REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

The manufacture and sale of legal goods and services in urban public spaces that are not
formally governed by law and that take place in temporary constructed structures is referred to as
informal street vending (Cross, 2000). Although there are a significant number of street sellers
around the world, their exact number is unknown[1]. Despite this, there are official regional
statistics and studies that show how extensive the business is in particular developing countries.
For instance, street sellers account for between 12 and 14% of all urban informal employment in
sub-Saharan Africa, 14% in India, and 9% of all urban informal labor in Lima and Peru (Roever,
2014). Additionally, while a significant portion of street vendors in the global South engage in
informal business practices (Roever, 2016), this is nevertheless true in many developed nations
as far as the sector as a whole (Boels, 2014;Blanchard, 2011. In the past, the definition of street
vending has relied on the binary opposition between formal and informal, or regular and
irregular economic activity[2,3,4,]. However, in research from both developing and developed
nations, there is a propensity to categorize the industry in accordance with street vendors'
working methods in order to highlight the variability of the problem[5].There are disparities in
terms of working circumstances as well as varying degrees of legal regulation violations for each
type of street vendors. According to (Eltzon, 2015; Saha, 2009), the working circumstances of
street vendors are frequently characterized by poor wages, the absence of social security or
governmental benefits, lengthy workdays, and dangerous working hazards[6].
The National Street Vendor Policy of India
Early in 2014, India's Parliament approved the National Policy on Street Vendors (updated
2009), capping decades of advocacy by organizations representing street vendors like the
National Association of Street Vendors of India (NASVI) and the Self-Employed Women's
Association (SEWA) [7].India is the first nation to adopt progressive, centralized legislation
relating to street vending (the country's Supreme Court had ordered the government to enact such
a law no later than 2011 having recognized the importance of street vending to India's urban
economies and the particular vulnerabilities of street vendors). Several protections for livelihood,
social security, and human rights are included in the bill[8]. It is not flawless, though; for
instance, it delegated many of the responsibilities for passing laws to state or local governments
and had fewer participation options for street sellers in local decision-making bodies than in the
National Policy. However, it is a significant step toward ensuring that street vendors are taken
into account and represented in urban planning processes and that they are recognized as
significant contributors to the urban economy[9].
The Politics of Space and Culture in Santiago, Chile’s Street Markets
The 401 street marketplaces of Santiago, Chile's capital, were first acknowledged formally in
the late 1930s (Salazar, 2003), albeit illegal vendors on the periphery of these markets only sell
goods worth approximately 40% of what authorized vendors do[10]. At both the local and
federal levels, there are competing interests between licensed vendors, unlicensed wholesalers,
and the state. Government officials may relocate official markets for road construction projects
or public transit, but they also avoid repressing illegal vendors because markets employ many
residents. Illegal traders take advantage of any chance to make money on the street. Licensed
vendors try to monopolize particular sections of the street without being subjected to "unfair"
competition from illegal vendors. By encouraging neighbourhood events that rely on patrons'
regular habits, authorized sellers in the local setting strengthen the strong feeling of place they
have already established. These initiatives aim to establish enduring relationships of loyalty with
their clientele[11].Legitimate vendors also request aid from the local government in driving off
unlicensed sellers from markets, but mayors prefer to continue providing unlicensed vending
jobs rather than acting on behalf of legal vendors. Legal merchants risk being displaced as a
result of transportation policies and road building. In response, they work with their neighbors to
negotiate their removal to alternate locations[12].
Issues Concerning the Informal Vendors and Policy Environment
A qualitative research on street vendors in the Metro Manila region's Caloocan city area
revealed that despite the prevalence of street sellers in urban areas, people still struggle with a
number of related problems (Recio and Gomez, 2013). Three issues facing street sellers were
discussed in this study: physical and spatial issues, socioeconomic issues, and legal
issues[13].Concerns about sellers slowing down traffic and pedestrian movement through the
streets were raised in relation to spatial difficulties. Additionally, (Bhowmik, 2005), street food
vendors lack access to piped water and are frequently made illegal for health reasons. Given the
frequently seasonal nature of the business, many people spoke of financial difficulties, describing
the usage of loan sharks or short-term loans to address long-term financial loss. Finally, because
street vendors are not respected, the local government does not issue permits or look into vendor
safety problems. This exposes the sellers to risks such as penalties or legal action in jurisdictions
that favor vendors in the formal sector over those in the informal sector[14]. (Milgram, 2011),
due of their vulnerability and lack of security, vendors may decide to pay for insurance under the
table or make special agreements with store owners to set up a pitch outside their premises[15].
According to Milgram (2014), these negotiations shed light on the junction of many types of
power between merchants and the city as well as between various vendors[16]. Regarding the
latter, it was emphasized how crucial it is to consider how street vendors of different genders
negotiate their exposure and vulnerability in the informal economy and in public spaces,
particularly with reference to unionizing[17].
Street vendors and city officials bargain over space
Street vendors sell their items to passersby while operating from the streets[18]. They may do
so from stationary businesses or from mobile carts that they move to areas with a lot of
pedestrian traffic (Bhowmik, 2005). However, street vendors have clashed with local authorities
or regulators over issues including business space, working conditions, sanitation, and licensing
due to their presence and activities in several developing countries (Anjaria, 2006; Asiedu &
Agyei-Mensah, 2008; Milgram, 2011; Popke & Ballard, 2004; Skinner, 2008a)[19, 20, 21, 22,
23].(Austin, 1994), regulators and street vendors both have interests that frequently conflict with
or are in direct competition with one another[24].
(Asiedu & Agyei-Mensah, 2008; Recio & Gomez, 2013) due to the conflicting interests of street
sellers and regulators, street vending now largely depends on ongoing negotiations between
vendors, purchasers, and regulators[25,26].The general public, business owners, and municipal
regulators may all participate in negotiations for public space, economic opportunity, and
authority (Asiedu & Agyei-Mensah, 2008). Negotiations may take place between street vendors,
authorities, pedestrians, and members of the general public about what constitutes a permissible
and prohibited use of space, as well as what constitutes the vendor's right to operate in and make
a living from public spaces versus the state's right to maintain public spaces (Drummond, 2000).
Street vendors' well-being is affected by a number of significant aspects, including having a good
area to sell their wares[27]. According to (Cohen, Bhatt, & Horn, 2000), the outcome of these
talks for public space will have a substantial impact on street vendors' well-being[28].
Issues Concerning the Informal Vendors and the Use of Streets and Sidewalk
The issues and issues associated to street vending can be categorized into three categories: (a)
physical/spatial concerns; (b) governance and legal concerns; and (c) socio-economic concerns,
based on interviews and group discussions with vendors and selected government officials[29].
There are now two significant geographical problems. The first is how the presence of street
vendors affects traffic flow and pedestrian mobility. The flow of vehicles and pedestrians is
slowed down, if not completely obstructed, by certain unorganized hawkers who occupy the
roadways, according to both vendors and government officials. Some of these unorganized
traders don't mind obstructing traffic since they are connected to or pay bribes to those in
positions of authority, such local police officers, to tolerate their presence (Nicolas, 2009, cited
in Recio, 2010)[30]. Sanitation is the subject of the second issue. Some hawking locations are
not thoroughly cleaned after the vending session (Recio, 2010)[21].Several challenges relate to
governing structures and legal issues. Vendors first gripe that the government won't formally
acknowledge their existence and contributions. This can be seen in the fact that street vendors are
not permitted. No office exists to address the complaints of vendors. Laws affecting street sellers
are a major concern as well[31]. These regulations are, at most, neutral in their treatment of
vending as legal employment. At worst, the laws are contradictory, which keeps the hawkers'
legal situation unstable. Another serious worry is that suppliers may not understand the
regulations that apply to them. For instance, the sellers do not understand the precise regulations
limiting street sales on sidewalks and easement places. Even the particular statutes or local rules
that forbid street vending are unknown to them. Last but not least, vendors claim that there are
no comprehensive and long-lasting government programs for them [32].
REFERENCES

[1] Cross, J. (2000), “Street vendors, and postmodernity: Conflict and Compromise in the Global
Economy”,International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, Vol. 20 Nos 1-2, pp. 29-51
[2] Roever, S. (2014), Informal Economy Monitoring Study Sector Report: Street Vendors,
WIEGO,Cambridge, MA, pp. 1-72.
[3] Roever, S. (2016), “Informal trade meets informal governance: street vendors and legal reform in
India,South Africa, and Peru”,Cityscape, Vol. 18 No. 1, pp. 27-46
[4] Blanchard, M. (2011), “Fare mercato a Torino: carriere professionali e pratiche quotidiane
degliambulanti stranieri nei mercati rionali”,Mondi Migranti, Vol. 2, pp. 75-99.
[5] Boels, D. (2014), “It’s better than stealing: informal street selling in Brussels”,International Journal
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[6] Saha, D. (2009), “Decent work for the street vendors in Mumbai, India—a distant vision!”,Journal
ofWorkplace Rights, Vol. 14 No. 2, pp. 229-250.
[7] Bhowmik, Sharit. 2013. “Legal Recognition of Street Vendors.” YOJANA. December
2013: 31-33.
[8] Publications

 Academic Bibliography on Street Vending and the Law

 Other WIEGO Publications on Street Vendors

[9] Salazar, G. (2003). Ferias libres: espacio residual de soberan´ıa ciudadana. Santiago: SUR.
[10] Lefebvre, H. (1991). The Production of Space, D. Nicholson-Smith (Trans.). Malden, MA:
Blackwell
[11] Salcedo, R. (2003). When the global meets the local at the mall. American Behavioral Scientist,46,
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[12] Recio, R. B. and Gomez, J. E. A. (2013) Street Vendors, their Contested Spaces and the Policy
Environment: A View from Caloocan, Metro Manila Environment and Urbanisation ASIA 4 (1) 173-190
[13] Bhowmik, S. R. (2005) Street Vendors in Asia: A Review Economic and Political Weekly 40 (22)
2256-2264
[14] Milgram, B. L. (2011) Reconfiguring Space, Mobilizing Livelihood Street Vending, Legality and
Work in the Philippines Journal of Developing Societies 27 (3-4) 261-293
[15] Milgram, B. L (2014) Remapping the Edge: Informality and Legality in the Harrison Road Night
Market, Baguio City, Philippines City and Society 26 (2) 153-174
[16] Bhowmik S. K. (2005). Street vendors in Asia: A review. Economic and Political Weekly, 40, 2256-
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[17] Anjaria S. A. (2006). Street hawkers and public space in Mumbai. Economic and Political Weekly,
41, 2140-2146.
[18] Asiedu A. B., Agyei-Mensah S. (2008). Traders on the run: Activities of street vendors in the Accra
Metropolitan Area, Ghana. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift/Norwegian Journal of Geography, 62, 191-202.
[19] Milgram B. L. (2011). Reconfiguring space, mobilizing livelihood: Street vending, legality, and work
in the Philippines. Journal of Developing Societies, 27, 261-293.
[20] Skinner C. (2008a). Street trade in Africa : A review. WIEGO Working Paper No. 51. Cambridge.
Retrieved from http://wiego.org/sites/wiego.org/files/publications/files/Skinner_WIEGO_WP5.pdf
[21] Austin R. (1994). An honest living: Street vendors, municipal regulation, and the black public
sphere. The Yale Recio R. B., Gomez J. E. A. (2013). Street vendors, their contested spaces, and the
policy environment: A view from Caloocan, Metro Manila. Environment and Urbanization Asia, 4, 173-
190.Law Journal, 103, 2119-2131.
[22] Asiedu A. B., Agyei-Mensah S. (2008). Traders on the run: Activities of street vendors in the Accra
Metropolitan Area, Ghana. Norsk Geografisk Tidsskrift/Norwegian Journal of Geography, 62, 191-202.
[23] Drummond L. (2000). Street scenes: Practices of public and private space in urban Vietnam. Urban
Studies, 37, 2377-2391.
[24] Cohen M., Bhatt M., Horn P. (2000). Women street vendors: The road to recognition (No. 20). New
York, NY: Population Council. Retrieved from
http://wiego.org/sites/wiego.org/files/publications/files/Cohen-Bhatt-Horn-Women-Street-Vendors-
SEEDS.pdf
[25] Nicolas, M. (2009). Chairperson, Kalipunan ng Maraming Tinig ng Manggagawang
Impormal or KATINIG, Malabon City Square. Interviewed 5 June 2009
[26] Recio, R.B. (2010). Street use and urban informal vending: Towards a policy framework addressing
socio-spatial issues of urban informal vending vis-à-vis the use of streets (The case of Caloocan City).
Unpublished Master’s Thesis, The University of the Philippines Diliman, Quezon City, Philippines.