UNIVERSITY OF AGRONOMIC SCIENCES AND VETERINARY

MEDICINE OF BUCHAREST

DISTANCE AND PART-TIME LEARNING DEPARTMENT

Rural development reconsidered: comparative

perspectives

Student: Neaga Ovidiu Adrian

B-DUL MĂRĂŞTI 59, SECTOR 1, 011464 – BUCUREŞTI

TEL/FAX: 021-318.98.65; 021-318.16.74
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 - JULY 2017 -

Rural development reconsidered: building on comparative perspectives

from China, Brazil and the European Union

QUESTIONS

1. Why is it that, since the mid 1990s, rural development policies have been formulated,
implemented and provided with considerable resources in widely differing socio-political
settings? Is this a co-incidence or are we facing a “structural” phenomenon that reflects
extensive and pervasive changes in needs and expectations (and in underlying societal
patterns)?
Since the 1990s, continuing to date, rural development policies have been differentiated from
those used so far in the EU, China or Brazil. These rural development policies have differentiated
themselves by failing to address the countries in particular But have been used to support
productivity growth and surplus generation for the urban economy (Ellis, Biggs, 2001; Wilkinson,
1986). Current rural development policies are distinctly different. They originally appeared in
countries with abundant productive agricultural sectors. They are not intended to favor agricultural
growth, but instead seek to redefine the role of agriculture in society. This is generally
accompanied by more or less explicit choices for certain forms of agricultural development.
Preference is given to those forms of agricultural development that support and support a broad
range of social objectives (ranging from maintaining beautiful landscapes and biodiversity to
increasing employment opportunities in rural areas).

2. How can we explain the paradox that rural development policies, although almost always
accompanied by eloquent statements and policy outlines, seem to be rather vague and lack
specificity? And why is rural development policy part of a somewhat uneasy marriage of
conventional agrarian policies and a newly emerging paradigm of rural development?
Rural development is a set of strategies to remedy (or overcome) agricultural markets that do
not work or do not do that bad. This is in the face of reforming such markets where any
intervention is unthinkable. Therefore, rural development policies are, in a way, undercover
operations. This partly explains the blurring of their goals: ironically, such a vague is, in a way, a
constituent element of their force and persistence. This allows society's needs and expectations to
be transposed into new mechanisms (and previously unknown) that affect the governance of
complex areas (such as rural areas and food production), which were previously largely regulated
through markets and associated policies16.
B-DUL MĂRĂŞTI 59, SECTOR 1, 011464 – BUCUREŞTI
TEL/FAX: 021-318.98.65; 021-318.16.74
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 The blurring of rural development policies also has institutional roots. While rural development
is an important change of the paradigm at the theoretical level, it is a far-reaching and
multidimensional transition at a practical stage, through ongoing negotiations on existing and new
contradictions. A special expression of this is that (especially in Europe and Brazil) the state
apparatuses for rural development exist along with the apparatuses dedicated to the pursuit of
classical agrarian policies (under a neoliberal), as well as the defense of many interests associated
with such a continuation (Eg those in the field of agribusiness). This contradictory coexistence
(within the same state) seems to provoke and impose a vague, so RD agenda is not perceived as too
radical or provocative and can maintain an aura of legitimacy.
Generally, RD tends to create new forms of duality. Along with the existing markets (and
related arrangements), new markets are being created that create patterns and dynamics that deviate
from and correctly correct the frictions emerging from the dynamics of existing markets. RD does
not want to completely review the order imposed by the existing agricultural and food markets (and
could not do so). Instead, it targets reforms that diminish the effects of the latter. However, during
the process (and especially due to the economic crisis), the frontiers between structural change and
reform become fluid and negotiable17.
The typical inherent duality in RD policies and practices is reflected, as mentioned before, in
institutional structures18. Alongside the first pillar for main agriculture, the EU has a second
proposal.

3. Regardless of the many differences in context, what are the main similarities of the three
different sets of rural development policies? And, associated with this, what are the specific
rural development processes that are being developed in the field? And, what are the
interrelations between these policies and processes?
This is clearly reflected in the following three RD articles in the EU, Brazil and China. In all
three continents there is a clear periodization of RD policies, where each new stage is based on and
extends the previous stages.
From an analytical point of view, there is a mix of elements: (a) building new connections
between existing markets, (b) creating new markets, and (c) developing new governance structures
for existing markets as well as for New ones. In Brazil and the EU less emphasis is placed on
interventions on existing markets, largely due to the dominance of neoliberal cadres and associated
international agreements. It should be noted that the creation of new connections between already
existing market circuits has historically been associated with creating new wealth and accelerating
development (Barth, 1967; Long, 1977). The same is true for the creation of new markets.
Clips, consumers and / or networks offer space for different levels of price, additional trade,

B-DUL MĂRĂŞTI 59, SECTOR 1, 011464 – BUCUREŞTI

TEL/FAX: 021-318.98.65; 021-318.16.74
E-mail: usamvbdid@gmail.ro; Web-site: www.usamvb-did.ro
lower transaction costs, specific connections and / or a different value-added distribution. Direct
sale takes place, for example, through a wide range of nested markets: on-farm stores, farmers'
markets, co-operative retailing, farmers, subscription systems, cage schemes, etc.9. What these
nested markets have in common is that they are embedded (and delimited) by mutual understanding
and understanding between manufacturers and consumers about product attributes (e.g., Freshness,
authenticity, etc.). These often involve lower prices for consumers (compared to supermarkets),
while farmers receive higher prices. Price differences can be considerable. From the point of view
of infrastructure, these nested markets also differ from the main markets: food is directed
completely differently (short distances to long distances, decentralized and flexible distribution
models to highly centralized and rigid models etc. .).

4. Is it possible to explain why the combination of policy and practice has a considerably different
impact – not only between the different continents, but also within the individual territories (as
is the case in different regions of Brazil such as Rio Grande do Sul and the North East of
Brazil)?
In Brazil, the gravitational center of rural development policies and practices is in the long
struggle against poverty and inequality (Navarro, 2001). Although there are similarities in China
and the European Union (EU cohesion policy is closely aligned with its rural development policy
and is trying to address inequalities within the EU) 3, these targets are particularly important in
Brazil, where poverty is widespread. Extreme contrasts and tensions between agriculture-oriented
agriculture and homosexual family farming. The center of these objectives in Brazil's RD policies
and practices also reflects the involvement of social movements in these struggles and in shaping
RD policy. Experience has shown that the most important agricultural and food markets (soy, meat,
bioenergy) do little to reduce poverty and inequality and tend to strengthen and strengthen them
(Mark Schneider, 2007).
RD in China is aimed at defending and developing peasant farming. Chinas RD's policy aims to
support and strengthen a very broad and heterogeneous agricultural sector that is embedded in a
context (market) that is increasingly threatening its future reproduction. Labor markets on the labor
market currently attract millions of rural labor and could ultimately evacuate the rural economy
very well and cause a degradation of agriculture (as has happened in many other countries in the
Development) and a disintegration of rural society Pan, 2011). The quake of WTO membership
could involve a similar danger: undermining Chinese agriculture through cheap goods imports. The
government wants to avoid this: at the end of 2005, the fifth plenary session of the 16th China
Communist Party Congress (CPC) formally set the goal of building a new socialist village where
agriculture will provide food Needed Chinese population4. Equally important in policy planning is

B-DUL MĂRĂŞTI 59, SECTOR 1, 011464 – BUCUREŞTI

TEL/FAX: 021-318.98.65; 021-318.16.74
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the notion of harmony: to develop harmonious relations between the city and the countryside and
between agriculture and industry. This implies avoiding major tensions and inequalities between
these sectors.

5. Can we identify elements that hold promise for loosening the stifling stranglehold that the
multidimensional crisis currently has on world agriculture?
The current crisis represents a remarkable (and probably historic) rupture in this scheme: a
scheme that has been taken for granted for a long period. This rupture itself was, in a way, a
confirmation of trends that have been emerging for several years. It implies that the global
agricultural and food markets are no longer capable of reproducing farming. Prices are too low, the
costs of production too high (and now include the increased difficulties of refinancing debts and/or
obtaining new credit), there is much turbulence and often considerable insecurity about access to
markets and the gap between the prices for producers and those paid by consumers has risen
strongly. All this implies that reproduction through the main markets is no longer self evident. In
this respect it is telling that the large scale entrepreneurial farms are facing the greatest difficulties.
Although it is, as yet, impossible to verify whether this is universally the case the implication is
nonetheless clear: the most significant aspect of rural development probably resides in its
contribution to the resilience of farming systems which allows food production to be continued in
difficult times. This resilience occurs because multifunctional farming is increasingly grounded in
new circuits of reproduction
New forms of cost reduction, for instance, imply major disconnections with the industries that
deliver the main inputs for farming but also with the banks and expert systems that deliver the
blueprints and scripts that farming is supposed to follow. Instead, these new forms of cost reduction
farming are grounded on local ecology and art de la localité (to use Mendras’ characterization of
local knowledge). The development of agroecology in Latin America is a major expression of this.
The same applies to newly constructed connections. Culture is a major ingredient in the newly
emerging, nested markets discussed throughout this Special Issue. The same is true of the current
forms of pluriactivity: they provide a channel for cultural contributions from the cities to reach and
enrich the countryside, and allow a flow of rural meanings towards urban areas.
Pluriactivity is no longer an expression of poverty, it is increasingly an expression of richness
(as argued by Kinsella et al., 2000): it combines the best of different places.
The change from the constellation summarized in Figure 3 to the one entailed in Figure 4 has
several consequences, three of which are worth highlighting here. The first is that the polyvalence
of agriculture (Goodman, 2004) is increasing considerably. Within the newly emerging
constellation agriculture articulates with wider society through an increased number of

B-DUL MĂRĂŞTI 59, SECTOR 1, 011464 – BUCUREŞTI

TEL/FAX: 021-318.98.65; 021-318.16.74
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interrelations. Instead of producing just raw materials for the food industry (and the energy sector)
it is delivering a far wider range of goods and services. Heterogeneity is also increasing especially
because of the increased importance of ecology and culture. Finally, it is quite possible that new
developmental trends will emerge. In this respect it is telling that in the last decade the total number
of peasant farms has remained stable in China, in Europe it decreased far less than was predicted,
whilst in Brazil it has increased considerably. This is indicative, we think, of the farreaching and
longlasting impact of rural development processes.

B-DUL MĂRĂŞTI 59, SECTOR 1, 011464 – BUCUREŞTI

TEL/FAX: 021-318.98.65; 021-318.16.74
E-mail: usamvbdid@gmail.ro; Web-site: www.usamvb-did.ro