
it 1:l
0051.7
MORl DocID: 1451843
, .
\ ~ .... .. #' '. -r ',' ..
• f· •
, -
\
7 May 1973
SUBJECT Research Project on Robert L. Vesco
1. In mid-October 1972
Office of Economic Research a~"~s~e~r-------------------~~~~~
par ~c~pa e 1n a me~t~ng with a=Jumber of OER officers.

During the meeting,.~ _ explained that the
Director of CentralnteII1gence had levied a crash
project on Dr. Edward Proctor, the Deputy Director for
Intelligence, to produce a paper on international financier
Robert L. Vesco. Since the Director had specificallY
requested contributions from the field.l ~sked
our Division to help in procuring them.
I 2. We thereu:cn cabled various questions suggested by

i OER to~: ~~ ~nd asked for replies by
""" 19 Octo e£. ReL~V nt answers were turned over to OER in'
memorandum form. i-In the case of a brief reference in one of
"' the field messages-to an earlier high-level American
intercession on behalf of Mr. Vesco, we asked Mr. Helms
through his secretary whether this was relevan~ information.
The response, again,_received through the secretary~ was that
it was not relevant. 1
. 3. Soon after our memoxanda "had been submitted,
I ladviseel ~hat the Director wanted
everyone to forget the Vesco project. This was communicated
to.all DDP Headquarters personnel who had had a hand in the
project or had been made aware of it.
\\
/
0051.8
MORl DoclD: 1451843
- 2 -
4. We never had any indication as to the reason for

or the purpose of the project.
5. We understand that OER has recently written a

memorandum on this matter for the DCI.
Archibald B. Roosevelt
Chief, European Division
i'
005.19 .'
0 •••••••• _ • • 0. _ _ o~ •• 0_ _
MORl DoclD: 1451843
., CJl~
0.'
....CD
..;"
e-t-
00520
MORl DoclD: 1451843
r" " ... -

-
7 May 1973

SUBJECT: Items for Possible Use in Briefing
the DCI
,
1. This Memorandum is submitted in order to

identify to you for possible briefing of the
Director activities which in certain contexts could
be construed as delicate or inappropriate.
2. At the request of the Director of Security,
from appro~imrt::: ::':-.:Jtober
1973 safes~te
1972 t? mi.d-Januar y
k'as made ava~lable to the
U,S. Marshal' v I~ use as a secure residence
by an Assistant U.S. Attorney wao reportedly was
under threat of assassination by organized criminal
elements. .
3. I
4. I
S. Since late 1972 CIA has taken part in seven

FBI training courses at Quantico, Virginia in
response to requests from the FBI. We have shared
with them through lectures and discussions lessons
we have learned which are relevant to their counter-
espionage responsibilities.
I
'-------
0052.1
MORl DoclD: 1451843
. I
- 2 -
6. As a means of sharing more fully our operational

experience we have invited three FBI officers to be
students in ourl '.' _ ' Icourse from -14 to '25
May 1973.
7. The Soviet defector Yuriy NOSENKO was
,confined at a CIA facility from April 1964 to
September 1967 while efforts were being made to
es tab lish whether he was a bona fide defector. _
Although his' present attitude toward the Agency is
quite satisfactory, the possibility exist~ that the
press could cause undesirable publicity if it were
to uncover the story.
I DaVId n. Blee
Chief
Soviet Bloc Division
-,
r. _ ___•
.:..- .' __'. : _ ~ J
00522
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.'.
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1~: ;
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;~;
.':1..*<
':, 0
....:' 0
.- Cl
-[-
00523
MORl DoclD: 1451843
00524
---
MORI DocID: 1451843
:I
7 Mfr'; ,. \,.,3
MEMORANDUM- FOR: Deputy Director for Operations

SUBJECT: CIA Narcotics Activities Having
Domestic Implications
1. This ~emorandum is in response to your request
for a review of activities and relationships that might
have domestic implications.
2. We occasionally report on the activities of
American citizens involved in narcotics trafficking
abroad. This information is normally-disseminated to
U.S. law enforcement agencies and other recipients of
our reports. We also- occasionally request U.S. law
enforcement agencies for name traces on U.S. citizens -
who are known or suspected to be involved-in narcotics
trafficking abroad.
00525
00521 r
MORl DocID: 1451843
•. '
~ffiMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for Operations

SUBJECT: CIA Narcotics Activities Having
Domestic Implications
1. This memorandum is in response to your request·
for a review of activities and relationships that might
have domestic implications.
2. We occasionally report on the activities of
American citizens involved in narcotics trafficking
abroad. This information is normally disseminated to
U.S. law enforcement agencies and other recipients of
our reports. We also occasionally request U.S. law
enforcement agencies for name traces on U.S. citizens
who are known or suspected to be involved in narcotics
traffickin g abroad .
I··
: 5. We have occasionally received reques1:s Ior

enforcement
alias documentation for U.S. narcotics law ,I
I
I
005ZSGI-
~
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-
,..
•
officials working abroad on foreign narcotics investi-

gations. The present method of handling such requests.
is for us to request the approval of the Deputy Director
for Operations prior to asking the Technical Services
Division to comply. We insist on knowing the true
identity of the persons to use such documentation and
limit them to staff officers of the U.S. 'Law enforcement
agencies. We also require that we know the purpose
and intended use of the documents. Finally, we require.
receipts from the headquarters of the agency involved
and the individual, and also require these documents to
be returned to us for destruction after they have ful-
filled their use. We have turned down requests from
BNDD for alias documentation for domestic use. There
are some indications in the files that there have been
requests from BNDD for domestic documentation in con-
nection with their domestic investigations. These
predate NARCOG, and we are unable to determine how these
requests were handled.
6. We periodically receive requests for technical
assistance in the form of photographic and audio devices
or guidance for use of such items by U.S. law enforcement
agencies in connection with their foreign investigations
of illicit narcotics activities. We require these
agencies to adhere to' the same procedures we require
in our own operations. From time-to-time we have honored
these requests and have provided sterile equipment when
the requests have been properly presented and approved.
Our records show evidence that Several such requests
were made prior to. the existence of NARCOG in connection
with narcotics law enforcement investigations in the .
United States. We are unable to determine whether the
requests were fulfilled.
ehlef, DDO/NARCOG
.,
00526
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0052'7
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SOURCE: ~ '1),,,, 'J:) • CONTROL NUMBER: _ "-
DATE OF DOCUMENT: a C\, 'f\rI,~ \ q 73- DATE DOCUMENT RECEIVED: S-1,;;,9 /7~
COpy NUMBER (5):
NUMBER OF PAGES:
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;). DOCUMENT N
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NUMBER OF ATTACHMENTS: hD'"e...

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FROM: Division D/CIB DATE:
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29 Mav 197::1
TO
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, .
o Approval REMARKS
o Action \.
o Comment FVN ONLY
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Concurrences
Information
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o Direct Reply
o Preparation of Reply
o Recommendation
o Signature
o Return \\ - - - -
o Disp~tch -,
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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00532 t
MORT DocID: 1451843
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DOCUMENT DESCRIPTION
SOURCE: CONTROL NUMBER:
DATE OF DOCUMENT: DATE DOCUMENT RECEIVED:

COPY NUMBER (S): LOGGED BY:
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FROM: DATE:
Chief, Division D - 7B44 Hqs - RedO 7 May 1973
TO
J
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2
I--
3
--- ._--
4
o Approval REMARKS
o Action
o Comment
o Concurrences
0 Information -
0 Diract Reply
0 Preparation of Reply
0 Recommendation
0 Signature
0 Return
0 Dispatch
0 File 00533
----------------- MORI DocID: 1451843
7 Ma'y 1973

FROM Chief, Division D
SUBJECT Potentially Embarrassing Activities
Conducted by Division D
REFERENCE : Your staff meeting, 7 May 1973
1. There is one instance of an activity by Division D,

with which you are already familiar, which the Agency General
Counsel has ruled to be barred to this Agency by statute: the
collection [ lof international commercial
radio t e Leprrorre COllversa [lolls De tWeen several Latin American
ci ties and New York, aimed at the interception of drug-related
commu~ications. The background on this is briefly as follows:
ere ore on
1 Dlvlslon D would take over the
coverage, and on 12 October 1972 we agreed to do so. On
14 October a team of intercept operators from the~ I
I lbegan the coverage exp rlmentally.
on :tJ <Jalluary J:5'1 J, NoR wrxit;e to say that- the test r e su Lt s were
good, and that it was hoped this coverage could continue.
Because a question had arisen within Division D as to
the legality of this activity, a query was add!essed to 'the
General Counsel on this score (Attachment A hereto). With the
receipt of his reply (Attachment B), the intercept activity
was immediately terminated. There has been a subsequent series
of exchanges between Division D and the General Counsel as to
the legality of radio intercepts made outside the U.S., but
with one terminal being in the U.S., and the General Counsel
00534-
-"-----I
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,
'-
has ruled that such intercept 'is also in violation or CIA's'

statutory responsibilities.
Z. We are carrying out at present one intercept activity
which falls within this technical limitation--i.e., of having
one terminal in the U.S.
a arge number of totally unrelated conversations, the oper-

ators do intercept other traffic, frequently involving U.S.
citizens--for example, BNDD staffers talking to their agents.
I have described this situation to the General Counsel, and
his informal judgment was that, as long as the primary pur-
pose of the coverage is a foreign target, this is acceptable.
He suggests, however, that it might be desirable to inform
the Attorney General of the occasional incidental intercept
of the conversations of U.S. citizens, and thus legalize this
activity. We will pursue this with Mr. ,Houston.
4. An incident which was entirely innocent but is cer-

tainly subject to misinterpretation has to do with an equip-
ment test run by CIA\ ~echnicians in Miami in August
1971. At that time we were working jointly to develop short-
range agent DF equipment for use against a Soviet agent in
South Vietnam. I . land
a field test was agreed upon. the Mlaml area was chosen, and
a team consisting of Division D, Commo,1 lPersonnel went
to Miami during the second week of ,August. Contact was made
with a Detective Sergeant I lof the Miami Beach Police
Department, and tests were mane nOli! four different hotels, one
a block away from the Miami Beach Auditorium ~nd Convention
Hall, A desk clerk in this hotel volunteered the comment that
the team was .part of the official security checking process of
all hotels prior to the convention. (The Secret Service had
already been checking for possible sniper sites.) As the team's
report notes, "The cover for the use of the hotel is a natural."
{)0535
MORl DoclD: 2451843
5. Another subject worthy of mention is the following:

In February 1972, I
on t a et..s,......,lnn"'Orr-.,,~.----"C""e"I"e"'C"'O"'n"'Ill"'lan!'r[lnc"'a"""-c"'-ro7'm"n""S-"C-"O"'U"i-"---
or copIes
tete ep one ca SIpS per-
0
~~~~~~o~~.~~ina calls. These were then obtained regu-
larly by Domestic Contact Service in New York, pouched to
DCS Washington, and turned over to Division D for passage
to FE/China Operations. The DDP was apprised of this activity
by Division D in March 1972, and on 28 April 1972 Division D
told DCS to forward the call slips to CI Staff, Mr. Richard
Ober. Soon thereafter, the source of these slips dried up,
and they have ceased to come to Mr. Ober. In an adVisory
opinion, the Office of General Counsel stated its belief that
the collection of these slips did not violate the Communica-
tions Act, inasmuch as they are a part of a normal record-
keeping function of the telephone company. which does not
in any way involve eavesdropping. .'.
Atts:
A. Dt v D memo to ~GJ 26 Jan 73
B. 0 C memo to DIVD 29 Jan 73
I I
~--------
lL_----- 3 00536
MORl DoclD: ,1451843'
r«
26 .J-snuar.r 1973
),!E~!ORANj)lN FOR: General Counsel
SUBJECT : Intercept of Communications in the U. S.
1. CIA is j.ntercepting at our comnunications s i t e D

I righ frequency, international radio te_~-
phone calls or1g1naLingJ~ :l~ New York and being
broadcast to South FBer!Cd UL UC1 b directed to ~ew York
fra~ South America. Some calls are relay calls througb
New York but not originating or terminating there. The
calls involve both U. S. citizens and foreign nationals.
2.
e epnone '"' .:>
the traffic from
o n
CIAl1n
I 3. I would appreciate your very early vie~s as to

where this intercept activity falls wit3 respect to U. S. law.
:/ Even if it is legal or ~e can secure the neccssar/ authoriz3-
J tions, it seems to me there is ex t ra flap p o t . e n t La.L associatec
I with reports going into the BNDD mechani5m~ particu12rly .
since they may well becpme the basis for executive action. \
:f.Signed.l.
Acting Ln t e.r y
Distribution:
Orig & "- Addressee
, t!1Ll j (is I COPt ... DO NO) RELEASE
00537 r
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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. MEMORANDUM :E:"OR:- Acting Chid, Division D
., . . '-. .: . '.
SUBIECT, Irrte r c ept; of Co mrnurrications in the U. s.
REFERENCE: 26 San 73 Me rno for GC fr .... ;.C/Div·ision D,
Same Subj ecj
I. In referent you request 01.1r v.i ews as to the legal

aspects of a radio telephone intercept activitv carried on 2.t
our communications site I .. ,
- -
2 .. The basic Ie-\V is conta.i ne d in section 605 of the
Communications Act of 1934, 47 U. S. c. 605, \vhich prohibits
intel;ccption of any radio cornrnurri.cat.lon without the a.uthoriza-
tion of the sender and also prohibits di.vuIg irig the substance
the:ceof to any person. Chapte r 119 of Title 18, U. S. C., rna.k e s
the interception of an~l wire or oral communica.tion a crime
punishable by $10. 000 or five years' imprisonment, 0'0 both.
There are two exceptions to thes e pr ohibi.tions :
.a.. The fi z-s t provides for application through

the Department of :rustice to a Federal court for a
court order authoz-lzin« o s uch interc~ption for 5 pe.ci£ic
_
purposes in c orme cci.on w i th Law-ce nfor-c o ment du tt ea ,

Since this Agency is prohibited by statute 'from any
police or Ia....v -enforcement activities,. obv ious Iy we
.. ' . , ., .cannot ope rat e under- this ex cep'ti.on, .
b, The other excep!:Lon is containod in section 2511

of Title 18, U. s. C., at subsection (3).. TIlls pr ovidcs
that tho pro1~l"bH\on cited above On intcrceptio:a shan not
005 38
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.. ",' ir' ,.
.
Limi.t the con stitutiona.l o ow e r of th e President to b~ke
such rrrca s u r e s as he d e c rns !H;cC:~;5a.:ry to protect .;-~~~ftiI!st
a ttn.c k, to obta.i.n foreign in::ellifr?ne~c: information d e c me d
essential to the s c.cuz it y of tee United Stn.te s or to protect
s u c h Lnfo r-rrta.t i.o n , a n d <to protect t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s a g a i n s t
, ove r th r ow hr fo r c e o,r' ?th'er UP~2.\,,;!fu~ rnea.ns or against any

.,,:.,'.'\ ';":;:"othEn;- clear and p-re's'ent Clang-cr'to'-ihe'strUCl21r'e or :esl'stenc-e-
of the Government~
3.. The type of i:.1.£orlu2.tion ;"01.1. de s c r ib e in your rne mor-andu m

do es not appear to .fall wi tlrin 2.ny of ~hest=; c2.tegories and since its
ultimate destinatio~ is BNDD 7 it appea.r s to be collection for law"-
c nfo r c e rrrent; purposes 7 wh'i ch 2..5 noted above ;is barred to this Agency
by s ta.tute;
4. For your i.nfo r rna tf orr, in most c'as e s wb e r e there is a

criminal p cos ecutrcn for violation of the narcotics Law-s J the Depart-
ment of Justice queries us 25 to \vhe.the~ vre have engaged in any
interception in c onne ction with the d eferrdarits , If a case should
involve the intercepti~n b~ing m.ad~ I ~t would
be deemed to be -un a'u tb.oz-Lz e d and an all P.l.OOC:::U1.LLCY LJ.!e p .... osecution
w ouId have to be ~ropped by the GO,vernment.. It is our vi.ew, there-
fc r e , that such interception shculd be carried ,on by app r opr iate
12:\I-;r-enforce~entagencies in a c c cz-darrc e w ifh th.e authority of
chapter 119 of Title 18, U. S. C.
·~r-'2.LL('i:..~~=C=:-
!
.~ LAWRENCE R. HOUSTON
G erie z-a.I Couris el
Dis tribution:
,. ,'.
COP}' -I-Addressee
Copy 2,;"Gener.al Counsel .,
,.
0053S
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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005110
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.' . , (
7 May 1973
SUBJECT: Item for the List of Delicate Matters
The Securities and Exchange Commission has asked CIA to provide

information on any foreign connections with organized crime in the
United States. The record indicates that Mr. David Young, of the
White House Staff, asked Mr. Colby to set up a contact for Mr.
T. C. Barreaux, of SEC. Mr. Barreaux discussed the matter with Mr.
Paul V. Walsh, of 001, and on 4 April 1973, Mr,.Barreaux and Mr.
Timmeny came to a meeting at CIA with Mr. Lawrence Houston (General
Counsel) I fChief, FI Staff, 000).
Since that meeting, we have received no specific requirements

from Mr. Barreaux, but have provided ,him Wijh one Pilce of infor-
mation involving a banking transaction of, a associate of
Robert Vesco.
Cruet
Foreign Intelligence Staff
-.
00541.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
00542
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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)TTQM
I SECRET

TO NAME AND ADDRESS DATE
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A.CTlOH OIRECT REPLY PREPARe REPLY

• ,APPROYAl DISPATCH RECOMMEHDATl.OH
" COMMENT'" FILE RETUR.H . . ,., ..
CONCURRENCE INFORMATION SIGHATURE
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MC/.I!.-=~~...,.J
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6J'une73
SECRET
Us. previous editions (<to)
:~ FOlliN NO.
1-61 237 . .,,'"..
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MORl DoclD; 2452843
l$ May 197J
rear Bill) f''';''''~,::,::"",,;:::-"""11;;1$1:1
Prior to my assignment to Nha Trang I was assigned to the OI Starr ror

approximately 20 months. IRJUe I was with the Starr 1 was led to believe
that one or their "Group's" on the ground noor,Dwas involved in
I
domestic CperatioM. I believe tl,eir t"'get (e} .were minority group (e),
The ~hi.f ~d reputy Chie!' of the Group at that time were Dick Ober and
espectively. One o~ their Case Orricers, I ,I

spent aver 50% or his tim. TDY Within the UnHed States. It was my under-;
standing they reported onl" to the White House and to Dick Helms. Other
members or the Starr, including myseU, had limited acce'ss to t h e D
area, only when neceasar,y and escorted at all times. Perhaps you Were Or
are now aware or what the operations are. However, I believe I would be
remiss in not responding to the book cable (hO?l90). And perhaps their
operations might have been outside the legislative charter,
~~,
_ •• ".~
m• •e 0 _ ' ( ' ' ' ' " ' ' " ' ( " _ .• ~
launched someone into Vietnam while you and were there. I
believe this was without the kn,owledge or approval or Ohier,D (rr I
recaU, the Case Orricer was I I I mention the lotter Cnly
because or the rOUOWing: When they learned thatOas being reassigned

rrcm Saieon to Ohier, Operations, FE, they also learned that I was a rriend
or 0 end rrom, the same ar-ea I

me not to discuss any or their operations With
I i
As result, they ceutioned
This I did not do.
o 44
--\ Sincerely.
-
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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TRANSMITTAL MANIFEST
TO
Chief, BKHliRALD
FROM \ No.446603
I
ITEM NO. DESCRIPTiON USE
1. . " envelope under separate From r lin responser:...
·1·· cover for Chief, BKHERALD to DIREX;TOR 40;7190 (BOOK CABLE)
. '.
00545
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;~M 1236 uSE PREVIOUS EDITION
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MORI DocID: 1451843
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ME/40Rn .•DUM FOR: Mr. Colby
Attached is the material we requested of Di

_
Ober:
"
•
i, A. Ten Reports" Subj: Foreign Support for
j Activities Planned to Disrupt or Harass the
Republican National Convention'
. B •• Five Reports, Subj: Foreign Support,lfo.,
Activit~"JClannedto Disrupt or Harass the.
Democratic National Convention .
C. Two Memoranda re Agency support to
Secret Service for Democratic and Republican
Conventions
Ober advises that the only ~'~an we report
on to the lEC is Rennie Davi (14 May 73)
DATEb ~
OS4'@
I FORO '00,
t AUG 54 10I REPLACES fOR~ 10-101
WHICH MAY 8E U$ED.
,
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
SEND~~~
lJN(;L :SIFIED
CHECK c,l,sSlFlCATION TOP AND
"F'- r CONFIDENTIAL I
~M
SECIlET
TO NAME AND ADDRESS DATE INITIALS
1 Inspector General
3
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ACTION OIRECT REPLY PREPARE REPLY
APPROYAl OISPATCH RECOMMENDATION
COMMENT filE RETURN
CONCURRENCE INfORMATION SIGNATURE
,',
,Remarks:
Mr. Broe:
Dick Obe r- has been advised that this package
is being sent to you. Since knowledge of the
existence of this Committee has been strictly
limited, I've asked that it be delivered to you
unopened. Although it has an ER number on it,
it has not been sent through that office - - I gave
them only the day, subject, and originator.
I I
00547
FOLD HERE TO RETURN TO SENDER
FROM: NAUE 0, DATE
OIES/Mcl 5 May 7~
I UNCLASSIFIED T I CONFIDENTIAL I SECRET

Use previous ed.!lons
.. (40)
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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-
Richard Ob e r
TO, IOffie", delignoHQn. ,oom numb.t, orO DATE
l OAfE
14 May 197"3
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OffICER'S COMMENTS (Number eoch commenl to Ihow rrom who

bvildi"g}
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INJnAtS 10 ",hom. O'Q"" 0 line aCtoSS CQlumn ok., eoch commen'·1
Hr. Evans
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Attached are:
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1. ground note on the
.L ! --<::ommi ttee per your request
--- -_.. of this morning.
3.
. ..•
2. Copies of memoranda con
- - - . -,----- - - - - cerning Agency support to
-'
4.
s.
'[(; - .. ' ..
Secret Service (7 April and
23 June ].972). .
,
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6.
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
."
C()IM1+1
-,' 14 MAY EiI3
Do -c2~
'SUBJECT: Intelligence Evaluation Committee and Staff
.,
1. "Background: Formed December 1970' to produce
fully-evaluated national domestic intelligence studies,
including studies on demonstrations, subversion, extremism
and terrorism. !.rembership: Department of Justice (Chair-
man); Federal Bureau of Investigation; 'Department of
Defense; Secret Service; National Security Agency; Central
" In t e l Lig en ce Agency; and as ne ce s s ary rep res en t at i ves of .
other Departments or Agencies (following have partici-
pated: Treasury and State). Staff: IES, Executive
Director John Dougherty and later Bernard Wells supplied
by Department of Justice with title of Special Assistant
to the Attorney General reporting to the Assistant Attorney
General for Internal Security Robert Mardian and later
William Olson. IES has received re uirements directl
from and delivered re ort d trec.t
lfuite House. The lfuite House"n~s.insisted that the
e x i s tence of this Commi tteebe kept s e c re t , J!J~areness
of its existenc wi in this Agency has been limited ,to
1[C~-DDO .JDDPr; eTC"!:ana: four ofITcers of this office:
2. CIA Participation: Contributions on foreign

aspects (by memorandum with no Agency letterhead or at-
tribution). Contributions occasionally include foreign
intelligence provided by FBI and NSA. The Chief of the
Special Operations Group serves as the Agency 'representa-
tive on the Intelligence Evaluation Committee Staff and
as the alternate to t~ Agency representative on the ."\.
Committee (who is the~ief, Counter Intelligence Staf~) \
3. Special Report: The Unauthorized Disclosure,
of Classified, Information, November 1971. Tlus study
was lnitiated in July 1971 by' the White House as a con-
sequence of 'the President's concern about the release
of the Pentagon Papers by Daniel Ellsberg, Both Robert
Mardian and G. Gordon Liddy initially involved in tasking
the IES to produce this evaluation. Drafting done by IES
Staff members from Justice and FBI. Only Agency partici-
pation was editor' yiew.
00549
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MORl" Docl"D: 1451843
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4
4. Republican National Convention (21-24 August

1972): At the request of the White House, a series of
estimates was prepared by the- lES on "Potential Dis-
r'uptions at the 1972 Repub 1 i c an National Convention, 1"'-;.: , -: ., _.
L'..::.. I·
Miami Beach, Florida." ,The Agency provided from
", .'. February through August 1972 periodic; contributions for
these estimates concerning foreign support for activi-
ties planned to disrupt or harass the Republican
National Convention (copies attached).
5. De~ocratic National convention (10-13 July
1972); At the request of the White House, a series of
estimates was prepared by the lES on "Potential Disrup- roO, ~
tions at the 1972 Democratic National Convention, Miami ~
Beach, Florida." The Agency provided b e.twe en Nar ch and
July 1972 contributions on foreign support for activi-
ties planned to disrupt or harass the Democratic
National Convention (copies attached).
Attachments: a/s
\ '.,
-s-"
OOS$O
"
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
"•
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00551
MORl DoclD: 1451843
( r------"'-'='-'=~--- ~I
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~ 3 FEB ;972. ."
SUBJECT: Foreign Support For Activities Planned to Disrupt

or Harass the Republican National Convention
1. There are only limited indications thus far of ..

foreign efforts to inspire, support or take advantage of
activities designed to disrupt or harass the National
Convention of the Republican Party in San Diego, 21-23
August 1972.
2. Some American participants at the Soviet-controlled
World Assembly for Peace and Independence of the Peoples of . I
Indochina, held 11-13 February 1972 .i,n Paris/Versailles,
attempted unsuccessfully to include a call for international
demonstrations to take place at the time ,0£ the Republican
National Convention. A representative of the San Diego
Convention Coalition (SDCC), one of the domestic action
groups targetting on the Republican Convention, requested
the American.Delegations' Steering Committee at the World'
Assembly to include. a specific call for international
support of activities against the Republican convention
in their proposal to the Action Commission of the World
Assembly. This request·, howeve r , was dropped as too
divisive by the Steering Committee, despite initial indica-
tions that the proposal would be taken to the floor of
the Assembly.
3. John LENNON, a ·British subject, has provided
financial support to Project "YES", which in turn paid
<. the travel expenses to the World Assembly of .a representa-
tive of leading antiwar activist Rennie DAVIS.. (DAVIS' r epr-e -
sentative is tentatively planning to assist in preparations
for disruptive actions at the San Diego Convention.) .
Project "YES" is an adjunct to another LENNON-supported pro-
ject, the Election Year Strategy Information ~enter (EYSIC),
of which Rennie DAVIS is a key leader, which was set up to
direct New Left protest activities at the Republican
National Convention. In Paris Rennie DAVIS' ';representative
to the I'lorld Assembly met at least once with «iff i c i a Ls of
the Provisional Revolutiona~y Government of'South Vietnam;
it is not known if the Republican National C~nvention was
discussed.
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00552
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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4. The SDCC is planning, for 'foreign support for its
harassment of the Republican convention. A working draft
plan of the SDCC includes proposals for (a) the use of a
specialte~evision network to broadcast video-taped messa~es P,
from other countries, including coverage of sympathetic
demonstrations elsewhere; and (b) broadcasts over public
address systems of live telephone calls from, the Vietnamese
in Paris and from the Communist Chinese and others at the
United Nations.
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00553
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Foreign Support for Activities Planned to Disrupt

~r Harass the Republican National Convention
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION:

Indications remain limited, thus far, of foreign efforts
---to' inspire, support or take advan t age of act ivi ties designed
to disrupt or harass the National Convention of the Republican
~~rty in San Diego, 21-23 August 1972. The concept of coordinated
international support for domestic activities in the United
States was generally endorsed at the Fecent World Assembly for
Peace and Independence of the Peoples of Indochina; however, the
Conference issued no specific call for internatfonal support of
dis:uptive actions at the American national po~~tical conventions.
J3ACKGROUND:
At the Soviet-controlled World ..Assembly for Peace and
Independence of the Peoples of Indocb1na~ held in Versailles
.from 10-13 February 1972, there was mention of American plans
for demonstrations at both the Republican and Democratic
National Conventions. The final draft resolution from the
Conference's "Action Commission" contains an append ix submitted ,
by American delegates whose goal was to secure. global coordination
£or domestic actions in the United States. It calls for inter-
national support to six weeks of domestic antiwar.actions and
d~monstrations, from 1 April to 15 May 1972, and concludes wit~
the statement: "This campaign will lead up to the Democratic
Party_Convention at Miami on July 9, 1972, and the Republican
Party Convention in Sa~ Diego on August 21, 1972." .
The final "Resolution of the' Paris World Assembly for the'
\.
f---P"'eace-a:nd'Independence of. the Indochinese People" of 13 February
1972, drafted by the "Pol itical Commd s's i on " states:
:' "In the United States particularly, the protest against
the war is voiced more and more strongly, under various
'/. forms, such as draft evasions, desertions, resistance, demon-
-,' ---.-strations which now affect even the soldiers. The Assembly
,~alls for support to these progressive and antiwar forces in
~he United States, and asks the governments to grant asylum
·to deserters and to support their right to repatriation. ,
All together, the peoples of the world will efficiently help
to impose on the U.S. Government the restoration of peace,
and independence and freedom in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia."
00554
MORl DoclD: 1451843
"
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DEVELOPMENTS:
The San Diego Convention Coalition (SDCC)', one of the
t·
:
'domestic action groups targetting on the Republican Con-
'vention; is planning, in addition to demonstrations, for a
"large exposition in the campsights (sic) called Expose 72,
which with movies, exhibits, displays will portray the struggles
of people allover the world." Plans for activities at
.R~pose 72 are believed to include (a) the use of a special
television network to broadcast video-taped messages from
other countries, including coverage of sympathetic demon-
strations elsewhere; and (b) broadcasts over public address
systems of live telephone calls from the Vietn~mese in Paris
and from the Communist Chinese and others at the United Nations,
In addition, the SDCC has suggested that, in order to "outflank
NIXON domestically and internationally," international opposition
can be expressed "by obtaining the authority of other countries
and liberation movements to carry their flags in SDCC demon-
strations." ' . • 'r ,
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00555
MORl DoclD: 1451843
....... ", 2·4, APR 1972

cowai-I
Foreign Support' 'for Activities Planned to Disrupt
bo--'J
SID-L\IARY:
There is lit't'lEl<cnew evidence of foreign plans or efforts

to inspire, support, or take advantage of actions designed to
disrupt or harass the Republican National Convention in San
Diego, 21 to 23. August 1972. The Students for a Democratic
Society, in joining the ranks of domestic groups, planning
I. acti ons at the Republican Convention, has adopted a proposal
i
I .
to cooperate with Mex i c an workers and students in a demonstra-
1 ·tion in Tijuana, Mexico, during the Convention. The San Diego
Convention Coalition (SDCC), another domestic group targetting
I.
I.
on the Convention, has received a letter.of solidarity from
the North Vietnamese. The letter is of interest as an indica-
tion of North Vietnamese contact with the SDCC; such contact
will be required for the SDCC to implement its earlier-reported
, , 'plans for broadcasts over public address systems during the
! ' ,Convention of live telephone caLls from. the Vietnamese in ,,
Paris. •
-f'''''~"'!'(:(
DEVELOPMENTS:
. At its recent convention in Cambridge, Massachusetts, •
held 30 March to 2 April 1972, the students for a Democratic
,Society (SDS) adopted a proposal to hold demonstrations at
the San Diego-Tijuana border during the Republican National
Convention. The proposal included a call for SDS to cooperate
with Mex i can workers and students in an action to occur during
a fiesta in Tijuana, where Convention delegates will be
entertained.
The North Vietnamese have given their endorsement to \
the San Diego Convention Coalition (SDCC) in the form of a
letter from the Vietnam Committee for Solidarity with the
American People (VCSWAP), a'quasi-official organ of the
North Vietnamese Government. The letter, which has been
circulated by the SDCC and is dated 27 January 1972,
-expr es se s "great delight" with the formation of the SDCC,
and conveys the Committee I s "best wishes of militant soli-
, darity and friendship." The VCSWAP requests that the SDCC
.1 write often and "send us materials you have. n
:".
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- !.E.~TJ6 ,-,- ,r-----------,--------,
00556
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MORI DocID: 1451843
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-----------no~l'~H~a~l=·ass the Republican National Convention
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i SUMMARY:
.1
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I. ----
Indications remain' limited of foreign plans or attempts
Ii
I:
.',to inspire, support, influence, or exploit actions designed
to' disrupt or harass the Republican N tional Convention in
i!i--- --.. .~ami Florida 21-2 Au ust 1972.
I
i:
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he British-based Interna-
e er on or lsarmament and Peace (ICDP) has
distributed a
IISpring Offensive Calendar" of activities
'._.. in the United States against the ,war based on 'a submission
i ----oy-ffle- Peoples' Coalition for -Peac e and Justice (PCPJ). ,i
It The calendar includes actions'~lan~ed in' connection with
Ii the Republican Convention.
i:
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DEVELOPloIENTS:
!.
L- --;- -----------l\
"
, The International Confederation for Disarmament and
'~--------~P~ace, a B~i~~sh-based antiwar organization and one of the
more prominent member organizations of the Stockholm Con-
ference, has attached a IISpring Offensive Calendar ll to the
." . . April-May 1972 issue of its regular international publica-
.1 tion Vietnam International. The calendar had been furnished
.by the People's Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ) and
I. ---i_Q~l~ded the following entry:
, .
il
.(
August; 21-23 'Republican Convention, San Diego.
Demonstrations organized by the San
II Diego Convention Coalition, Box 8267,
San Diego, Ca. 92103.
;1
F~LLnXT_~BPY_88 NQT im EASE
OOSS7
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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---- I
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_ . The ICDP commentary on the PCPJ calendar urges demonstrations
in support of some of the dates listed but does not specifically
I call for actions in connection with the Republican Convention.
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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••••• - • • • • _. &..: ....
14 JUN 1972
.,
..... ....
."
. CO~t1/~l
Foreign Support for Activities Plan~ed to Disrupt
. or Harass the Repu~lican National Convention Do-3<
SUMMARY:
'The only new indication of foreign plans or efforts
to inspire, support, influence, or exploit actions designed
to disrupt or harass the Republican National Convention in
Hlami, Florida, 21-23 August.1912, is an expression of
i int~rest by a member of the North Vietnamese Delegation to
t the Paris Peace Talks in the plans of the major antiwar
organizations in the United States for demonstrations in
connection with the political conven t Lonsiof both maj or
parties. . .
DEVELOPMENTS:
In mid-May 1972, a membe~ of the North Vietnamese ,I
Delegation to the Paris Peace ·'1'alk.s invited a visitor to
contact him again when the visitor'returned from an imminent
trip to the United States. The North Vietnamese official
gave the visitor the New York City addresses of the People's
Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCP3) and the National
Peace Action Coalition (NPAC), and asked the visitor to
inquire at their offices regarding their plans for demonstra-
tions during the coming summer. The. North Vietnamese
official stated that he was·especially interested in plans
for actions in connection with the Democratic and Republican
• National Conventions •
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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. '
Foreign Support for Activities Plannec(to'Disrupt

.- or Harass the Republican Nati9nal Convention
-.".
.
• •
I There are no additional indications of any substantial
I'i foreign plans or efforts to inspire.'support, or take advan-
tage of,activities designed to disrupt or harass the National
"Convention of the Republican Party in Miami, F19rida, 21-24
I
August 1972.
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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26 JUL 1972
t».. . ,I
, ' S1J1.lMARY:
! -".- . .'
Nell indications of foreign plans or efforts to inspire,
support. influence, or exploit activities designed to dis-
..upt or harass the Republican National Convention in Miami,
Plol·ida. 21-24 August 1972, consist of the Fo L'low ing t A
leader of the People's Coalition for Peace and Justice
(PCPJ) has stated that demonstrations will be organized to
take place at United States ,and allied military installa-
tions abroad during the period. immediately Before and 'during
the Republican Convention. The PCPJ leader also stated that
representatives of the Stockholm Conference'on Vietnam will'
,. "participate in activities in connection with the Convention.
"'The Anti-War
. Union (Al'iU), a domestic organization which has i
been active in planning demonstrations in connection with the ,
Republican National Convention ..·.J1,as,.sent a delegation to '
Paris, France, to meet with officials of the Democratic Repub-,
lie of Vietnam (DRV) and the Provisional Revolutionary Govern-
ment of South Vietnam (PRG). No information is presently
available, however, indicating that actions at the Republican i
Convention have been discussed at these·meetings. .
L DEVELOPMENTS:
In an early July 1972 m~eting with prominent members 'of
.• foreign antiwar organizations, a representative of the People's
Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ), who occupies an impor-'\
tant 'position within that organization, discussed the plans .
of thePCPJ in connection with the upcoming election campaign
in the United States. The PCPJ representative stated that
during t.he pe r i od 14 -'23 August, a :"Peoples Campaign Against
Bombing" would be waged in U.s. cities involved in the manu-
,,' facture and shipping of materials for use in Vietnam, and
that similar actions will be organized at United States and
allied military installations abroad. The PCPJ representa~
tive further stat~d that "dramatic demonstrations" in protest
.0056.1
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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of the bombing in Vietnam are being organized by" the "Repub-
lican Party National Convention Coalition" to occur on
21 August 1972. In an apparent reference to the 21 August
actions, the PCPJ leader added that representatives of the
Stockholm Conference on Vietnam will speak on the subject of
the alleged ,American bombing of dikes in North Vietnam.
(Comment: We have no present information concerning plans of
Stockholm Conference representatives to travel to the United
States during the Republicnn National Convention; nor do we
have any aqditional information concerning plans of Stockholm
Conference representatives to pa~ticipate in activities con-
nacted with the Republican Convention~)
The Anti -War .Iln ion CAI'lU), a domes tic group engaged in
organizing counter-activities at the Republican National Con~
vention, has sponsored the travel of a delegation of activists
to Paris, France, to mee~ with officials of the Democratic
Republic of North Vietnam (DRV) and'the Provisional Revolu-
,::tionary Government of South Vietnam (PRG). An advance party
~'has already met with DRV and PRG representatives to discuss ,
the agenda for meetings with' the ,full AWl1 delegation. Although
no information is presently ava'N"ab.~e indicating that actions '
at the Republican Convention have been discussed or are sched-,
uled to be discussed at meetings between the AWU delegation
and the DRV/PRG officials, it is known that members of the AIIV
advance party have asked for advice from the PRG officials I
regarding the stance the AliU should take on certain questions'
relating to the presidential elections. It is also known
,that the DRV officials have questioned the AI'lU advance party
'about the political mood in the United States. One of the
AWU delegation members has s ta t ed that upon their return to
the United States about 26 "July 1972, soae of the members
"-, will speak at rallies, over the ra'dio, and on television, \
,to "educate the 'American people about the consequences of
'voting "for Nixon, and the need' to end the' war and defea t .
'Nixon." The del ega tion member added that the demonstrations
at· the Republ.Lcan Convention ,will 'be "unique."
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00562
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
" . . ,
'2 AUG 1972

.
(l8~nrJ
,

or Harass the RepubHcan National C~mvention
Do -,:3c1
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SUMMARY:
, .
There are no new indications of specific foreign plans or efforts to
inspire. suppor-t, influence. or exploit activities designed to disrupt or
harass the Republican National Convention in Miami, Florida. 21-24 August
1912. Although meetings have been held recently in Paris. France, between
American antiwar activists and representatives of the Democratic Republic
of North Vietnam (DRV) and the Provisional Revoluttonary Government of
South Vietnam (PRG). currently available Infoi-mation indicates that the
DRV!PRG officials made no efforts to encourage or give guidance to the
American participants with respect to the upcoming Republican National
Convention. Private discussions, separate from the meetings with the entire
Ame:rican delegation. 'were conducted b~~!f the DRV and the PRG officials;
,at present. we have no information regarding the substance of these private
,exchanges. A second group of activists. considered' more important than
the first dcl.egation , is scheduled to travel to Paris on or about 1 August.1972 _
for further consultations with the PRG and DRV representatives. i
.I
DEVELOPMENTS:
, ';i
'!'
In recent meetings in Paris, France. with members of an American
delegation sponsored by the Anti-War Union (AWU). representatives of
the Democratic Republic qf Vietnam (DRV) and the Provfsfonal Revolutionary \
Government of South' Vietnam (PRG) were very guarded with respect to dis-
cussing activities at the Republican National Convention. Although the Vietriam-'
ese repeatedly questioned the Americans concerning the mood of the antiwar
movement in the United States. they made"no direct reference to the Repub-
.' lican Convention. except for one instance when PRG Deputy Chief Nguyen
Van TIEN accused President Nixon of using the private and public sessions
of the Paris peacetalks as "propaganda for the Republican Convention.'"
TIEN then urged the Americans to promote and propagandize the Seven
.Polnt Plan offered by the PRG. The Americans. too. for the most part.
~efrained
, from discussing the Convention. other than to esfimate that demon-
I
,
strators will number about 10.000 at the Convention. '.
r--,.. . 00563
, Fl:JLL~T COPX gQ Nef RE~EA8t"
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---------------- MORI DocID: 1451843
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Following their meeting on 22 July 1972 with the AWU delegation.

the PRG officials held additional talks with sub-gr'cups of the delegation.
Additionally. at least one of the American participants was invited by
the DRV officials to return for further discussions. At present. there
is no information available concerning the substance of these private
exchanges. . ~
. ,
.
.- A second. more important delegation of Americans connected with
the Anti-War Union is scheduled totr avel to Paris' circa 1 August 1972
for further consultation with DRV and PRG representatives. This second
group is scheduled to be led by Rennie DAVIS. founder and leader of the
. AWU. Thi~ will be DAVIS' second trip to Paris within recent months for.
discussions with DRV and PRG representatives. Upop his return from
his first trip. DAVIS publicly stated that the AWU would demonstrate at
both the Democratic and the Republican Convention, but that the AWU's
chief target would be the Republican Conve:>tion.
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00564
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
J==:--~~_I
"('t>t.a n-'I-r I 9 AUG 1'372
bD- 3'3
"Foreign Support for Activities Planned to Disrupt
or Harass the Republican National Convention.
There are no new indications, as .of this date. of foreign plans

or efforts to inspire, support, or take advantage of activities designed
to disrupt or harass the National Convention of the Republican Party
in Miami. "Florida. 21-24 August'1972.
..
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Co "'It f I
1::>~ ...
1972
"y
" .
':. ..
, There are no new indications, as of this date, of

foreign plans or efforts to inspire, support, or take
~dvantage of activities designed to disrupt or harass
the National Convention of the Republican Party, in
IUami, Florida, 21-24 August 1972.
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MORl DoclD: 145184~
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• . . . . . . ': .'O'"
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Or Harass the Democratic National Convention
" S~mARY AND CONCLUSION:
I' There are no direct i~dications thus far of foreign

efforts to inspire, support or take advantage of activities
I designed to disrupt or harass the National Convention of
the Democratic Party in MiAmi"10-13 July 1972. The concept.
I,
I
of coordinated international support,for domestic activities
in the United States was generally .endor3ed at the recent
World Assembly for Peace and Independenc~ of the Peoples
of Indochina; however, the Conference i?sued no specific
'; . \
call for international support of disruptive actions at the
American national political conventions.
"
.': -
BACKGROUND:
. :""t"~...,\.;.t:.,
At-the Soviet-controlled World Assembly for Peace

'and ,Independence of the Peoples' of Indochina, held in
Versailles from 10-13 February 197.2, there was'mention of',
American plans for demonstrations at both the Republican
and Democratic National Conventions. The final draft
resolution from. the conference's "Action Commission" con-
tains an appendix supmitted by American delegates whose .
goal was to secure global coordination for domestic actions
,in the United States. It calls for international support
to six weeks of domestic antiwar actions and demonstrations,
from 1 April tO,lS May 1972, and conclude~ with the state- '\
ment: . "This campaign will lead up to the Democratic Party ,
Convention at Miami on July 9, 1972, and the Republican' .
Party Conven t Lcn Ln San Diego"~>n August 21,1972."
i r
" '
The final "Resolution of the Paris World Assembly
for the Peace and Independence of the Indochinese People'.'
of 13 February 1972, drafted by the '.'Political Commission"
states: '
,, ~ "In the United 'States particularly, the protest

, , "
-c-:.... =.
against the war is voiced more and more strongly,
,. . '" fltl HOi RELEA~

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MORl DoclD: 1452843
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................... , •• : ..... ~i ••••••••••• " "0. .•.• .•.. . • . • • . ,..... ••.••• • •••
'.' ,..,
under various .forms, such as draft evastcns ;_.. -- .
desertions, resistance, demonstrations which
now affect even the soldiers. T~~ Assembly
calls for support ~o theseprogtessive and
;',- .
antiwar forces in the United States, and asks
the governments to grant a~ylum to deserters
.' and to support their right to repatriation •
. ,....... . .: . . All together, the peoples of the world will
::~ : . 'efficiently help to impose on the u.s. Govern-
:". (,;,: ..: ment the"Testora tion of peace, independence
.:..... and freedom in Vie tnam; Laos and Cambodia."
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' . 00569
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
_ .--"_,-.-'-,---_._-- M.'~' ,
'. 09 MAY i972
.... . : . , .C()(). " t./ .

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, : : . ':': . l'" •
. l>d·_·.;;1b
Foreign Support for Activities.Planned to Disrupt
or Harass the' Democratic National Convention
"
SUMMARY:
!:
.~,.
i " '. " .{ .

New.indications of foreign efforts or plans to inspire,
support,. influence, or exploit actions designed to disrupt··
or harass the Democratic National Convention in Miami, 10-13
July 1972, ~re limited to a reiteration by a member of the
Secretariat of the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam of'a
statement previously issued by the World Assembly for Peace
and Independence of the Peoples of Indochina. The Assembly's
'prono~ncement generally endorsed the concept of international
support to a campaign of anti-Vietnam War,'activities in the
United States leading up to the Democratic and Republican
Conventions, but made no -sp ec Lf i c call for support of dis-
ruptive actions at the conventions themselves.
r
•
DEVELOPMENTS:
.... .-.~ . J
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>1
The World As~embly for Peace and Independence of the ~

Peop l e s of Indochina, of which the Stockholm Conference was \.
a major organizer, had earlier enunciated a similar s t a t emerrt".,
in an appendix to the final draft resolution'of the Assembly's
"Action Commission." The app eridLx' called for international
support to six weeks of domestic antiwar 'actions and demon-
stration~, from I April to 15 May 1972, and concluded with
-. ~ ·the statement: "This campaign will lead up to the Democratic
" Party Convention at Miami on July 9, 1972; and the Republican
Party Convention in San D.ie~o on August 21, 1972."
I.
""1'..
'0.f:.';.':
00570
MORl DoclD: 1451843
'.. ..
23 MAY 1972
C~t\+ I
Foreign Support for Activities pianned to Disrupt 1>0-,:37
-,,(IT Harass the Democratic National Convention
SilllMARY:
Indications remain limited of foreign plans or attempts
to inspire, support, influen~eJ or. exploit actions designed
to d~srupt or harass the D3mocratic National Convention in
ul 1972,
The British-based Interna-

~t~~~o~n~a,-rr~~~e~r~a~t~i~o~n~~o~r~D~~~s~a~m-amentand, Peace (ICDP) has
distributed a "Spring Offensive Calendar" of activities
in the United States against the war based on a submission
by the Peoples' Coalition for_ Peace and .Jus t Lce ,(PCP.:T) , ,i
, The calendar. includes actionsttPJ.~~nned in connection with I
the Democr a t Lc Convention. '"
DEVELOPNENTS:
The International Confederation for Disarmament and

Peace. a British-based antiwar organization and one of t~e
more prominent member organizations of,the Stockholm Con-
ference, has attached a "Spring Offensive Calendar" to the
Apri1-?>laY,1972 issue of its regular international publica-
tion Vietnam International. The calendar had been furnished
, by the People's Coalition for Peace and .:Tustice (PCP.:T) and
included the following entry:
"
Ju1y.9 - 12 Democratic Convention, Miami Beach. '

Demonstrations organised by Florida
'/ People's Coalition, Box 17521, Tampa,
Florida' 33612.
1
0057.1.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
;: ..... .;-.
'. • I •
The'ICDP commentary on the PCPJ calendar urges demonstrations

in support of some of the dates listed but does'not specific~lr:
"call for actions in connection with the Democratic Convention,
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MORl DoclD: "1451843
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or Harass the Democratic National "Convention
S{J1.1J'.IARY:
The only new indication of foreign plans or efforts
. to inspire, support, influence, or exploit actions designed
to disrupt or harass the Democratic National Convention in
. ,Miami, Florida, 10-13 July 1972, is an expression of int~rest
. by a member of the North Vietnamese Delegation to the Paris
'Peace Talks in the plans of the major antiwar organizations
:in the United States for demonstrations ip connection with
the political conventions of both major parties.
"
DEVELOPMENTS:
In mid-May 1972, a member 'of the. North Vietnamese DeLe >
gation to·the Paris Peace TalK~~'invited a visitor to contact

him again when the visitor returned f'r om an imminent" trip
to the United States. The North Vietnamese official gave
the visitor the New York City addresses of the People's
Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCP3) and the National
Peace Action Coalition (NPAC), and asked the visitor to
inquire at ·their offices regarding their plans for d emon-
strations during the coming summer. The North Vietnamese
-official stated that'he was especially interested in plans
for actions in connection with the Democratic and National
Conventions.
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. . 00573
.'~tf~~' ;,t ~
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-------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
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----'--.-.--'-------. '~l = ~~()~~"t .1..
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2 1 :lUN 1972
• l •.
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~
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Foreign Support for A~tivities Planned to Disrupt
.:
,
!
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or Harass the Democratic National Convention
There are no additional indi~ations. as of this date, of foreign plans

or e1torts to inspire, support, or take advantage of activities designed to
disrupt or harass the National Convention of the .Democrati~ Party in Miami,
Florida, 10-13 July 1972,
' .. .; ~ ~ .- -:' .
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.-iULb T~FJ!Q¥1;.Qg ~IQI R6br-E_i\O"'.•~- ---,

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..... 00574
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
005'75
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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23 J197Z
UN
l·JE.klOR.\~lDt.il-f FOR: Executive Director/Co:l:ptrollcr

VIA : Acting Deputy Director for' Plans
,,
SUBJECT Agency Sllpnort to the ti.S, ~ccrct Service'
(USSS) for'l,ationai"'!)'c'!'locratic (iO-14 .Ju l y
1972) and ~;ationa1 Republican: (21-24 :\Uf,u::;t
1972) Conventions
1. This ~'1cporl1ndu<l is for the Ln fo rraa t Lon of the Executive

Dircctor/Co~ptrol1er_
2. Authorization for CIA sunnort to t~c U.S. Secret Service

for t he Dcnocra t Lc and ':c,:,u'Jlic:.m· ~;aticnal Convcn t i ons is con-
t'llined in a PlcrJornndtO. 0[" 7 ,:'\nrll 1972 frolrl Ch Le f , CI Sta.ff to
the ilCI "hiC;l \,'3$ concurred in hy t he ADDl> and approved .by··the
ncr on 10 April l!J72 (copy attac!-.ed). .'.
3. On 13 ,.I.l'ril 197Z the mei; r.iththe "iami
USSS r cpr-oscn t c t Ivo and '·;r. ~"3do:larters ro
discuss p'l"cli;:ii::l:lry plnunill~ ° 's~~port to the
USSS [lriOT to :l:lti Ih.!"!,!.::~ ~ ...:b;~~': .... vuW't,;I1L.lUns. t.:nl'l ~'lI!lri! 1~~72
t·!:lo I land I I~~ct \lith "'I". I
!!e.ldquartars
to tr::ple',ll·nt t he prcll:illn:Iry p.Ia.Jl'lir.g a,_:l,"CO uyon in ··!b:~i a nd
lat
to de t orn Lne the cx t e n t of Headquarters support: r cqu Lr ed b y the
USSS. ' . . -
4. The basic 3greeneni ~utua1ly concurred in by the USSS

and Headquarters representatives proviced that:
a. I
all CUh... lS OL .weer-cst t
J'-OUld co nduc t name traces on
tho USSS.
b. CIA Headquarters would conduct TI<!;r"e tr~ces on
all other foreign born persons.or interest tQ the VS5S.
c. CIA ~ou1d keep the USSS inforncd Ot a~y events
in the Caribbean and Latin American ~rcas thnt ~culd
have any !Je.1rin?; on the IlSSS. pr orcc t Ive ,"iss:ion dur Inz
the convention Dcriods. This would incl~de briefin~s
on Cuba and Cuban no LLc i es toward the l!nitet! Sta t e s and
on actiVities of c~~an intclli~cncc op~r3tiocs which
could affect the socurity of the conventions.
00576
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
.
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d. Coverage of Latin Ancrican exile ~roups in the

United States wauld be tbe responsibility of the rBr
since CIA had c;,ased the extensive coverage for::Jcrly
targeted against thC$C Rroups since it ~a5 now con3iuercd
', .1lP. internal security function. , ...
s.1
6.1 I has a r-r anz ed the r e n t a L of a s a r e nous o

abou t five n i nu t e s f r oei convention center ti:licn ~;ill provide a
and.
s e c u r o n f.leC''tin::r i t
e a r b v for t!SSS and ~~cncv
s e n c r s c n n o L ,
This safchou$o w~ll be 3~ai13~lc just prior t~ an~ ~urin~ ~otJ)

conventions. :\ Headquarters officer ,.,-ill TDY to ~'i.::si nr Lor to
the conventions and rC:;:,J.in until the cOllvention5 adjc~l'n to
assist I lin p r ovLd Lng the suppo r t dc sc'r i.bcd in pa ru graph
four anave.
7. . Station 1I1V~4ia",i is in daily contact with tho iJSSS ion

~lilU.,i.utilizin.:: J:iFi\LCb~1 as a ne e t Lnc site wl~en ncc c s su ry , ';le
Lnca't Lon of Stntian ''iH!r·:ial!1i (J:'CO::1'"A) has not b e e n r cvca Lcd to
the tiSSS. (J:,;C0l;RA is located s orae distance fro::: J:lJ:.\LCOS.)
Additionally. t~e !!iami Security Fiold Office gaintai~s nornal
l1nis9n wi tll the local liSSS -"liami' unit.
8. Th{
at the conVCli<XC .... Jil. toat tJ~cy
Imder~tand~ tha~ no p!'::rsonn7~ ~ill
bo':>rosent
"'111 not p rov i o e any
c qu i pracrrt
unique to the Agency. nor "ill it provide the use of any o t iie r
facili tics o t hcr than the saf'ehou se described in pnragraph six.
• 00577
MORl DoclD: l45l843
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."f....
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5Lr·
TNt-odore G. Shackley
Chief
Western Ilc~ispherc Division
At t achmerrt;
Distribution:
Orig & 1 - EXec. Dir/Comptro11er
2. - Acting DDP
r/ I
_________________________tTYPed 23 June 1972)
00578
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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7 APR ut:
• • •
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~lI::NORANDUH FOR: Director of Central Intellir;ence
VIA: Deputy Director for Pla~s
SUBJECT: CIA Support to thc Secrct'Service

for the Democratic Uational
Convention in i·jiami, Fl·orida
... JUly 9 - 15. 1972 .'
1. This memor-andum describes the support wh Lch

the Sccret Service has r-ecucc t ed rrom CIA ~litll r-cr.ar-d
to the Dcnocr-at Lc liationai Convention. It is rec":
ommendod that the A::;ency l'urnish the nuppor-t; out lined
in paraGr<!pn 3 of this memorandum and :four ap9roval
.1s reques ted. .
2. By memor-andum 1-30-610.53 or 30 i·jarch
(attached as rcr~rcncc), toe 5ec~ct S=:~ice b~3
requented a GeetinG wi~h ap~ropri~te AGency cflicc~z
to discU3~ the A~cncyrs ~upport to the Secret ~~~vic~
prior to ann durin.; the Der.;ocratic ;·jational ccnvcnt Lon ,
The Secret Service plans to send an aGent to ;·11':',,11 on
11 April to cO~~cnce 9rep~rations for the conven~ion
and wishes to have the meeting with AGency Headquarters
. :
officers prior to the agenis depurture lor Ni~~i •
3. : While details rCGardinG the type of Gupport \
Which the Secret Service will request OL the A~ency
will not be known until. there hao been·a ~ee~in5
• with the Secret Se:ovice.on thiS,;;;.:l;;~er, it is evident
from the Secret ;;ervice memor-andum and 1:00m our
experience in s upp or-tLnr; t ne Secret Service at the
Repub Ldc an Convention in Nia.'01i in 1968 that the
Secret Service desires:
'. A) BriefinG3 on Cuba and Cuban policy

\ towards the United Stateu. Counterintelli~ence
\ information on Cuban operations asain3t the
A United States Which could affect the security
\ .\ of the convention.
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\ 0579
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,
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• B) Bricfin~~ on CUban exile a~~ivitie$

in the United 3tate~ •
"
j
• . C) Name checks on hotel and convention
employeell; na,";;e checj~::; on tho:;e peril ens in
the Hiar.:d area l'lhom the Secret Service
considers a threat to its protective mission~
D) ./twatchliot of oer:wns \"Il'iOJ:l the Agency

considers
or a potential threat to the security
the conVention.
I r----='-'~L=i-=a_=i_=:;'_'o""'n~with a dcsisr:ated officer I I

I,
I 11
"~~;J~~=:r--;;C:T.~;-;f::-:f""er:c:~;O-""~-;;~::::~C:;i-=~;-::'~~for the Dur~05e of con"u~
' Ifi ) e ~ ',n d I
4. 'Agency SUpport tr the Secret Service 'for the
converl;ion ,;~ill be ':cn4ra~,ized at nc:;~doua!'ter:;'ttl;':
wi],], be contl'olleC: by iieau(Juarter:;. [f5hief:
under the cc:neral Iluoerv!:;lon of '.he@ Sta r:;:s will
'1
serve as the Cooroinator of this support.
ames Anr;leto;',
. Chi:ef'. cr 5~~,lT
J. Attachment
co: DDCI
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The recor.~endatiJn contained
1n paraGraph 1 i~ a~proveG:
~ ~ I I \
-'-/'''-I'\..A..",\.",-U-l_'LA ~\
trect ~r Central in~e~libenc,
•
_
5 APR 1971
-
'r etlru l'ltl HSf RELEASE .• ., .,
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MORl DoclD: l45l843
. ." ./ i I . I.·
T:-:iE j,-"/drr~,iEi'fr OF TI:E TREi,SU,lY
cr n." I>IUCTOIl WASlllNOTO~. 11.0. 20226

omC1l o'
• 1-:30-610.53
Central Intelltge~cc Aacncy

AT'J.'N: Mr IL- '-- --.J
JTJ>IES J. RO;'lLIrr - DIRECTOR

9
Derr.ocratic ;~ational Convention -

Miami, Floridn - JUly 9-15, 1972
In view of our re~!,on5ibilitics rCC;ilrc1ir.<] the protection

of p:..,..os i.d on c i a L c nrici i ci e c e s , we h avo__ ini.ti~tcd --Gccur.l.l:.Y
?reparations to:' -:'!H:~ DCr.iocratic Hntional Convc n t.a o n ,
which w~ll oe neld in Mi~~i, Florida. between July 9-15,
1972.
We request il meeting as soon as possible between repregenta.-

tivc9 of our !n"Cclligcncc Division and your agency to
disc:lsS intell.icc;)ce
- . - . -~rior to and durinq- t~2
StlDoort
Democratic ~';ation~l Convention. ;';e arc sp~cifical~y
inte~es~eci in di~cussinq the npp=opriu~e ch~nncls for
routing na-ne checks of j,otel and convention erap Lcy cc s ,
as well as other indiviauals of protective in~erest to
this Service. We antici~ate·there will be sev~rnl
~~ousand n~~eg to be che~kcd. We would also like to
discuss the current C~Dan situation, p~rticularly any
existi~g reiutio~sh~P5 0etwcen pro-Cubiln gro.~ps in the
Hia~i area s~ci m~i~l~nd eu~a! si~ce we ccnsia~r ches~
~:=cp~ ~o bo a Fot~n~~~~ th~cu~ to ou= prG~cc~~va ~laaion.
•• 00581
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MORl DocID: 1451843
,
(
7 May 1973
", .t'l[ , SUBJECT:

Request for Information on Sensitive
;,'" .- Activities
You will recall that in Fiscal YeaB1971 and 1972,

I believe, Agency funds were made available to th~ FBI.
These funds may still be possibly held in a special
account for that use. This is one of the areas where
TSD has been very much involved. Chuck Briggs would
"~. -
have the details as this was handled through the Executive
Director's office and of Course Angleton would have
additional information.
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J._
Edward L. Sherman
Chief
Missions and Programs Staff
00582
MORl DoclD: 1451843
8 May 1973
MEMORANDUM FOR Deputy Director for Operations

. ", "',
SUBJECT Areas of Possible Embarrassment
to the Agency
1. Sometime in the spring or early summer of 1971, Mr. John

Dean levied the requirement on the Agency for information relating to
the Investors Overseas Service (lOS). The original request was
non-specific but it gradually emerged that Dean was concerned with
,the possible adverse publicity that might develop regarding the
President's nephew, who w~s employed by lOs,
2. There were multiple channels from the White House to the

Agency on this subject:
a. Presumably Haldeman and/or Ehrlichman to Director

Helms.
b. Someone (unnamed) in the White House to the DDC1,

General Cushman (see attached telephone conversation).
Note that Ehrlichman is mentioned, and
c. John Dean to the CI Staff. These various channels

were sorted out in time and six reports were passed by
the CI Staff to Mr. Fred Fielding for Mr. John Dean.
I
~.
3. The telephone call of General Cushman's is of interest since
it gives the flavor of White Hous e concern. It took several days to
uncover the fact that the White House interest centered on the involve-
ment of the President's nephew with lOS and possible adverse publicity.
The reports submitted to De aris office were routine-in nature and were
coordinated with the DCI. After a few months, interest in this sub-
ject died down and we did not pursue it further.
4. Please return the attachments when they have served your

purpose.
00583 '
MORl DoclD: 1451843
5. I also include a short note on the Intelligence Evaluation

Committee and Staff prepared by Richard Obe r , The original
meetings were held in the office of .John Dean at the White House
and the principal sparkplug for this gr-oup 'activitY'wa-s...t1?e then
Assistant Attorney General for Internal Security, RobertlvIa-1<djan
and then later his assistant, William Olsen. It is noted that M ~
Mardian is »o w appearing before the Grand Jury 'antl"i1:is always ---------______.,
possible that he might draw in the Agency.
6. Before appointing Ober .to the IES Staff as the Agency

representative, I had attended various inter-agency meetings pre-
sided over by Mardian. I expressed the view to Director Helms
that Mardian would require very careful handling due to his inex-
perience. Furthermore, Mardian was de ep'l ydnvol ved in the' split
between Bill Sulli van and Mr. Hoover. On a confidential basis
one or two senior FBI officials stated that Sullivan was secretly
passing files' to Mardian without Mr. Hoover's permission. This.
was one of the important reasons why Sullivan was dismissed from
the. Bureau.
{YaCes Angleton
Chief, Counter Intelligence Staff
Attachments (5)
00584
MORl DoclD: 1451843
Telephone conversation of General Cuslunan and someone in White House, 23/7/71"
. "'.
Bob, how are you.
DDCI: Just fine; I just talked to Jack Sherwood and he suggested I give you
a buzz•
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I deeply appreciate" it. 1 asked Jack to call you. I spoke to Rose yesterday,
.and told her "I had a little project here for John Ehrliclunan and I need very
discreet assistance from the Company, and I should· like to touch base with
Bob. I met him at Jack Sherwood's. ".
DDCI: That's right.
That's right and beyond' that I would like to just establisha relationship because
from time to time we have a few needs in your area. Let me tell you what we
need to know here. yo';r Agency would be the only one to help. I have checked
with the Bureau, Bob, and they have nothing on this fellow. Just a mere name
check but it apparently has some significance, of c our s e. Ray Finkelstein;
born in Belgium about 1940; moved to Brazil about age 12 with his family.
This mightie helpful. He now is working with one" Gilbert Straub, apparently
Straub is hooked up with that Kornfeld outfit: lOS. .We have a need to know what
Finkelstein is all about.
DDCI: We will do our. best, of course; we have some counterintelligence files

which sometimes turn up people but ordinarily, of course, we don't s'urveil
any Americans but this fellow might
, , have come to our notice.
He may not. be an American, just a European Jew; ..that is the problem, the
Bureau has come up with zero.
DDCI: Do you know where he is physically located?
He may be in Geneva; Straub is apparently in Geneva.

_..
~, "" ........
DDCI: Well, let me get on this and I wi.l.Lget 'back to you.
00585
MORl DoclD: 1451843
J.
•
rlll; WASIlIi'iGTOX POST W,"wJ.r,r,~.16.1m Ii7 !
. , .ft
CJU7!, Il:'Je ar.7t.J[J[i5... Br<!J~her ,

TIl• .Ttlt"" ..LJ,f,'rJr"lI !il\'Oid rl(,:1I:; that. might.. rr-Ilr-r-l hln brotncr- nul of Irnuble, "I have establlshed, are .... lridl"
I -. .
Pl'r·;jII~1I1 XI,nl' 11M 1'1\'('1}
unfnvru-nhly on the I'rcstrlr-nt, want (0 he sure that Don 'has untrue.
Not Ionl: iltl,C'I"Wnnf. Dnn.,jl) no drnlln;::J ." WJLh the federal "
Ehrltchmon
. .
,,1"0 r.;)\'~ Dr.n-
"~irlr John Ei,rJlII .,,\:111 n lh-li· IH'~;)n ,Jlf'Rc-rlm:
I . wllh .lnbn novermncnt," Stud ." ( ::I non, JJOl1illrl Jr. it Jr£". JI
the Proal- II)1'
f',11ro Jlrr:;I II1.11. '0,' 1~:l):l1r:'( In IJiII-.p Itosf nn mnnufnctnrcr or rfrllL "I want to be sure that t.ut:c before the iJOY ~\"':lIl If) ;
J:;rr)l the J'rc-511Irl:I:. II P'l'l -s- }l1:1.\·.~' ound equlnment, who Don b never asked t do any- Swltzcr-lnnd bsl summer If)
~Ihh' In-other, Donald, (lIIL »r \\':'IulC'1I the novr-rumcnt to . 0 work for Jnternntlonnl Con-
!
hoi w;l!rr.. cnnshlcr iml;dtinJ: hi~ prml- th~lI(: thot wo~Jd embarr-ass trola. The company has now \
Donald Nixon hns It weak- nets in urban riot nrcns. Hill thts offh-e," transferred young Nlxun to
I1r~!'; {m' (;'tllC'nlll~ rocds [lilt! told U~ DOl1:'1Jd merely wantr-rl TIH'J1 the Prc::;hicnl added n.'i the Bnhnmas.
C':l}:Y.monC'J'. Itc u-lr-d to ~,1lh;ry 10 he the company's W('!'l:m a O('rlhIJuJ.;i1l: "Don is the' His father, l=lHdn~ 10 a fcw
llnlh appl"lIh'$ in the l!1:iOs hy Coast rcnrcscntntive, ilnll did hr.!'l :-ah sman in the I)ixon vjsttors, inchnllnq my i1~.'iUci.llll'
hMl'mdnc ~~O;\,onO from hll- not want to put'!n the fix for !;llllily." . George Clifford, con~idcrrrJ lh:al
llonalrc Howard Hughes to op- (edernI money. But Eln'llch- The M"rrlof.t~ anrced to Donald. Jr.• was snmcthinq of
crate it rcstnurrmt chnin, the man quietly vetoed the pro} watch over Donald, and they a disnppnintmcnl to the Jam-
BolTIC' or t11(' Nixnnburger, in eel, and the President's have scrupulously kept liirn jJy. He had been 0(£ in tile
Southern Cnllfornla. brother wrote to Hill sJyjn~ away from wnsblngtcn, There mountains associating with hip-
Two months aft('[' the 10:1n he WOlS no longer interested has been only one awkward in- pies before the overseas jOD
W;l5 made, some oC Hu,::hcs' in the company. crdcnt. Dpnnld Jlcw to Greece was arranged,
IClp n~!<:i~t;ll1l~ :;nt down with, T • ,150_'1:': oC the three-man team '!hc boy had said he was
Dnnnld 10 survey the rh;lo:- or No 1.nl1gcr Allnf'cr thOlL orfttrcd,.MarrloU·s airline- gomg to work for Investors
hi .. accounts. NO:lh Dir-trlcb, Donald also made coutnet (':ltninl; service to .Artstotle Ovcrse a5 Service, which has
\' ho then dlrcctcd the rlav-to- wlth Elmer Stone,'), Jawycr for Olln!i:sis' Olympic Airlines. been in Iinanclnl diffirull.\'.
cktr opernllous oC Hu~hr s• em- the fly.-,n Acrnnnutir-al Com' . 1").. "I told him not to say IIt;)l:'
uln-, rnrup! ..tnod thnt Dnnnld p,111~', But in acrcrcncc to hi" Gl'cdts J.1curJ1J~ Glfls said l.?ona)d, a ,nole of eXil~jl('r'
I h:ld ~'lItr thl'ouc:h the money brolher, Donald toolt ::;Iolle Th" Greeks, who!>c fililifilry!.alfon In hJS '·olce. "1I th;tl '~(,l"
\\ i1hnul v.l)·ln&" oft important (hrou{!h the gunnlcd White ~O\'(,rJlml'nt is unpopul;lr in around, he's goinJ; to hI'" in ..
rrrrlilors. House :::..1('5 to :;cc-· Ehrlich- the U,S .• Tolled out the red lot of trouble. I told him h~
Rut it WAS too)ate. Donald's man. Afterward, a ~poJH'$m;tn eill'pel for the President's WilS to say he \\'fI~ IJ'iinC to
rc~laur.1nls w('ot bankrupt, for Ryan Aeronnutical e'x~ bl'olhr.-r. Tom P<lppas. a bi~ work for JnlcrnJl!on,,1 Con·
anrl Iht' KixollburJ:er was lost p)nincd th:1t the pnjr hnd just Republiciln Jnoney raiser with Irok IDS nod Inleru:atioJ1.ll
til mankind. dropped by to Jet it be knllwn oil intC'fC':;ts in. Greece threw Controls arC" illlied compnnic$.
Thc story of the ~205,OOO that Stone \VilS no Jon~cr net• ., J:wi!;h dinner for DoililJd in but h~'s not ~lIP}1o.':;p.d to t.ay
lo..n lrnkC'd nul durinJ::: Rich- iog ns Donald's ler.:ill ildvisr:r. AlhC'ns imd in\'ited members hc's workin,:: (or 'IDS. You
ill'd Nlxon"s ]9GO ('nmpillJ;n for Whcn Donald fin ..lly joined oC 1he Greek mlIltnry junta. know whO'll would h<lllpen if
lhe prc:;lncncY. causing bim the l\Iflrriolt COrj10rilllon in J\nfl Onnssis, the husband of that hot around. ..
lJolilk:11 :p..in. January, ]970. EhrJichnmn thc widow of the miln who de- "ThJt dumb so·and·~o." DOli-
J\t onr. 111nr, Don:l1d Incor. .summoned J. WJl1..rd :i\larrioll (e;llcd Hichard NIxon for PrC's- aId silid or his ::;00. "John Ehr~_
l'tlri1lrd hlmsrlC :mrt bc,::an ~cl- nod his son, Bill, to lhe Whit" itknt in lDGO. sent long· 1Jchm.tn tnlked lo him fo~ a
line _~h..r('..; 10 ('ill7.r.n~ who IIouse for an audience with ~l~mm('d roses to Don:tld's couple or homs nnd lold him
michl h.we nn lnl(,l'csl In his the Prc~ldcnl Marriott h:lrl hold room. .. to beh:\Ve lJimself over lhel·c.
hlnnd Jin~. Ehrlichn1:ln ex- been ch<lirman of the Nixnn Wn:-hln~ton wllIspcrs thnt You know, he told nirn he w"s
pl.'llllf'd !!('nUy 10 Donnlrl thnt Innu:::uinl nnd Is truslcd' by Dnn:lld used his While J[ouse the President's nephew and
."llrh ,,('ntures C'ould cmh;lrrMs the President. . Influence to ,::ot cnlt'rJnn- eon- couldn't do nn),thlnc to emonr-
hi." brother nod thnt, lor his Delicately. the President trncts for :MarrioU'wlth Amer- r;lss Ute Prcshlcnt"
hrolhcr\, snke. he IIhould asked the MarrJolls to keep Jc:m .J\lrlincs and TWA, we • 01912.Dtll.MC~LJI't01"dll'.t •
.!
./
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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:7.";.;":. i-r-, -:-""71,.--;:- --;:;_ ;::=<;;:,--".- -; r:;:-~-;':~--::"':":_
Pre
his It
By JAilJES R. POLK Vesco's business hcadquar- lhe ,
i:..roNews 51.:!U l\"rILor ters in Fairfield, N.J., anor scarcl
Edward C. Nixon, brother a helicopter fli;1ht. from New preble
of the President, is keeplnu "York Cily. Hl)w':::~,crl Scars in~ roo
WS silence in the f ace of said" he didn't ~trii'!;njr'f'tb~ value l
court testimony t hat bo mectlug among Nixon, Vesco 11. \",
played a role In arr-anging a and business ossociatca. snbl th
$'100,00 campaign coutrlbu-
0
) The Securities and E:~.. aion 0
(ion in ';<15h Irom a Iinanclse change Cormnlsston 112$ filed Trensur'
accr.ied of fraud, a civll suit a!:,~iIl5t Vesel) ac- Shultz, .
'·No comment (hot Is news- cusing him c; a ~:;:·1 million man A
worthy, 'Thank you. Good- Irnud in Jr.:Jlin:.; ti,", ncsets of ;tgclJ1 nn
bye," NixOD said y-:hen final- his Swlb-:J;.;l'"-:u li]S. L1d.• Ho)' As;
ly reached yesterday at his rnulnnl fund nvtwortc, 1:ln\":\I\O c. h·IXO;'1 bert Sb
unlisted telephone number Edwnrtl Nixon, -; ~IO Saara Eeonemi
In Edmonds, \Vnsh., afler a said is a Iornicr di. -. ':tI':" of a Ilnnk if) N;I;;~il~l_ The rnon:y tcnd--l t
week of calls. Then he hUIl~ vescc (,()Jap:Jl~Y. is Ihc ::-cnnd was Ilcwn to Wil:;~lillr,t:iQ ranz;c ",C
up, member or tin J': ~::oi:knl's April 10, .::lll.houZh t~~ Nj::~n Jli~~l C
A New Jersey campaign family to be Ih!:;!'ri to tho cmnrnign Iailcd to report the closed do
oICicial, Harry L. Scars, has financier. Donald A. Nb:on 1 , donalion under 1J1'3 new dis- bllffclill<:T
teslified he was told tho '3 son of the Prcshlcnt's ctbar closure law. . \p;:;k ill-}
Nixon brother made a call brother, is Vesco's personal A federal court hearing Is mlll"I;"!<;,
to Washington to confirm that administrative assistant, usu- scheduled Monday in New to new ,
the donation by" financier ally bcscd in N:lSSal1J the Ba- York City on the SEC's bid currenci-
.1\('Iberl L. Vesco was wanted hamas. for DR injunction ~Jjninsl vic- Fran 1:ClI
in cash, The S.zC pruhe his JndI· Iation (of sccurltlcs laws,' and To'
.»
Scars sald under oath hg- catcd the. ~;·3CO.r.CO cash dona- Scars' testimony came in a day to
W<lS present when the 42- tlon carne from Iunds at vcs- pretrial deposition in the Iervcr,
year-old 1\L..;on arrived at co's Bahamas Commonwealth SEC case, Nixor-
:)/'ar<- 5.7,73
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
·".--
THE WALL STREET JOURNAL

1 May 4, 1973
---5
I Mr. \VUUams, who eerller- had asked the

i '\'sco A rrest '''arrant judge to dismiss the contempt application on
technical grounds. sald the ctrcumstancea
!1.)sllecl by Federal Juche didn't call for :?lir, Vesco'S arrest.
After- the court was adjourned. Mr, Williams
declined to discuss reports that the at-year-old
'For Grand Jury Inqui;y Mr. Vesco intended to renounce his U.S. eiU-
zenshlp, even though the attorney at an earlier
hearing had said he would raise the question of
Finllnder Husn't Been in fhe U.S. cltlzcnshtp, #.
James W. Rayhtll, an assistant U.S. attor-
Panel '''ill
For. )Ionths; His Lawyer Feurs
Produce Indictment
ney, brought lhe matter up in court, saying the
"I go v ernment had information that :;\(r. Vesco
was "currenUy attempttng to renounce his U.S.,
citizenship in Costa Rica:' where he last year
I .BY~ ':-ALL 5TRE£~'AL Sttl!J Reporter took up le-gal residence. It's understood that
_ ?\~\~. '\ ORK - Federal JUdo;:e Edmund L. 'Mr_ RayhiU wasn't referring to a disclosure
i P .. l:1m"ll Issued a Warrant {or the arr-est or e
: ?:!T!!ed N'ew Jerse.y financier Robert L. V(,h~~:
!,n ~.-der to b.ring h.lm ~s witness before a grand.
I ·ma~e late Wednesday by Costa Rica's presi-
dent, Jose Ftgucres,
President Figueres, on e. two-day visit to
1r
• .1. ) here In\'eshgatrng his acli\'itil'~ ,\Ir J this countr-y, said that Mr, Vesco in an audio
~ \ r-sco has been out of the U.S. for :~"';rai I ence two or three weeks ago formally an-
, rnombs. ~, 1 noun... ed his Intention to renounce U.S. citizen.
J:io crJmlnal charges have been bmu<>ht Ii
I against ~lr. Vesco. But the U,S. Attorney's ~f
f~~e. which reql.:ested the bench warrant, re-
ship.
In washtngton, the Stale Department said
Mr. Vesco has: lold Costa Rican authorttlcs that
\ Iously had asked the judge to lind )£r. V~<;co he already has renounced American citizenship
in contempt ot court lor Jatllne- to heed a sub- before two notaries, with his lawyer's help,
poena ordering him to appear- before the gr""and However, the U.S. Embassy in Costa Rica con-
Jury. The gcrermnent lI'led to serve the sub- tended that didn't count, because it wasn't
poena on April 15 in Nassa.u, B:'\hama Islands. done before a consular officer. The State De-
The grand jur)' Js underslood to be Investj, partment's legal experts are checking to deter-
gating the, c.lrclI.mstances of 7lfr. Vesco's $::50•• mine whether that view Is correct.
o~ in conlrlbuhons to President N'b.:on's lOi2 The U.S. has a 1922 extradition treaty with
r.(election cAmpaign. At the time. the Sccurj, Costa Rica, covering 21 crimes. including rob-
I
ttcs nnd E:o-:chnngc Commission was condncttna bery. forgery, cmbezalement, and fraud. 'The
I a well publicized Inqulry into Mr. Vesco's busT-/ U.S. considers ils 1931 extradition treaty with
n:~s nff~lrs. The SEC 1I1e ~uge civil suit Br-itain to apply to the Bahamas, but it isn't
"~,.!n~~ hUll ;]~~ 4J ether men aiiCfConcC'I'm; on I "clear whether the Bahamas agrees. Thc British
. J ov. ._1. T~.1C' !\J:o-:~n finance committee returned treaty covera such' crimes as fraud and misre-
/ ]o.lr. \ es~o s ("ontnbuUol;ls to him on Jan. 31. presentation, but the warrant issued yesterday
t ' Mr.., V("I'>~'O'S .ulprney. Edward Bennett WIl. for a g rnrrd-jury appearance isn't a matter for
Jlams, told the jUdge ~..e sterrtay he had rvescn
I
which cxtraditton is possible.
I to bctievc tkn :'\-ir. Vesco would be jndie-ted bv
J the gmnd jury, Mr. Wiliams said tbnt if forced
10 appear, :;\J)'. Vesco would Invoke his constttn,
Mr. Vesco has a home and family in Boon-
ton, N.J., but has bases oC operations in Nassau
and in San Jose, Costa Rica. Government pros-
I
tiona! llri~'i1C'ga ngainst sctr-lncrtmrnnuon, un-
]e~~ he ~'~l'e grunted immunity ngulnsr Jll'ose'l
ecutors d.cclined to comment when asked whnt
steps the)' would take to have Mr. Vesco nr-
I
CUtl,on. ].:.1'. WiI!Jams added thdt the U.S. Attor, rested it he were Iccatcd in either of throe J
nt'y S OUll'C had nJrcacfy rcpllcd to him that it countries. I
wouldn't (lfI~r immunity, The SEC's ctvn suit accuses :Mr. Vesco J of
dtrcctlng the "footing" of S~2J million in nsscts ';
of four foreign mutual funds mnnngcd by 1.O,S.:
Ltd. Mr. Vesco formerly hcndcd both .l,O,S.!
nnd Jutcrnatlonal Controls Corp" of Fairfield.:
N.J_
I
00S88
MORl DoclD: 1451843
7 MAY 1913
SUBJECT: Intelligence Evaluation Committee and Staff
1. Background: Formed Dece~ber 1970. Membership:

D~partm~nt of Justice (Chairman); FBI (active staff par-
"
ticipation agreed to only in May 1971); Department of
Defense; Secret Service; National Security Agency~ CIA
and any necessary representatives of other Departments
or Agencies. (Following have pu rt i.c i pa t e d: Treasury,
State.) Staff: IES Executive Director John pougherty
and later Bernard Wells supplied by Department of Justice
with title of Special Assistant to the Attorney General
in reporting through the Assistant Attorney General for
Internal Security Robert Mardian and later William Olsen.
IES has received requirements directly from and delivered
reports directly to John Dean of the White House.
2. CIA Participation': ~~o'ntributions 'on foreign
aspects (by memorandum with no*lig'i!ncy Le t t e'rh e a d or at-
tribution). Contributions occasionally include foreign
intelligence provided by FBI and NSA.
3. Special Report: The Unauthorized Disclosure
of Classified Information, November 1971. Initiated July
1971 by the liffi~te House as a consequence of the Presi-
dent's concern about ,the release of the Pentagon Papers
by Daniel Ellsberg. Both Robert Nar di.an and G. Gordon
Liddy initially involved in tasking the IES to produce
this evaluation. Drafting d~ne' by IES Staff members
from Justice and FBI. Only Agency participation was \
editorial review. "
(Table of contents attached).
__ _ ..:-....0.- _
00583
-,
MORI DocID: 1451843
"
i
.-
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I
Introduction 1
Problems Relating to the Disclosure

of Classified Information 3
,
"
Executive Orders and Related Directives 8 Ir
1
I
Effectiveness of Existing Security' ',-

I
"'t.:gulations.
"
.....f.-"~w.(-\ 13 I
Lessons of the "Pentagon Papers" 18

Ii
J
Conclusions and Recommenda tions 31
i
I
I
I
j .-'-
;
,I'
, "
00590
MORI DoclD: 1451843
SUBJECT: Thel£n$:HAOS 'Program
1. The~HAOS program is a.worldwide program for

clandestine collection abroad of Lnf'o rma t Lon on foreign
efforts to support/encourage/exploit/manipulate domestic
U.S. extremism, especially by Cuba, Communist China,
North Vietnam, the Soviet Union, ~orth Korea and the
Arah fedayeen.
2. The r;;jilcHAOS program has not and is not conduct-
ing efforts ~mestically for internal domestic collection
purposes. Agency efforts are foreign. Foreign-oriented
activity in the United States has been of two types:
a. Selected FBI domestic ~ources who travel
abroad in connection with their extremist activity
and/or affiliations to make contact with hostile
foreign powers or with for.eign extremist groups
have been briefed and debriefed by Headquarters
officers. The briefing has included appropriate
operational gllid1nce, including defensive advice.
b. Americans with existing extremist creden-
tials have been assessed, recruited, tested and
dispatched abroad for PCS assignments as contratt
agents, primarily sourceS offered for such use by
the FBI. When abroad they collect information re-
sponsive toffiBJeHAOS program requirements, as well
as other Agency requirements. They are thus used
primarily for targeting against Cubans, Chinese Com-
~
=
munists, the North Vietnamese, etc., as their back-·
ground and their particular access permits. It
should be note~ that the! .::asp~c~· ?ft~e
/proJe!=t of thb ~5C J\ -ia DIVISI0!iJ IS
5 1~1I at to the Ltlij}::HAOS PROGRAM. .
:3. I\.s indicated earlier, [fr@:HAOS is a foreign pro-
gram, conducted overseas, except for the limited activity
described above. The 'program is and has been managed so
, as to achieve the maximum feasible utilization of exist-
ing resources of the 0Eerations Directorate •. No assets
--.f,LIII n)fUO~ = D° NS)l af! E~E
00591
SE
MORl DoclD: 1451843
have been recfited and ruJ.! eXc1usi~elY for the lBii'cHAOS

program. Instead, emphasIs has been placed on tfie exploi-
tation of new and old Agency assets who have a by-product
capability or a concurrent capability for provision of
information responsive to the program's requirements.
This has involved the provision of custom-tailored 'cb'llec-
tion requirements and operational guidance. this collec-
tion program is viewed as an in~gral part of the recruit-
j ment and collection programs oflJ;,.l<ina Opelations, Vietflam
0F-erat ions Cuban OpeTations, Seviet Bloc IJi lI'i-s-ron-op-era-
·1I twn s and Korean Ilranch opelatiolls;J Agents who have an
American "Movement" background or who have, known connec-
tions with the American "Movement" dre useful as access
agents to obtain biographic and personality data, to dis-
cern possible vulnerabilities and susceptibilities, and
to develop operationally exploitable relatjonships with
recruitment targets of the above programs. These assets
are of interest to our targets because of their connec-
tions with and/or knol'/l~'!,ge of the American "Movement."
Over the course of the2E~HAOS p~ogram, there have been
-app r cx i.ma t e Ly 20 important a r e a s ,of operational interest"
~
h i C h at the present time have "b e'en reduced to about ten:
Paris, Stockholm, Brussels, Da~-1rs'Salaam, Conakry, Algiers,
Mexico City, Santiago, Ottawa and Hong Kong. ------------
l
4. The~HAOS program also utilizes audio opera-
tions, two of which have been implemented to cover tar-
gets of special interest.
a .1
b I
00592
MORl DoclD: 1451843
SJiNSITlVr
5_ frUjcHAOS reporting from abroad relating to the

program originates in two way s : Individuals Who are noted
in contact with Cubans, the Chinese Communists, etc., and
1 I' ,'.
who appear to have extremist connections, interests or
background are reported upon. Other individuals are re-
pqrted upon in response to: specific Headquarters require-
ments received from the FBI because such individuals are
of active investigatory security interest to the FBI.
, 6. All cable and dispatch traffic related to the
~n1CHAOS program is sent via 'restricted channels. tit is
,not processed by either the-fable Secretariat or the In-
formation Services Division~ The control and retriev-
ability of information obtained, includin~ information
received from the FBI, is the responsibillty of the Spe-
cial Operations Group.
7. Information responsive to specific FBI require-
ments is disseminated to the FBI via special controlled
dissemination channels, i.e., by restricted handling cable
traffic or via special pouch and specially numbered b Li nd
memoranda. '
8. Information of particular significance, when col-
lected, has been disseminated by special memorandum over
the signature of the Director of Central Intelligence to
the White House (Dr. Kissinger and John Dean), as well as'
to the Attorney General, the Secretary of State and the
Director of the FBI.
~ ..
00593
MORI DocID: 1451843
" "
00594
MORl DoclD: 1451843
SFNDER WILL CHECK CctiFICATION TOP AND "SOTTOM

r -bNCLASSIFIED r I CONFIDENTIAL I I SECRET

,
1 . /
IIr. Halpern
.
,-
'2
3
t\'l::-w~!.'t·,..
-
"•
4
5
.
6
ACTION OIRECT REPLY PREPARE REPLY
APPROVAL OISPATCH RECOMMENOATION
COMMENT FILE RETURN
CONCURRENCE INFORMATION SIGNATURE
Remarks: "r .
""
,~". Sam:
Attached are the following:
l-hackground paper on TIC #7

2-comments on facts and statisti cs
3..comments on AID by Mr. ~chlesinger
"~ ."
1963 (wh I ch Mr. Colby might find
of Ln t.e re s t )
00595
.. ".' ,"
.. FOLD HERE TO RETURN TO SEN.DER

'..'''. FROM: NAME. ADDRESS AA'D PHONE;. NO. DATE:
II UNCLASSIFIED I · f CONFIDENTIAL I
I 25/4/73
SECRET
.. ' (40
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,., ';
00596
\
---------------
MORl DoclD: 1451843
, -»
-
.. ~
• ~,~
~'_"Ll>t_J
, .
,
•
~.la,lORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director for Operations
SUBJECT Counter Intelligence Staff,

Police Group Activities
1. Counter Intelligence Staff, Police Group (CI/PG)

is responsible for Staff coordination within the Office
of the Deputy Director for Operations for activi ties and
programs involving assistance to foreign police/security
forces for the purpose of exploiting such activities and
programs for intelligence purposes.
2. CI/PG maintains Li a i son wi t h the Office of- Public
Safety, Agency for International Develop~ent (OPS/AID)
I"--------iand its training facility, the International Police Academy
IPA CI PG also administers and supervises Project
n a 1.t1.on, coor 1.na e
Central Intelligence
J,.----,--~eeccn.lnn~l~c:;arr_rnnvv'ee;ss:t:1.i:'go;\a
ti ons Cours e . CI / PG Provi de s gu1. an ce
i, and counsel to the Area Divisions in matters pertaining
to police/security functions and activities. Specific
details of these functions are as follows:
LIAISON l'lITH OPS/AI D
CI/PG liaison with OPS/AID and IPA is conducted on a
daily basis and consists principally of:
A. exchange of information on IPA partic1pants, some
of whom later attend I Icourses I I
I '1-,--
B. arranging for inclusion of Agency sponsored partici-
pants in IPA/OPS/AID training programs,
C; arranging for IpA/OrS/AID briefings and tours for
foreign police/securi ty representatives sponsored
by CIA Area DiViSio~ns 00597
~l:'
\Jl.
,r:r
1 _
MORl DoclD: 1451843
; :
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- 2 -
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F. coordinating the Agency's participation in the.

Tecllnical Investigations Course designed to
familiari2e the trainees '.ith the technique
required to properly investigate terrorist
activities wherein explosives have been utilized,
G.
,,, H.
PROJECT
ln trainin~ forei
ngage prlnclpa~~~~~~~~h-~~~~,
o lce security personnel under
and selling pOlice/sech-rFyv-pe~q~u~l~pun",le~lnlr-~tno"~o~rNe~llg~n
po a ce security personnel and organizations. I 11!lso
provides special training programs and briefinnng~s~t~o'
foreign police/securit nersonnel of interest to A ency
o erating divisions.
las
acqulre e capa 1 1 Y 0 provl
police/security personnel in VIP
for Chiefs of State.
*IL- -----:-__
00598
MORl DoclD: 1451843
' ..- .
- 3 -
COlUlENT
~does not maintain direct contact or liaison

lqit~w enforcement organization, local or federal, <>",
at home, or abroad. When the need arises, such Con tact is

sometimes made on our behalf by
an r o a »e c au s e a e na t u r e of its activities
(training of foreign police/security personnel at home
and abroad), and its Public Safety programs around the
wo r l d , I Ihas such contacts at home - local and
federal level - hecause its personnel are personally
acquainted with Law enforcement dfficers thro.U:hout the
Uni ted States. fJemhers of the I _
I 1h ave, a ppear e d as guest 'rIl'e'TC-:1L-rurlr1e.-rl"s-"aCTL~S"U=IITI-rll'e'TCl"enI"'a'l"'I'---
Inst:lcutions as the U.S. Park Police, IPA", the U.S.
Secret Service; and the U. S. Treasury Enforcement Divis-ion.
3. In addition to the liaison mentioned in the

previous paragraph, the Agency maintains liaison in varying
degrees wi t h foreign police/security organizations through
its field stations. The existence and extent thereof,
however, is a decision to be made~ Area Division,
and is not the responsibility of ~
4.
wi. t uan
'-;;;;'lcrltt"r"l"o:;;n~e",,,;r,-;;--;="====~='"ffiC"---TT;u"p"'aiiim"a"rr.o"s"-.
--,.\, an !·ii t r i on e ,
an experienced and respected law enforcement officer, was
a bona fide DPS/AID officer assigned to the AID missipn
in Uruguay, and was never a CIA employee or agent.
hllgle LOll
Irt t e Ll i pen ce Staff
00599
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-,...
___ ?i>O-7:5 -(~7,
/
/ ./
n'1 "'f\~1973
, /
2q ILl cu. c..R-:.
.y •
J: ft. ~-<'1n c
"-
- ~lE:·jORA:-IDUN FOR: Deputy Director for Operations
-SUBJEq Joint CIA/USAID Terrorist (T~ch~ical)

Investigations Course 17 (English language)
CI Staff's Project I I
1. This effort is a joint CIA/USAIO'training program

for foreign police/securi ty personnel. The initial phase
of the training will be conducted at the International
Police Academy (IPA), Washington,- D.C. during the period I
2-27 April 1973. The following subject matter is covered
in this phase of the training: investi~~tive techniques,
collection and preservation of evidence, records, files,
and reporting, gathering of information on terrorist
groups and thei r acti vi ties. a student s e rri na r dcvoted
to discussions on terrorist and other hostile activities
currently existing in e'cir rcsnective countries. etc.
This phase of the-training is concluded by a two day
orientation hy the 8oIr.!) Squad of the Dade Coun ty Police,
Departnent in Florida.
of this training will be conducted
durin~ 30 April - 25 l~y 1973.

e t e cnn r c i ans u t i l Lze I
cove. The ob j ec t i ve 0 f th i:~s~prrjnls:ns,-,e.,-,...O....t---...c."ll-"e'-.t"'rAa"l.nn"l"n""'g-,l."s--.t"o----
develop individual student technical capability to real-
istically conduct ihvcstir,ations into known or suspected
incidents of sabotage/terrorist bombings by:
a. P'r-cv'i d i n g trainees wLth basic kn owIe dge -Ln tho

uses of commercial and military demolitions and
incendiaries as they may he, applied in terrorism
and indus trial sabotage operations. ,_.
b. Introducing the trainees to corunc r ci a Ll.y available

materials and home laboratory t.e chn Lque s. Li ke Iy .
to be used in the -mnnuf'a c tu rc of explosives and
incendiaries by terrorists or saboteurs.
00600
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.... •
- 2' •
c. Familiarizing the trainees with the concept

of target analysis and operational planning
that a saboteur or -t.e r ror-Is t must enp Loy ,
d. Introducing the trainees to booby trapping
devices and techniques g i vinR practfcal
experience wi th I:oth manuf'ac turo d and
improvised devices t.h rough actual fabrication.
E~phasize the necessity of alertness for
detecting and countering Dooby'traps placed
by s ab o to urs or terrorists.
c. Conducting several field exercises to give
each trainee the opportunity for detecting I
. and neutralizing various e xp l o s Lve and
. incendiary devices likely to be used by
terroris ts or s ab o te ur-s , Lnc LudLna letter
bombs, packages, attache cases, etc.
f. Conductinr. seVeral investip.atlve fIeld
exercises of exnlosive incidents to alert
the trainee to the need for and manner in
which to colloct, identify, and preserve
legally admisable eviJc~ce for prosecutive
action.
3. The program provides the trainees ~d.th ampLe

opportunity to develop basic fa!!liliarity and use proficiently
through handling, preparin~ and a~?lying the various
explosive .charges, incendiary D.f:ents, terrorist devices
and s ab o t age techniques. t;SAIO, International Police
Academy (IP;\)~las received reports from Fo ree r fo r e i gn .
police/security personnel who participated in the .pr-og ram
indicating that they :<ore ca Ll e d upon to utilize tIle skills
they a cqu i red rh rough this training in the handling of
explosive devices in their respective countr Attnc~ed is
a letter from a particioant in TIC 16
stating that he de ac t i v a t e d 11 letter bkco"'p'"',"-=O"V"l'C"'c"---'=="-!was
'h'.11CI
sent to the I I
Embassy in 1 ----'1
4. Subject course will have 26 participants from ten
(10) foreign countries. ~ine (9) are financed by AID,
cight((e.) by CIA and nine (9) hy tho Lr own gove rnncn t.s ,
00601.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.., .. \~ ,
, . :'
- 3 -
5. Separate end of course reports will be prepared by .

" USAID and CIA, TSD personnell
J .
,, '
James Angleton
Chief, Counter Intelligence Staff
.,
00602
MORT DocTD: 1451843
•.., ......
't
FACTS k~D STATISTICS
AID/ors TRAINING
~ID/OPS, International Police Academy sponsors some
seven hundred (700) foreign police officers for training
in the United States each year. These officers are selected
from underdeveloped countries. I 1
TRAINING
tra~ns some .
L,.,,---=="T~O"T"'i"~-'z"'e.-rr~aO'Fe""a"s----;o,f 1aw en for ce men t .
During PY 1973r-1sunnorted two of our field

stations by providi~ni~g in VIP protective secvrity
for I'-- -.J~e rs onnel . "
AID/OrS-CIA TRAINING
During FY 1973 two joint USAID/OPS/CIA 'I'echn i cal Inves ti-
-ga t i on s training programs were conducted for Dforeign "
police/security 'personnel representing~countries. The
purpose of the training is to develop ~idual student
technical capability to realistically conduct investigations
into known or suspected' incidents of sabotage/terrorist
bombing or other activities.
______10'06-03
MORl DoclD: 1451843
:
" ,.
~.. ."-
NATIONAL SECURITY
Political, Military, and Economic
Strategies in the Decade Ahead
Edile4 by
David M. Abshire and Richard V. Allen
Aqrniral Arleigh Burke•. pire'lo~
TIlE CENTER FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES,

GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY
"
pubr;sh~J /0' Ibtl

HOOVER INSTITUTION ON WAR, REVOLUTION
. AND PEACE ,'.
by
FREDERICK A. PRA,EGER, Publish~r
New York· London
00604
MORl DocID: 1451843
• '~'J
Strategic Leverage Irorn Aid'and. T rade"

•~
. .. , •• •
,
-JAMES R. SClILESliYGER
Summary
The analysis' of this' paper rests" on the' assumption. that

American poUcy-inakers should not be so concerned unth: the
purs,,;t of hard-to-obtain ideological objectives that they exhaust
the power potential implicit in trade and aid, relationships.
Rather the trade and aid programs should be managed so, as to
preserve an environment 'in which pressures can be brought to
bear to sert'e the national interest at a later, and perhap« 'more
critical, date. This emphasis on power considerations implies
both (a) that the assistance prottrani ca-nno! be based pl"imm'ily
on humanitarian 0" idealistic goals, and (b) that economic ties
with other nations should not be severed simply because of onr
disapproval of other social systems, including those based on
communism. Thouoh. typically public opinion vastly overstates
the strategic leverage that can be gai,,!ed through economic
, weapons, 'this leverage is still not negligible. One can arguri that
in the past the United States-has failed to take advantage of
the power potential 'implicit in aid and trade through its failure
to develop concepts and mechanisms of dete'''''",ce in ,uays akin
to what has been done in the military field. Much of the
dif]ic;dty 'may be ascribed. to ,a failure to develop sanctions,
,ahich discouraoe actions unfavorable to" olir interests, as well
as incentives, which encourage cooperation, No system of
deterrence can exclusively stress the carrot and itmore the stick.
},fore is being demanded of the aid program than it can
reasonably «chiece, Assltming that the primary emphasis of the
aid program is to encourage social and economic dcreiopment
rather than to' elicit direct SUpp01't for American foreign policy
687
00605
:',':
~.J i,
!'" ~ ~,
'," - _.._---~. -- ----_.
688
f
-.
JAMES R. SCHLESCNGER
MORl DocID: 1451843
---:'-.:--~:.'~~----'-'-'-- --
.-,~
obj~cU1;e8. it is argued that n-e ehonld aftt"mpt 10 dct'd",) stable

~oc;al and paUlital conditions by strm!Jtllrni710 tile "[('gitimacy"
of the del'clopi1/U social order in the rUNI of the rrsuectiee
publics-rather than attempting to (':rIJDr! tlie trappings 01
Amen'can demormcu,
. ·1 Technological change. the easy f{1'nilabilily o!,.::ub,'lfilllf('s. and
the [l!Ugllly prrioc1 for adjwltllll'nt tw It JJrOlollgrd strlt!Jnlf' lwre
all reduced thr impact of th" "supply cljret" J/"Mch 11'(18 at one
time)he lila in wcapon of economic wflrfa)"r. If till' economic
wenji61if' 0/: straltOy are to be at all ('fjrcth:" under todny's
eonditkms, the "influellce ef!rct" mnst rise corr;.~'Potldinl}ly· in
imparlance. This implies that we slumlfl be in a. position to
threaten to do damage to other economies throllgh tlle' curtail-
ment 01 access to lVcsffTn markets. In order to kerp tllis threat
a.'" ever-present onl', tee mustv.luncceer, continue to tredr in
t:"olu.me with other cOllnt)"i('s, inclltdiflf] Communist ones. Partie-
+rlu" in dealing with the tmderdt!vl'loped nations Ihe potential
'i'l'lctiveness of such threats may p'·ove to be cotl$iderable.
00606
MORl DoclD: 1451843
'. -.
696 SCHLESINGER
One final consideration-it would be unwise to use potential

weapons of this sort for niggling purposes. The balance of pay.
ments has been, troublesome. and is properly an object of concern
in wasbtngton, but surely it is not a first-order consideration
in our relations with the underdeveloped nations. Suggestions
have been bruited about that we should make use of the aid
program to force recipients to bu~: from us in ways that go
beyond tied aid. Under the best of circumstances, our bargaining-
power is limited, and shooting away strategic ammunition for so
paltt')" an economic goal would seem to reflect a poor sense of
-r- _proportion. .
'I\!.
I
Aid
Within an over-all framework designed to discourage hostile
or predatory attitudes toward the West, the aid program may
seek to foster the maximum rate of economic and socinl progress.
In the basic policy of AID. the Kennedy Admlnlstration has,
explicitly adopted this goal. As. has been indicated there are
costs to this decision. Outsiders are not likely to be much liked
even under the best of circumstances, which hardly apply to the
underdeveloped countries, and their Intervention in whatever
direction will in the long run excite antagonism based on' real
or fancied wrongs. Nevertheless, the basic decision has been
made. Let us examine in what war we may proceed so that the
good effects clearly outweigh the ill effects,
There aretwo initial postulates: (1) our bargaining. power
will be limited. and (2) American notions of social reform and
of equity are neither necessarily applicable in the underdeveloped
lands, nor need we assume jthat those whose cooperation we
must win will find them appealing. These postulates are inter-
related. Joint1~· they impl)' that we cannot press forward on
all fronts to create a society in which a good American democrat
will feel at home, but must instead ccncenu-ata our energies on
those social changes which will spur economic growth even ir
the immediate results an; more consistent with the cultural
genius of the peoples Involved rather than our own tastes. \Ve
ought not expect them to make the same choices as we would.
01", if they make the same choices, to achieve in a ten-year period
whnt it look us (!if!hl~· real's to achieve. Finally, in "reaching
judgments on social processes in other lands, we cannot apply
\};'hat are our own-or, in reality, higher.-=standards of purity.
As outsiders, we will be unable to perceive the social function
of behavior which is "superliciall~' corrupt, and will t~nd to Jump
00607
MORT DocTD: 1451843
'.
697
it together with thal which is purely pnrasiilcal. With respect
to our Q\\'U history, retrospectivelj- we have come to find merit
in what once were r~gal'ded as the disreputable procedures of
an organization like Tammany HaJJ in that it provided a kind
of social security and a welcome for the newly arrived. Im-
migrant. We are accustomed to "the daily dangling of new post
offices. good committee assignments. and br-idges over creeks in
the outback before wavering Congressmen, and warm approval
is given, for its tine sense of political realism, to whatever ad.
ministration is doing the dangling by those who agree with its
goals. Toward simjlar procedures abroad we are inclined tq
take a simple mucklitk'ing"attitude. We look askance at the"
higgling of the political mArket-with a naivete that would do
credit both to missionaries and old-style political reformers, If
we hope to achieve a fairmeasure of success, '\:e,shalJ have to
sharpen our critical fncuIties lind learn to distinguish between
unappetizing social devices which arc funelional and those which
are simple barriers t~ progress.
The statement of objectives by AID is a very ambitious one.
II
The purposes of the assistance program include stimulation
. of self-help. encoul"-:,~ement of progressive forces. and achieve-
II ment of governments based on consent, which recognize the
dignity. and worth of individuals who are expected to participate
in determinirig the nation's goals.: No doubt, a statement of
aspirations is in large part Window dressing; but the criteria
by which self-help is moving toward social and political progress
are more specific: a more ef}uitable distribution 'of Income, a
more equitable tax system "'ith Incr-eased yields, expanded wel-
fare programs, increased political pm-tlcfpatfon and clvil Hberttes,
and so on. Several points-may be made regarding the objectlves r
nrst, there are too many; second, they are to some extent in.
consistent: and third, they ignore the real resources available.
There is, in -the first place. the long-perceived clash between
economic progress, on the one hand, and the combined goals of
equitable distribution of income, immediate. Improvement in
Jiving standards, and security 011 the other. This underlying
conflict spiJIs o...er into a tension between rapid economic pro--
gress and the introduction of democratic processes, On this
issue there appears to have been a revolution in informed
opinion in the Uni~ed States during the past fi v-e years. During
the Jate fiCties. it had become almost an axiom that authoritartan,
if not totalitarian, governments had innate ndvnntngcs in guld-
ing economies toward rapid growth. The prevailing v'jew was
00608
MORl DoclD: 1451843
698 •
JAMES R. SCHl£SIN~
based. no doubt, on an assessment of the record of the Soviet

regime, and an exaggerated notion of how much the Chinese
"Great Leap Forward" would accomplish. Perhaps the earlier
"pessimism" regarding the relative performance potential of
"free" and "controlled" economies was overdone, but have we
not gone too far in the now prevailing "optimism" that any clash
between economic progress and the democratic institutions which
Insm-e-ths dominance of the t·o~ populi is minimal?
The average clttaen-c-parttcularly when he is ill-housed," Ill-
clothed, ill-fed, and ilI-educated-seems most likely to be in-
terested in the here and now, A government which is responsive
to the desires of the public will continually be tempted to
mortgage the future for the present. The "abstinence" or
"waiting" which classical and neoclassical economics state to
lie necessnrv ingredients in economic progress will be hard to
require, as will be the inccnti v e schemes (and the accompanying
conspicuous consumption) which are likely to strike the a.... erage
voter as inequitable, We rna)' TecNI that the Peron regime was
(and still may be"!) the most popular regime in recent Latin
American history. Or we may observe the economic consequences
of Brazilian democracy. and have our doubts. The tnfto\\" of
American resources may be able to make showpieces out of
several small, recentJ)--demflcrntized nattons like the Dominican
Republic, but we ought nol assume either that demccracyasstata
in economic development, or that the Dominican example is
wid(>J~' applicable. This is not to sa:r that some judicious
prodding in the direction of democracy may not be a wise policy.
but it must be iudiaione, nnri cannot be based on the assumption
that democracy necessarily fosters the political stability essential
to growth.
One of the criteria by which self-help can be judged as justify.
ing additional aid is an improvement in the savings ratio, Some
students of the aid program Would put major emphasis on
cbnngos in the SAYings .l'ntio in tbnt it provides a relatlveb-
objective standard b)' which an improvement in economic, per.
fOI'Ill:mc:e can be ju(J~eCl.· If we apply an objective standard.
complaints about the distribution of aid nnd subjectivity in the
• CharJe5 Wolf, Jr, of RA~D hD.l< been atlempting to drvelop.an eecnc-
meldc model which will pro\'ide nn ohjel."ti\'e measure orthe performance
of air! recipients in terms or sl,"lf.helll. The criterion is the ~a\'jn,l':'S ratio.
In the"rnodel the :Jttt'mpt. is made to t,!limintlte the influence ot other
\,::Iria:'lo:,:<, such as per npita ineeme, income distribution, and dt~ of
urLan';tution. which JJ<;<;ollnt {or a !:'OM IItol of the observed \':lriotian in
the ~avinbS ':.3tla as between naucns nnd bel ween different periods .at Um~
00609
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,.
00610.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
8 May 1973
SUBJECT: Foreign Resources Division Oper-afi onaI

Activities with Possible Flap Potential
REFERENCE: FR Memorandum.I-r-' 1 dated.7 May

1973. same subject
1. The answers to your que'stions are as follows:
a. Question: Do we recruit Americans?
Answer: Yes, we recruit Americans to be

used asl ~upport assets and access agents ..
These Americans. are used for spotting. and assess-
ment purposes only and do not perform any recruit-
ments.
b. Question: Do we use alias documents on

Americans in course of operations?
Answer.: Yes, we do Use alias documents when

recruiting American support assets. The great
majority of these recruitments are done in alias.
All recruitments of foreign targets are done in alias.
c. Question: What disciplihary controls do we

have over alias documents? .
Answer: We maintain a current list in FR Division

Headquarters offhe alias documents issued to each Base.
~1. 00611
MORl DoclD: 1451843
f
( - - U...... 1 r
_ : ttt~t'-,.-
/2/
More importantly, each Base Chief is responsible

for supervising and maintaining control over the
alias documents used by the case officers on his
Base.
d. Question: I::J-'A.-cn=Y"'c~Ie"'a=-=r=a~n~c~e~s~o~r~p~r"'o~h~l~b~lTt~lo"'n~s~?-------
Answer: I
2. If you have further questions, please let me know.
Acting Chief
Forei-gn Resources Division
0061~
MORl DoclD: 1451843
WIAl
u,£ O:ilY o CQH.·;ENHAI:
ROUTING AND R::CO~D SHEET
1. I /
EA!DDO
I " / ......... ~'Cro::;;":i"'I~~1\~RH7~'.f..::
.. _ ·..__ . _ . _... ... ...c _.... -_.~.. - - - - . - - - - =, J "'"'
,~, ·u'
-< • ,.
••
2. .
1 I
I
3. 000 I . f! ,
'j
Uk.
- - - -..- - - - - - - - - - 4 - - - - l - - - c .. - - -
I
5,
Conversation l FR Di v (R-I I I
He indicated intlroduct ry and "closing' paragraphs
1-
13,
I· -i
1~,
~.
I
I
!
fO~M IHH<HAL
3-62 O IIU ntHY
MORl DoclD: 1~51843
____I r-
7 May 1973
j) () .1'1
MEMORANDUM FOR: Deputy Director"fo,,' Operations
SUBJECT: \2roreign Res~urces Divisio-'i})Operationat

Activities with Possible Flap Potential
1. At thr risk of stating the obvious, almost,all of the operational

activities carried on by<'rR Division I ~un the risk
that unauthorized disclos-;;'re could create erriba r r a s srn.errt to the Agency.
We have accepted this as a condition p r e c e de nttand ha.ve proceeded with
our operational activities in the most professional rrrarin e r- possible under
the circumstances. There are certain r-a th e r- unusual activities in which
'fR DivisioIL.1as participated and/or is participating'that conta~n some-
what greater possibility for embarrassment if discovered. I have listed
these below, not necessarily in brder of embarrassment potential:
a_I ~rovides iairly considerable

. a
amount of support to Dr. Klssmger in his contacts with the
Chinese. This support was authorized by Mr. Ka r arrie s s'i n e s
and Mr. Helms. Thus far there has been no problem other'
than the inordinate amount of time spent byl
personnel, not to mention the fairly sizeable"'a"m'ruo"u"'nn'tF<o"l~------'-
money that has been expended in support of these efforts.
',.
b. I
MORl DoclD: 1451843
/2/
c. Alias Documentation: Clearly, FR Division does

the great majority of its operational work by having its case
officers utilize alias documents. All recruitments are done
in alias. Thus, the alias documentation is a prerequisite
for effective operations I IFurthermore,
our case officers have btilized fully backstopped alias credit
cards for renting automobiles, rriot eI rooms, hotel rooms
for operational rrre etf.ng s , etc. These credit cards are back-
stopped by accounts in alias w.hich are promptly paid at the
appropriate time. I see no problem in the continued use of
alias documentation ,and moreover, I feel it fs absolutely
essential to continue using alias documentation wherever and
'whenever possible.
d. I
e. I .
,-"", ",C;& .... - .. I;; 1 .-..... '- ..~~.. .. .

MORl DoclD: 1451843
,', , ".
, ' " '
/3/
2. Summarizing the above, I believe that all of the activities

outlined are clear! within the acce table risk frame.
The
'--:o~t"h~e~r=-:a~c=t;:;i;::v:;iC;:t7ie::-:::s-,--:-a'1t;:;hco=u-=g:;:h--:c~l,-=e-=a-=r"l=y"'in=v=o'lv-=··in=-=gC-::-s-=o-=m=-=e-d=e-=g=r-=e-:eO-:o:-ifC=r'i-=s"k-:a:-:r.Je
necessary and valuable and in my opinion should be continued.
Acrtng Ctu e t
Foreign Resources Division
_, ....,.,\ ....'"""
'
006i6
~ -" ." f3xp'>tf't' (p)(,!)
( b){1/
MORl DoclD: 1451843
S E ;.J'E T
DRAFT OUTLINE FOR DDO BRIEFING

T. Statement of Organization and Functions
°11. Official TIO
III .,' Location of Field Units
IV. Cover
V. Targets
VI. Methodology
VII. Budget
VIII. Coordination
A. Internal
B. External
X. Statistics:
A. Recruitments
B. General Support Assets
C. Positive Intel~i~~nce '~eporting
MORl DoclD: 1451843
FOREIGN RESOURCES DIVISION
I. Statement of organization and. Functions
,.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
, ,
MORl DoclD: 1451843
S7 E T
S.E~ 00620
MORl DoclD: 1451843
S E~E T
SE~T
MORI DocID: 1451843
MORl DoclD: 1451843
err R ......T
-----------
MORl DoclD: 1451843
SE~T
MORl DoclD: l45l843
SE~T
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..
~ ..... - ---
MORl DoclD: 1451843
006Z7
MORl DoclD: 1451843
00628
MORl DoclD: 1451843
s~
-------------- MORl DoclD: 1451843
SJ C !l e- T.
~T
MORl DocID: 1451843
S~T
S~
O()63j
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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J , - : . _............ • ..
•
.' ':F . '(~
/
"
6 JUN 1973
MEMORANDUl\i1 FOR: Director of Central Intelligence •

t
THROUGH : Executiv.e Secretary. CIA Management Committee
,
I;
SUBJECT : Alleged CIA Involvement in the Ballou Cas e
1. .By rrrerrior arid urn "dated 25 May 1973. I informed you of the
results of .an int';rview of Mr.1 Iwho reported that
Mr., rn employee of the Office of Security. had
,stated dunng a diSCUSSlOn period at Adv-anced Intelligence Seminar
No. 6 in Septeznber 1971 that the Office of Security had been involved
in the "Ballou case. " (The residence of Mr. Ballou. an antique gun
collector in Silver Spring. Maryland. was raided oil 7 June 1971 by
Montgomery County Police and Federal law enforcement officers.
When the offic e r s , 'dressed in civilian clothes. forced their way into
the house. Ballou picked up an antique pistol. The officers opened.
, fire and seriously wounded Ballou. He was hospitalized for ·several
months and was left partially paralyzed. I believe he is now sUing
over the incident. l.
2. We inter':'iewed Mr[ Fertain other employee; who

attended the Seminar. arid the DIrector of Security to determine just
_. i what was said at the Seminar and the extent of any Agency involvement
,I in the Ballou case. We find that partitipants in the Seminar were .
encouraged to discuss the details of their work and ,\ssociated p roblerns ,
Mr.1 Fe'ntioned an as~ignment he h~d been 0".
wi~h. the ~' U: ....
Secret SerVl,ce at the 1968 Nahonal Conventions and hIS Ha'i s on acbin.hes
with the Montgomery County Police.
3.I Ireports th~t in .disc,ussing the latter, subject he "

i related a conversanonhe had WIth Inspector ~ 1of
the Mont-
J; gomery County pqlice. sometime in June 197 after the Ballou incident
I'
chad been r ep; r ted in the newspapers. According t o l . . Ithe '
'I police inspector had thanked him for some amplifying eqUlprnertt rne
I Agency had given to the Montgomery CountyPolfce and r ernaz-ked that
I )
00634
II -
MORl DoclD: 1451843
il U1.G.tet qlo '--..i'~- r
r •
•
this equipment bad probably saved a police=.an's life. The inspector
com.mented that the account of the Ballou incident appearing in the
press was not the whole story. With the aid of the equipment the .: I
Agency had provided, the police had intercepted a telephone call I,
I
from Ballou to a friend in which Ballou outlined plans to "kill a co!'." I"
'The police then staged a raid to forestall Ballou's plan, and it was . 1
dnring this raid that Ballou was shot.
I, 4. I Jsaid that he bas no other lmowledge of th~ Ballou
I case, except lOr wna: he bas read in the newspapers, and that he has
not had any other conversations about the case with any members of
the Montgomery County Police. We learned nothing from our inquiries
1, that would indicate any other Agency involve=ent in the Ballou case.
•
5. The following are related excerpts from the "Family Jewels"
submission of the Director of Security on,16 May 1973:
During the period from 1968 to 1973, several items of

Positive audio equipment consisting primarily of clandestine
. transmitters and touch-tone dial recorders were loaned to
the Metropolitan Police Department; Fairfax County. Virginia,
. .
Police Deparl.Inent; Montgomery Countv, Maryland, Police
Department; New York City Police Department; and the Sal).
Francisco, California, Police Departrnent.
On 25 July 1968, and at the specific request of the

1I
United States Secret Service, tbis Office provided two audio
countermeasures technicians to the United States Secret Service
.
in connection with the Democratic National Convention held in

'Chicago, Illinois. Tbis was not an official detail although
both rrren were proVided with temporary credentials identifying
them as being affiliated with the United States Secret Service.
On 15 August 1968, we detailed the same two men to the

.' United States Secret Service to cover the Republican National
Convention in Miami, Florida. On both occasions, the team
rnembea-s were debriefed upon their return and it is clear that
their activities were confined exclus ive'ly to sweeping the
candidate,,' and potential candidates' quarters.
.. William V. Broe
.I Inspector General
I O I G : I I ( 6 Jane 197'3)
DllSt~ ~ • .\
Orig lot 1 - Addressee _ 2 _ 00635
1 - ExecSccj
. .•.;- M~
. . _CIA ( .. :'~~_'t-.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
. .
-', ..
.~.
. , v-,
MEMORAI JM FOR: The Record
Mr. F. P. Bishop is fOllowing up per para 7

of IG memo to DCI dtd 25 May.{ ]
cm/31 May
00636 I-
I
i
(DATE)
fOR ... HO.
REPLACES fOR~ 10- 101
I AUG .54 '0 I WHICH NAY 9£ US£D.
MORl DoclD: l45l843
. ,. . ~
o UNCll\SSI FI ED . B
rr-;>-
mRET'
SUBJECT, tOplional)
fROM, """"'ON NO.
Inspector General om
25 May 1973
TO, (Offiur d.tignalion. room n... mb.-t, and
building)
DAlE
OffiCER'S COMMENTS (Numb.' eo(h commen' ro .how hom whom
.'
INITIALS whom.
l'O Ctaw 0 lin. oClon column oh.r .ach comment.)
RfaMD fORWARDED
1.
Mr. Wm. E. Colby
..
{I~ :. {/D.' L· -
2.
3.
The Director
kL ~'-I \.--\ i0~~ • ~\.)---::
-c \-'l. \ l-·Ll c- ", (!,,-(,-\ \ \ ,t Y.
~(.f
4.
S.
L-G ")
6.
I
7.
0
_.-
8.
9.
-
10:
11.
12.
13.
14.
IS.
. 00637
/
n raut'p'''TIA' NTERNAL
n UNClASSIFIED
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,-' .
25 May 1973
THROUGH : Mr. William E. Colby
1. On 17 May the narne of I

referred to this office as having attempted to contact the Director
~as
concernin "activities outside the Agency." I attempted to contact
on 21 and 22 May, but he was on leave. On 23 May
'--<:-=e'--;::s""t""a·te=,;-::c'e wanted to check a portion of his information and asked
if he could come to my office on 24 May.
2. came into the A enc as a JOT

in October ssigned
to the Soviet/EE Section. He has a'o-:.v::e::-r::::y=-s""t"r""o""n=g-Cp=e-=r-=s-=o-=n-=n=Ceo-l file.
3.1 ~dvised that in August 1971 he attended the

Advanced Intelligence Se rni nar , On the-Hr s t evening of the seminar
the students had a "getting acquainted" session where each one
ave a brief descri tion of his duties: One of the students, / I
of the Office of .Security,. however, c~on
'-;;.,=e"r""t""e"'s"'e""""sos"-l"o""n:-w=a'-'!s over and expanded on the briefing he had given.
He claimed that CIA was cooperating with the Montgomery County
Police, stating that the Office of Security gave electronic and other
support to that organization.
4. He further indicated that the Office of Security had been

involved in the "Ballou case"~ I lescribed the Ballou case
as follows: The residence of Mr. Ballou, an antique gun collector
in Silver Spring, Maryland, was raided on 7 June 1971 by the Mont-
gomery County Police and some Federal law enforcement officers.
After the officers, dressed in civilian clothes, had forced their way
into the house Ballou picked up an antique pistol. The officers
immediately .opened fire and wounded Ballou seriously. He spent
a long time in the hospital and is partly paralyzed at the present time.
00638
MORl DoclD: 1451843
("
SIA INfEr.:'" "BE SPllY
His case was given much publicity in the Washington Post at the
time. There was additional publicity in the last several months
when Ballou instigated a lawsuit against the raiding officers.
_ _ _ _"'-5~ I
Iwho was
Identified another student,
assigned to lAS, as a friend of
I I
"' :
~fl"e'--"s·t"a.te-.,.--thatl
. lalso seemed to know the Speci1lcs of the barlou
case.
6. I thankedl rnd told him this was just the type

of information we wanted to receive so that it can be investigated
and appropriate action taken if the information is borne out.
7. This office will follow up on this allegation and advise

the Director concerning our findings.
yy Dliam y. 010e
Inspector General
- 2 -
CIA IN+t:llriAt !::leE 8r1lY 0063.9

MORl DoclD: 1451843
. , (
• :'.; ' ..
.; .
, .. ~-
~,'. • •• ~. :..l.. •
... ~
s" "
'. Nofed
Mr [ called the Director
l6'ay at. ~:u:, re "act~vities outside the
I on~B
Agency". I told him Director was out of the
I office but we would return his call. Mr.
, called back that day and said he was
g01ng J0 Fubini lecture and would call us
ba~k. He never did call back. Mr, Colby
.! sa1d to turn over to Mr, Brae .
I
00640
'~l ';' " , ,""": • •: .. ' -. ~
.- •...
:
,.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
..... .,. ."

t~ .. I ... (
.,
6ll
r0
-----
MORI DacID: 1451843
,
."0
.
- -' " (
00642
MORl DocID: 1451843
0, U~(I.ASSIFIED O
It',r AL
U. uNLY
ROUTING AND RECORD SHEEr
SUBJECTI (OpliOI'lQI)
FROM,
Inspector Gene ral 0.,.,

22 May 1973
TO: IOfficl' designation, room numb.t~ ord DATE
I-_~.-_--j
building) OffiCeR'S COMM..ENTS (Numb.r loch commlnl 10 show from whom
INITIAlS '0 whom. Drow 0 line oeton column aFt.r loch comlMnl.)
I.
Mr. Wm. E. Colby
2.
The Director
J.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
u.
0064::
61 0 U~;~Cf·1S R SEERET R EBI/flIlElmAl n INTERNAL

lice nUlv n UHClAS'SJ FJ ED
MORI DqcID: l451843
. .-
-
22 May 1973
THROUGH Mr. William E. COlb~. e---
. Mr. Colby advised me thatl !extensionO

had called the Office of the Director m rme wlth the Director
memorandum to all employees' dated 9 May 1973, requesting all
employees to report activities which might be construed to be out-
side the legislative charter of the Agency.
I ls
employed as a GS-S clerk in the
Cable SecreLanat. fie Jomeu t e Agency in September 1967 and
worked in the Office, of Security for 3-1/2 years before transferring
to the Cable Secretariat in 1970.
While in the Office of Security he was assigned to a suppor:t

desk, SD3. The primary function of this desk was tol0-7_ _---O- ,.-
During his assignment

L.,,""""l"s"'-'''e'''sOC'-,,-----"s'"'u"'p"'p=o.".r""'e,..--a"'p"'r=oJ"e"c~ enti tie d SRPOINTER- .
I ;-.=;;-r ---'-d_e_s_c_r_ib_e_d_th-,e project as follows. The
.'0 had a unit at the JFK Inter-
national Airport th'=a"Lt-p="oLto=g"rc:accp=-e=-m=a"i"'l-c:'going to Soviet Bloc countries.
This work was done by Agency staff employees. The mail' was placed
in bags by the regular Post Office employees and stacked. After
their departure for the night, the Agency employees would open the
mail and photograph it. Both incoming and outgoing mail, including
postcards, were photographed. A watch list was maintained and
priority was given to the names listed, but generally all mail was
processed.
The results of the operation were sent to Washington Headquarters

where they were handled byl ~e would receive a teletype
advising him of the registry number and the number of items. He
would check to see if the number of items received was correct and
route the material to the appropriate offices. Generally about 1/4 of
°9644
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.. (
••
the material was separated into bundles bound with rubber bands.
This portion was sent to TSD for technical processing. The remain-
ing material was sent to the CI Staff,I I
Aboue twtce a month the GI Staff would add names to or delete
names from the list.I Fould send the changes in the list to
the field office. The watch 11st was made up primarily o f B
I tho were in the United States. WHen
lett the UInce 01 l5eeurlty in 1970, the project was still activ
I Iwas in no way emotional or belligerent. He

presented the facts quickly and clearly and said he had no other
Infor-rnation, He stated he would have come forward with the informa-
tion sooner but he had only recently had time to read the Director's
rn e rnor-andurrr, The writer thanked him for his interest•
~/;/fiw {J:~
.~1am V. Broe
Inspector General
- z-
00645.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
6 JUN 1973
THROUGH : Executive Secretary, CIA Management Committee
SUBJECT : Alleged CIA Involvement in the Ballou Case

..
1. By memorandum dated 25 May 1973, I informed you of the
results of an interview of Mr.! !who reported that
Mr. \ Ian employee of the Ulllce of Secur-ity; had
stated during a dISCUSSIon period at Advanced Intelligence Seminar
No. 6 in September 1971 that the Office of Security had been involved
in the "Ballou case. " (The residence of Mr. Ballou, an antique gun
collector in Silver Spring, Maryland, was raided on 7 June 1971 by
Montgomery County Police and Federal law enforcement officers.
When the office r s , dressed in civili';'n clothes, forced their way into
the house, Ballou picked up an antique pistol. The officers opened
fire and seriously wounded Ballou. He was hospitalized for several
months and was left partially paralyzed. I believe he is now s uing
over the incident. )
Z. We "interviewed Mr. 'I Icertain other ~mployee;who

attended the Seminar, and the Director of Security to determine just
what was said at the Seminar and the extent of any Agency involvement
in the Ballou' case. We find that participants y"the Seminar were
erico ura ed to discuss the details of their work and associated pr-oblerns ,
-Mr. mentioned an assignment he had been on with the U. S.
Secre e r vi c e at the 1968 National Conventions and his liaison activities
with the Montgomery County Police •
.
'
3. I reports that in discussing the latter subject he

related a conversahon he had with Inspe cto r] pf the Mont-
gomery County Police, sometime in June 1971 after the Ballou incident
had been repc..rted in the newspapers. According tol fhe
I Ihad thanked him for some amplifying equipment the
Agency had gIven to the Montgomery County Police and remarked that
00646
MORl DoclD: 1451843
- .,- - ~
this equipment had probably saved a policeman's life. The inspector

conunented that the account of the Ballou incident appearing the m
press was not' the whole story. With the aid of the equipment the
Agency had provided, the police had intercel'ted a telephone call
from Ballou to a friend in which B~}lR\': ,outlined plans to "kill a cop. II
The police then staged a raid to forestall Ballou's plan, and it was
during this raid that Ballou was shot.
4./ I
said that he has no other knowledge of the Ballou
case, except for what he has read in the newspapers, and that he has
not had any other conversations about the case with any members of
the Montgomery County Police. We learned nothing from our inquiries
that would indicate any other Agency invo1vem=t in the Ballou case.
5. The following are related excerpts fz orn the "Family Jewels"

submission of the Director of Security on 16 May 1973:
During the period from 1968 to 1973, several items of

positive audio equipment consisting primarily of clandestine
transmitters and touch-tone dial recorders were loaned to
the Metropolitan Police Department; Fairfax County, Virginia,
Polic.e Department; Montgomery County, ~rary1and, Police
Department; New York City" Police Department; and the Sal}
Francisco, California, Police Department.
On 25 July 1968, and at the specific request of the

United States Secret Service, this Office provided two audio
countermeasures technicians to the Urrit e'd States Secret Service
in connection with the Democratic National Convention held in
'Chicago, Illinois. 'This was not an offiCial detail although
both men were provided with temporary credentials identifying
them as being affiliated with the United States Secret Service.
On 15 August 1968,we detailed thesa.m.e two men to the

United States Secret Service to cover the Republican National
Convention in Miami, Florida. On both occasions, the team
members were debriefed upon their return and it is clear. that
their activities were confined exclusively to sweeping the
candi.dat e s I and potential candidates' quarters.
Willia= V. Broe
Inspector General
OIG~ (6 June 197'3)
Dis;~ . \
Orlg & 1 - Addressee _ 2 _
.-«:__ I rT A
oor;f7
'I "C" _ _ lvf~
MORl DoclD: 1451843
-.
....
\
'4 June 1973

Date
BRaE'
Follow-up interview re Mr.LI Irequest
xxx to see DC I.
, --_. -- .
, .
FROM: FPBishop
I. l"V13.
RE'J;'U~N TO:..(¥i1e,on Interviews held on behalf of DCI re Wate r g ate Z.Iewe ls
00648
...
" :
'p
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,. \
.'.
. : . :: . . ", " .: ~.>
. .
".
.:':,.'. ~, . '.'
. . . '.'.''., : ':'.:':" " . " :

~ '.: " . .' .': .':,: : ..: .:.... .
.. . .. ". , ~:.. . .',.' ..::
~
. . .::.
~
. . '
... ' . "
1. On 31 May 1973 I questioned labout what he I

had said at the Advanced Intelligence Seminar No. 6 and the extent
and nature of the relations he had had with the Montgomery County
Police. He said that he and others had been encouraged to discuss
their work and the problems related thereto with other Seminar
members and told that what they said would be "non-attributable."
In this context he had discussed the Office of Security's relatio,.s
with local Police Forces including the Police Force in Mp~tgGmery
County. He said he mentioned the "Ballou Case" as an example
of how the Montgomery County Police had used equipment provided
by the Agency in their work, but denied that he had said or implied
that the Agency was "involved" in the Ballou case. He said that he
had-alae related to the other Seminar members the fact that the
Agency had provided assistance to the Secret Service in connection
with the protection of the,President and Vice President and that he
and others had been detailed to work with the Secret Service on
counter-audio activities at the 1968 Democratic National Convention
in Chicago and the Republican National Convention in Miami. I
, . asked I
JWhO was on the Chicago detail, if he was
detailed to protect'e Viceo,President. He said that he was detailed
to Tom Kelly, Deputy Chief of the Secret Service and worked in
effect as a member of the Secret Service under Mr. Kelly.
Z. I questionedl as to whether his relations with I

. the Montgomery County Police was training oriented, equipment
orient.ed, or if he had engaged in any operations or activities with
the police. He said his relations with the Police had been entirely
equipment oriented and had 'been limited to the Chief of Police and
one or two senior Inspectors. The extent of assistance given con-
sisted of the Agency providing the Police w lth surplus technical
00649
MORl DoclD: 1451843
,r
equipment which was of no further use to the Agency" and

briefing them as to its use. He said he would not define these
briefings as training, but admitted that it might be so construed.
'.
I
3. I said that his only knowledge of the "Ballou
Case", except what he had read in the papers, came from one
telephone conve r sa.ti on he had with Inspector I pf the
Montgomery County Police sometime after accounts of the Ballou
shooting had appeared in the press. He said the Inspector called
to thank him for some amplifying equipment the Agency had given
the Police and mentioned that it had probably saved the life of a
policeman. He said that the Inspector explained to him that the
account of the incident appearing in the press was not the whole
story, that with the aid of the equipment the Agency had provided
the Police had been able to intercept a telephone call from Ballou
to a friend in which Ballou had outlined plans to "kill a cop' ."
The Police had then staged a raid to forestall Ballou's plan and it
was during this raid that Ballou was shot. I Isaid
that he had had no other conversations with the Montgomery
County Police on that subject. He said he had mentioned it at
the Seminar as an example of the sensitivity involved in the
Agency's dealings with domestic Police Forces. He said he
recalled that there was quite a bit of discussion and argument
by the Seminar members about the propriety of the Agency assist-
ing local police forces and working with the Secret Se r v icedn the,
U.S., but that he did not recall any extensive discussion about the
Ballou Case and that at no time had he said that the AgenCoas
direct! involved. I jsaid he remembered that
eemed partlcularly concerned about the Agency 0 ve-
L,Tmn.;eTn"--"m;;-;~omestic activities and that sometime later, around
January or February 1972, 1 falked to Colonel White about his

concern and Colonel White in turn talked to the Director of Security.
Since that date, he said, he has not had any further direct contact
with the Montgomery County Police, based upon orders of the
Director of Security.
ox • I • DISlIOP
Inspector
Q0650
MORl DoclD: 1451843
(
~.
31 May 1973
SUBJECT: Interview with "' 1Office o! Security
1. On 31 May 1973 I questioned I }bout what he

b&d said at the Advanced Intelligence Semmar No. b nd the extent
and nature of the relations he had had with the Montgomery County
Pollce. He said that he and others had been encouraged to discuss
their work and the problems related thereto with other Seminar
members and told that what they said would be "non-attributable."
In this context he had discussed the Office of Securlty's relations
with local Police Forces including the Police Force in Montgomery
County. He s atd he mentioned the "Ballou Case" as an example
of bow the MontgQmery County Pollee had used equipment provided
by the Agency In their work, but denied that he had said or implied
that the Agency was "involved" in the Ballou case; He said that he
had also related to the other Seminar rne mb e r s the fact that the
Agency had provided a s s Is t anc e to the Secret Service in connection
with the protection of the President and Vice President and that he
and others had been detailed to work with the Secret Service on
counter-audio activities at the 1968 Democratic National Convention
in Cbicago and the Republican National Convention in Miami. I
askedl rho was on the Chicago de ta il, if he was
detailed to protect the Vice President. He said that he was detailed
to TOITI Kelly, Deputy Chief of the Secret Service and worked In
effect as a member of the Secret Service under Mr. Kelly.
2. I questioned I rs to whether his relations with

the Montgomery County Pollce was training oriented, equipmont
oriented. or if he had engaged in any operation. or activities with
the police. He said his relations with the Police had been entlroly
equipment oriented and had been limited to the Chief of Police and
one or two senior Inspectors. The extent of aae iatanc e given con-
.bted of the Agency providing the Police with surplus technical
00651
~
..... I
'"'- -'..
" .• '.. • I
'----:--------
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.. . ,
~
equipment which was of no further use to the Agency. and

briefing them as to itll use. He said he would not de!fne these
brieClngs as training. but admitted that it might be 80 construed.
3.1 !sald that his only knowledge of the "Ballou

Case", except what he bad read in the papers, came from one
tel.ephone conversation he had with Inspector I ff the
Montgomery County Police sometime after accounts of the Ballou
• shooting had appeared in the press. He said the Inspector called
to thank him for some amplifying equipment the Agency had g~ven
the Police and mentioned that it had probably saved the Ilfe of a
policeman. He s~ld that the Inspector explained to blm that the
account of the incident appearing in the press was not the whole
story, that with the aid of the equipment the Agency had provided
the Police had been ahle to intercept a telephone call from Ballou
to It friend In which Ballou had outlined plans to "kill a cop:."
The Police had then staged a raid to fo'restall Ballou's plan and it
was durlrig this raid that Ballou was shot. I Isaid
that he had had no other conversations with the Montgomery
County Police on that subject. H" said he had mentioned it at
the Seminar as an example of the sensitivity involved In the
Agency's dealings with dorneatte Police Forces. He s aid he
recalled that there was quite a bit of discussion and argument
by the Seminar members ,about the propriety of tbe Agency assist-
ing local police forces and working with the Secret Service in the
U. S., but that he did not recall any extensive discussion about the
Ballou Case and that at no time bad he said that the Agency was
directly involved. I lsaid he remembered that ~
reem:d partiCularlY cdncerned about tbe Agencylsuivor've-
'-=m=-e=-n=-t...-r£ri=-oar.!omestlc activiliesand tbat aornet lme later. around
'January or February 1972, Dtalked to Colonel White about his
concern and Colonel White in turn talked to tbe Director of Security.
Since that dat.., he said, he has not had any further direct contact
witb the Montgomery County Police, based upon orders of the
Director of Security.
F. P. Bishop
Inspector
- 2- 00652
MORl DocID: 1451843
31 May 1973
SUBJEC T: Interview withl IFMSAC
1. r Isaid he recalledl . Italking

about the 0 flee of Secunty's liaison with the Pollee Forces in
the Metropolitan Area and that the Ballou case was mentioned.
He also recalled that I Ihad mentioned that the Agency
had provided assistance to the Secret Service in connection with
surveillance work against radical groups at the 1968 Democratic
National Convention in Chicago.' He said that he could not re-
member exactly whatl Isaid, but he did recall that
there was considerab e d,Scusslon and debate among the class
members about the propriety of the Agency engaging in such
activities.
r- ~~2;.,.~~Later in January or February 1972, at a time when

Iwas Chairman of the Management Advisory Group
L-.(TMA~~G~),~J:1-e~s~a~ld he discussed these matters, and questioned the
extent to which the Agency should become involved in domestic
intelligence activities, with Colonel White and later with Mr.
Colby. The MAG also raised the general problem in a couple of
their papers, but without citing specific detailed -exampl e s , He
said he understood that Colonel White had taken the matter up
with the Director of Security and that some changes had been
made as a result. . '
Orig - File w jL ~terview
..._ 8Nl'f
00653
MORl DoclD: 1451843
11" _t' 29 May 1973

- '. SUBJECT: Possible Agency Involvement in Outside Activities
on Basis of Information Provided bvl
I' "L.-.- - -
----
On 29 May 1973 I talked to Mr. who

was a cla ssmate o f l l a n d at the Advanced
Intelligence Semina~hel on - ep em er 1971. Mr.!
said that each student was asked to describe and talk about his-w=o:-Or"k::-~
in the Agency and he recalled that Mr'l ,jhad talked about the
Office of Security's liaison with, and assIStance given to and received
from, the Police Departments in the' Washington Metropolitan area.
He said he could not recall specifically what was said. but to the best of,
his memory Mr. I i d e s c r i b e d training given to either the Prince
George's or Mont~Count.yPolice concerning surveillance methods
and electronic techniques. He 'said that he did not recall any discussion
of the "Ballou case" and that he had no knowledge of that case other
than what he had read in the riewspape r s ,
Of. 1"'. DISIlOP
006~
MORl DoclD: 1451843
. (.
(
30 : .z;," 1~73
1.3::0 CF ~~o~:
'::.:: c··',....~ ti.T :J?:

- - -i-...._.._._-~---"l
c=JR...:~o.rt 'o£' St.::l t€l~~nts r.:g{le
st.2te:::::nts ccnc('.t1"'in~ r3::-:ar!:s Y",;;c~e ~,. . ~-: •
...••c, -h.;.'I"r.~on
... ~-~IUI,. .''.rt=:>~ hr d boon
~\', "'" _~."" '"ed t.o
-.ar.o·..... 1.0 t~· . . .
•• _ •. Ai_ _.~ :<'-"L"'"''
-·.... 7 Ln .l "'r. • .:.; . •~ r. 1 -
CJTPo":'\1 \i:;)
::emo datr,d 16 :"..<y 1?73. o',t t:::.t h", hcd no 1:no"1ed::;e of t:,e ":.o l J ou
cc:::nC'ction :rit:: :,.;....'] CtSG.
:'.,~......:::l'.:,·:n.c:-+.,-:-.",i.
""----_ ... - .!: .....,
.".:."; +... -- -'~'''l~(',
- ...... "\.~'-~ 7.... --.
: ..
•. 1'- +-o'r
.... .. . D"'C~
..._- .........
'''1'':>+
,.r·1- - -~ t er :liJ;self. ::0 rc:'p.r;:eG 'i:.h:.t ;:ro.1- - -I;;:=.s e vel,'

:;000 Crio.fer, ::l:t il:clincd to oe ov:">r-e;~:--.:1Sive 2.1:. tines 2.;.(1. tr.lk
to nuch,
MORI DocID: 1451843
.,
. 25 May 1973
."
THROUGH : Mr. Wl1l1am E. Colby
1. On 17 May the narne ofl }-aa

referred to this office as having altempted to contact the Director
concerning "activities outside the Agency." I attempted to contact
jon 21 and Z2 May, but he wa" on leave. On 23 May .
-':hc::e:-:::,,"'ta"'t"e"'drL"h-=e wanted to check a portion of his information and asked
I! he couI'd com" to my office on 24 May.
2. ClUne into the Agency as a JOT

in October a n " current y sslgned
C
to the Soviet/EE Section. He has a very s rong personne fUe.
. 3. r ladvlsed that In August 1971 he atteuded the

Advanced Intelligence Seminar. On the first evening of the seminar
the students had a "getting acquainted" session where each one
gave a brief description of his duties. One of the students1 I
I 1of the Office of Security, however, carried on
Altor tne 8eSSIon was over and expanded on the briefing he.had given.
He claimed that CIA was cooperating with the Montgomery County
Pollee, stating that the Office of Security gave electronic and other
support to that organization•
.c.
He further indicated that the Office of Security had been
Involved in the "Ballou case"'J Idescrlbed the Ballou caee
as follows: The residence o f r . Ballou, an antique gun collector
In Silver Spring, Maryland," was raided on 7 June 1971 by the Mont-
gomery County Police and some Federal law enforcement officers.
Mter the officers, dressed In civilian clothes, had forced their way
Into the house Ballou picked up an antique pistol. The officers
immediately opened fire and wounded Ballou seriously. He spent
a long time in the hospital and is partly paralyzed at the present time.
OOG56
MORl DocID: l451843
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aia cue ""a. given much publicity in the Washington Post at the
time. There wa.s additional publicity in the lout sevez-al month.
when Ballou insUgated a laW8uit against the rOliding officers.
____"'5 CL I ldentIIied another student,

toO
1 WhO was Rsalgned as a friend
r
oil
1
r
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----"n...c......llrtt-..alCtaR'i'f"
: that als 0 8 e e med to kn ow the 8 pee un'T!"'c,,-.,--;o"'f..--.-th=e-S=arnl au
case. .
6. t thankedl ~d told him tMa was just the typ<!

o of tn:Cormation ""e wanted to receIve so that it can be investigated
and appropriate action taken II the information is borne out.
7. Thb office wll1 follow up on this allegation and advise 0
the Director concernini our finding••
WUllJUn V. Broe
Inspector General
-2-
00657
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A'iiVI\~ ,( INTELLIGENCE SE'/IINAR 'N, ( .;
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00658
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rORloI NO. 101 REPLACES FOR\! 10·101
1 AUG 54 WHICH MAY BE USED.
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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5317 Briley Place, N. W.

Washingt~n, D. C; 20016
29 February 1972 .
Mr. Lloyd Shearer

Editor-at- Large
Parade Magazine
140 N. Hamilton Drive
Beverly P.ills, California 90211
Dear Mr. Shearer:
Thank you for your letter of February 7, 1972, and its

kine! words about rric, As you can Irnagfne, your cha Hcng e set
rnc to work to rn c'et it. As a rcsult I can say, under oath if
need be, that CIA has never carried out a political assassination,
nor has it induced, cmployed or suggested one which oc cu rr ed,
Whether this fully rri e et s your challenge, I cannot s a y (it t a ke s
two to tango), but it is a long way f'r orn the' original s tat erncnt in
Mr. Scott's c o lurnn that CIA "us cs pol iti ca.l a s s a s s ina ti on as a
weapon." Perhaps I am too sensitive, but I would hope yOll could
B,;,t the record straight for your readers. '
Sincerely,
W. E. Colby
00660
•
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Parade publications, Inc. + OL 3·207J

/.40 N.l1olnilton Drive
BntT1v mu«, Calif. 90211
llOYD SHEARER
Eii'w.... ·1Arl' ..
,(.'
February 7, 1972 •
"
\:
.. Mr. W.E. Colby

::
•i
53.17 Brney Pl.
Washington, D.C. 20016
·
I c.
Dear Hr! Colbyi' I.
Thank you for your kind and inrormative letter or

January 11 concerning Operation Phoenix.
•~.
,. I don't want to get into a running word-batt.le \':ith
you on the subject or political assassination in Indo-Ch~na ..
~ .
or the role or CIA and other or our agencies in Operation
"
Phoenix.
,~
. ,, .
"
I am just ~ondering iilr yolt would care to say flatly
." . that the CIA has never'used political assassination in
. , Indo-Chinlil- or elsewhere and has nev;er induced, ernp.Loy ed , or

.' ; s'ltggested to others that such tactics or devices be employed •
.' :
l
r Ir you :will make that rlat statement under oath, I 1-:i11
'. ,j
.~. -- not only apologize, I will tango with Dick Helms in
Garrinckel's largest show ~lindow at 14th and F--providing"
.> i
.... i
of course, Mrs. Helms gives her permission.
i "
"
Again, I thank yOlt for your interest and commend you
,
-,
" for the really outstanding service you have rendered the
"
country. You are. indeed one of Helms l finest.
,~
~P
u e c t ffHr '
, C"LJ~ '.:.a-P<-~
LLO Sl!EARER 00661
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--------------- MORI DocID: 1451843
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Parade Publications, Inc. .. OL 3-20i3
llO N. Hamiltan D,.i,',
llOYD SHEARER DUf!TIV Hills. Calif. 90211
Eililor.al.LltTg•
..
April ,30, 1972
Dear General Colby:

(1) Thank you for your article. "Should Lesbians Be
Al101~ed To Play Professional Football?" I :found it intriJ:!uinlZ',
and we plan to run it in a :future issue under your by-line, o:f
course.
(2) Thank you :for arran~in", a tan~o with me and Dick
Helms o:f Her ~raJestyls Tel Aviv Rifles. Even At Williams,
Dick was one of the ",reat tan",6-irtists of our time. Garfinkels,!
Wood rop-Lathrop, even Hechts---in fact,any place and time of
your choosin~ is O.K. with me. '
(J) One sad notel Will you tell An~us we cannot use
his ne» car bumper sticker: LICK DICK in "72, because it is
,open to misinterpretation. In addition, wa try to remain
politically neutra~. •
(4) As to your wlllinQness to say under oath tha~ the
CIA has ,never been party to political assassination, If o:f
late, have been 'travellin~ a ",ood deal. In the course of roy
travels r happened to encounter OLe c- Penkovsky--not your
Ole~---but Penkovsky, a bartendeIj in Cleveland ,··Ohio.
Penkovsky told me tha~ you signe~a secrecy atrreement, For~
270, witnessed by Victor L. }~rchetti. Under the terms of
this atrree;nent you are pledp,ed to eternal. silence COl1cerninrr
CIA activities. Unless you have a special Papal dispensatioJl---
the kind ~iven Allen Dulles and Lyman Klrkpatric]c, Jr. , it seems
to me you are lip-sealed.
Perhaps this does not apply to heaz-t nc-s before
the Senate Forei"n Relations Co~mittee or the prestiaious
Council 0:' Foz-et c-n ReLatn ons , lf this is so, please let me
know; and we wilL take it from there.
(5) .r will be in Washin~ton shortly stayin<r. ~t the
home of Jack Anderson out in Silver Sprlnrr. Perhaps ~e can
meet there :for a small suam; t , I will have 1'1i th me severEd
:former Green Beret members Viho want to discuss with you
the subject of CIA imposters in South Vietnam, who lied to
them and me, too.
Let me hear fruw you. Al~the best,
\..( \ ~ 00664
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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5317 Briley Place, N. W.

.. Washington, D. C. 20016
29 February 1912
Mr. Lloyd Shearer'

Editor-at-Large
Parade Magazine
140 N. Hamilton Drive
Beverly Hills, California 90211
Dear Mr. She axexr
Thank you for your letter of February 7, 1912, and ita

kind words about me. As you can imagine, your challenge set
me to work to rneet it. As a result f can say, under oath if
need be, that CIA haa never carried out a political assassination,
nor has it induced, employed or .suggested one which occurred.
Whether this fully meets your challenge, I cannot say (it tnkun
two to tango), but it is a long way from the original statement in
Mr. Scott'o column that CI,A "u s e s political a a sa s a lnat lon a s a
weapon." Perhaps I am too sensitive, but I would hope you could
aet the record straight Ior your readers.
Sincerely,
! ~i~ w., .E, J:;olby,
W. E. Colby
VH •.\5
00665
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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Parade Publications. Inc. + OL J-2013

l~O N.HamilCon Drive
LLOYD SHEARER
Bl'DtTlll Hills, Calif. soen
EtliJ~·d.Large.
February 7, 1972
Mr. W.E. Colby

5317 Briley Pl.
Washington. D.C. 20016
Dear Hr. Colby~
Thank you for your kind and informative letter of

'January 11 concerning Operation Phoenix.
I don't want to get into a running word-battle 1'1ith,
you on the SUbject of political assassination in Indo-China
or the role of CIA and other of our agencies in Operation
Phoenix.
I am just ~ondering ~f you would care to say flatly
that the CIA has never used political assassination in
Indo-China or elsewhere and has never induced', employed, or
suggested to others that such tactics or devices be employed.
If you ~lill make that flat statement under oath, I will
not only apologize, I wi 11 tango ~Ii th Dick HeIms in ',-
Garfinckel's largest show window at 14th and F--providing,
of course, Nrs. Helms gives her permission.
AgE in. I thank you for your i~terest and cqmmend you
for the really outstanding service you have rendered 'the
country. You are indeed one of Helms' finest. "
00666
MORI DoclD: 1451843
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5317 Briley Place
Washington, D. C. 20016
Januarr 11, 197Z
Mr. Lloyd Shearer

Editor at Large
Parade Magazine '"1 •••
733 Third A venUe

Dear Mr. Shearor:
In your iaBue of Jiinuary 9th, one of Walter Scott's Per60nallty Parade

r eapons e s ntated that CUI. "\1$e8 political assassination ao a weapon " and
that Operation Phoonix "run by the CIA e etab Hahod a new high for U. S.
political assasoinationc in Vietnam. IJ Since I bave held responsible pos itfons
in CIA for many yeau and was a Is o (during detached service from CUll re-
s pona lble for U. s. support to Operation Phoenix, I believe I arn uniquely'
qualified to testify (a s I have in public session under oath to Senate and House
Committees) that: '
a. CIA does net nnd bas not used political a s ea s s Inatf on as a.

weapon.
b. Operation Phoenix Was run not by tho CIA but by the Govern-
ment of Vietnam, with the suppozt o! the CORDS clement of the U. S.
Military Assistance Command in coordination with severnl U. S.
agencte e Inc ludtng CIA.' .
c. Ope xatfon Phoenix in not and was not a p rogr arn of ac aa s s lna ;
tfon, It countered the Viet Cong apparatus attempting to overthrow
the Governmeut of Victnazn by targettlng its Iea.dez-e , Wherever pos-
sible, t he ae were apprehended or invited to defect, but a c ubs tant la I
number were killed in firefighta during Inilitary operations or rc-
dating capture. There is a vast diHercncc in kind. not merely in.
degree, between t hca e combat ca aua It i ea (even including the few
abus ee which occurred) and the victims of the Viet Cong's synt emattc
carnpa Ign of terroris,ID to which Mr. Scott quite accurately referred.
In order to c.~!'ify this Important queBti{.·.l to the millions of concerned

Americana who read P"rade, I should appreclate your publishing thin,letter.
Sinceroly,
lsi w. E. Colby
W. E. Colby
WEC:blp
• Distribution: 00667
Ori" - Addrp.RRPn t - E1:1t 1 - ExDtr 1 - Mr. Tnue ... ma.,-
I - William Sullivan of Stafe (via SAVA - 12 Janl I - Colonel Farnham !()sn/rS,!'
MORI DoclD: 1451843
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5317 Briley Place

Washington, D, C. 20016
January 11, 1972.
Mr. Lloyd Shearer

Editor a,t Large
Parade Magazine
733 Third Avenue
" Dear Mr', Shearer:
In your issue of January 9th, one of Walter Scott's Personality Parade

responses stated that ClA "uses political assassination as a weapon" and
that Operation Phoenix "run by the CIA established a new high for U. S.
political assassinations in Vietnam." Since I have held .r es pon sfb Iepos itf one
in CIA for many years and was also (during detached s e r vi c e f'r orrr CIA) re-
sponsible for U.S, s uppo r-t to Operation Phoenix, I believe I am uniquely
qualified to testify (as I have in public s ea s i on under oath to Senate and Houn e
Committe es ] that:
a. CIA doe s not and ha s not used political a a s a s e Inatf on a s a

wea pou ,
b. Operation Phoenix WaB run not by the ClA but by the Govern-
ment of Vietnam. with the support of the CORDS clement of the U, S.
Military Aa afs ta nc o Comrna nd in coordination with e e ve r-aI U. S.
a g encf e e including CIA.
e. Operation Phoenix is not and wa s not a program of assasBina-
tion. It countered the Viet Cong apparatus attempting to overthrow
the Government of Vietnam by targetting its Jea de r s , Wherever pos-
sible, thc e e were apprehended or invited to defect, but a substantial
number Were killed in firefightB during military operations or re-
sisting capture. There is a vast difference in kind, not merely in
degree, between these combat casualties (even including the few
abu a es which occurred) and the victims of the Viet Cong' s systematic
ea:mpaign of terrorism to which Mr. Scott quite accurately referred.
In order to clarify t hi s i:mportant question to the millions of conce rnca

Axnericans who read Parade, I should appreciate your publishing t his letter.
Sincerely,
.... -,
rA)j
W. E. Colby
00668
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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" c1.1imC'd .11 Ille lime ,hift .'
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happenrd /0 11",1
D.L., luMmck, Tex.
'palrman (n~ the los Angeles
, the ch,uRe and sued Hedy
,.
\·\.,::~:0 .'
o
g that she had willingly ac-
vcral weeks ;')~o Miss Lamarr I \ ~.J ': J'~ l:_~.~~.,
urt to answer Blylh's charges, AaOR [RN[ST DORGNINE WITH HIS fOURTH wns,
,.
dered her to pay him $15.000 Q. How many tjmcs hilS aclor Ernesi Borgnine been
lenouncing him as a rapist married, and is he a wile·bealer?-E.T.R., Springfield,
Mass. . , '
aid 01 girls and marriagel- A. Borgnlnc has been married four limes. His last'
'-, C. wife, Donna, has charged him with beating her, Js
ly 100 engrossed in his wok seeking a divorce.
O~ !Jape and doc, he ,rill 1001 Q. Is rhere any agency o/lhe U.S. Covemmcn! whi;;h
I
•
Chicago, 1/1. . , has been aulhorizct!lo include polHical assassination

n in Eliham, England. on July in its practices?-M. 'A'ilso.n, Au.slin, Tex. ~
~ hi' zest (or living it up. ~ A:The one U.S. agency which uses political assassi-
nation as: a weapon is the Central Intelligence
,an is one with whom you on Agency, Many of its men 'in Vic-to am have assassf-
·k.," Who said' thall-louise natcd civilian Communists in an effort 10 destroy the
" . if. Vietcong infrastructure. Operation Phoenix run by
~'ery. the CIA e",bli,hed a new hlgh (or U.S. polilical
'0 assassfnatlons in Vietnam, larscly in response 10
enemy terrorist tactics which also include assassina-
tion, kidnapping, terrorism of all sorts,
Q. Does Richard Nixon

'/'
have his m':"n privale goll
,0 course at Key Biscayne-l-
Emma R,cynolds, Orlando,
Fla.
A. Not at Key Biscayne. He
'.' .O ", ~ •• 'owns a six-hole pitch-and-
··0 •• ,
putt course on his San
L:" .
l!r~~.-.-_
Clemente, Calif... estate.
.:....
' ,
Q. How long docs il rake.
In wear lifts in his shoes? And
t:2.. .'
~-
, ..... _ 0 '; •
rth Taylor, rule (he roos£?- radioactive fallout from
• ~'e, Ariz. . Chincse nuclear tests to
;;. " lilt, 10 make him taller, Yes, reach the US.I-M.1fk
• , ., hot, in the (amily. or .the two Cbeseboto, sarsrow, Cali/.
, r ••' Jcr and more responsible. II'is A. Approximately three
• :::; ....: .. : scripts they do, which may days depending on the
" ':', sof recenl naps. ' Wind.
~.
• ,:. ,,0': 0
....:"," ' •
:.....-_ _ .:......_.:..-.-JL~_-'- J
.:: '..::~:o. ':.:.' relldent. DANIEL o, KINlEY edttcr, JESS GORKIN publbbcr, WARUN J. RfYNOLDS 0
0···- or, CAMPSELL CE(SUN IC'niot editor, DAVID PAlEY
'nod.lt" editors, lINo.A GUlSTON, HERO(RT KUPHRBERG, MARTIN ....V.R.CUUES, JOHN c.. ROGERS
-' ) 'F. MllKUHN atl ;iUsociOlIC', At TaO'A.NI
I.ulsl.nll, MARY HODOROWSlI, SUZANNE CURLEY. DORIS SCHOPTMAN .
3, OEMI:TJUA 1J.YlO~ fOOion. VIRGINIA POPE cartoon educr, tA\;"'R[NCf lARIAJt
• BWMfr.HItAL, OP/.l GINN
MORl DoclD: 1451843
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5317 Briley Place

January 11, 1972
Mr. Lloyd Shearer

Editor at Large
Parade Magazine
733 Third Avenue
Dear :Mr. Shearer:
In your issue of January 9th, one of Walter Scott's Personality Parade

responses stated that CIA Ji us e s political assassination as a 'weapo~' and
that Operation Phoenix "run by the CIA established a new high for U. S.
political assassinations in Vietnam." Since 1 have held respon'sible positions
in CIA for many years and was also (d.uring detached service from CIA) re-
sponsible for U. S. support to Operation Phoenix, I. b c ldc ve I am uniquely. -,
qualified to testify (as I have in public session under oath to Senate and House
Corrunittees) that:
a. CIA does not and has not used political assassination as a

weapon.
b. Operation Phoenix .wa s run not by the CIA but by the Govern-
ment of Vietnam with the support of the CORDS clement of the U. S.
Military Assistance Corrunand in coordination with several U. S.
agencies including CIA. '
c. Operation Phoenix is not and was not a program o£ assassina-

tion. It countered th,e Viet C~t;H=~~~~'i\h~~Cl:a~~lerj~til~~. to ~verthrow 1/.". _ t
the Gove~nrncnt of Vi etnarn OY o--p~B;el.lCPd:ng'~0trllieC:;:j7t-g Its leaders. 6J.... J'..Lr~ 1!
tf,~l~ ...sen~ __ f,t~ were killed in firefights du.ri ng military operations or I
oMU resisting capture. There is a va s t difference in kind, not merely in I
J .L-
degree, between these c ornbat ca s ua lt i e s (even including the few
abuses which occurred) and the victims of the Viet Cong's systematic
eA
- / .campaign of terrorism to which Mr. Scott quite accurately referred.
"-
:,..fl In order to clarify this important qu e s t ir n to the millions of c cn c ern cd
Americans who r~ad Parade, I should appreciate your publishing this letter.
Sincerely,
~69c.(C:i?2-
z.W. = Colby
00670-
MORl DoclD: 1451843
..•. ('
, "i • •
!
5317 Briley Place
January 10, 1972
Mr, Lloyd Shearer

Editor at Large
Parade Magazine 1",1
733 Third Avenue
Dear Mr. Shearer:
In your issue of January 9th, one of Walter Scott's Personality

Parade responses stated that CIA "uses political assassination as a
weapon" and that Operation Phoenix "run by the CIA established a new
high for U. S. political assassinations in Vietnam." Since I have held
responsible positions in CIA Jor many years and was also (during de-
tached service {roln CIA) responsible for U. S. support to Operation
Phoenix, I believe I am uniquely qualified to testify (as i have in public
session under oath to Senate and House Committees) that:
a. CIA .does not and has not used political assassination as

a weapon.
b. Operation Phoenix wa s run not by the CIA but by the

Government of Vietnam with the support of the CORDS element
of the U. S. Military Assistance Command in coordination with
several U. ~. agencies including CIA.
. e.' Operatio!,.Phoenix is not and was not a program of

assassination:btit::..rather .eJJ.deavp.!.~ocounte~,i:he Viet Cong
apparatus lea-d4ng=t~le attempt;to overthrow the Government of
Vietnam by apprehending or defecting its :r1.embers..'
Some of
these were killed in firefights during military operations or re-
sisting capture. There ,is a vast difference in kind, not merely;"-
D. f! " , .,\degree, between these combat casualties (even including .[",' .• , ..,':" ..J,<•.(,j
~~}occasi onn L",..and.ie.w,..",.-.·abuses and the victims of the vree ,
r
. Cong's systematic campaign of terrorism r-ei;e':"',,<>d-to-by-M,r,·:Scott. .
__~ vr- \..-.....l.r- I\,",.~"~ (_."~'\.,,, c..., ,.,., .\
In order to clarify this important question to the millions of.; con- I ,
cerned Anlericans who mig-ht be mjsled...b.y...MJ.......sc.ott!~~luml).JI should ( ' ( ..•
appreciate your publishing this letter. .---,,, ,,-'
(~r~'JLj
~incerely.
..... _-_.---- W. E. Colby

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Colonel White
2
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FOLD HERE: TO RETURN T

FROH: NAME. A~CRESS ANO PliONt. NO. DATE:
I
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10 Jan 72
S,:CIlET
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1-67 237
00672
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MORI DocID: 1451843
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." "'5317 Briley Place
10 January 1972
Mr. Lloyd Shearer

Editor at Large
Parade Magazine
733 Third Avenue
New York, Now York 10017
" .
Dear Mr. Shearer:
In your issue of January 9th, one of Walter Scott's Personality
i
I
Parade responses stated that CIA "uses 'political a s sa e s inat.ion as a
weapon" and that Operation Phoenix "run by the CIA established a new
I• high for U. S. political assassinations in Vietnam." Since I have held
responsible positions in CIA for many years and w.as also (during de-
tached service from CIA) responsible for U. S. support to Operation
Phoenix, I believe I am uniquely qualified to testify (as I have in public'
'session under oath to Senate and House Committees) that:
a. CIA does not and has not used political assassination as

a weapon.
b. Operation P'hoerrix was run not by the CIA but by the

Govermnent of Vietnam with the support of the CORDS element
of the U. S. Military Assistance Command.
c. Operation Phoenix is not a program of assassination.

Members of the Viet Cong apparatus were k i Il cd in the course
of military op er attons or resisting police arrest. There is a
vast difference in kind, not merely degree, between these (even
including occasional -- and few - - abuses) and the Viet Cong's
conscious campaign of terrorism referred toby Mr. Scott.
In order to clarify.this important question to the millions of con-

cerned Americans who might be misled by Mr. Scott's column, I ahould
appreciate your pubHs hing this letter.
Sincerely,
Vf. E. Colby
00673
MORl DocID: 1451843
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Mr. George Carver
2
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ACTION , DIRECT PoULY FREPAr.E REPLY
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APPROVAL OISPATCH RECGWUNDATION
COMMENT FILE RETUPoH
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l
Remarks s

to you for comments. If possible, we should
appreciate receiving. your response tips after-
\
noon. .
F'OL,O HERE TO I:zETURN TO SENDER

FROM: NA ....E. AOORESS ANO P ..t"'\NE Nn DATE
O/ExecuHve Director1 o Jan 72
I UKCLASSIFIED I I COKFIDE:-iTIAL I 5 ECIlI;T

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5317 Briley Place

Washir.gton, D. C. 20016
10 Jm,"y 1 si: ~;:t
Mr. Lloyd Sheare

Editor at Large A n:~.tJ--- ~
Parade Magazine ~, I
-~/<§ATf--O L
733 Third Avenue
{G J . -.,
Dear }..[r. Shearer:
In your issue of January 9th, ne of"\ nIter Scott's Personahty ~~'

tb .' (,<. , 0-1\.'
Parade responses stated that CIA "u e s politi al assassination as a _.- •
weapon,,'a'nd that Operation Phoenix' un by the CIA established a new . ~ J
high for U. S. political assassination in Vietna ." Since I have held / .
responsible positions in CIA for many ears and s also (during de-
tached service from CIA) responsible' r U. S. sup .zrt to Operation
Phoenix, I believe I am uniquely qualified to teatify (a I have in public
session under oath to Senate and House Committees) t t:
a. CIA does not and has not u ed political assas

a weapon.
b. Operation Phoenlxwas run at by the CIA but by he

Government of Vietnam with the su port of the CORDS1 ele nen, t~. ~'
",~
of the U. s, Mi1it~,ry !,-s.istance
•
mand.!C ~
uS ~ ...........,.x.~e.tfl', ~ ~ ."L~:L
fO • ~
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J vast difference in kind, not merelylJegr.ee., be.~wcenThere
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is
even
Inc ludin g occasional u and few -- abu.eB)and~thc1'ijiet Cobg"
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.1. In order to clarify this important question of con- toft~ns

cerned Americans who might be misled by ~~ttls column, I should
appreciate youc publishing this letter.
Sincerely,
W. E. Colby
- .-"~-
00675
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JFFICIAL ROUTli\'G SLIP

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TO ~.NAME AND ADDRESS DATE
1 D~/I ttP JAN 1972 /0 9"...J

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to you for comments. I! pos sible, we should r
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. . . . . . . _,,'».l':...... aft er noon,
........... ~ ..
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FOL.D HERE TO RETURN TO SE:NC£R

FROM: NAW,E. ADDRESS AND PHONE NO. DATE"
O/Executive Directorl I o Jan 72

I" UNCLASSIFIED T • .L I SEC1U:T
FOIlN NO.
1-67
237 Us. previous tdilions (...0)
,
/
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.
"; .. ~ , .... ( (" I L;!Jir LC.Y~",!,:'
.' 5317 Briley Place - - - -
10 January 1972
Mr. Lloyd.. Shearer

Editor at Large
Parade'Magazine
I': -
733 Third Avenue
Dear Mr. Shearer:
, In your issue of January 9th, one of Walter Scott's PCTsonality

! Parade responses stated that CIA "uses political assassination as a
.I,, weapon" and that Operation .Phoenix "run by the CIA established a.. new
high for U. S. political assassinations in Vietnam. II Since I have held
l· responsible positions in CIA for many years and was also (during de-
i
'/ tached service from crA) responsible for U. S. support to Operation
'l Phoenix, I believe I a1UG;niquely]qualifi~d to testify (as I have in public'
i session under oath to Senate and House Committees) that:
a. CIA does not and has not used political a s s a a e i n at i on as

'-i a weapon.
b. Operation Phoenix was run not by the CIA but by t

I i
Government of Vietnam with the support of the CORDS el
of the 11. S. MilitarY,Assistance Command.
r--"'"'- ' --
' .
,,--.
!
! . c,. Operation Phoenix is not a program of a s s a s sination.
I
i Members of the Viet Cong apparatus were killed in the c ou r s e
:I I)
vast difference in kind, not merely degree, between thes,o/ (even
.....--
of military opcr atton a or resisting police arrest. 'I'he r eLs a ___
. , I
including occasional -- and few -- abuses) and the Viet-Cong's

oonscious campaign of terrorism referred to by Mr. Scott.
,
In order to clarify this important question to the millions of con-
cerned Arne r icans who might be misled by Mr. Scott's column, 1 should
appreciate your publishing this letter.
Sincerely,
E.
-
W. Colby
00679
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Mr. Houston
. Mr. Warner
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Hcmurkar
Mr. Colby asked that the attached be sent r.:

to you for cornrnents. If possibl<:.......Yl.~'!llL f
appreciate your response this afternoon.
. - ---- I
FOLD Hr::.RE TO RETURN TO SENDER

FROM: NAM~. AoonESs AND PHONE NO. OA,TE
O/ExDir~ 10 Jan n
I U:-;CLASSIF'I!;O coxrtnzxrt.u. I SECln:T
fOJW MO. Un PltYIOUS
..I
tdlhons
1
("0)
''''' 237 "
, 00681
I
MORl DoclD: 2452843
.... ~.. .r _.: (

" .,
5317 Briley Place
10 January 1972
Mr. Lloyd Shearer

Editor at Large
Parade Magazine I. "_ ' .
. 733 Third Avenue
Dear Mr. Shearer:

-:
In your issue 01 January 9th, one 01 Walter Scott's Personality
Parade responses stated that CIA "uses political.assassination as a
,j. weapon" and that Operation Phoenix "run by the CIA established a new
J
high 10r U. S. political assassinations in Vietnam. II Since I have held
, responsible positions in CIA 10r many years and was also (during de-
tached service from CIA) responsible for U. S. support to Operation
I
I·
'Phoenix, I believe I am uniquely qualified to testify (as I have in public
session under oath to Senate and Hous e Co.:nmittees) that: .
I
a. CIA docs not and has not used political assassination as
.1 a weapon.
b. Operation Phoe ix was run not by the CIA but by the

Government of Vietnam with the support of the CORDS eleme.ft .
• 1:.[\o£the U. S. Milit;c'?o,;;ssistance Cornmand~·L..., LOc.rrJ l'~\ ,I~
~ C.(17 ~ ,,-.. os O-o~. .
c •. Operation Phoenix is not a program of assassination.
Members of the Viet Cong apparatus vres:e killed in the course
'- 01 military operations or resisting police arrest. There is a
vast diHerenc'e in kind, not merely degree, between these (even
including occasional -- and few - - abuses)" and the Viet Cong's
conscious campaign of terrorism referred to by Mr. Scott.
In order to clarify this important question to the millions of con-

cerned Americans who might be misled by Mr. Scott's column, I should
Sincerely,
W. E. Colby
·00682
MORl DoclD: 1451843
.
(
.,.
. SENDER WILL CHECK CL.. FICATION TOP AND OOTTOM

I U1\CLASSIFIED
,
T 1 CONFIDESTIAL I I SECIlET
OFFICIAL. ROUTING SLIP

//
TO NAME AND"ADORESS DATE INITIALS
, .
1 Mr. Andqhhuermer
,
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10 JU7a
2
3
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5
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L
Kt.C{m.MEHDAlIOIi
COMMENT FILE RfTlI;lK
-
COHCURREHCE IHFDRPIoAllOH SIG~ATUP.£
Remnrkar

to you for cornm., .it s , If possible. we should F
appreciate receiving your response this after-. f
noon. . I•
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. ".:'
I
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i FOLD HERE TO HETURN . 0 SENDER
I
FROM: NAME:, ADDRE:SS Af.lO PHONE: NO. DATE
a/Executive Director 10 Jan 72

I USCLASSIFJED I I l-O:\.'JIH:.\ j), L I SE(;IU;T
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I
00683
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The noted phrases should, in my opbion;;.

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.----:-7
be cut out. ~ They arc the kind that lead to the i
italticized "Editor's Nobn't "t the end, of the letter l
which rebuts ~e whole ~oi~~ being made by
the letter writer.
"R<lsisting po ':c" arrest "will get
you, with thr- pre~s, nothing but sni",e ~llickillg
cracks ••• and as we're really not going to :II win
too much in ruch a shor-b letter anyway. "Ihy not skip
~he occassional abuses bit.
Them's my thots.
ANT
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00684
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MORl DoclD: 1451843
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! !>H7 Briley PIa';"
Washington, D. c ..:: ~';)
10 January 19"12
Mr. Lloyd Shearer

Editor at Large
Parade Magazine
733 Third Avenue
Dear Mr. Shearer:
In your issue of January 9th, one of Waller ScoU's Per~ona.!.i!Y.

Parade responses stated that CIA "uses political assassination as a
weapon" and that Operation Phoenix "rnn by the CIA established a new
high for U. S. political assassinations in Vietnam." Since I have held
responsible positions in CIA for many years and was also (during de-
tached s e r vi c e from CIA) responsible for U. S. support to Operation
Phoenix, I believe I am uniquely qualified to testify (as I have in public'
session under oath to Senate and House Committees) that:
a. CIA does not and has not used political assassination as

a weapon.
b. Operation Phoenix was run not by the CIA but by the

Government of Vietnam with the support of the CORDS clement
of the U. S. Military Assistance Command.
...
e. Operation Phoenix is not a program of assassination.
Members of the Viet Cong apparatus were killed in the course
;'f military operations i(,J:-l'es isting-p' olice~arr·c.J·;:t:J·
~ _ ..... "':;.0, There is a
vast difference in kind, not rno r ely degree, between these (£y.c.u.
~l\\ding.:}.oQ.cag.iona.l ..........-e.:and.-:fewA-=:'".:..abuBe~ ana the Viet Gong' 6
conscious campaign of terrorism referred to by Mr. Scott.
. In o nd e r to clarify this important question to the mi.\!ions of con-

cerned Atnericans who might be rn i s l e d by Mr. Scott's col~ I should
Sincerely,
W. E. Colby
00685
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Dokumen - Pub CIA Operation Mockingbird Document Collection

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Operation

Mockingbird was very active during the overthrow of ​ Jacobo Arbenz​ in Guatemala.

Frank Wisner​ was also interested in influencing Hollywood. As ​Hugh Wilford​ points out in

One of those named, ​ Bertolt Brecht​, a playwright, gave evidence and then left for ​ East

One unnamed member of the OPC sent a letter to ​ John Halas​ called for the addition of scenes

When he returned home Mankiewicz wrote to ​ John O’Daniel​ , the chairman of the ​

Anderson Cooper, CIA Operative? apfn.org

“Following his sophomore and junior years at Yale—a well-known

CBS (William S. Paley)

CIA LEAK: JUDITH MILLER OPERATION MOCKINGBIRD

Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia - Cite This Source new!

Propaganda is a specific type of message presentation directly

Propaganda, in a narrower use of the term, connotates deliberately false or misleading

Propaganda may be administered in very insidious ways. For instance, disparaging

See also: black propaganda, marketing, advertising

19th and 20th centuries' propaganda

Soviet propaganda meant dissemination of revolutionary ideas, teachings of Marxism, and

Cold War propaganda

Special kt 11:23, 15 August 2006 (UTC)

In the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan, psychological operations tactics were employed to

Techniques of propaganda generation

Appeal to authority: Appeals to authority cite prominent figures to support a position

Page 12 of 15 May 07, 2015 09:22:18PM MDT

Obtain disapproval or Reductio ad Hitlerum: This technique is used to persuade a

Testimonial: Testimonials are quotations, in or out of context, especially cited to

Transfer: Also known as association, this is a technique of projecting positive or

See also: doublespeak, meme, cult of personality, spin, demonization, factoid

Techniques of propaganda transmission

The Propaganda Model

1. Ownership of the medium

Page 15 of 15 May 07, 2015 09:22:18PM MDT

The Bought and Paid for Central Bankster-Owned LameStreamMedia

We are a very wealthy country... We have 6 major propaganda organs.

Download a High Res Printable PDF Version Here

Media Ownership Chart - 2006 but still relevant today

Download the Complete Chart in High Res PDF Here.

Download Full Chart in PDF Here.

Download Full Chart Here.

Resources: PrisonPlanet.com analysis, Wikipedia,

Operation Mockingbird - An Overview and History

Page 2 of 6 Jun 22, 2016 12:26:29AM MDT

BB = Member of the Bilderberg Group (The "Generals")

TC = Member of the Trilateral Commission

The LameStreamMedia Deceivers/Traitors/Judas Goats

Resources: Chart of Bilderberg, Trilateral Commission, and CFR Media/Govt'/Military/Banking/Commercial

What Do We Do About It?

http://www.whatreallyhappened.com/ - Best Alternative News Aggregator

http://www.danielhopsicker.tv - MadCow Videos

Page 6 of 6 Jun 22, 2016 12:26:29AM MDT

Carl Bernstein carlbernstein.com

THE CIA AND THE MEDIA

THE CIA AND THE MEDIA

COLBY CUTS HIS LOSSES

ROLE OF THE CHURCH COMMITTEE

Page 21 of 21 Oct 10, 2016 03:34:04AM MDT

CIA Disinformation in Action: Operation Mockingbird and the

April 25, 1992

Dear Mr. Harwood,

invasion, like "anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death" (*27).

Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice Lumumba (*50).

Or the pandemic coverups of police violence (*59).

Or the always safe-to-cite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60).

The Post's crusade against exposing conspiracies is blatantly dishonest:

Mockingbird was very active during the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala.

Frank Wisner was also interested in influencing Hollywood. As Hugh Wilford points out in

One of those named, Bertolt Brecht, a playwright, gave evidence and then left for East

One unnamed member of the OPC sent a letter to John Halas called for the addition of scenes

When he returned home Mankiewicz wrote to John O’Daniel , the chairman of the