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Attitudes Toward Gender Roles, Self-esteem, and Body Image: Application of a Model
Sharron J. Lennon, Nancy A. Rudd, Bridgette Sloan and Jae Sook Kim
Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 1999 17: 191
DOI: 10.1177/0887302X9901700403
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What is This?
Abstract
The Rudd and Lennon (1994) model of body aesthetics is used in this research to guide research investigating
relationships among body image, attitudes toward gender roles, and self-esteem. Questionnaires were completed
by 202 Korean college women, 52 Singaporean college women, 171 African-American college women, and 109
Caucasian-American college women. Significant differences were found among the groups on gender ideology,
self-esteem, and the body image variables. African-American college women had the highest self-esteem and ap-
pearance evaluation scores. More importantly, however, across all groups high self-esteem was associated with
positive body images and non-traditional attitudes toward gender roles. Additionally, social group membership and
individualism were related to body image. Results are explained within the context of the Rudd and Lennon (1994)
model of body aesthetics and suggestions are offered for future research within that context.
Lennon, S. J., Rudd, N. A., Sloan, B., & Kim, J. S. (1999). Attitudes toward gender roles, self-esteem, and body
image: Application of a model. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 17(4), 191-202. Key Words: body image,
appearance management, body aesthetics, gender ideology.
It is a cultural universal that people clothe, adorn, shape, Indeed, recent research (Martz, Handley, & Eisler, 1995)
and decorate their bodies to create an appearance to present suggests that stress associated with conforming to feminine
to others. Cultural factors, such as values of femininity, gender role expectations &dquo;may be the missing link between
affect how people evaluate their own and others’ appear- cultural values of femininity and vulnerability for eating
ances. For example, in western societies women are ex- disorders&dquo; (p. 493). Although this expectation for thinness
pected to be interested in fashion and beauty, a significant in women is pervasive in the U.S. in the 1990s among ado-
component of which, at least for young women and girls, is lescents and pre-adolescents (Rudd & Lennon, 1995), it may
a thin body (e.g., Beuf, 1990; Cash, Winstead, & Janda, 1986; not be relevant to women from non-western cultures.
Freedman, 1986; Lennon, 1988; Seid, 1994). Such an ex- Personal factors also affect how individuals evaluate
pectation can be a precursor to unhealthy behaviors. their own and others’ appearances. For example, some
authors have found that individual levels of self-esteem
To females’ detriment, the cultural fixation on their (Lennon & Rudd, 1994) and attitudes toward gender roles
bodies as objects results in a standard of the femi- (Dionne, Davis, Fox, & Gurevich, 1995) are related to evalu-
nine ideal that is not only extremely salient, but also ations of one’s own appearance or body image. The pur-
virtually impossible to attain (Franzoi, 1995, p. 420). pose of this research was threefold: (a) to examine the extent
to which relationships exist among self-esteem, body im-
age, and attitudes toward gender roles across a variety of
different groups of individuals, (b) to examine meaningful
Author’s Addresses: Sharron J. Lennon, email: lennon.2@osu.edu,
Nancy A. Rudd and Bridgette Sloan, Department of Consumer and differences among the groups, and (c) to suggest variables
Textile Sciences, Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210-1295 which are implicated in the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model
and Jae Sook Kim, Clothing and Textiles Department, Chungnam Uni- of body aesthetics.
versity, Taejion 305-764, South Korea.
191
192
constant over time and situations’ (Baron & Byme, 1991; concern with appearance (Brownmiller, 1984; Freedman,
Rosenberg, 1965; 1979); however, it can fluctuate some- 1988; Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1985). Indeed,
what due to external events (Baron & Byme, 1991). Self- researchers (Timko, Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin,
esteem has been found to be positively related to attractive- 1987) have found that among young women self-ratings of
ness (Mathes & Kahn, 1975; O’Grady, 1989) and body femininity are positively related to self-ratings of the im-
satisfaction (Lennon & Rudd, 1994; Lerner, Orlos, & portance of appearance. This finding suggests that an at-
Knapp, 1976; Simmons & Rosenberg, 1975; Striegel- tractive appearance is likely to be more important to women
Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986) in women. For example, who hold traditional attitudes toward gender roles than to
Lennon and Rudd (1994) found that among college women, women who hold non-traditional attitudes (Freedman, 1984;
8% of the variance in self-esteem was due to body satisfac- 1986; Hatfield & Sprecher, 1986).
tion. In the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model, low self-es- Research shows that among women, an attractive ap-
teem may be a motivator of appearance-management be- pearance and self-esteem are positively related (Mathes &
haviors. If such behaviors are successful in approximating Kahn, 1975; O’Grady, 1989). Thus, because women with
the cultural ideal, higher self-esteem can result, thus rein- traditional attitudes toward gender roles (traditional women)
forcing such behaviors. place more importance on an attractive appearance than non-
Attitudes toward gender roles. Gender is a socially traditional women (Timko, Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, &
constructed concept that outlines guidelines (i.e., gender Rodin, 1987), traditional women’s attention to and mainte-
roles) for behaviors considered appropriate for men and nance of their attractiveness may also be an important facet
women. We argue that attitudes toward gender roles are of their self worth. For traditional women, self-esteem may
relevant to the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model because such be related to appearance-management behaviors, such as
attitudes may affect the extent to which women attend to cosmetic use, exercise regimens, food monitoring, and cloth-
and place importance on appearance. For example, tradi- ing selection. In other words, it is reasonable to expect that
tional gender roles associate femininity with beauty and for traditional women self-esteem will be related to the extent
to which importance is placed on and attention is given to
maintaining attractive appearances.
Body image. Body image is the mental image we have
S1elf-concept is often defined as the global perception of who we are of our bodies (Fallon, 1990); it is perceptual in that it re-
(Baron & Byrne, 1991) or as our self-identity, whereas self-esteem is flects our perceptions of our bodies and it is affective in that
how we feel about who we are. Rather than thinking of the self-con- it reflects how we feel about those perceptions. The topic
cept as static and unchanging there is recent evidence (Markus & Nurius, of body image has recently been addressed in the research
1986), consistent with the work of other scholars (Cooley, 1902; Mead,
1934), that one’s self-concept is in a state of becoming (i.e., it is open literature (e.g., Brown, Cash, & Lewis, 1989; Dionne, Davis,
to change based on new experiences and feedback from others). Fox, & Gurevich, 1995; Lennon & Rudd, 1994; Martz,
193
image. For example, Stice and Shaw (1994) found that as mate the cultural ideal. This idea is reasonable given that
compared to participants who were exposed to thin models, social identity theory posits that in-group members are evalu-
those exposed to large-sized models (from a magazine for ated as better than out-group members. In terms of com-
large-sized women) were happier, more confident, less de- parison standards, comparison to an in-group member would
pressed, less shameful, less guilty, and less dissatisfied with provide a more similar comparison target and, therefore,
their bodies. more information. Examples of social groups related to
Body image may be related to attitudes toward gender appearance are certain occupational groups, age groups, and
roles or subscription to non-traditional roles (Freedman, ethnic groups.
1984; Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986). Jack- Individualism. Individualism is a socio-cultural con-
son, Sullivan, and Rostker (1988) found that cultural stan- struct which can be used to classify cultures (e.g., Triandis,
dards of appearance were more likely to influence both men 1989; Triandis, Bontempo, Villareal, Asai, & Lucca, 1988).
and women with traditional as opposed to non-traditional In individualist societies, such as the U.S. and most western
attitudes toward gender roles. This suggests that women countries, people are generally rewarded for being indepen-
with non-traditional attitudes toward gender roles may be dent, self-disciplined, competitive, and in control of their
more satisfied with their bodies. destinies (Hofstede, 1980), which includes the active con-
Lennon and Rudd (1994), however, found no effect for trol of their bodily appearances (Thompson & Hirschman,
attitudes toward gender roles on body satisfaction. Never- 1995). These are characteristics also associated with thin-
theless, other researchers have reported such relationships ness (Nasser, 1987) in western cultures. Thus, in individu-
(Dionne, Davis, Fox, & Gurevich, 1995; Martz, Handley, & alist societies it may be adaptive to assume a controlling and
Eisler, 1995; Franzoi, 1995), using different measures of (a) active role in the creation of appearances and a high degree
body image and (b) attitudes toward gender roles. For ex- of importance and attention may be focused on it.
ample, Dionne, Davis, Fox, and Gurevich (1995) found a However, in less individualistic societies (collectivist
positive relationship between body image and non-traditional societies), such as Korea (Hofstede, 1983), Singapore
attitudes toward gender roles as they relate to physical ap- (Hofstede, 1980) and many non-western countries (Hofstede,
pearance. Franzoi (1995) found that women’s possession 1980), people are generally rewarded for cooperating and
of instrumental traits (e.g., muscular strength, reflexes, or providing social support, behaviors that involve subordinat-
coordination), often used as indicators of masculinity, were ing personal goals to group goals (Triandis et al., 1988).
positively associated with attitudes toward what their bod- Identities are likely to be based on one’s social position,
ies looked like (i.e., body-as-object). In these studies, non- family, and group memberships (Dion, 1986; Hofstede,
traditional women tended to be more satisfied with the ap- 1980). In this context, a particularly attractive appearance
pearance of their bodies. may be distinctive and, therefore, may draw attention to the
Social groups. In America, society is &dquo;segmented by individual with the attractive appearance rather than to the
factors such as reference group affiliations, urban-rural ori- group. Because attracting attention to oneself may be seen
entation, age, class, purchasing power, education, ethnicity, as immodest and inappropriate in collective cultures, the
and any or all of the above in combination&dquo; (Hamilton, 1993, &dquo;evaluation of others based on physical attractiveness might
p. 55). In these contexts, expectations to achieve an appear- be dysfunctional&dquo; (Dion, 1986, p. 14) in such contexts. Thus,
ance which approximates the cultural ideal may be modi- in collectivist cultures there may be less importance attrib-
fied. For example, in one study (Rand & Kuldau, 1990) uted to and less attention given to the active creation of
Caucasian-American women who were satisfied with their distinctive appearances.
weights were significantly less heavy than African-Ameri- Degree of individualism characterizing a society may
can women who were satisfied with their weights. In an- be relevant to the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model because
other study (Cash & Henry, 1995) although actual weights individualism may be related to the extent to which people
were not measured, African-American women gave
higher socially compare themselves to others (Markus & Kitayama,
ratings to their appearances, were more satisfied with their 1991 ). Researchers (Martin & Kennedy, 1994; Wood, 1989)
bodies, and yet were less preoccupied with their weights have outlined three motives for social comparison in the U.S:
than either Caucasian-American or Hispanic-American self-enhancement, self-improvement, and information-seek-
women. Furthermore, as compared to Caucasian-American ing. In individualist societies people make downward com-
women, African-American women tend to be more satis- parisons for purposes of self-enhancement (i.e., to feel bet-
fied with their bodies (Akan & Grilo, 1995; Chandler, Abood, ter about themselves on the dimension of comparison) and
Lee, Cleveland, & Daly, 1994; Harris, Walters, & Waschull, people make upward comparisons for purposes of self-im-
194
195
global self-esteem (Demo, 1985; Rosenberg, 1965). For weight rather than actual values. The average age of the
example, Rosenberg (1965; 1979) reported test-retest Korean college women was 20.6 years, their modal height
reliabilities ranging from .82 to .88. In addition, the mea- most commonly ranged from 5’ 1&dquo; to 5’ S&dquo;, and their modal
sure has been used in other research studying body image weight ranged between 110 to 120 pounds.
(e.g., Akan & Grilo, 1995; Lennon & Rudd, 1994; Thomas, To determine relationships among self-esteem, body
1989). The instrument consists of 10 statements (5 agree, =
image, and attitudes toward gender roles across the four
1 disagree). An overall score is formed by summing in-
=
respondent groups, a multiple regression analysis was per-
dividual item responses. High self-esteem is associated with formed. The predictor variables were the 11 body image
self-acceptance, whereas low self-esteem is associated with subscales and attitudes toward gender roles; the criterion
a variety of psychological problems (Brown, Bifulco, Har- was self-esteem. Seven of the eight significant predictor
ris, & Bridge, 1986; Katzman & Wolchik, 1984), including variables were positively related to self-esteem (appearance
depression (Russo, Green, & Knight, 1993). Lennon and evaluation, fitness evaluation, attitudes toward gender roles,
Rudd (1994) reported an average self-esteem score of 38.7 body areas satisfaction, illness orientation, health evalua-
with a range of 24 to 50 for 194 college women. tion, weight label) and one was negatively related to self-
Body image was measured by the Multi-dimensional esteem (weight preoccupation). Together these eight sig-
Body Self Relations Questionnaire (MBSRQ) which was nificant predictor variables accounted for 49% (R2 .49) of =
developed by Cash and his team (Brown, Cash, & Mikulka, the explained variance in self-esteem (See Table 1 for all
1990; Cash, Winstead, & Janda, 1986). Developed from regression statistics). In terms of goodness of fit, the mul-
the Body Self Relations Questionnaire (BSRQ) (Winstead tiple correlation between the observed scores and the pre-
& Cash, 1984), the MBSRQ has been shown to possess dicted scores was substantial (R .70). =
196
Table 3. Means and Standard Deviations for Group on the Dependent Variables
*Note: KO =
Korean, SI =
Singaporean, CA Caucasian, AA African American
= =
**Note: Items with the same subscript are significantly different (p < .05).
197
198
O’Grady, 1989) and body image (Lennon & Rudd, 1994; positive relationships between (a) self-esteem and body
Lerner, Orlos, & Knapp, 1976; Simmons & Rosenberg,1975; image and (b) self-esteem and attitudes toward gender roles.
Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986) are both related In addition, attitudes toward gender roles influenced the
to self-esteem. Future researchers may seek additional sup- extent to which self-esteem was related to importance placed
port for this notion by asking people about the extent to which on and attention given to clothing and grooming. Social
they believe they approximate the cultural aesthetic ideal. group membership was related to body image and self-es-
In addition, the relationship between body image (in teem. Individualism did not always relate to body image as
terms of Appearance Orientation) and self-esteem was predicted and, thus, more work focusing on these variables
mediated by attitudes towards gender roles. Specifically, a is warranted. In addition, results support the relevance of
positive relationship was found between self-esteem and each of the variables and the relationships among them for
Appearance Orientation for traditional women, but no such the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model, although more direct
relationship was found for non-traditional women. Thus, tests of the model remain to be developed.
the extent to which self-esteem is related to attention given Rudd and Lennon (1994) acknowledged that the U.S.
to and importance placed on personal appearance was asso- standard of female beauty embodies Euro-American beauty
ciated with attitudes toward gender roles. This relationship standards, thus approximating such a standard may not be
would manifest itself through appearance-management be- possible for many women, especially for women of color
haviors or through the extent to which women internalize (Neal & Wilson, 1989). In fact, African Americans have
and compare themselves to the aesthetic ideal. We did not experienced much social prejudice and discrimination based
measure social comparison or specific instances of appear- on appearance. Yet as compared to Caucasian-American
ance-management behaviors; therefore, these hypothesized women, African-American women were less preoccupied
relationships remain to be verified. with their weights and received higher scores in both body
The results relating to social group membership sug- image (e.g., Appearance Evaluation) and self-esteem. These
gest that social group membership may affect the coping findings are clear evidence that the dominant aesthetic stan-
strategy selected as people attempt to recreate their appear- dard need not be deleterious to women (e.g., Thomas &
ances according to the Rudd and Lennon model (1994). Not James, 1988) and is consistent with other research (Akan &
only did African-American college women have higher Grilo, 1995). We assume that African-American college
scores in body image than Caucasian-American college women were comparing themselves to in-group standards
women (as measured by two subscales), they also had higher which is a mentally healthy response5 in this situation. If so,
self-esteem. This finding suggests two things: (a) African- then perhaps others can be taught to do so. For example,
American college women place a high value on their own people experiencing body image disturbances or related
appearances, so they are not accepting the dominant aes-
thetic standard and may have a different personal standard,
and (b) they have high self-esteem, so they may be compar-
ing themselves to an in-group standard. Thus, social group
membership appears to be relevant for the model and to affect Crocker and Major (1989) believe that people who
5 are disadvantaged
the coping strategy selected for use. along a dimension of comparison (e.g., appearance, athletic ability)
Individualism was related to some of the hypothesized selectively compare to others who are also disadvantaged on the same
dimension of comparison (in-group members), instead of comparing to
linkages among the variables (i.e., H5b, H5c). Degree of others who are not disadvantaged on the dimension of comparison (out-
individualism in a society is related to independence, disci- group members).
199
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media images in an effort to distance themselves from those and white college students. Eating Disorders, 2, 319-328.
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