See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.

net/publication/254085544

Attitudes Toward Gender Roles, Self-esteem, and Body Image: Application of a

Model

Article  in  Clothing and Textiles Research Journal · September 1999

DOI: 10.1177/0887302X9901700403

CITATIONS READS
54 2,520

4 authors, including:

Sharron J. Lennon Nancy A. Rudd

Indiana University Bloomington The Ohio State University
124 PUBLICATIONS   4,113 CITATIONS    48 PUBLICATIONS   956 CITATIONS   

SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:

Clothing and Assault View project

All content following this page was uploaded by Sharron J. Lennon on 15 March 2014.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

 Attitudes Toward
Gender Roles, Self-esteem, and Body Image:
Application of a Model

Sharron J. Lennon
Nancy A. Rudd
Bridgette Sloan
Jae Sook Kim

Abstract
The Rudd and Lennon (1994) model of body aesthetics is used in this research to guide research investigating
relationships among body image, attitudes toward gender roles, and self-esteem. Questionnaires were completed
by 202 Korean college women, 52 Singaporean college women, 171 African-American college women, and 109
Caucasian-American college women. Significant differences were found among the groups on gender ideology,
self-esteem, and the body image variables. African-American college women had the highest self-esteem and ap-
pearance evaluation scores. More importantly, however, across all groups high self-esteem was associated with
positive body images and non-traditional attitudes toward gender roles. Additionally, social group membership and
individualism were related to body image. Results are explained within the context of the Rudd and Lennon (1994)
model of body aesthetics and suggestions are offered for future research within that context.

Lennon, S. J., Rudd, N. A., Sloan, B., & Kim, J. S. (1999). Attitudes toward gender roles, self-esteem, and body
image: Application of a model. Clothing and Textiles Research Journal, 17(4), 191-202. Key Words: body image,
appearance management, body aesthetics, gender ideology.

It is a cultural universal that people clothe, adorn, shape,
and decorate their bodies to create an appearance to present
to others. Cultural factors, such as values of femininity,
affect how people evaluate their own and others’ appear-
ances. For example, in western societies women are ex-
pected to be interested in fashion and beauty, a significant
component of which, at least for young women and girls, is
a thin body (e.g., Beuf, 1990; Cash, Winstead, & Janda, 1986;
Freedman, 1986; Lennon, 1988; Seid, 1994). Such an ex-
pectation can be a precursor to unhealthy behaviors.
To females’ detriment, the cultural fixation on their
bodies as objects results in a standard of the femi-
nine ideal that is not only extremely salient, but also
virtually impossible to attain (Franzoi, 1995, p. 420).
Author’s Addresses: Sharron J. Lennon, email: lennon.2@osu.edu,
Nancy A. Rudd and Bridgette Sloan, Department of Consumer and
Textile Sciences, Ohio State University, Columbus, OH 43210-1295
and Jae Sook Kim, Clothing and Textiles Department, Chungnam Uni-
versity, Taejion 305-764, South Korea.
Indeed, recent research (Martz, Handley, & Eisler, 1995)
suggests that stress associated with conforming to feminine
gender role expectations “may be the missing link between
cultural values of femininity and vulnerability for eating
disorders” (p. 493). Although this expectation for thinness
in women is pervasive in the U.S. in the 1990s among ado-
lescents and pre-adolescents (Rudd & Lennon, 1995), it may
not be relevant to women from non-western cultures.
Personal factors also affect how individuals evaluate
their own and others’ appearances. For example, some
authors have found that individual levels of self-esteem
(Lennon & Rudd, 1994) and attitudes toward gender roles
(Dionne, Davis, Fox, & Gurevich, 1995) are related to evalu-
ations of one’s own appearance or body image. The pur-
pose of this research was threefold: (a) to examine the extent
to which relationships exist among self-esteem, body im-
age, and attitudes toward gender roles across a variety of
different groups of individuals, (b) to examine meaningful
differences among the groups, and (c) to suggest variables
which are implicated in the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model
of body aesthetics.

© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005 Volume 17 #4 1999 191


Theoretical Framework
Rudd and Lennon (1994) developed a model of indi-
vidual responses to aesthetic ideals of human appearance.
Central to this model is self-esteem thought “to motivate
appearance-management behaviors” (p. 164) through which
appearances are created and re-created in an effort “to ap-
proximate the cultural aesthetic ideal” (p. 164). In addi-
tion, according to this model, self-esteem can result from
appearance-management behaviors. Rudd and Lennon’s
(1994) model is based on social comparison theory
(Festinger, 1954) and social identity theory (Tajfel, 1981;
Tajfel & Turner, 1979). In this section social comparison
theory, social identity theory, and Rudd and Lennon’s (1994)
model will be discussed.
Social comparison theory. Festinger (1954) believed
that people have a need for self-evaluation, to know how
they stand relative to some standard. He hypothesized that
people compare themselves to some objective standard or,
if none exists, to compare themselves to others. In addi-
tion, Festinger thought people were likely to compare them-
selves to similar others, a comparison which would pro-
vide meaningful information (Goethals & Darley, 1977).
Although the theory was originally developed to apply to
opinion and ability evaluation, it has been applied to a variety
of situations including evaluations of health (Wood, Tay-
lor, & Lichtman, 1985) and evaluations of appearance
(Richins, 1991).
Richins (1991) found that participants evaluated their own
appearances more negatively if they had first been exposed
to idealized advertising images of female models. As a result
of the experimental manipulation, these participants made
upward comparisons, in which they were likely to perceive
themselves as having less of a desired characteristic than
the comparison target. In the context of applying for a part-
time job as an assistant in personality research, Morse and
Gergen’s (1970) participants were casually exposed to a
comparison target who was either neatly groomed and orga-
nized (“better off” in terms of appearance) or poorly groomed
and disorganized (“worse off” in terms of appearance). This
manipulation resulted in upward comparisons and lower self-
esteem for one group and downward comparisons and higher
self-esteem for the other group, respectively.
Using a non-experimental strategy, Wood et al. (1985)
interviewed cancer victims. Although social comparisons
were not manipulated, participants often self-generated
downward comparisons in which they were likely to per-
ceive themselves as better off than the comparison target.
For example, a woman having had a single mastectomy might
indicate that she was lucky that she did not need a double
mastectomy like her hospital roommate. In fact, when down-
ward comparison targets did not exist, these participants often
created comparisons for themselves with fictitious persons.
For example, a woman having had a double mastectomy
might indicate that she was fortunate because her husband
had remained loyal and faithful, not like “other women’s
husbands” who left their wives after such surgeries. These
studies and others (Martin & Kennedy, 1993; Stice & Shaw,
1994) reveal that people do compare themselves to others,
192 Clothing and Textiles Research Journal
even when the evaluations are negative. However, when
given the opportunity participants may construct a down-
ward comparison target (Wood, 1989), presumably to in-
crease positive affect, including self-esteem.
Social identity theory. Social identity theory (Tajfel,
1981; Tajfel & Turner, 1979) was developed to explain why
people who are separated into groups automatically evalu-
ate in-group members as “better” than out-group members.
The theory assumes that people are motivated to maintain a
positive self-image and that both personal and social iden-
tity contribute to self-image. From this perspective, social
identity emanates from group memberships (e.g., ethnicity,
sorority or team memberships), whereas personal identity
stems from individual accomplishments (e.g., Olympic
medal winner, success in graduate school, a rewarding per-
sonal relationship, beauty contest winner). According to
the theory an improvement in either personal or social iden-
tity will lead to an improvement in self-image. Social com-
parison is implicated in the evaluation of both personal and
social identities; such evaluation may involve comparison
on the basis of appearance. For example, people often at-
tribute social identity (i.e., group membership) related to sex,
age, and ethnicity on the basis of appearance.
Rudd and Lennon’s Model. This model (see Figure 1)
was proposed to “explain individual response to the cultural
aesthetic ideal as it relates to appearance” (1994, p. 163)
and it extends social identity theory for that purpose. The
model assumes that the primary appearance ideal of any
culture, especially in the U.S., is internalized as the aesthetic
standard people use to create their appearances and with
which people compare their created appearances. Social
comparison processes figure centrally in the model because
they are invoked in self- and other evaluations. Self-esteem
is maintained or elevated when self-evaluations or evalua-
tions from others indicate that one’s appearance closely
approximates the appearance ideal. Such evaluations also
contribute to positive social and personal identity.
However, when self- or others’ evaluations of appear-
ance are negative, the individual is motivated to engage in
one of several coping strategies that involve creating and
re-creating one’s appearance to more closely approximate
the aesthetic ideal. As a result, self-esteem may be tenuous
depending on the success of the coping strategy in approxi-
mating the aesthetic ideal, thus affecting and possibly being
affected by both social and personal identity.
Relevant Literature
Three personal or individual variables which are rel-
evant to the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model are self-es-
teem, attitudes toward gender roles, and body image. These
variables are also affected by socio-cultural factors such as
individualism and social group membership (social identity)
which are also important in the Rudd and Lennon model. In
the next section these variables will be reviewed and their
relevance to the model will be outlined.
Self-esteem. Self-esteem is usually viewed as one’s
overall feeling of self-worth and is thought to be relatively
© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005
 Figure 1. Model of the effects of social comparison on the construction and evaluation
of appearance (Rudd & Lennon, 1994, p. 165).
constant over time and situations1 (Baron & Byrne, 1991;
Rosenberg, 1965; 1979); however, it can fluctuate some-
what due to external events (Baron & Byrne, 1991). Self-
esteem has been found to be positively related to attractive-
ness (Mathes & Kahn, 1975; O’Grady, 1989) and body
satisfaction (Lennon & Rudd, 1994; Lerner, Orlos, &
Knapp, 1976; Simmons & Rosenberg, 1975; Striegel-
Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986) in women. For example,
Lennon and Rudd (1994) found that among college women,
8% of the variance in self-esteem was due to body satisfac-
tion. In the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model, low self-es-
teem may be a motivator of appearance-management be-
haviors. If such behaviors are successful in approximating
the cultural ideal, higher self-esteem can result, thus rein-
forcing such behaviors.
Attitudes toward gender roles. Gender is a socially
constructed concept that outlines guidelines (i.e., gender
roles) for behaviors considered appropriate for men and
women. We argue that attitudes toward gender roles are
relevant to the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model because such
attitudes may affect the extent to which women attend to
and place importance on appearance. For example, tradi-
tional gender roles associate femininity with beauty and
1
Self-concept is often defined as the global perception of who we are
(Baron & Byrne, 1991) or as our self-identity, whereas self-esteem is
how we feel about who we are. Rather than thinking of the self-con-
cept as static and unchanging there is recent evidence (Markus & Nurius,
1986), consistent with the work of other scholars (Cooley, 1902; Mead,
1934), that one’s self-concept is in a state of becoming (i.e., it is open
to change based on new experiences and feedback from others).
© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005
concern with appearance (Brownmiller, 1984; Freedman,
1988; Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1985). Indeed,
researchers (Timko, Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin,
1987) have found that among young women self-ratings of
femininity are positively related to self-ratings of the im-
portance of appearance. This finding suggests that an at-
tractive appearance is likely to be more important to women
who hold traditional attitudes toward gender roles than to
women who hold non-traditional attitudes (Freedman, 1984;
1986; Hatfield & Sprecher, 1986).
Research shows that among women, an attractive ap-
pearance and self-esteem are positively related (Mathes &
Kahn, 1975; O’Grady, 1989). Thus, because women with
traditional attitudes toward gender roles (traditional women)
place more importance on an attractive appearance than non-
traditional women (Timko, Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, &
Rodin, 1987), traditional women’s attention to and mainte-
nance of their attractiveness may also be an important facet
of their self worth. For traditional women, self-esteem may
be related to appearance-management behaviors, such as
cosmetic use, exercise regimens, food monitoring, and cloth-
ing selection. In other words, it is reasonable to expect that
for traditional women self-esteem will be related to the extent
to which importance is placed on and attention is given to
maintaining attractive appearances.
Body image. Body image is the mental image we have
of our bodies (Fallon, 1990); it is perceptual in that it re-
flects our perceptions of our bodies and it is affective in that
it reflects how we feel about those perceptions. The topic
of body image has recently been addressed in the research
literature (e.g., Brown, Cash, & Lewis, 1989; Dionne, Davis,
Fox, & Gurevich, 1995; Lennon & Rudd, 1994; Martz,
Volume 17 #4 1999 193
Handley, & Eisler, 1995; Pike & Rodin, 1991; Striegel-
Moore & Kearney-Cooke, 1994), in scholarly books (e.g.,
Cash & Pruzinsky, 1990; Fallon, Katzman, & Wooley, 1994;
Freedman, 1986; 1988; Pipher, 1994; Rodin, 1992; Thomp-
son, 1996) and reviews (e.g., Rudd & Lennon, 1995; Seid,
1994), and in the popular press (e.g., Goodman, 1995; Ryan,
1995). Body image also figures centrally in the Rudd and
Lennon (1994) model because the model was developed to
explain body aesthetics. As individuals compare their ap-
pearances to others, the outcome of those comparisons in-
fluences feelings, perceptions of self-attractiveness, and body
image. For example, Stice and Shaw (1994) found that as
compared to participants who were exposed to thin models,
those exposed to large-sized models (from a magazine for
large-sized women) were happier, more confident, less de-
pressed, less shameful, less guilty, and less dissatisfied with
their bodies.
Body image may be related to attitudes toward gender
roles or subscription to non-traditional roles (Freedman,
1984; Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986). Jack-
son, Sullivan, and Rostker (1988) found that cultural stan-
dards of appearance were more likely to influence both men
and women with traditional as opposed to non-traditional
attitudes toward gender roles. This suggests that women
with non-traditional attitudes toward gender roles may be
more satisfied with their bodies.
Lennon and Rudd (1994), however, found no effect for
attitudes toward gender roles on body satisfaction. Never-
theless, other researchers have reported such relationships
(Dionne, Davis, Fox, & Gurevich, 1995; Martz, Handley, &
Eisler, 1995; Franzoi, 1995), using different measures of (a)
body image and (b) attitudes toward gender roles. For ex-
ample, Dionne, Davis, Fox, and Gurevich (1995) found a
positive relationship between body image and non-traditional
attitudes toward gender roles as they relate to physical ap-
pearance. Franzoi (1995) found that women’s possession
of instrumental traits (e.g., muscular strength, reflexes, or
coordination), often used as indicators of masculinity, were
positively associated with attitudes toward what their bod-
ies looked like (i.e., body-as-object). In these studies, non-
traditional women tended to be more satisfied with the ap-
pearance of their bodies.
Social groups. In America, society is “segmented by
factors such as reference group affiliations, urban-rural ori-
entation, age, class, purchasing power, education, ethnicity,
and any or all of the above in combination” (Hamilton, 1993,
p. 55). In these contexts, expectations to achieve an appear-
ance which approximates the cultural ideal may be modi-
fied. For example, in one study (Rand & Kuldau, 1990)
Caucasian-American women who were satisfied with their
weights were significantly less heavy than African-Ameri-
can women who were satisfied with their weights. In an-
other study (Cash & Henry, 1995) although actual weights
were not measured, African-American women gave higher
ratings to their appearances, were more satisfied with their
bodies, and yet were less preoccupied with their weights
than either Caucasian-American or Hispanic-American
women. Furthermore, as compared to Caucasian-American
women, African-American women tend to be more satis-
fied with their bodies (Akan & Grilo, 1995; Chandler, Abood,
Lee, Cleveland, & Daly, 1994; Harris, Walters, & Waschull,
194 Clothing and Textiles Research Journal
1991; Rucker & Cash, 1992) and are likely to have higher
self-esteem (Akan & Grilo, 1995) even if they weigh more
than Caucasian-American women. According to the Rudd
and Lennon (1994) model these findings suggest that Afri-
can-American women may not rely on the dominant cul-
tural aesthetic standard to which to compare and may be
relying on an in-group standard.
Social group membership is relevant to the Rudd and
Lennon (1994) model because values associated with social
group membership may affect the coping strategy selected
as people attempt to recreate their appearances to approxi-
mate the cultural ideal. This idea is reasonable given that
social identity theory posits that in-group members are evalu-
ated as better than out-group members. In terms of com-
parison standards, comparison to an in-group member would
provide a more similar comparison target and, therefore,
more information. Examples of social groups related to
appearance are certain occupational groups, age groups, and
ethnic groups.
Individualism. Individualism is a socio-cultural con-
struct which can be used to classify cultures (e.g., Triandis,
1989; Triandis, Bontempo, Villareal, Asai, & Lucca, 1988).
In individualist societies, such as the U.S. and most western
countries, people are generally rewarded for being indepen-
dent, self-disciplined, competitive, and in control of their
destinies (Hofstede, 1980), which includes the active con-
trol of their bodily appearances (Thompson & Hirschman,
1995). These are characteristics also associated with thin-
ness (Nasser, 1987) in western cultures. Thus, in individu-
alist societies it may be adaptive to assume a controlling and
active role in the creation of appearances and a high degree
of importance and attention may be focused on it.
However, in less individualistic societies (collectivist
societies), such as Korea (Hofstede, 1983), Singapore
(Hofstede, 1980) and many non-western countries (Hofstede,
1980), people are generally rewarded for cooperating and
providing social support, behaviors that involve subordinat-
ing personal goals to group goals (Triandis et al., 1988).
Identities are likely to be based on one’s social position,
family, and group memberships (Dion, 1986; Hofstede,
1980). In this context, a particularly attractive appearance
may be distinctive and, therefore, may draw attention to the
individual with the attractive appearance rather than to the
group. Because attracting attention to oneself may be seen
as immodest and inappropriate in collective cultures, the
“evaluation of others based on physical attractiveness might
be dysfunctional” (Dion, 1986, p. 14) in such contexts. Thus,
in collectivist cultures there may be less importance attrib-
uted to and less attention given to the active creation of
distinctive appearances.
Degree of individualism characterizing a society may
be relevant to the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model because
individualism may be related to the extent to which people
socially compare themselves to others (Markus & Kitayama,
1991). Researchers (Martin & Kennedy, 1994; Wood, 1989)
have outlined three motives for social comparison in the U.S:
self-enhancement, self-improvement, and information-seek-
ing. In individualist societies people make downward com-
parisons for purposes of self-enhancement (i.e., to feel bet-
ter about themselves on the dimension of comparison) and
people make upward comparisons for purposes of self-im-
© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005
provement (i.e., to find out how they can become better along
whatever dimension they are comparing). Both self-enhance-
ment and self-improvement might be inappropriate in col-
lectivist societies, in which harmonizing with others is highly
desirable (Jung et al., 1996). Alternatively, people in indi-
vidualist societies may feel pressure to improve and enhance
themselves and to seek information by comparing themselves
with others (Markus & Kitayama, 1991).
Hypotheses
Based on the previous arguments the following hypoth-
eses were formulated.
H1 Body image will be positively related to self-esteem
across diverse respondent groups.
H2 Attitudes toward gender roles will be positively related
to self-esteem across diverse respondent groups.
H3 The relationship between body image2 and self-esteem
in women will be mediated by attitudes toward gender
roles.
a. Self-esteem and appearance orientation will be posi-
tively related among women with traditional attitudes
toward gender roles, but not among women with non-
traditional attitudes toward gender roles.
b. Self-esteem and fitness orientation will be positively
related among women with traditional attitudes to-
ward gender roles, but not among women with non-
traditional attitudes gender roles.
H4 Social group differences within a society will be related
to body image and self-esteem.
a: African-American women will have higher scores
in body image than Caucasian-American women.
b: African-American women will have higher self-es-
teem scores than Caucasian-American women.
H5 As compared to women from individualist societies3
(e.g., U.S.), women from collectivist societies (e.g.,
Korea, Singapore) will attach less importance to and
give less attention to aspects of body image.
a: Korean women will have lower scores on appear-
ance orientation than U.S. women.
b: Korean women will have lower scores on fitness ori-
entation4 than U.S. women.
c: Singaporean women will have lower scores on ap-
pearance orientation than U.S. women.
2
Orientation to appearance (Appearance Orientation) and orientation
to fitness (Fitness Orientation) measure the importance placed on and
the attention given to appearance and fitness as domains of body im-
age, respectively.
3
Although other between group differences are likely to exist, they may
not be meaningful. For example, differences in levels of self-esteem
between people from individualist and collectivist societies may not
reflect true differences (Markus & Kitayama, 1991). Such differences,
if they exist, are likely to simply reflect the fact that in collectivist
societies people are more likely to be rewarded for completing cultur-
ally sanctioned tasks than for esteeming the self.
4
Attention to fitness is an important component of body image, be-
cause if one is fit, one is likely to also be thin and toned both of which
are directly related to late 20th Century appearance ideals (Banner, 1983;
Beuf, 1990; Freedman, 1986).
© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005
d: Singaporean women will have lower scores on fit-
ness orientation than U.S. women.
Method
Sample
Respondents were 202 Korean college women, 171
African-American college women, 47 Singaporean college
men, 52 Singaporean college women, 109 Caucasian-Ameri-
can college women, and 6 Caucasian-American college men.
There were 53 men and 534 women. In all, 587 volunteer
respondents returned questionnaires, all of them usable,
although some of the questionnaires contained items with
missing responses. Because of the large disparity between
numbers of men and women and because men and women
tend to differ both in self-esteem (Belle, 1990; Newmann,
1986; Russo, Green, & Knight, 1993) and body image
(Levinson, Powell, & Steelman, 1985; Pliner, Chaiken, &
Flett, 1990; Silberstein, Striegel-Moore, Timko, & Rodin,
1988; Sullivan & Harnish, 1990), only the responses from
the 534 women were used in the analyses. Participants were
selected from Korea and Singapore because both societies
were identified by Hofstede (1980, 1983) as collectivist.
Procedure
All questionnaires were administered in English. The
Korean college women were students from seven universi-
ties in Korea and completed questionnaires in classes. The
Singaporeans were students from one university in
Singapore. The African-American college women and the
Caucasian-American college women were students from two
universities in a midwestern U.S. state. The Singaporean
and the U.S. students were given surveys to take home and
complete.
Instrument
Self-administered questionnaires contained some de-
mographic items and measures of body image, attitudes
toward gender roles, and self-esteem. The Attitudes To-
ward Women Scale (Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1973)
assessed attitudes toward traditional and non-traditional
gender roles. Scale items reflect roles and behaviors that
could be normative for either men or women. Twenty-two
items are presented in a Likert-type format (5 = agree; 1 =
disagree); scores are summed for an overall score. Higher
scores indicate a less traditional (or more egalitarian) per-
spective of gender roles (possible range = 22 to 110).
Typical items include “If a woman goes out to work her
husband should share the housework, such as washing
dishes, cleaning, and cooking” and “Women earning as
much as their dates should pay for themselves when going
out with them.” Adequate psychometric properties (Nelson,
1988) have been found for this measure and it has been
used in other countries. Nelson found that a group of 123
American women under the age of 40 averaged 83.8 on the
measure with a standard deviation of 10.2. In addition,
Lennon and Rudd (1994) reported that their 194 female
college students averaged 88.7 with a range of 51 to 109.
Volume 17 #4 1999 195
 Self-esteem was assessed using the Rosenberg Self- 23.8 years, 5' 5" tall, and 151.8 pounds. Korean college
Esteem Inventory (1965), a valid and reliable measure of women indicated age and reported categories for height and
global self-esteem (Demo, 1985; Rosenberg, 1965). For weight rather than actual values. The average age of the
example, Rosenberg (1965; 1979) reported test-retest Korean college women was 20.6 years, their modal height
reliabilities ranging from .82 to .88. In addition, the mea- most commonly ranged from 5' 1" to 5' 5", and their modal
sure has been used in other research studying body image weight ranged between 110 to 120 pounds.
(e.g., Akan & Grilo, 1995; Lennon & Rudd, 1994; Thomas, To determine relationships among self-esteem, body
1989). The instrument consists of 10 statements (5 = agree, image, and attitudes toward gender roles across the four
1 = disagree). An overall score is formed by summing in- respondent groups, a multiple regression analysis was per-
dividual item responses. High self-esteem is associated with formed. The predictor variables were the 11 body image
self-acceptance, whereas low self-esteem is associated with subscales and attitudes toward gender roles; the criterion
a variety of psychological problems (Brown, Bifulco, Har- was self-esteem. Seven of the eight significant predictor
ris, & Bridge, 1986; Katzman & Wolchik, 1984), including variables were positively related to self-esteem (appearance
depression (Russo, Green, & Knight, 1993). Lennon and evaluation, fitness evaluation, attitudes toward gender roles,
Rudd (1994) reported an average self-esteem score of 38.7 body areas satisfaction, illness orientation, health evalua-
with a range of 24 to 50 for 194 college women. tion, weight label) and one was negatively related to self-
Body image was measured by the Multi-dimensional esteem (weight preoccupation). Together these eight sig-
Body Self Relations Questionnaire (MBSRQ) which was nificant predictor variables accounted for 49% (R2 = .49) of
developed by Cash and his team (Brown, Cash, & Mikulka, the explained variance in self-esteem (See Table 1 for all
1990; Cash, Winstead, & Janda, 1986). Developed from regression statistics). In terms of goodness of fit, the mul-
the Body Self Relations Questionnaire (BSRQ) (Winstead tiple correlation between the observed scores and the pre-
& Cash, 1984), the MBSRQ has been shown to possess dicted scores was substantial (R = .70).
adequate psychometric properties (Thompson, Penner, &
Altabe, 1990). The MBSRQ consists of several subscales,
the items within which are summed for subscale scores. Table 1. Summary of Regression Analysis for Variables Pre-
Evaluation subscales measure one’s liking and satisfaction dicting Self-esteem
with a variety of body image domains such as appearance
(Appearance Evaluation), health (Health Evaluation), and Predictor Variables Beta weight t (525) p<
fitness (Fitness Evaluation). The orientation subscales
measure the importance placed on and the attention given Appearance Evaluation .40 8.88 .0001
to domains of body image including appearance (Appear-
ance Orientation), health (Health Orientation), fitness (Fit- Fitness Evaluation .15 4.15 .0001
ness Orientation), and illness (Illness Orientation). Appear- Attitudes Toward Gender Roles .11 3.36 .001
ance Satisfaction measures satisfaction with overall appear- Body Areas Satisfaction Score .09 2.11 .05
ance and Body Areas Satisfaction measures satisfaction with Illness Orientation .12 3.58 .001
body characteristics associated with size/shape (i.e., weight,
Health Evaluation .10 2.80 .01
height, lower torso, mid torso, upper torso), fitness (i.e.,
muscle tone), and facial attractiveness (i.e., face, hair). The Weight Preoccupation -.11 -2.95 .005
Weight Preoccupation subscale measures self-reported Weight Label .09 2.75 .01
concern with weight and the Weight Label subscale mea-
sures the extent to which one is self- and/or other-identi- Multiple R .70
fied as overweight. Although the BSRQ and the MBSRQ R2
.49
have been used extensively, few means and standard devia-
F(8, 525) 63.38 .0001
tions for some of the subscales have been reported in the
literature. For example, Cash and Henry (1995) surveyed
803 adult U.S. women and reported scale item averages
comparable to the following means and standard deviations:
M = 20.5, s.d. = 3.50 (Appearance Evaluation), M = 25.84, To examine differences among traditional and non-tra-
s.d. = 5.92 (Body Areas Satisfaction), M = 11.40, s.d. = ditional women in terms of the extent to which self-esteem
3.64 (Weight Preoccupation). is positively related to appearance orientation and fitness
orientation, each of the groups of women was split accord-
ing to the median scores on attitudes toward gender roles.
Median scores for each group were as follows: 83 for Korean
Results college women, 80 for Singaporean college women, 90 for
Caucasian-American college women, and 85 for African-
American college women. Pearson correlations between
Average ages, heights and weights were computed if self-esteem and (a) appearance orientation and (b) fitness
possible. The Singaporean college women averaged 19.7 orientation were then calculated for those with traditional
years, 5' 3" tall, and 110.3 pounds. The Caucasian-Ameri- attitudes toward gender roles (n = 273) and also for those
can college women averaged 21 years, 5' 5 ½” tall, and 126.8 with non-traditional attitudes toward gender roles (n = 261).
pounds. The African-American college women averaged For traditional women, there was a significant but modest

196 Clothing and Textiles Research Journal © International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005
positive relationship between self-esteem and appearance Table 2. Univariate Main Effects for Group on Attitudes to-
orientation (r = .14, p < .05) and for the non-traditional ward Gender Roles, Self-esteem, and Body Image
women the correlation was non-significant, as predicted (r Subscales
= -.05, ns). However, for both the traditional and the non-
traditional women, modest positive correlations were ob- Dependent Variable F (3, 486) p<
tained between self-esteem and fitness orientation (r = .22,
p < .01; r = .24, p < .01), respectively. Attitudes Toward Gender Roles 13.38 .0001
To ascertain differences among the four groups on the Self-esteem 48.21 .0001
variables, multivariate analysis of variance was used with Appearance Evaluation 54.17 .0001
group as the independent variable and self-esteem, attitudes Appearance Orientation 4.97 .005
toward gender roles, and the 11 body image subscales as the
dependent variables. Results of the MANOVA revealed a Fitness Evaluation 33.27 .0001
significant multivariate effect for group, approximate F (39, Fitness Orientation 6.24 .0001
1418) = 13.19, p < .0001. To determine which dependent Health Evaluation 43.90 .0001
variables were responsible for the significant overall multi- Health Orientation 13.42 .0001
variate effect, univariate analyses of variance were per-
Illness Orientation 19.30 .0001
formed. There were main effects for group on each of the
13 dependent variables (all ps < .005). Corresponding F Body Areas Satisfaction Score 26.78 .0001
values are presented in Table 2. Significant differences Appearance Satisfaction 15.23 .0001
between means were calculated using Scheffe’s procedure; Weight Label 6.42 .005
means and standard deviations for each of the groups for Weight Preoccupation 5.97 .001
each of the dependent variables are presented in Table 3.

Table 3. Means and Standard Deviations for Group on the Dependent Variables

Groups

Dependent Variable KO* SI CA AA

Attitudes Toward 83.561** 81.392 90.751,2,3 85.393

Gender Roles (8.68) (11.35) (8.95) (10.10)

Self-esteem 34.281,3 33.272,4 37.031,2,5 41.613,4,5

(5.96) (6.39) (6.57) (6.38)
Appearance Evaluation 19.361,2 20.853 21.971,4 25.262,3,4
(3.69) (4.53) (4.11) (5.27)
Appearance Orientation 43.801 40.121,2,3 44.112 43.833
(6.72) (5.94) (6.23) (6.95)
Fitness Evaluation 9.011,2 9.563,4 10.951,3 11.292,4
(2.55) (2.30) (1.85) (2.24)
Fitness Orientation 39.551 42.15 43.911 41.68
(6.78) (7.17) (9.09) (8.98)
Health Evaluation 17.391,2,3 20.251 22.152 21.323
(3.70) (4.27) (3.86) (3.92)
Health Orientation 24.291,2 26.331 25.59 27.022
(3.70) (4.77) (4.13) (5.09)
Illness Orientation 14.801,2 15.083 16.251 17.402,3
(3.32) (3.30) (3.15) (3.49)
Body Areas Satisfaction 22.211,2 21.653,4 26.071,3 27.4822,4
(6.22) (6.52) (5.36) (6.44)
Appearance Satisfaction 3.021,2,3 2.441,4,5 3.512,4 3.473,5
(0.99) (1.54) (0.83) (1.18)
Weight Label 6.421 5.261,3,4 6.713 6.784
(1.91) (2.29) (1.02) (1.54)
Weight Preoccupation 11.621 11.29 12.382 10.351,2
(3.95) (3.49) (3.75) (3.68)

**Note: KO = Korean, SI = Singaporean, CA = Caucasian, AA = African American

**Note: Items with the same subscript are significantly different (p < .05).

© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005 Volume 17 #4 1999 197


Discussion
To examine relationships among self-esteem, body
image, and attitudes toward gender roles, data were collected
from Korean, Singaporean, African-American, and Cauca-
sian-American college women and multiple regression analy-
sis was performed. As hypothesized, body image (H1) and
attitudes toward gender roles (H2) were predictors of self-
esteem across diverse respondent groups. Seven of the eleven
body image subscales were significant predictors of self-
esteem. Higher scores in self-esteem were predicted by more
positive indicators of body image. One of the subscales
(Weight Preoccupation) is scored such that higher scores
indicate more dissatisfaction with body shape (i.e., lower
body image); thus, the sign of the relationship was negative.
In addition, the positive relationship between self-esteem
and Weight Label indicates that for our sample, labeling
oneself overweight does not suggest lower self-esteem. Thus,
H1 was supported.
In addition, attitudes toward gender roles were posi-
tively correlated with and significantly predicted self-esteem,
replicating earlier research with Caucasian-American col-
lege women (Lennon & Rudd, 1994). The fact that body
image and attitudes toward gender roles were significant
predictors of self-esteem in participants who reflected sig-
nificant social group differences demonstrates the robust-
ness of the relationships. Thus, H2 was supported.
Traditional gender roles link femininity with beauty and
concern with appearance (Brownmiller, 1984; Freedman,
1988; Rodin, Silberstein, & Striegel-Moore, 1985). Thus,
we predicted (H3) that importance placed on and attention
given to appearance (clothing, grooming, and fitness) as
measured by Appearance Orientation and Fitness Orienta-
tion would be positively related to self-esteem in women
with traditional attitudes toward gender roles, but not in
women with non-traditional attitudes toward gender roles.
As expected, Appearance Orientation (importance placed on
and attention paid to clothing and grooming) was positively
related to self-esteem among women with traditional atti-
tudes toward gender roles, but not among women with non-
traditional attitudes toward gender roles. Thus, H3a was
supported. However, in both groups of women Fitness
Orientation (importance placed on and attention paid to fit-
ness) was positively related to self-esteem. Although fit-
ness has been identified as a part of the cultural aesthetic
ideal (Banner, 1983; Beuf, 1990; Freedman, 1986), this
variable may be more strongly associated with health since
it contributes to it; therefore, fitness may be important to
women regardless of attitudes toward gender roles. Thus,
H3b was not supported.
To determine meaningful differences in body image,
attitudes toward gender roles, and self-esteem among the
respondent groups (H4 and H5), multivariate analysis of
variance and subsequent univariate analyses of variance were
performed. Differences were found among the groups on
all 13 variables, some of which are meaningful in terms of
the theories discussed in this paper. H4 addressed the ex-
tent to which social group differences within a society are
related to body image and self-esteem. As expected, Afri-
198 Clothing and Textiles Research Journal
can-American women had more positive body images than
Caucasian-American women. Thus, H4a was supported.
Specifically, African-American women scored higher on
Appearance Evaluation and Weight Preoccupation (i.e, ex-
perienced less dissatisfaction about body shape). Thus, the
African-American women liked and were more satisfied with
their appearances and were less preoccupied with their
weights than the Caucasian-American women, although the
African-American women were heavier by an average of 25
pounds. The two groups had similar scores on the other
body image subscales. Additionally, African-American
women had significantly higher self-esteem than Caucasian-
American women. Thus, H4b was supported. Taken to-
gether, these results suggest that not only are the African-
American women likely comparing to an in-group standard,
they may also be discounting the dominant U.S. aesthetic
ideal. This finding is consistent with research (O’Neal, 1998)
on African-American cultural dress worn by professional
women. O’Neal’s African-American informants believed
that an appearance that conformed to the dominant culture’s
ideal was less relevant to them than one that allowed them
to express their ethnicity. Thus, although conducted in a
different context, O’Neal’s African-American informants
discounted the dominant U.S. aesthetic ideal.
We hypothesized (H5) that as compared to women from
individualistic societies, women from collectivist societies
would attach less importance and give less attention to as-
pects of body image (i.e., Appearance Orientation, Fitness
Orientation). These two particular aspects of body image
focus on importance attached to and attention given to ap-
pearance characteristics (i.e., clothing, grooming, physical
fitness). As expected, Korean college women scored sig-
nificantly lower than the Caucasian-American college
women on Fitness Orientation. However, no statistical dif-
ference was found between Korean college women and
African-American college women on Fitness Orientation.
Thus, H5b was partially supported. Additionally,
Singaporean college women scored significantly lower than
the Caucasian-American and African-American college
women on Appearance Orientation as expected. Thus, H5c
was supported. Although not hypothesized, the Singaporean
college women also scored significantly lower than the
Korean college women on Appearance Orientation.
However, H5a received no support because Korean,
Caucasian-American, and African-American college
women had similar scores on Appearance Orientation. This
finding may be related to an increasing popularity of west-
ern beauty in Korea. For example, Korean fashion maga-
zines and other media typically feature highly attractive
Caucasian fashion models (Lee, 1997). In addition, the
cosmetic surgery industry in Korea is growing rapidly
(Glain, 1993). Furthermore, Korea is a male-dominated
traditional country; therefore, women may be reinforced
for holding traditional gender role attitudes including pay-
ing attention to fashion and beauty. If true, then attention
and importance given to appearance may be a way for
Korean women to conform, rather than to be distinctive.
For these reasons, it is possible that placing importance on
and giving attention to one’s clothing and grooming is
viewed as appropriate in Korea, although the society re-
mains overall collectivist.
© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005
 Additionally, H5d received no support because
Singaporean, Caucasian-American, and African-American
college women had similar scores on Fitness Orientation.
Perhaps (a) Singaporean society is not as collectivist as might
be expected or (b) in Singapore most college-aged women
are physically fit. If so, then paying attention to and placing
importance on physical fitness may be a way to fit in rather
than be distinctive. Thus, the Singaporean college women
may engage in activities which focus on physical fitness in
order to conform. In summary, individualism was related
in some instances to the importance attached and attention
given to appearance characteristics, thus providing some
support for H5.
Rudd and Lennon (1994) model revisited. All of the
hypothesized relationships received some support. Across
all groups, people who evaluated their appearances highly
also had high self-esteem. This finding is consistent with
the idea that if people are successful at approximating the
aesthetic standard (presumably because they or others evalu-
ate their appearances as close to the ideal), higher self-es-
teem will result. It is also consistent with previous research
which has shown that attractiveness (Mathes & Kahn, 1975;
O’Grady, 1989) and body image (Lennon & Rudd, 1994;
Lerner, Orlos, & Knapp, 1976; Simmons & Rosenberg, 1975;
Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986) are both related
to self-esteem. Future researchers may seek additional sup-
port for this notion by asking people about the extent to which
they believe they approximate the cultural aesthetic ideal.
In addition, the relationship between body image (in
terms of Appearance Orientation) and self-esteem was
mediated by attitudes towards gender roles. Specifically, a
positive relationship was found between self-esteem and
Appearance Orientation for traditional women, but no such
relationship was found for non-traditional women. Thus,
the extent to which self-esteem is related to attention given
to and importance placed on personal appearance was asso-
ciated with attitudes toward gender roles. This relationship
would manifest itself through appearance-management be-
haviors or through the extent to which women internalize
and compare themselves to the aesthetic ideal. We did not
measure social comparison or specific instances of appear-
ance-management behaviors; therefore, these hypothesized
relationships remain to be verified.
The results relating to social group membership sug-
gest that social group membership may affect the coping
strategy selected as people attempt to recreate their appear-
ances according to the Rudd and Lennon model (1994). Not
only did African-American college women have higher
scores in body image than Caucasian-American college
women (as measured by two subscales), they also had higher
self-esteem. This finding suggests two things: (a) African-
American college women place a high value on their own
appearances, so they are not accepting the dominant aes-
thetic standard and may have a different personal standard,
and (b) they have high self-esteem, so they may be compar-
ing themselves to an in-group standard. Thus, social group
membership appears to be relevant for the model and to affect
the coping strategy selected for use.
Individualism was related to some of the hypothesized
linkages among the variables (i.e., H5b, H5c). Degree of
individualism in a society is related to independence, disci-
© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005
pline, competitiveness, and control (Hofstede, 1980), includ-
ing bodily control (Thompson & Hirschman, 1995). As such,
individualism may be positively related to the extent to which
people engage in appearance social comparison. Although
we did not measure social comparison and so have no direct
test of the proposed fit of individualism in the model, our
results are consistent with this conceptualization. Additional
support is provided by the fact that cosmetic surgery is grow-
ing in Korea, which suggests that Korean women are en-
gaging in social comparison, even though it would seem that
social comparison aimed at self-enhancement or self-im-
provement would occur at low levels in a collectivist group.
Additional research needs to be undertaken to directly ad-
dress these issues.
Conclusions
Research with a large group of respondents represent-
ing a variety of groups has provided strong evidence of the
positive relationships between (a) self-esteem and body
image and (b) self-esteem and attitudes toward gender roles.
In addition, attitudes toward gender roles influenced the
extent to which self-esteem was related to importance placed
on and attention given to clothing and grooming. Social
group membership was related to body image and self-es-
teem. Individualism did not always relate to body image as
predicted and, thus, more work focusing on these variables
is warranted. In addition, results support the relevance of
each of the variables and the relationships among them for
the Rudd and Lennon (1994) model, although more direct
tests of the model remain to be developed.
Rudd and Lennon (1994) acknowledged that the U.S.
standard of female beauty embodies Euro-American beauty
standards, thus approximating such a standard may not be
possible for many women, especially for women of color
(Neal & Wilson, 1989). In fact, African Americans have
experienced much social prejudice and discrimination based
on appearance. Yet as compared to Caucasian-American
women, African-American women were less preoccupied
with their weights and received higher scores in both body
image (e.g., Appearance Evaluation) and self-esteem. These
findings are clear evidence that the dominant aesthetic stan-
dard need not be deleterious to women (e.g., Thomas &
James, 1988) and is consistent with other research (Akan &
Grilo, 1995). We assume that African-American college
women were comparing themselves to in-group standards
which is a mentally healthy response5 in this situation. If so,
then perhaps others can be taught to do so. For example,
people experiencing body image disturbances or related
5
Crocker and Major (1989) believe that people who are disadvantaged
along a dimension of comparison (e.g., appearance, athletic ability)
selectively compare to others who are also disadvantaged on the same
dimension of comparison (in-group members), instead of comparing to
others who are not disadvantaged on the dimension of comparison (out-
group members).
Volume 17 #4 1999 199
depression might be encouraged to critique or deconstruct
media images in an effort to distance themselves from those
images (see Pipher, 1994). Young people might be taught
to generate their own standards for comparison, as well as
to be more accepting of a broader range of appearance char-
acteristics through activities in 4-H, family and consumer
science classes, and Girl and Boy Scouts.
Based on our results, future researchers may wish to
study social comparison and appearance-management be-
haviors within the context of the Rudd and Lennon (1994)
model. In this research, we investigated self-esteem which
may contribute more to the personal identity part of the Rudd
and Lennon model than to the social identity part. Future
researchers may also wish to study collective self-esteem
(Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992) in individualist and collectiv-
ist groups within the context of the Rudd and Lennon model.
References
Akan, G. E., & Grilo, C. M. (1995). Sociocultural in-
fluences on eating attitudes and behaviors, body image, and
psychological functioning: A comparison of African-Ameri-
can, Asian-American, and Caucasian college women. In-
ternational Journal of Eating Disorders, 18(2), 181-187.
Banner, L. W. (1983). American beauty. Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press.
Baron, R. A., & Byrne, D. (1991). Social psychology:
Understanding human interaction (6th Ed.). Boston, MA:
Allyn and Bacon.
Belle, D. (1990). Poverty and women’s health. Ameri-
can Psychologist, 49, 384-389.
Beuf, A. (1990). Beauty is the beast. New York:
University of Pennsylvania Press.
Brown, G. W., Bifulco, A., Harris, T., & Bridge, L.
(1986). Life stress, chronic subclinical symptoms and vul-
nerability to clinical depression. Journal of Affective Dis-
orders, 11, 1-19.
Brown, T., Cash, T., & Lewis, R. (1989). Body-image
disturbances in adolescent female binge-purgers: A brief
report of the results of a national survey in the U.S.A. Jour-
nal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 30, 605-613.
Brown, T., Cash, T., & Mikulka, R. (1990). Attitudinal
body-image assessment: Factor analysis of the Body-Self
Relations Questionnaire. Journal of Personality Assessment,
55, 135-144.
Brownmiller, S. (1984). Femininity. New York: Lin-
den Press.
Cash, T. F., & Henry, P. E. (1995). Women’s body
images: The results of a national survey in the U.S.A. Sex
Roles, 33, 19-28.
Cash, T. F., & Pruzinsky (Eds.) (1990). Body images:
Development, deviance, and change. New York: The
Guilford Press.
Cash, T., Winstead, B., & Janda, L. (1986). The great
American shape-up: Body image survey report. Psychol-
ogy Today, 20(4), 30-37.
Chandler, S. B., Abood, D. A., Lee, D. T., Cleveland,
M. Z., & Daly, J. A. (1994). Pathogenic eating attitudes and
200 Clothing and Textiles Research Journal
behaviors and body dissatisfaction differences among black
and white college students. Eating Disorders, 2, 319-328.
Cooley, C. H. (1902). Human nature and the social
order. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Crocker, J., & Major, B. (1989). Social stigma and self-
esteem: The self-protective properties of stigma. Psycho-
logical Review, 96, 608-630.
Demo, D. H. (1985). The measurement of self-esteem:
Refining our methods. Journal of Personality and Social
Psychology, 48, 1490-1502.
Dion, K. K. (1986). Stereotyping based on physical
attractiveness: Issues and conceptual perspectives. In C. P.
Herman, M. P. Zanna, & E. T. Higgins (Eds.), Appearance,
stigma, and social behavior: The Ontario Symposium on
Personality and Social Psychology (Vol. 3, pp. 7-21).
Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.
Dionne, M., Davis, C., Fox, J., & Gurevich, M. (1995).
Feminist ideology as a predictor of body dissatisfaction in
women. Sex Roles, 33(3/4), 277-287.
Fallon, A. (1990). Culture in the mirror: Sociocultural
determinants of body image. In T. F. Cash & T. Pruzinsky
(Eds.), Body images: Development, deviance, and change
(pp. 80-109). New York: The Guilford Press.
Fallon, P., Katzman, M., & Wooley, S. (Eds.) (1994).
Feminist perspectives on eating disorders. New York: The
Guilford Press.
Festinger, L. (1954). A theory of social comparison
processes. Human Relations, 7, 117-140.
Franzoi, S. L. (1995). The body-as-object versus the
body-as-process: Gender differences and gender consider-
ations. Sex Roles, 33, 417-437.
Freedman, R. J. (1984). Reflections on beauty as it
relates to health in adolescent females. Women and Health,
9(2/3), 29-45.
Freedman, R. J. (1986). Beauty bound. Lexington, MA:
Lexington Books.
Freedman, R. J. (1988). Bodylove. NY: Harper & Row,
Publishers.
Glain, S. (1993, November 23). Cosmetic surgery goes
hand in glove with the new Korea. The Wall Street Jour-
nal, p. A1.
Goethals, G. R., & Darley, J. M. (1977). Social com-
parison theory: An attributional approach. In J. M. Suls &
R. L. Miller (Eds.), Social comparison processes (pp. 259-
278). D. C.: Hemisphere/John Wiley & Sons.
Goodman, W. C. (1995). The invisible woman: Confront-
ing weight prejudice in America. Carlsbad, CA: Gurze Books.
Hamilton, J. A. (1993). Dress and the dynamics of
culture: Implications for theory, method, and content. In S.
J. Lennon & L. D. Burns (Eds.), Social science aspects of
dress: New directions (pp. 48-56). Monument, CO: ITAA.
Harris, M. B., Walters, L. C., & Waschull, S. (1991).
Gender and ethnic differences in obesity-related behaviors
and attitudes in a college sample. Journal of Applied Psy-
chology, 21, 1545-1566.
Hatfield, E., & Sprecher, S. (1986). Mirror mirror: The
importance of looks in everyday life. Albany: State Univer-
sity of New York Press.
Hofstede, G. (1980). Culture’s consequences: Inter-
national differences in work-related values. Beverly Hills,
CA: Sage.
© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005
 Hofstede, G. (1983). Dimensions of national cultures
in fifty countries and three regions. In J. Deregowski et al.
(Eds.), Explications in cross-cultural psychology. Lisse, The
Netherlands: Swets and Zeitlinger.
Jackson, L., Sullivan, L., & Rostker, R. (1988). Gen-
der, gender role, and body image. Sex Roles, 19, 429-443.
Jung, J., Lee, M., Pedersen, E., Rudd, N. A., Salusso,
C., & Lennon, S. J. (1996). Body image: Pedagogy, research
and outreach. Paper presented at the meeting of the Interna-
tional Textiles and Apparel Association, Banff, Canada.
Katzman, M., & Wolchik, S. (1984). Bulimia and binge-
eating in college women: A comparison of personality and
behavioral characteristics. Journal of Consulting and Clini-
cal Psychology, 52, 423-428.
Lee, M. Y. (1997). Relationship of body image,
acculturative stress, and self-esteem among Korean female
college students. Unpublished master’s thesis, The Ohio
State University, Columbus.
Lennon, S. J. (1988). Physical attractiveness, age, and
body type. Home Economics Research Journal, 16, 195-204.
Lennon, S. J., & Rudd, N. A. (1994). Linkages between
attitudes toward gender roles, body satisfaction, self-esteem,
and appearance-management behaviors in women. Family
and Consumer Sciences Research Journal, 23, 94-117.
Lerner, R. M., Orlos, J., & Knapp, J. (1976). Physical
attractiveness, physical effectiveness, and self-concept in late
adolescents. Adolescence, 11, 313-325.
Levinson, R., Powell, B., & Steelman, L. C. (1985).
Social location, significant others and body image among
adolescents. Social Psychology Quarterly, 49(4), 330-337.
Luhtanen, R., & Crocker, J. (1992). A collective self-
esteem scale: Self-evaluation of one’s social identity. Per-
sonality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 18, 302-318.
Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the
self: Implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation.
Psychological Review, 98, 224-253.
Markus, H. R., & Nurius, P. (1986). Possible selves.
American Psychologist, 41, 954-969.
Martin, M., & Kennedy, P. (1993). Advertising and
social comparison: Consequences for female preadolescents
and adolescents. Psychology and Marketing, 10(6), 513-530.
Martin, M., & Kennedy, P. (1994). Social comparison
and the beauty of advertising models: The role of motives
for comparison. In C. Allen & D. R. John (Eds.), Advances
in Consumer Research (Vol. 21, pp. 365-371). Provo, UT:
Association for Consumer Research.
Martz, D., Handley, K., & Eisler, R. (1995). The rela-
tionship between feminine gender role stress, body image,
and eating disorders. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 19,
493-508.
Mathes, W. W., & Kahn, A. (1975). Physical attrac-
tiveness, happiness, neuroticism, and self-esteem. Journal
of Psychology, 90, 27-30.
Mead, G. H. (1934). Mind, self, and society. Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press.
Morse, S., & Gergen, K. J. (1970). Social comparison,
self-consistency, and the concept of self. Journal of Per-
sonality and Social Psychology, 16, 148-156.
Nasser, M. (1988). Culture and weight consciousness.
Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 32, 573-577.
Neal, A. M., & Wilson, M. L. (1989). The role of skin
© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005
color and features in the black community: Implications for
black women and therapy. Clinical Psychology Review, 9,
323-333.
Nelson, M. C. (1988). Reliability, validity, and cross-
cultural comparisons for the simplified Attitudes Toward
Women Scale. Sex Roles, 18, 289-296.
Newmann, J. P. (1986). Gender, life strains, and depres-
sion. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 27, 161-178.
O’Grady, K. E. (1989). Physical attractiveness, need
for approval, social self-esteem, and maladjustment. Jour-
nal of Social and Clinical Psychology, 8(1), 62-69.
O’Neal, G. S. (1998). African American women’s
professional dress as expression of ethnicity. Journal of
Family and Consumer Sciences, 90, 28-33.
Pike, K., & Rodin, J. (1991). Mothers, daughters, and
disordered eating. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 100,
198-204.
Pipher, M. (1994). Reviving Ophelia: Saving the selves
of adolescent girls. New York: Ballantine Books.
Pliner, P., Chaiken, S., & Flett, G. (1990). Gender
differences in concern with body weight and physical ap-
pearance over the life span. Personality and Social Psy-
chology Bulletin, 16(2), 263-273.
Rand, C. S. W., & Kuldau, J. M. (1990). The epidemi-
ology of obesity and self-defined weight problem in the
general population: Gender, race, age, and social class.
International Journal of Eating Disorders, 9(3), 329-343.
Richins, M. L. (1991). Social comparison and the ide-
alized images of advertising. Journal of Consumer Research,
18, 71-83.
Rodin, J. (1992). Body traps. NY: Morrow.
Rodin, J., Silberstein, L., & Striegel-Moore, R. (1985).
Women and weight: A normative discontent. In T. B.
Sonderegger (Ed)., Psychology and gender: Nebraska Sym-
posium on Motivation (Vol. 32, pp. 267-307). Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press.
Rosenberg, M. (1965). Society and the adolescent self-
image. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Rosenberg, M. (1979). Conceiving the self. New York:
Basic Books.
Rucker, C. E., & Cash, T. F. (1992). Body images, body-
size perceptions, and eating behaviors among African-
American and white college women. International Journal
of Eating Disorders, 12(3), 291-299.
Rudd, N. A., & Lennon, S. J. (1994). Aesthetics of the
body and social identity theory. In M. DeLong & A.M. Fiore
(Eds.), Aesthetics of textiles and clothing: Advancing
multidisciplinary perspectives (pp. 163-175). Monument,
CO: International Textiles and Apparel Association.
Rudd, N. A., & Lennon, S. J. (1995). Body image:
Eating, substance abuse, and appearance disorders. In P.
Meszaros (Ed.), Proceedings of Research and Policy Agenda
Conference (pp. 41-57). Alexandria, VA: American Asso-
ciation of Family and Consumer Sciences.
Russo, N. F., Green, B. L., & Knight, G. (1993). The
relationship of gender, self-esteem, and instrumentality to
depressive symptomatology. Journal of Social and Clini-
cal Psychology, 12(2), 218-236.
Ryan, J. (1995). Little girls in pretty boxes: The mak-
ing and breaking of elite gymnasts and figure skaters. New
York: Warner Books, Inc.
Volume 17 #4 1999 201
 Seid, R. P. (1994). Too “close to the bone”: The his-
torical context for women’s obsession with slenderness. In
P. Fallon, M. Katzman, & S. Wooley (Eds.), Feminist per-
spectives on eating disorders (pp. 3-16). New York: The
Guilford Press.
Silberstein, L. R., Striegel-Moore, R. H., Timko, C., &
Rodin, J. (1988). Behavioral and psychological implica-
tions of body dissatisfaction: Do men and women differ?
Sex Roles, 19(3/4), 219-232.
Simmons, R., & Rosenberg, F. (1975). Sex, sex roles,
and self-image. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 4, 229-258.
Spence, J. T., Helmreich, R. L., & Stapp, J. (1973). A
short version of the Attitudes towards Women Scale (AWS).
Bulletin of the Psychonomic Society, 2, 219-220.
Stice, E., & Shaw, H. (1994). Adverse effects of the
media portrayed thin-ideal on women and linkages to bulimic
symptomatology. Journal of Social and Clinical Psychol-
ogy, 13(3), 288-308.
Striegel-Moore, R. H., & Kearney-Cooke, A. (1994).
Exploring parents’ attitudes and behaviors about their
children’s physical appearance. International Journal of
Eating Disorders, 15(4), 377-385.
Striegel-Moore, R. H., Silberstein, L. R., & Rodin, J.
(1986). Toward an understanding of risk factors for bu-
limia. American Psychologist, 41(3), 246-263.
Sullivan, L. A., & Harnish, R. J. (1990). Body image:
Differences between high and low self-monitoring males and
females. Journal of Research in Personality, 24, 291-302.
Tajfel, H. (1981). Human groups and social catego-
ries. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press.
Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory
of social conflict. In W. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The
social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 33-47).
Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Thomas, V. G. (1989). Body-image satisfaction among
black women. The Journal of Social Psychology, 129(1),
107-112.
202 Clothing and Textiles Research Journal
View publication stats
Thomas, V. G., & James, M. D. (1988). Body image,
dieting tendencies, and sex role traits in urban black women.
Sex Roles, 18, 523-529.
Thompson, C. J., & Hirschman, E. C. (1995). Under-
standing the socialized body: A poststructuralist analysis of
consumers’ self-conceptions, body images, and self-care
practices. Journal of Consumer Research, 22, 139-153.
Thompson, J. K. (Ed.) (1996). Body image, eating
disorders, and obesity. Washington, D. C., American Psy-
chological Association.
Thompson, J. K., Penner, L. A., & Altabe, M. N. (1990).
Procedures, problems, and progress in the assessment of body
images. In T. F. Cash, & T. Pruzinsky (Eds.), Body images:
Development, deviance, and change (pp. 21-48). New York:
The Guilford Press.
Timko, C., Striegel-Moore, R. H., Silberstein, L. R., &
Rodin, J. (1987). Femininity/masculinity and disordered
eating in women: How are they related? International Jour-
nal of Eating Disorders, 6, 701-712.
Triandis, H. C. (1989). The self and social behavior
in differing cultural contexts. Psychological Review, 96,
506-520.
Triandis, H., Bontempo, R., Villareal, M., Asai, M., &
Lucca, N. (1988). Individualism and collectivism: Cross-
cultural perspectives on self-ingroup relationships. Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology, 54(2), 323-338.
Winstead, B. A., & Cash, T. F. (1984, March). Reli-
ability and validity of the Body-Self Relationship Question-
naire: A new measure of body image. Paper presented at the
Southeastern Psychological Association, New Orleans.
Wood, J. V. (1989). Theory and research concerning
social comparisons of personal attributes. Psychological
Bulletin, 106, 231-248.
Wood, J. V., Taylor, S. E., & Lichtman, R. R. (1985).
Social comparison in adjustment to breast cancer. Journal
of Personality and Social Psychology, 49, 1169-1183.
© International Textile & Apparel Association, 2005