Asian Gay Men’s Bodies

MURRAY J.N. DRUMMOND

University of South Australia

Men’s bodies have been increasingly placed under scrutiny in

contemporary Western culture. Gay males have been identified as
presenting a greater risk of body image disturbance than
heterosexual males as a consequence of the aesthetically driven
gay culture. While there are few services available for gay men
with body image concerns, there are even fewer available for gay
men from non-English speaking cultures. This is a concern for
young gay males coming from masculinised cultures in which
living up to archetypal heterosexual masculine ideals is a cultural
family imperative. This paper reports qualitative research with six
Asian gay males living in Adelaide, Australia, aged 18-25. A life
historical perspective provides reflections on the participants’
bodies growing up gay in masculinised cultures. The paper also
highlights the men’s current plight as they struggle to come to
terms with being Asian gay men living in a white, heterosexual,
Anglo-Australian environment.

Keywords: Asian gay men, masculine identity, body identity

C ontemporary males are being viewed differently than they have in the past from a
range of perspectives. The culture in which males now exist places far more scrutiny
on the aesthetic attributes to determine one’s masculine identity. In the past what a
man could “do” with his body often defined his masculinity not only to others, but
also to himself (see Connell, 1983). However, in a culture that has commodified the
body as a marketing and iconic figure, the way in which a man looks in terms of his

Correspondence for this article should be sent to Murray J.N. Drummond, University of South Australia,
School of Health Sciences, City East Campus, North Terrace, Adelaide, South Australia 5000. Electronic
mail: Murray.Drummond@unisa.edu.au.

The Journal of Men’s Studies, Vol. 13, No. 3, Spring 2005, 291-300.
© 2005 by the Men’s Studies Press, LLC. All rights reserved.

291
DRUMMOND

physical stature and muscularity plays a significant role in his outward and personal
masculine identity (Drummond, 2001, 2003; Pope, Phillips, & Olivardia, 2000).
Indeed, both academics and the popular press acknowledge the notion that men’s
bodies are being scrutinised more than ever. However, the popular press, with its
broad appeal, has identified men’s body image concerns as a heterosexual men’s
health issue when arguably it is gay men, immersed in an aesthetic-driven culture,
who are most susceptible to body image concerns (Boroughs & Thompson, 2002;
Lakkis, Ricciardelli, & Williams, 1999; Siever, 1994; Silberstein, Mishkind,
Striegel-Moore, Timko, & Rodin, 1989; Williamson, 1999).
Gay men exist in a culture that is heavily aesthetically oriented (Beren, Hayden,
Wilfley, & Grilo, 1996; Dillon, Copeland, & Peters, 1999; Herzog, Newman, &
Warshaw, 1991). A gay man’s body and overall “looks” play a significant role in
determining his cultural status and sex appeal to other men. The look of his body has
the capacity either to attract or deter potential sexual partners; such is the image-dri-
ven gay culture. Undoubtedly, the body becomes a central point around which
young gay men develop and ultimately exist. Much of the focus is centred on the
body’s looks, its ability to function, and its capacity to fulfil a dual role in which the
men often live separate lives—that is to say, a gay life and another one that allows
them to “blend” into the heterosexual world. This can be an extremely difficult dual-
ity for many gay men. However, for males growing up in masculinised cultures, it
becomes a further challenging predicament.
This paper is based on in-depth interviews with six young Asian gay men. Each
provided life historical accounts of their difficulties associated with body identity
and masculine identity growing up in masculinised domains. Some have had the
opportunity and capacity to identify their sexuality to their parents. However, others
have masked their sexuality through masculinised veneers. The men have all been a
part of a specific counselling service dedicated to young gay Asian males in South
Australia. The men discussed their plight at having to look a certain way for the gay
culture and yet look and act another way for their parents and the culture into which
they were born. The men’s stories provide valuable insights for health promoters
working with young Asian gay men around sexuality, body identity, and masculinity
in a challenging masculinised environment.

METHOD

Data for the study derived from a series of individual in-depth interviews with gay
men aged between 18 and 25 years—with institutional ethics approval. A cohort of
six Asian gay men were among the participants and have been selected for this paper
to highlight specific cultural issues these men confront with respect to body identity
and masculinity (the full study is reported elsewhere (see Drummond, 2005). Prior
to the individual interviews, a two-and-a-half-hour focus group interview was car-
ried out with a cohort of gay men of the same age group and from a variety of cul-
tural backgrounds. As a heterosexual male from an Anglo-Australian background, I
undertook this initiative in order to develop a sense of the issues impacting young
gay men from a variety of perspectives and to assist in the construction of the indi-
vidual interview guide.

292
 ASIAN GAY MEN’S BODIES

Potential participants became aware of the project through the Bfriend e-mail
network, which has more than 500 subscribers in South Australia. Project leaders
from gay men’s counselling services in the Adelaide metropolitan area subsequently
invited participants to contact me.
Over a period of six weeks, 14 gay men contacted me to participate in the pro-
ject. Six of these men were Asian and lived in the Adelaide metropolitan area (those
reported here). As these men were studying at universities, they made frequent trips
back to their homeland at the end of some semesters and at end-of-school-year
breaks. Three of the participants lived at home with their parents; three had parents
living in Asia, and these lived alone or shared accommodation with housemates.
None lived with partners. All of the group had “come out” to friends, yet there were
four men who had not yet identified their sexual orientation to their parents for fear
of reprisals, particularly from their fathers. Despite examining issues of sexuality
with counsellors, all of the men had progressed to the point where they could iden-
tify themselves as being gay and had come to terms with their sexuality. Each had or
was at the time of the interviews undertaking tertiary studies at university. This was
an important factor as level of education had implications with respect to under-
standing health issues, body identity, and one’s masculinity.
I met with the young men on an individual basis at a locality that was central,
easily accessible, and one in which the participant felt comfortable and at ease. All
initial meetings occurred at a variety of cafés. Some of the men felt comfortable
about being interviewed at the café while others preferred quieter and less obtrusive
locations. Individual interviews lasted from between one-and-a-half and two hours.
They were audiotaped and then transcribed verbatim. Each of the men provided his
contact details should follow-up questions for additional information be necessary. It
also provided opportunity for clarification of particular issues, which in turn acted as
a validity check.
After the interviews were transcribed, they were open coded (Strauss & Corbin,
1998) and analysed inductively. According to Patton (2002), inductive analysis
allows for “categories or dimensions to emerge from open-ended observations as the
inquirer comes to understand patterns that exist in the phenomenon being investi-
gated” (p. 56). Essentially, as Patton (2002) notes, this type of analysis involves
identifying categories, patterns, and themes in one’s data through one’s interaction
with the data. After this analysis, similarities and differences were documented
based on my personal understanding, professional knowledge, and the literature
(Strauss, 1987).

RESULTS/DISCUSSION

Three dominant themes emerged from the analysis: “Asianess,” sexuality, masculin-
ity, and the body; coming out in a masculine domain; and the Asian Orchid project.
These are discussed below.

293
DRUMMOND

“ASIANESS,” SEXUALITY, MASCULINITY AND THE BODY

The men in this research noted that their “Asianess,” or being Asian gay men, had
created numerous difficulties compared with what they saw as the seemingly smooth
transition into manhood experienced by most heterosexual Western cultural males.
However, having interviewed many heterosexual males on issues of sexuality, mas-
culinity, and the body in other research projects and witnessing the struggle these
males have with understanding their own masculine identity, it became quite evident
to me that the men in this research had reached a crucial developmental stage of
conceptual analysis around their own sexuality, masculinity, and the body. It is
arguable that having to think about and analyse these elements on a regular basis,
particularly during the developmental adolescent years, has provided a basis upon
which these men have come to understand themselves in terms of their social and
cultural position. Evidence of such thought is identified in one of the men’s com-
ments:

For me it’s always been like masculinity has got so many levels,
like the physical, the psychological, and also the body. It does
something. Like the male masculinity has always been more phys-
ical, more to do with function. I always see the female body as
being more curvaceous and not having to do much. That’s the way
I see it. Masculinity is also very self-focused, very self-direct, self-
personality. I look at some guys, and I say, “They’re really mascu-
line.” And when I get to know them, then that’s when other stuff
comes into play. And then from there, I reevaluate everything. It
becomes personality. It’s also that inner confidence and strength.

In terms of positioning their own masculinity within contemporary Western

society, the men struggled with the notion of themselves portraying a masculine
presence. Indeed, it was their Asian appearance that influenced this cultural percep-
tion. This is reinforced by Ayres (1999) as well as Chuang (1999), noting the dis-
crimination toward Asian gay men within Australia’s gay culture. The men is this
research identified issues relating to feelings associated with being inferior to Aus-
tralian and European gay men, particularly with respect to bodily aesthetics. One of
the men reinforced this notion by claiming:

I have not been able to fit society’s model of masculinity very

well. I’m not too sure about this, but I guess in the Asian perspec-
tive masculinity would be more perceived as an ability to take care
of a family, to protect them, to provide for them. It is not really in
terms of physical build, going to the gym and stuff like that, you
know, so my body is not muscular or anything like that. So I
wouldn’t think I’m masculine.

Similarly, another participant acknowledged the stigma attached to being an

Asian gay male as well as being skinny and lacking musculature within the highly

294
 ASIAN GAY MEN’S BODIES

(Australian) aesthetically driven gay culture. However, he also identified his coping
mechanism, which has evolved with the maturation process and his time spent with
counsellors:

Regarding masculinity, before I would go, “I’m too skinny.” And

it was also the “Asian thing.” And then if I got rejected it was a lot
more painful. I couldn’t handle it well, so I didn’t dare make the
first move. But now it’s like, “I can handle rejection. I don’t care.
If you don’t like me, that’s fine. I will pick up somebody else I
like. I will meet somebody else. It’s not a problem. I’ve done the
best I can.”

However, the following line of enquiry and responses from one of the men typi-
fies the way in which the Asian men in this research perceived their standing in the
Australian gay community. This ultimately affected their masculine and body identity:

Q: In terms of masculinity how do you perceive your body?

A: Probably feminine. Asians tend to have that in the gay culture.
Q: Can you elaborate?
A: Asians are probably perceived as more feminine than anything else. A typical
thing that you might see, if you’re on the gay scene, is, say, an older white guy
and a younger Asian guy. The white guy would assume to be more dominant,
and the Asian guy would be more passive.
Q: Why do you think that is?
A: It’s just what happens; I don’t know. It’s probably true. It’s probably half true.
It’s stereotyped, so everyone just assumes that when you’ve got a white guy and
an Asian guy the white guy’s masculine and the Asian guy’s submissive. It’s
how it happens, and to be honest I kind of fit that, not in the passive and the
dominant role—more so, I’d actually go for a white guy, and I think that we do
tend to be quite feminine, especially gay Asians. Oh, and as muscle bulk is quite
frail on Asian boys, it’s really bad.

Despite all of the men lusting over and “going for white guys,” particularly those
with the physiques and aesthetics of the men who adorn the cover of Men’s Health
magazine, ultimately it was easier to develop long-term relationships with other Asian
men. That is to say, the men interviewed here ended up being, or having to be,
“attracted to [other] Asians.” Clearly, this is a response to racism within the gay com-
munity. Consequently, the participants explained that, rather than attempt to break the
obvious racial barriers that exist within the gay culture, it was easier to develop and
maintain friendships, including sexual partners, within the Asian gay community. One
man identified the importance of the Asian gay community by claiming:

In the gay scene I have more Asian gay male friends than Cau-
casians, and that’s because we come from Asia. We are all stu-
dents who understand each other, and being in Adelaide in a
different culture we have to stick together.

295
DRUMMOND

However, they claimed that being an Asian gay man had its benefits in a city
such as Adelaide. Some of the men identified being able to “get away” with their
sexuality as a consequence of a Western cultural perception that heterosexual Asian
men can be more flamboyant with respect to clothes and hairstyles and maintain a
diverse masculine image. One of the men articulated this point by stating:

Because I’m Asian, in Australia I tend to get away with things eas-
ier (than in Malaysia) because I’m Asian. Like Japanese and Hong
Kong people, the guys have strange fashions. Like, if you go to
Hong Kong or you go to Japan, you can look and you can find lots
of guys that look like girls. Long hair and dress up very funky, so
that’s our advantage. I can use that, you know. They can see Asia
has strange fashions.

COMING OUT IN A MASCULINE DOMAIN

All of the men quickly identified that their culture is a masculinised domain in
which the father is the dominant family member. One of the men explained this
notion when he claimed:

Sometimes you’re upset and crying, especially in front of parents,

and your parents say, “You know men are not supposed to cry,”
and “You’ve got to stop.” But a lot of stuff you are not supposed
to show, like caring and being sexy. You are just not allowed to
show affection, you know. You have to always act tough, and
everything will be all right, but as a matter of fact, everything is
not going to be all right. You can’t fix everything, but the weight
of society is on men. Man is a master, and you know everything is
going to be fine. You have the power to solve everything, but I
don’t think this is the fact.

Further, the men claimed that those males who do not fit the cultural masculine
ideal are marginalised and stigmatised. Thus, a significant dilemma exists for Asian
gay men in coming out. While the men claim to be able to find friends and confi-
dants in which to confide, it is their fathers’ homophobia and resultant anguish that
pose the biggest threat to ongoing family happiness. In some respects the men also
identified their mothers as having to take on a similar viewpoint to placate the
fathers’ masculinised stance. As one man claimed, “If my father knew [i.e., son’s
gay orientation], he would kill me.” This same man is midway through his second
degree studying medicine and plans to specialise in an area of medicine on complet-
ing his degree. He stated that, while he enjoys medicine, part of the reason for study-
ing in Australia is to avoid going home and having to come out to his father. When
asked how he felt about finishing his studies, he said, “I do worry about that,
(because) I feel safe while I am studying.”
While this theme is not directly related to body image per se, it does have rele-
vance to the way in which these Asian gay men perceived themselves and their bod-

296
 ASIAN GAY MEN’S BODIES

ies, particularly with respect to the way in which they use their bodies and display
them to society and their parents. The participant who was studying to avoid going
home is further evidence of such a phenomenon. Despite being 25 years of age, he
does not feel as though he is “grown up.” This ultimately affects the way in which
he perceives himself, his body, and his masculine identity. When asked whether he
was able to talk to counsellors about his issues, he claimed:

At first I was a bit reluctant [to talk to counselors] because I

thought, “Oh my god, I have to, you know, speak about the whole
ugly stuff again and again,” and this sort of thing. But I knew that
if I come from [a perspective of] denial, then everything would be
fine. I think sometimes you do sort of deny. The main issue is that
it’s a masculine identity, and I’m afraid to admit that I’ve got
some issues with this myself.

It is the comparatively more understanding Australian gay culture that each of

these men claimed to be a significant factor in allowing them to feel comfortable
about coming out. While they acknowledged there are still many homophobic issues
to contend with in Australian culture in general, there are at least counsellors and
other forms of social service assistance to ease personal emotional issues. One of the
men made this clear when he noted:

We don’t have any support back home in Malaysia; we don’t have

a service like that. In Malaysia being gay is a bit of a “no-no.” No-
one gives support.

ASIAN ORCHID PROJECT

Importantly, all of the Asian men involved in this research project engaged in a
counselling service specifically devoted to Asian gay males. The project, for the
sake of this paper, is titled the Asian Orchid Project, which is a well-regarded ser-
vice in Adelaide created and organised by a branch of the Department of Human
Services. Each of the men spoke highly of the project and identified numerous
aspects that had enabled them to grow and develop emotionally as well as providing
them with a safe haven, thus allowing them to feel secure at times when they may
feel threatened and vulnerable. The project provided them with a means by which
they could talk about their bodies in an “open and relaxed” forum. It also allowed
them to feel comfortable about attending as much or as little as possible. They all
claimed to have used the service extensively in the beginning, particularly when
they were coming to terms with their own sexuality or having to deal with a number
of life-defining issues at such a young age. As one of the men stated:

When I first joined I visited frequently. Back then I had a lot of

personal issues I needed to sort out, and as time progressed I
became more independent. So now it’s like perhaps once a month.

297
DRUMMOND

This was a typical claim made by each man. The positive aspect of this was that
the men, despite not feeling they had to utilise the service a good deal any more, still
frequented the project and maintained links with the counsellors. As a consequence
they become the models that other young Asian gay men, beginning the process of
coming out, could use as templates for success. However, while the project deals
with young gay men’s sexuality and body identity, it is the overt cultural target
group that it is intending to engage. As one of the men identified, the Asian Orchid
Project:

… has a different feel to it. You are around a whole bunch of simi-
lar people. I guess it is a bit more relaxed and a lot less stressful.
You can also be more direct. It is more understanding and just has
a different vibe. It’s a cultural thing.

Bearing in mind an Asian-based racism within the gay culture, the Asian Orchid
Project offered these men opportunities for friendship and camaraderie beyond the
sexuality counselling service it provides. Each of the men acknowledged the project
gave them alternative avenues to meet other Asian gay men in similar situations.
One man emphasised such claims by stating:

All my gay life has happened at the Asian Orchid, like I met my
friends there, I mean two other really good Asian friends, and they
have been here longer than me. They brought me out with them,
and then after that I didn’t have to fight my way through every-
thing. It went smoothly.

The Asian Orchid is an important service for Asian gay men in Adelaide. The
men recognised this and viewed it as an important mechanism by which they could
discuss their bodies, their sexuality, and issues of masculinity with respect to their
cultural heritage in an understanding, compliant setting.

CONCLUSION

Asian gay men appear to be both marginalised and stigmatised within the gay cul-
ture. According to the men in this research project, there are specific body identity
concerns that Asian gay men must confront. These males must not only come to
terms with their sexuality and the racism within but also attempt to understand their
“Asianess” within a white, anglo, heterosexual culture. On top of this they must then
attempt to position themselves in a cultural and family heritage that is highly mas-
culinised, whereby the father is perceived as the dominant figure. Ultimately, this
leads the men to question their bodies with respect to function, role, and aesthetics in
an acutely “looks-oriented” gay culture.
As the Asian gay men in this research identified, bodies, body image, and body
identity play a significant role in their functioning on a daily basis. While for many of
us the term body image immediately conjures up thoughts surrounding attempting to
look thin and attractive, for these men body image has come to develop a raft of

298
 ASIAN GAY MEN’S BODIES

meanings—most importantly, trying to fit in. The problem is trying to have a body
image that simultaneously fits into the gay culture, the Australian heterosexual cul-
ture, and their Asian masculinised culture. This is quite problematic for these men.
Importantly, as the men identified, there are beneficial counselling services in
Adelaide available to Asian gay men. These go beyond the counselling process as
they provide a means by which these young men can engage with other similar
males and gain strength and support from one another. Initiatives such as the Asian
Orchid Project are crucial in the construction of ongoing sustainable services for
young gay males. As the men claimed, the Asian Orchid Project provided them with
the opportunity to grow into men and understand their bodies, their sexuality, and
their masculinity. This research identifies the need for services beyond those pro-
vided for Western cultural gay men addressing masculine and body identity and pro-
vides a basis for such initiatives.

REFERENCES

Ayres, T. (1999). China doll: The experiences of being a gay Chinese Australian.
Journal of Homosexuality, 36(3/4), 87-97.
Beren, S.E., Hayden, H.A., Wilfley, D.E., & Grilo, C.M. (1996). The influence of
sexual orientation on body dissatisfaction in adult men and women. Interna-
tional Journal of Eating Disorders, 20(2), 135-141.
Boroughs, M., & Thompson, J.K. (2002). Exercise status and sexual orientation as
moderators of body image disturbance and eating disorders in males. Interna-
tional Journal of Eating Disorders, 31(3), 307-311.
Chuang, K. (1999). Using chopsticks to eat. Journal of Homosexuality, 36(3/4), 29-
41.
Connell, R.W. (1983). Men’s bodies. Australian Society, 2, 33-39.
Dillon, P., Copeland, J., & Peters, R. (1999). Exploring the relationship between
male homo/bi-sexuality, body image and steroid use. Culture, Health and Sexu-
ality, 1(4), 317-327.
Drummond, M. (2001). Boys’ bodies in the context of sport and physical activity:
Implications for health. Journal of Physical Education New Zealand, 34(1), 53-
64.
Drummond, M. (2003). Retired men, retired bodies. International Journal of Men’s
Health, 2(3), 183-199.
Drummond, M. (2005) Gay men’s bodies: Listening to the voices of young gay
men. Men and Masculinities, 7(3), 270-290.
Herzog, D.B., Newman, K.L., & Warshaw, M. (1991). Body image dissatisfaction in
homosexual and heterosexual males. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease,
179(6), 356-359.
Lakkis. J., Ricciardelli, L.A., & Williams, R.J. (1999). Role of sexual orientation
and gender-related traits in disordered eating. Sex Roles, 41, 1-16.
Patton, M. (2002). Qualitative research and evaluation methods (3rd ed.). Thousand
Oaks: Sage.
Pope, H., Phillips, K., & Olivardia, R. (2000). The Adonis complex: The secret crisis
of male body obsession. New York: The Free Press.

299
DRUMMOND

Siever, M. (1994). Sexual orientation and gender as factors in socioculturally

acquired vulnerability to body dissatisfaction and eating disorders. Journal of
Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 62, 252-260.
Silberstein, L.R., Mishkind, M.E., Striegel-Moore, R.H., Timko, C., & Rodin, J.
(1989). Men and their bodies: A comparison of homosexual and heterosexual
men. Psychosomatic Medicine, 51, 337-346.
Strauss, A. (1987). Qualitative analysis for social scientists. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Strauss, A., & Corbin, J. (1998). Basics of qualitative research (2nd ed.). Newbury
Park: Sage.
Williamson, I. (1999). Why are gay men a high risk group for eating disturbance?
European Eating Disorders Review, 7(1), 1-4.

300