Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Chapter 8 Notes
(expanded by R. Ledesma from the publisher’s PPT slides)
• The bar chart in Fig. 1 below shows how American businesses financed their activities using external funds
(those obtained from outside the business itself) in the period 1970–2000 and compares U.S. data to those of
Germany, Japan, and Canada. The Bank Loans category are made up mostly of loans from depository
institutions. Stocks consist of new issues of new equity.
Fig. 1
Fact (iii) Indirect finance (involving financial intermediaries) is many times more important than direct
finance (involving the sale of marketable securities like stocks and bonds to households)
Fact (iv) Financial intermediaries, particularly banks, are the most important source of external funds used to
finance businesses (in industrialized countries, but even more so in developing countries).
Fact (v) The financial system is among the most heavily regulated sectors of the economy (governments
regulate financial markets to promote the provision of information and to ensure the soundness, i.e., stability, of
the financial system).
Fact (vi) Only large, well-established corporations have easy access to securities (stocks and bonds) markets to
finance their activities (individuals and smaller businesses that are not well-established don’t have it easy).
Why?
Fact (vii) Collateral (property that is pledged to a lender to guarantee payment in case the borrower is unable to
make debt payments) is a prevalent feature of debt contracts for both households and businesses. Secured debt
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or loans (i.e., collateralized debt) is the predominant form of household debt (or loan) in the U.S. Examples?
Car loans, home loans or mortgages. A credit card is an example of unsecured debt (i.e., debt that is not
collateralized).
Fact (viii) Debt contracts are extremely complicated legal documents that place substantial restrictive
covenants (or restrictions) on borrowers. E.g., when you take out an automobile loan, what could be one
restrictive covenant? You have to have car insurance. E.g., when you take out a home mortgage, what could be
a restrictive covenant? One is that maybe you cannot operate a business in your house or receive clients or build
a 5-story house.
Transaction Costs
Financial intermediaries have evolved to reduce transaction costs via economies of scale and the
development of expertise in financial transactions.
If you’re a small-time American investor, say, with $5,000 to invest in the stock market, you may not be able
to buy a lot of shares because commission costs from stock brokerage companies might eat up most of your
investments. With a limited number of shares, your portfolio is undiversified. On the other hand, if you decide
to buy a bond, your $5,000 might not be enough to buy some bonds whose smallest denomination is $10,000.
In both cases, transactions costs are too high for you. And so you are not able to participate in the stock and
bond markets. But you’re not alone.
How Financial Intermediaries Reduce Transaction Costs
(i) Economies of scale
By bundling investors’ funds together, financial intermediaries (like a mutual fund) can reduce transaction
costs for each individual investor through economies of scale (= the reduction in transaction costs per dollar of
investment as the size or scale of transactions increases).
A mutual fund pools together investors’ funds and then invests in stocks or bonds. Because mutual funds buy
big blocks of stocks or bonds, they are charged lower (discounted) commissions than small, individual investors
buying through a brokerage firm. These cost savings are then passed on to the individual investor. Another
benefit of a mutual fund is that, because of its size (or large pool of money), it is able to buy a diversified
portfolio of securities.
(ii) Expertise
Financial intermediaries have developed expertise in the use of computer technology that make it convenient
for customers to check how their investments are doing and write checks on their accounts. Also, because of the
financial intermediary’s low transaction costs, it is able to provide liquidity services that make it easy for its
customers to conduct transactions.
Asymmetric Information = when one party in a transaction has more information than another so that this
other party makes an inaccurate decision in conducting the transaction. The presence of asymmetric information
leads to adverse selection (before the transaction) and moral hazard (after the transaction) problems in financial
markets.
E.g., adverse selection creates a situation wherein potential bad credit risks (who are most likely to default,
an undesirable/adverse outcome) are the ones who would most actively seek out loans from a bank. Because
this increases the likelihood that a loan might be made to a bad credit risk, lenders or banks might decide not to
make any loans (withdraw from the market) even though there are also good credit risks in the marketplace.
E.g., in moral hazard, once borrowers have obtained the loan, they may take on big risks (which could lead
to default and the loan goes unpaid) because maybe they think they’re playing with someone else’s money. This
increases the likelihood of the loan not being repaid and so lenders may decide not to make the loan at all.
Agency theory = the analysis of how asymmetric information problems affect economic behavior.
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1. Who do you think knows more about the used car he owns that he’s now selling, the used car seller or the potential used car buyer?
______________ (the repair history of the car, whether it’s been flooded or not, whether it’s been in an accident or not, etc.)
2. What would you call this case where both parties possess unequal amounts of information (i.e., one knows more than the other)?
___________________________ (2 words; Hint: if both possess the same or equal amounts of information, it’s a case of symmetric information)
Scene II: Huh? I’d like to buy your My car is a good used car,
car for 300K*. Used car seller a peach, not a lemon. It’s
Used car buyer worth 400K. This bum is
lowballing me with only
300K. No way, José.
*The used car buyer cannot tell a good car (a peach) from a bad car (a lemon). So he offers to buy at a price (300K pesos) that reflects
the average quality of used cars⎯between 200K pesos for a lemon and 400K pesos for a peach.
3. What do you think will the used car seller do now⎯stay in the market and try to find another used car buyer or get out knowing
he’ll meet the same type of used car buyer everywhere he turns? ____________________________________________________
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4. Conclusion: Will there now be many or fewer good used cars in the market as a result? ____________
5. Will the used car market function properly as a result (i.e., channel good used cars to those wanting to buy them) or not? _______
6. Application: Apply the principle of the lemons market above to the stock and bond markets in any country in the world. Why are
the stock and bond markets not effective in channeling funds from savers to borrowers (direct finance)? Why is indirect finance
(through a financial intermediary) more important? __________________________________________________________________
Answers:
1. The used car seller. He owns the used car so he knows more about it (repair history, etc.) than the potential
used car buyer.
2. Asymmetric information.
3. The used car seller will withdraw from the market because he believes he has a good used car that’s worth
more than the lowball offer of the potential used car buyer.
4. As a result, there will be fewer good used cars in the market. Other used car sellers selling peaches will also
withdraw.
5. As a result, the used car market will not function properly in terms of channeling good used cars to those
wanting to buy them.
6. In the presence of the lemons problem, a potential buyer of stocks or bonds will not likely be able to
distinguish good firms (those with high expected profits and low risk) from bad firms (those with low expected
profits and high risk) so they will offer to pay for these securities a price that reflects the average quality of
good and bad firms (essentially undervaluing the securities of good firms and overvaluing those of the bad
firms). Hence, the good firms will not want to participate in this market.
So they won’t be borrowing (issuing bonds) in this market. Because they’ll stay away from the market, only
the bonds from bad firms will likely be selling in this market. Knowing this, potential bond buyers will also stay
away from this market, resulting in few bond sales and this market not becoming a good source of financing for
firms.
Tools to Help Solve Adverse Selection Problems
In the absence of asymmetric information, the lemons problem goes away. If car buyers know as much as
sellers (have the same or as much information) about the quality of used cars (enabling them to tell a good car
from a bad one), then they’d be willing to pay full value for a good used car. And if sellers (or car owners) can
get a fair price for their good used cars, then they’d be willing to sell them in the market. Then the market will
have many transactions/sales and will do a good job of channeling good cars to people who want them
(economic efficiency is achieved).
In the same manner in the securities market, if securities buyers can tell between a good firm from a bad one,
they’d be willing to pay full value for the securities that good firms are issuing. And because good firms will
now want to sell their securities in the marketplace as a result, the securities market will be able to do its
intended function of moving funds to the good firms that have the most productive investment opportunities.
Private Production and Sale of Information
Asymmetric information is reduced when people wanting to buy securities (savers) are provided detailed
information about the firms selling those securities (borrowers) so these potential buyers can tell the good firms
from the bad ones. In the U.S., there are private firms that supply this kind of information⎯Standard & Poor’s,
Moody’s, and Value Line⎯for a fee. Subscribers to this kind of service (the private sale of information) include
not only individuals but also libraries and other financial intermediaries involved in buying securities.
But there is a downside to all this⎯the free-rider problem. The free-rider problem happens when people
who do not pay for the information take advantage of the information that other people have paid for.
Say, for e.g., you are an individual investor wanting to buy securities so you subscribe to one of these private
information services (say, Moody’s) to acquire information about good (likely undervalued) and bad firms
issuing stocks or bonds. You believe that you can more than make up for the cost of the subscription services
from the profit you expect to get from buying an undervalued security.
But, after you start buying securities, another investor who does not subscribe to these information-providing
services somehow is able to “copy” or piggy back on your investments. If many other investors also “copy”
your investment strategy, they will bid up the price of the undervalued securities to the point that any profit you
expect to get from buying then selling them them will not amount to much. It might discourage you from
subscribing to such information services provider and other good-faith investors like you might also come to the
same conclusion. With few subscriptions, the outcome might be that these information-providing services might
altogether stop producing and selling such information because they won’t be profitable enough to do so. In
their absence (with less information available to investors), adverse selection will interfere in the financial
market once more.
investors. Also, bad firms have an incentive to make themselves look like good firms so they can fetch a higher
price for their security.
Financial Intermediation
In the used-car market, car buyers usually actually buy from car dealers (an intermediary to whom car owners
sell their cars) rather than directly from individual car sellers or owners. Car dealers produce information in the
market by becoming experts (they have experienced mechanics and modern diagnostic tools) in determining
whether a car is a peach or lemon and they share this information only with potential car buyers (hence, it is
private information not available to just about everyone).
Knowing that a car is good, a car dealer can give an implicit guarantee of the car he’s selling (say, a
warranty, in which he stands by his reputation for honesty). And people are more likely to buy a car from a
dealer because of his guarantee. If car dealers are able to resell cars by producing private information about
their quality, then they avoid the free-rider problem. Financial intermediaries in the financial marketplace play
the same role as used car dealers⎯they solve the adverse selection problem.
A financial intermediary like a bank becomes an expert in producing private information (it has an army of
analysts) about companies or individual borrowers to be able to sort out good credit risks from bad ones. It
acquires funds from depositors and then turns around to lend the money to mostly good borrowers at a higher
rate than what it pays depositors. The resulting profit gives the bank an incentive to engage in this information
production activity.
Note that these loans are private loans (which are not traded in the open market) so there is no free-rider
problem and the bank helps reduce the asymmetric information problem.
Thus financial intermediaries (particularly banks) could be expected to play a greater role in moving funds to
business firms than securities issuers do (Fact (iii) and Fact (iv))⎯why indirect finance is so much more
important than direct finance and why banks are the most important source of external financing for businesses.
In developing countries banks take on greater importance because information about private firms there are
harder to collect (than in industrialized countries), leading to a smaller role for securities markets. As
information about firms becomes easier to acquire, the role of banks should decline.
Why large firms are more likely to obtain funds from securities markets (a direct route) rather than from
banks and financial intermediaries (an indirect route) is because more information is available about them in the
marketplace (primarily because they’re a big company, and because they’re big they’re also better known,
analyzed/written about more). This explains Fact (vi). Investors worry less about adverse selection when it
comes to well-known corporations so they would be willing to directly buy their securities (invest in them).
Thus, the larger and more established a corporation is, the more likely it is to issue securities to raise funds.
But once the firm is not able to meet its debt payments (the firm is in a state of default), then the monitoring
kicks in. That’s when the lender needs to verify the state of the firm’s profits (i.e., acting more like an equity
holder). Thus, this is why debt contracts are used more frequently than equity contracts to raise capital (external
financing).
Financial Intermediation
Restrictive covenants help reduce the moral hazard problem but they do not eliminate it completely. It is (i)
almost impossible to write covenants that rule out every risky activity. Also, (ii) borrowers may be clever
enough to find loopholes in restrictive covenants that make them ineffective. Another problem with restrictive
covenants is that (iii) they must be monitored and enforced (which can be costly), and the free-rider problem
arises in the debt securities market as it does in the stock market.
Financial intermediaries⎯particularly banks⎯have the ability to avoid the free-rider problem as long as they
make primarily private loans. Private loans are not traded so no one else can free ride on their monitoring and
enforcement of restrictive covenants. The intermediary making the private loan receives the benefits of
monitoring and enforcement and will do its best to reduce the moral hazard problem inherent in debt contracts.
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Developing and transition countries (ex-communist countries like Russia) face suffer from financial
repression (in that their financial system are underdeveloped) and so do not operate efficiently, leading to low
economic growth and slow development.
The earlier discussions have shown that the two important tools used to help solve adverse selection and
moral hazard problems in credit markets are (i) collateral and (ii) restrictive covenants. In many developing
countries, these two tools are difficult to use effectively because the system of property rights (the rule of law,
constraints on govt. expropriation or spending, absence of corruption) function poorly.
In many developing countries, creditors (lenders) must first (i) sue the defaulting debtor for payment (which
can take years to get a judgment), then (ii) sue again to obtain title to a collateral. By the time the collateral is
acquired, it might well have been neglected and, thus, have little value.
In some cases, (iii) govt. block lenders from foreclosing on borrowers in politically powerful sectors like
agriculture. Where the market is unable to use collateral effectively, the adverse selection problem worsens and
it becomes harder for lenders to channel funds to borrowers with the most productive investment opportunities,
hence, a slow-growing economy.
A poorly developed or corrupt legal system may make it difficult for lenders to enforce restrictive covenants.
With limited ability to reduce moral hazard on the part of borrowers, lenders would be less willing to lend,
slowing growth in the economy.