THE LIVE BURIAL:

A Multidisciplinary Approach to the Identification and Exploration

of Live Burials

Candidate # CBQT1
MSc Forensic Archaeological Science Dissertation
Institute of Archaeology
UCL (University College London)
2015

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………………...................…………........3
LIST OF TABLES.............................................................................................................6
ABSTRACT……………………….......……………………………………………………………………………………..7
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS….....…………….………………………………………………………………………………8

1. INTRODUCTION …………………………………………………………………………………………………………..…9
1.1 FEAR OF DEATH AND THE LIVE BURIAL …………..………………………….……………………….………..9
1.2 REASONS BEHIND A LIVE BURIAL ………………………………………………………..……………………10
1.3 AIMS & OBJECTIVES ………………………………………………………………………………………………11

2. DEFINITIONS OF DEATH ………………………………………………………………………………………………….12

2.1 MEDICO-LEGAL DEFINITIONS OF DEATH ………………………....….………………………………….....12
2.2 BIOLOGICAL DEFINITION OF DEATH ...……………………………………………………………..………...13
2.3 PHILOSOPHICAL DEFINITION OF DEATH …..………………………………………………………………….13
2.4 CONCLUSION .......………………………………………………………………………………………………...14

3. INTERNAL MECHANISMS: FORENSIC MEDICINE & THE INVESTIGATION OF A LIVE BURIAL ........……….15
3.1 FORENSIC MEDICINE & PATHOLOGY ……………………………….........………………………..…......15
3.2 FORENSIC PATHOLOGY: WHAT HAPPENS TO AN INDIVIDUAL POST LIVE BURIAL? ….………......16
3.2.1 BLUNT FORCE TRAUMA AND THE MECHANISMS OF WOUND INFLICTION .......…………….17
3.2.2 MECHANICAL AND NON-MECHANICAL ASPHYXIA .…………………………..………........…...20
3.2.3 ENVIRONMENTAL DEATHS ...............................................................................24
3.3 FORENSIC CASES OF LIVE BURIAL …………………………………………..................………………...26
3.3.1 AVALANCHES ...............................................................................................26
3.3.2 EARTHQUAKES .............................................................................................28
3.3.3 BOMBINGS ..................................................................................................29
3.3.4 CONFINED SPACES .........................................................................................30
3.4 CONCLUSION .......................................................................................................32

4. EXTERNAL MECHANISMS: THE BURIAL ENVIRONMENT AND ITS ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXPLORATION .…...33
4.1 FORENSIC ARCHAEOLOGY VS. FORENSIC ANTHROPOLOGY ……………………..........................33
4.2 THE CORPSE ………………………………………………………………………………………………...........36
4.2.1 THE DECOMPOSITION PROCESS ……………………………….....……………………………………36
4.2.2 SKELETONISATION PROCESSES & THE ORIGINAL POSITION OF A CORPSE …………......…..39
4.2.3 PMI AND TEMPORAL CHANGES ........................................................................42
4.3 THE BURIAL ENVIRONMENT ………………………………………………………………….......…………..42
4.3.1 PMI & PBI ………………………………………………………………………………………….....…..42
4.3.2 TAPHONOMIC SIGNATURES & THE NATURE OF THE GRAVE ......................................44
4.4 ARCHAEOLOGICAL METHODOLOGY IN A FORENSIC INVESTIGATION ...................................50
4.5 CONCLUSION .......................................................................................................53

5. ARCHAEOLOGICAL MANIFESTATIONS: APPROACHES TO THE ISSUE OF LIVE BURIALS …..…….………....55

5.1 ARCHAEOLOGY OF FEAR …………..……………………………………………………………………..……..55
5.2 HISTORICAL ANECDOTES …………………………………………………………………………………………56
5.2.1 VESTAL BURIALS …………………………………………………………………………………………….56
5.2.2 LIVE IMMUREMENT ………………………………………………………………………………………..58
5.3 MASS RELIGIOUS SACRIFICE …………………………………………………………………………………….58
5.3.1 IDEOLOGY …………………………………………………………………………………………………….58
5.3.2 RETAINER SACRIFICE & CONSPICUOUS CONSUMPTION …………………………………………..60
5.4 DEVIANT BURIALS & THE DANGEROUS DEAD ……………………………………………………………….64

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 5.4.1 RESTRICTION ………………………………………………………………………………….…………....65
5.4.2 DANGEROUS DEAD …………………………………………………………………………………………66
5.5 NATURAL DISASTERS & WAR CRIMES …………………………………………………………………………67
5.5.1 POMPEII ………………………………………………………………………………………………………67
5.5.2 NANKING MASS BURIALS …………………………………………………………………………………70
5.6 CONCLUSION ………………………………………………………………………………………………………..72

6. CONCLUSION .......................…………………………………………………………………………………........73

BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………………………………………………....…76

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LIST OF FIGURES

COVER PICTURE: AN ILLUSTRATION INSPIRED BY EDGAR ALLAN POE’S “THE PREMATURE BURIAL” BY
ALFRED KABIN (BONDESON 2001:10).

1. A SECURITY COFFIN DESIGNED BY FRANZ VESTER IN 1868...........................................10

2. CONTUSIONS ON THE NECK OF A VICTIM OF MANUAL STRANGULATION...........................17
3. LACERATION OF THE SCALP..................................................................................17
4. STILLFRAME FROM THE FILM KILL BILL: VOL II (2004)................................................18
5. STILLFRAME FROM THE FILM KILL BILL: VOL II (2004)................................................18
6. X-RAY OF A FLAIL CHEST FRACTURE........................................................................20
7. DIAGRAM OF THE MECHANISM OF A FLAIL CHEST FRACTURE .........................................20
8. CONJUNCTIVAL HAEMORRHAGES OR PETECHIAE CAUSED BY TRAUMATIC ASPHYXIA............21
9. VICTIM OF POSTURAL ASPHYXIA ...........................................................................23
10. VICTIM OF HYPOTHERMIA SHOWING SIGNS OF PARADOXICAL UNDRESSING......................25
11. AN INFANT’ S CRANIUM SHOWING SIGNS OF DEHYDRATION (FONTANELLES).....................25
12. A BREATHING DEVICE USED BY AVALANCHE VICTIMS ..................................................27
13. IMAGE FROM THE 2010 EARTHQUAKE IN HAITI........................................................29
14. IMAGE FROM THE 2010 EARTHQUAKE IN HAITI........................................................30
15. IMAGE TAKEN AT THE TIME WHEN THE TWIN TOWERS COLLAPSE AFTER THE ATTACK...........30
16. A DAMAGED PATH TRAIN IN THE SUBTERRANEAN LEVELS AT THE WOLD TRADE CENTRE
DISASTER SITE ..................................................................................................30
17. THE HAND OF A DROWNED VICTIM SHOWING SIGNS OF CADAVERIC SPASM......................38
18. VICTIM OF ELECTROCUTION SHOWING SIGNS OF CADAVERIC SPASM...............................38
19. BURIAL 668 FROM THE MEDIEVAL SITE OF SERRIS IN FRANCE.......................................40
20. ANOTHER BURIAL FROM SERRIS, LES RUELLES, FRANCE ..............................................40
21. SAMURAI CIRCULAR BURIAL FROM 17TH CENTURY JAPAN.............................................40
22. DIAGRAM OF TYPICAL BURIAL POSITIONS ................................................................41
23. A MEDIEVAL BURIAL FROM 8TH CENTURY ROSCOMMON, IRELAND..................................41
24. DIAGRAM ILLUSTRATING INTERNAL COMPACTION & OTHER GEOTAPHONOMIC CHANGES
WHICH MAY OCCUR WITHIN A PREMATURE BURIAL....................................................45
25. DIAGRAM OF MODEL GRAVES IN FOUR DIFFERENT SOIL HORIZONS.................................46
26. DIAGRAM OF A DEEP GRAVE ILLUSTRATING WHAT FEATURES & PIECES OF EVIDENCE MAY BE
PRESENT.........................................................................................................47
27. TOOL MARKS CAUSED BY A ROUND-POINT SHOVEL ON THE WALLS OF A BURIAL.................47
28. A PLAN DRAWING & A SECTION DRAWING OF A GRAVE...............................................52
29. A REFERENCE GRID, PROFILE & SECTION OF A GRAVE..................................................52
30. A PLAN DRAWING OF A BURIAL USING “GRID SYSTEM MAPPING” ..................................53
31. TITLE PAGE OF GIUSEPPE VERDI’S AIDA (1871)........................................................57
32. THE EXECUTION OF A VESTAL VIRGIN (1790-1815) BY HEINRICH F RIEDRICH F URGER........57
33. A PAINTING FROM THE TOMB OF INHERKHA (NEW KINGDOM).....................................59
34. THE NAKED BOY FOUND AT EL TORO IN NORTHERN ARGENTINA....................................60
35. THE MUMMY OF A CHILD FOUND ON MOUNT LLULLAILLACO , NORTHERN ARGENTINA .......60
36. PLAN OF TUMULUS KIII AT KERMA........................................................................62
37. TUMULUS KIII AT KERMA AS SEEN FROM THE WEST...................................................62
38. TUMULUS KIII AT KERMA AS SEEN FROM THE NORTH.................................................62
39. PLAN OF A SACRIFICIAL CORRIDOR IN TUMULUS KXB AT KERMA...................................63
40. THE FOUNDATION SACRIFICE & SACRIFICIAL PITS WITHIN THE ROYAL CEMETERY AT ANYANG
(CA. 1250-1050 BC)........................................................................................63
41. TOMB MI AT YONGCHENG, CHINA OF DUKE JING OF QIN (6TH CENTURY BC) ...................64
42. THE “LIVE BURIAL” AT THE ANGLO-SAXON CEMETERY AT SEWERBY IN EAST YORKSHIRE......65
43. TWO SKELETONS INSIDE A CISTERN AT THE HOUSE OF FOURNI ON THE ISLAND OF DELOS.....66

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44. THE RIGHT FIBULA OF THE SECOND INDIVIDUAL FROM THE CISTERN ON DELOS................67
45. CAST OF A VICTIM FROM POMPEII IN A “PUGILISTIC POSE”........................................68
46. CAST OF A WOMAN FROM POMPEII.....................................................................68
47. CASTS OF TWO VICTIMS FROM POMPEII................................................................69
48. CAST OF A VICTIM FROM POMPEII IN A DUBIOUS “PUGILISTIC POSE”............................69
49. A TRIO OF CASTS FROM POMPEII, POSSIBLY A MOTHER WITH HER TWO CHILDREN............70
50. CAST OF A MAN BELIEVED TO BE IN A “PUGILISTIC POSE” FROM POMPEII.......................70
51. CHINESE PRISONERS BEING BURIED ALIVE BY JAPANESE SOLDIERS OUTSIDE NANKING IN
DECEMBER 1937............................................................................................71

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LIST OF TABLES

1. NEUROLOGICAL SEQUENCE OF DYING PROCESS.......................................................13

2. CIRCULATORY SEQUENCE OF DYING PROCESS..........................................................13
3. LAYOUT OF AN AUTOPSY REPORT........................................................................16
4. PHASES OF DISTRESS IN VICTIMS SUFFERING FROM ASPHYXIA.....................................21
5. BASIC PROTOCOL TO BE EMPLOYED IN CONFINED SPACES...........................................31
6. ADVANTAGES OF USING AN ARCHAEOLOGIST DURING A CRIME SCENE INVESTIGATION.......34
7. PROBLEM FOCUSED AREAS OF FORENSIC TAPHONOMY RESEARCH.................................35
8. STAGES OF DECOMPOSITION............................................................................36-7
9. RELATION OF TAPHONOMY TO TRADITIONAL DETERMINATIONS OF PMI........................43
10. MAIN SOIL HORIZONS & THEIR CHARACTERISTICS....................................................48
11. DIAGRAM ILLUSTRATING DIFFERENT INTERPRETATIONS OF SOIL CONSISTENCY.................49
12. EXCAVATION METHODOLOGY AT A BURIAL SITE.......................................................50
13. EXCAVATION PROCEDURE STRESSING MORE ON TAPHONOMIC PROCESSES......................51
14. BASIC CRITERIA USED TO IDENTIFY DEVIANT BURIALS................................................55
15. INDICATIONS OF “ NECROPHOBIA” WITHIN BURIALS..................................................56
16. NUMBER OF SACRIFICIAL VICTIMS FOUND IN EACH TUMULI AT KERMA DURING ITS FIRST
ARCHAEOLOGICAL CAMPAIGN.............................................................................61

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ABSTRACT

Live burials constitute a point of departure and centre of this study, where the use of
multidisciplinary approaches is emphasized, highlighting the importance of combining forensic
and archaeological science with other areas of research while investigating such a complex
phenomenon. Particularly important is the collaboration between pathologists and
archaeologists. A live burial takes place in a specific place at a specific time, mirroring notions
connected with fear of death and dying, feelings originating from the mind, causing specific
impacts in and on a body, which is influenced by, as well as affecting the context.

The study approaches the mind through descriptions of attitudes influencing customs and
notions behind deviant and live burials, burial practices and concepts like liminality, sacrifice and
punishment. The body becomes the centre of an account of causes and mechanisms of death and
how these can be detected and described by meticulous examinations of the inside and outside of
a corpse and be connected to assumed live burials. Features such as internal soil compaction,
positions of human remains and marks on both them and their immediate environment have to
be considered as well, realised through careful investigations of the context of a burial.

The thesis argues that combining insights from both forensic and archaeological disciplines
and applying them to live burials, it will be possible not only to reveal vital information about
behaviour, ideas and convictions of people who are no longer with us, but also become more
conscious about what happens to victims confined in sealed, tiny spaces and thus increase the
chances of survival for individuals affected by such emergencies. Several feasible methodologies
to asses assumed live burials, both ancient and current, are presented, detailing benefits that may
be gained from multidisciplinary and comparative investigations. However, the theories
presented must be experimentally verified, since the topic is to a certain extent still under-
researched.

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AKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Many thanks to University College London and the Institute of Archaeology for all their
support. I would also like to thank my supervisor and lecturer Dr. Carolyn Rando for her
kindness and interest in this topic, as well as for her help in difficult times.

I also thank Vincenzo Timpano for always being by my side and his contribution in
digitalising my drawing of internal compaction and allowing me to meet the supervisor
responsible for the current studies and projects carried out at Pompeii, who kindly
allowed me into their 2015 exhibition of the casts within the ancient amphitheatre at the
site. Special thanks to Dr. Bilotta and Dr. Mazzarini who’s support has been very valuable.

A special thank you to my friends and family especially my parents: my mother, who
never gave up on me but stayed by my side throughout this challenging year and my
father, who through his kindness, patience and understanding, helped me to overcome
difficult circumstances and enthusiastically pushed me to complete this masters and final
dissertation.

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1. INTRODUCTION
“The unendurable oppression of the lungs – the stifling fumes of the damp earth –
the clinging of the death garments – the rigid embrace of the narrow house – the
blackness of the absolute Night – the silence like the sea that overwhelms – the
unseen but palpable presence of the Conqueror Worm – these things, with the
thought of the air and grass above, with memory of dear friends who would fly to
save us if but informed of our fate, and with consciousness that of this fate they can
never be informed – that our hopeless portion is that of the really dead – these
consideration, I say, carry into the heart, which still palpitates, a degree of appalling
and intolerable horror from which the most daring imagination must recoil. We know
nothing so agonizing upon Earth – we can dream of nothing so hideous in the realms
of the nethermost Hell” (Poe 2006: 63).

1.1 Fear of death and the live burial

In his The Premature Burial Edgar Allan Poe heaped sensations befalling a person buried
alive. Death itself might not be frightening, but transition from life to death and worst of all –
being buried alive. Taphephobia, from ancient Greek taphos, grave and phobia, fear, signifying
fear of being buried alive, separated from the living, without any hope (Rorty 1983). In his essay
The Uncanny (Das Unheimliche) Sigmund Freud (2003) relates fear to what he calls the death
instinct. Heimlich refers to what is familiar and agreeable, but also to what is concealed.
Accordingly, Das Unheimliche is a state of transition, a sphere of uncertainty (Freud 2003).
Cases of live burials are found on the web, in the press and told by friends and relatives.
Some examples: In Southern Italy a man was declared dead at a hospital, but woke up in his coffin
listening to relatives arguing about his possessions (pers. comm., 15 February 2015). In 2013, a
woman was told her boyfriend had died while in care of the Central Hospital of the Swedish town
of Karlstad, when she discovered he was breathing, a medical doctor explained it was the corpse
freeing itself from carbon dioxide in the blood. The patient woke up and the hospital was fined
for malpractice (Staake 2013). Verdù et al. (2011) reported an incident when a man pronounced
dead after a gall-bladder operation was found screaming during the night, just before dying from
asphyxia.
Fear of being buried alive has been mirrored by certain burial customs, becoming more or
less prevalent depending on visitations like war, natural disasters and plagues. Fears common in
Europe during the 18th century may have been generated by horror stories and growing alienation
from traditional burial practices, like prolonged wakes. As a result, “security coffins” were
patented to ensure survival from live burials and standard procedures to determine death were
established (Bondeson 2001) (Figure 1).

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 Figure 1: A security coffin designed by Franz Vester in New Jersey in 1868. It was designed so that
if the individual within the coffin wakes up underground, he/she could ring the bell using a rope.
However, if the bell failed, the person could climb up into the square box attached to the lid of the
coffin using a ladder (Bondeson 2001: 128).

1.2 Reasons behind a live burial

Historically, some burial customs were intended to protect the living, avoiding that the
“undead” rose from their graves to haunt those still alive. To that end corpses were buried upside
down or fastened to the ground by different devices. Idiosyncratic notions about life after death
have led to phenomenon like live victims buried under certain edifices, accompanying important
men, or being punished for bestial acts. Such notions are found in ancient law books, for example
from Medieval Scandinavia, which meted out punishments like dömis qwik j iordh, “sentenced to
be fast in earth”, meaning buried alive (Johansson 2005:80).
A general fascination with live burials has unfortunately influenced the interpretation of
archaeological data, in absence of thorough scientific forensic investigations of burials and
meticulous archaeological excavations. Our fascination with uncanny things may produce fanciful
interpretations of deviant burials, making us prepared to interpret everything strange as signs of
something gruesome. That premature burials fascinate the general public is evident from current
horror fiction and contemporary films like Sluizer’s The Vanishing (1988) and Cortés´ Buried
(2010). However, live burials remain a reality through horrendous crimes against humanity, as
well as during natural disasters like earthquakes.
This thesis demonstrates how scientific methods applied to burial and natural disaster sites
have developed over time and how scientific methods may be used to establish whether a person

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has been buried alive or not. The use of multidisciplinary approaches is emphasized, highlighting
the importance of combining forensic and archaeological science with other areas of research.

1.3 Aims and objectives

The thesis is divided into four parts: i) Definitions of death, whereby two approaches to
death are exemplified; a medico-legal definition and an existential one; ii) how to investigate and
recognize causes and mechanisms of death within and on a corpse; iii) how to investigate the site
where an assumed live burial has taken place, i.e. the environment and position of the corpse;
and iv) by describing historical, anecdotal and actual records of live burials, it is emphasized that a
multi-disciplinary approach is needed to investigate this kind of deviant burial.

It is based on the analysis and interpretation of available literature, suggesting areas

that merit more attention, for example through empirical simulations of behaviour within a
confined space, as well as what impacts a live burial may have on the position of the deceased,
and the external and internal aspects of her/his body.

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2. Definitions of Death

How can something transitory, unknown and finite like death be defined? Answers have
to be searched through both scientific and existential approaches. Death is a biological event, but
also an essential part of human existence.

Recent studies claim that a premature burial may present itself in up to two percent of
cases (Verdù et al. 2011). By simply observing a corpse for 12 hours may prevent such cases and
ascertain the end of “spontaneous vital functions” (ibid:718). The reason for controlling an
assumed dead for a longer period of time is that patients may occasionally after CPR
(cardiopulmonary resuscitation) suffer from ROSC “delayed return of spontaneous circulation”
(Adhiyaman et al. 2007:552). A study from 2007 establishes that CPR may take up to 75 minutes
and in 82 percent of such cases, ROSC occurred within 10 minutes after CPR was halted. This so-
called “Lazarus effect” may explain some anecdotal cases of premature burial and revived dead.
Seventeen out of 28 patients recovered fully after a Lazarus effect, while three died due to
complications such as pulmonary embolism. One possible cause for patients resuscitating after
certain intervals may be a delayed effect of drugs administered during CPR, the veins of some
patients may have been unable to effectively distribute the agents within the body (ibid).

2.1 Medico-legal definition of death

Organ transplantation has escalated measures for correct determination of death. The
World Health Organization (WHO) and the Transplantation Society (TTS) provide guidelines for
death declarations, stipulating a set of criteria including loss of brain function, caused by
permanent loss of circulation or severe injuries to the brain (Shemie et al. 2014). These guidelines
define death as a process and not an event, outlined in neurological and circulatory sequences
(Table 1). After phase three of a neurological dying process it is impossible for a patient to
recover. Already at the second step “autoresuscitation” is not possible without CPR (Table 2).
According to these internationally applied criteria death is:

“… the permanent loss of capacity for consciousness and all brainstem functions. This
may result from permanent cessation of circulation or catastrophic brain injury. In
the context of death determination, ‘permanent’ refers to loss of a function that
cannot resume spontaneously and will not be restored through intervention” (ibid:7).

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Table 1: Neurological Sequence of
Dying Process (Shemie et al. 2014:5).

Table 2: Circulatory Sequence

of Dying Process (Shemie et al.
2014:6).

2.2 Biological definition of death

Apart from the operational proceedings described above, various tests may identify
physiological sequences occurring after neurological and circulatory cessation. A Conference of
Medical Royal Colleges in the UK in 1979 established death as: “a process during which various
organs supporting the continuation of life fail”, including absence of a heartbeat and the cessation
of the respiratory system (Adhiyaman et al. 2007:555). There are now three sets of criteria to
consider while determining biological death: A careful observation of the main areas of i) the
brain; ii) the brainstem; and iii) the cardiopulmonary system (Holland 2007:110).

2.3 Philosophical definition of death

Death also has an existential aspect. A non-religious conviction considers death as the end
of an individual´s existence, while religious and philosophical notions may be more complex by

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questioning the concept of “consciousness”, emphasizing that humans are only aware of their
“current existence” and assume the existence of other levels of consciousness (Lamb 1994). The
German philosopher Schopenhauer (1966) stated:

“For the subject, death itself consists merely in the moment when consciousness
vanishes, since the activity of the brain ceases. The extension of the stoppage to all
the other parts of the organism which follows this is really already an event after
death. Therefore, in a subjective respect, death concerns only consciousness”
(Schopenhauer 1966:468).

Another philosopher, Shrader (1986), stated that human beings are: “As biological entities […]
subject to the biological processes of death and decay. As persons, we may also be subject to a
different sort of death” (Shrader 1986:13).

2.4 Conclusion

While assessing how live and deviant burials have been and are investigated in the
archaeological record it is thus essential to establish both medico-legal definitions of death and
how these will influence proceedings applied to a burial site and its human remains, as well as
taking into consideration the socio-historical records at hand and in what manner they may shed
light on customs and notions influencing treatment of deceased persons, depending on the
causes of their death and their standing in society.

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3. INTERNAL MECHANISMS: Forensic Medicine and the Investigation of a Live Burial

3.1 Forensic medicine and pathology

Initially, forensic examinations dealt with mechanisms and circumstances related to the
death of an individual (Pinheiro 2006:14). Over time, they continued to focus on clinical
investigations while the scope broadened to include wider contexts. A forensic pathologist
assesses the state of a body, but also the environment and circumstances surrounding a corpse,
while a forensic anthropologist applies “knowledge and techniques of human skeletal biology to
modern medical legal problems” (Saukko & Knight 2004; Ubelaker 1995:91).

Cause of death equals a pathological disruption leading to death, like a gunshot, while the
mechanism of death is a pathological alteration created by the cause of death, such as a
haemorrhage (Pinheiro 2006; DiMaio & Dana 2007). Mechanism of death can be a combination of
multiple causes. A gunshot may result in a haemorrhage that is not a direct cause of death, while
a successive infection may kill the victim (Pinheiro 2006). Accordingly, the concept of “delayed
death” may be essential for pathologists defining the relationship between a traumatic impact
and a subsequent “natural” cause of death. Manner of death is usually divided into: i) natural; ii)
accidental; iii) suicide; or iv) homicide (ibid:19).

Bodies are found in different stages of decomposition, sometimes making a determination

of the cause of death difficult. A multidisciplinary approach increases the possibility of finding a
viable cause of death. Cases resembling accidents may be clarified if forensic pathologists
examine both the body and the death scene (Pinheiro 2006). An example of this is the case of a
hospital in Sweden where 24 deaths occurred within the timeframe of four months. All victims
were of advanced age and apparently died of natural causes. It was not until a pathologist found
blue miscolouring within the trachea of some corpses that his observations lead to the conviction
of a relief worker who had killed the elderly with a cleaning detergent (Runerheim 1995). Had the
pathologist not been trained to search for signs of a crime the murders may have been
undetected.

Human remains are generally studied in a lab, where a pathologist uses information
provided by forensic anthropologists. However, to obtain a complete picture of a crime scene,
human remains ought to be studied by pathologists in situ as well (Cunha & Cattaneo 2007).
There are three essential steps of a medico-legal investigation: i) exploration of circumstances; ii)
postmortem examination; and iii) laboratory testing. Step one involves analysing the death scene,
collecting witness statements and investigating medical records (DiMaio & Dana 2007). Standard

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proceedings while investigating a grave, suspected of being connected with a crime, include
postmortem examination performed by forensic pathologists, supported by photographs. If
anything unusual is encountered other specialists are consulted (Anderson et al. 2008).
Postmortem examination involves an autopsy, where internal organs are removed, dissected and
observed, external injuries are sketched and analysed in great detail. If more than one cause to
death is suspected, they should be ranked as “immediate causes”, “secondary causes”, or
“contributory causes” (ibid:275).

3.2 Forensic pathology: What happens to an individual post live burial?

If a violent death is suspected three possible causes are addressed: trauma, asphyxia, or
intoxication. Observations needed to establish time of death are usually: livor mortis, rigor mortis,
body temperature, potassium levels, and stomach contents, while the context where the
individual was found has to be considered as well (DiMaio & Dana 2007:23). An autopsy report
usually consists of eight parts (Table 3):

(I) Heading Including the body’s ID number, estimated sex

and age, if known – the individual´s name,
when and where the examination have been
conducted.
(II) External Examination The biological profile of the individual,
including identification of malformations.
Clothing, and the state of the body has to be
described in detail.
(III) Evidence of Injury External and internal injuries are sketched and
digitally recorded, including eventual gunshot
wounds, stab wounds and their relationship to
shredding of clothing.
(IV) Internal Examination Observation of major organ systems and
cavities. All organs should be extracted,
dissected and weighed, with extensive
descriptions of their state and abnormalities.
(V) Microscopic Examination Usually not necessary in cases involving
significant trauma. However, it may be useful
in connection with more subtle deaths, like
asphyxia.
(VI) Toxicology Listing of tissues subjected to testing is
presented with other specific tests and result
analyses. Urine, blood and bile are usually
kept in for more than five years.
(VII) Findings Findings should be listed from most important
to least.
(VIII) Opinion Cause, mechanism and the suspected manner
of death are described. Assumptions about
circumstances surrounding the death should
not be discussed.
Table 3: The necessary layout of an autopsy report including its eight sections and what they should
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address, as suggested in the Handbook of Forensic Pathology (Di Maio & Dana 2007:5).
 3.2.1. Blunt force trauma and the mechanics of wound infliction

Blunt Force Trauma (BFT) is generally caused by blows to the skin by a blunt object. Extent
of the injury depends on applied force as well as the nature of the damaging object(s) and the
target area. BFT’s effect on soft tissue is generally classified as abrasions, contusions and
lacerations (Kieser et al. 2008). Abrasions occur when the skin is scraped or cut. Contusions occur
when blood vessels are ruptured, creating a subcutaneous bleed, resulting in a bruise (Figure 2).
Lacerations or “crushing abrasions” are more severe, since the epidermis is crushed, creating an
outline of the object on the impacted surface (Saukko & Knight 2004). Lacerations are wounds
lined by uneven margins, often surrounded by abrasions and contusions (Kieser et al. 2008)
(Figure 3). Skeletal fractures are likely to be the result of BFT. In direct trauma, focal fractures may
cause transverse fractures (DiMaio & Dana 2007). Crush fractures can be the result of a direct
impact with great force and are usually identified through comminuted fractures, with the bone
penetrating the skin. In indirect cases, where blunt force is applied away from a fracture, the bone
may be pulled apart in a traction fracture, bent until snapped into a transverse fracture, twisted
to cause a spiral fracture, compressed into an oblique fracture, or a combination of all of the
above (ibid).
Figure 2 (left): Contusions of the neck of a
victim of manual strangulation. Abrasions
can also be seen at the center of the neck
(Wagner 2004:44).

Figure 3 (below): Laceration of the scalp,

easily mistaken for a cut, characterized by
irregular margins and the presence of
numerous contusions (Wagner 2004:40).

Within a live burial, BTF may result from pressure of soil, or other material. Findings connected to
similar events can be applied to assumed live burials. These include: i) BFT to the chest or pelvic
area resulting in mechanical asphyxia; ii) defensive wounds in hands; and iii) trauma in lower
limbs. An interred individual would probably, as a matter of instinct, punch or scrape the

17
enclosing dirt or coffin, actions resulting in defensive and offensive blunt force wounds in the
upper extremities (Figures 4&5). If assaulted, a victim usually raises her/his forearms and hands to
protect the face (Saukko & Knight 2004). Wounds indicating such behaviour are important since
they may signify that the victim was conscious during a live burial (ibid). Abrasions and bruises

Figures 4&5:
Still frames
from the film
Kill Bill: Vol II
(2004) by
Qunetin
Tarantino, a
famous visual
representation
of defense
mechanisms of
a live burial
victim.

may be present on forearms, wrists and the back of the hands, knuckles, and carpal and
metacarpal bones may be fractured (ibid). Fractures of metacarpal bones, or “boxer fractures”,
occur when a closed fist strikes a hard surface (DiMaio & Dana 2007:97). Defensive wounds may
result in fractured fingers and nails, accompanied by lacerations and contusions, while offensive
wounds usually are composed of contusions and fractures to the knuckles. Lower extremities may
be subjected to BFT when an interred person tries to free her/himself from a confined space by
pushing pressuring soil, or other material, upwards. Abrasions, contusions and lacerations may be
the result of “avulsive injuries” caused by accumulation of blood and crushed fat in the skin´s
subcutaneous area (ibid:97). Knees may display patellar and femoral fractures caused by exerted

18
force. Such injuries are occasionally observed after automobile accidents, when the driver’s knees
have impacted the dashboard (ibid).

People interred alive during an earthquake usually have trauma caused by crushing.
Severely damaged pelvis and chest is a common cause of death. Pelvic damages may be open
book fractures, lateral compression fractures, or vertical shear fractures (DiMaio & Dana 2007).
An open book fracture is when the symphysis pubis opens due to anterior and posterior
compression. A lateral compression fracture is caused by force impacting the iliac crest, fracturing
the lateral pubic rami, as well as impairing the sacroiliac joint, often resulting in the femoral head
pushing into the acetabulum, damaging the joint (ibid). If an individual was in a supine position
while being crushed, it may result in an open book fracture. If the individual laid on her/his side
this may result in a lateral compression fracture. The most common complication of pelvic
fractures is haemorrhage, with a fatality rate of up to 20 percent, when numerous vessels and
arteries in the pelvis are damaged it may result in a haemorrhage of up to three litres (ibid).

Most fractures caused by BFT are on the chest and thorax and vary according to clothing
and age. Children are more likely to damage their intrathoracic organs without damaging sternum
or ribs, while bones are generally fractured in adults. Direct trauma to ribs either result in a simple
fracture, or a compound fracture puncturing organs, such as the trachea, lungs, spleen, liver and
diaphragm (ibid). If the chest is compressed, rib fractures may occur front to back, resulting in
lateral fractures; or back to front resulting in fractures closer to spine and sternum. Such fractures
often lead to a process called flail chest, in which breathing is made impossible since impacted
ribs compress the lungs, inhibiting their motion (Figures 6&7). Intercostal vessels may be
damaged, as well as the lungs, and a compound fracture may lead to the puncturing of the heart.
BFT caused by compressive forces may also damage the diaphragm and lungs (ibid).

BFT can compress the abdomen, causing intraventricular pressure when blood is pushed
into the heart. Massive accumulation of blood can damage the aorta creating lacerations at its
root and arch. If a heart is filled with blood, while impacted, its chambers may burst. Compressive
forces can affect the diaphragm, pushing abdominal viscera and organs upwards into the thoracic
cavity. Fractured ribs may puncture the lungs resulting in a pneumothorax, or collapsed lung,
creating cardiac arrhythmias, emphysema blocking the main airways, severe haemorrhage,
and/or an air embolism (ibid). Pulmonary embolisms are an under-diagnosed cause of death,
since autopsies seldom are performed on individuals assumed to have died from their impact.
Emboli can easily be recognized and are different from postmortem clots (Saukko & Knight 2004).

19
Pulmonary oedema can be identified when lungs are found to be hard and dry and doubled in
weight, since heart failure has hindered the removal of blood and gases (Ware & Matthay 2005).

Figure 6: X-ray of a flail

chest fracture, shown in the
left rib fractures. A
pneumothorax or
pulmonary contusion is
most commonly diagnosed
using radiology, presenting
multiple rib fractures
(Trauma.org 2004).

Figure 7: Diagram
illustrating the
mechanism of a flail
chest fracture and how it
influences respiratory
movements (WWH).

3.2.2. Mechanical and non-mechanical asphyxia

Asphyxiation is assumed to be a common cause of death in live burials. An individual

confined within an enclosed space experiences how oxygen runs out (deJong & Adams 2001).
Asphyxia is defined as “lack of oxygen” and occurs when insufficient amounts of oxygen reach
vital organs (Saukko & Knight 2004:352). Categories of asphyxia are hypoxia due to insufficient
oxygenation of the blood and anoxia when oxygen levels are at their absolute lowest (Byard
2011). Acute asphyxia occurs when oxygen is hindered from reaching individual cells (ibid).
Asphyxia is generally divided into three major groups: mechanical, non-mechanical, and
miscellaneous (Wyatt et al. 2011). Mechanical asphyxia is caused by strangulation, smothering,

20
choking, hanging and/or traumatic asphyxia. Non-mechanical asphyxia may be due to carbon
monoxide or cyanide poisoning. Drowning is the most common cause for miscellaneous asphyxia
(ibid). Normal oxygen levels within the blood are between 90-100 mmHg, while hypoxia may
result in oxygen levels as low as 40-20 mmHg (Saukko & Knight 2004:353). A person enclosed in
an airtight space will suffer from diminishing oxygen supply. A common example is miners
trapped inside a sealed space after a tunnel collapse (Byard 2011). Shepherd (2003) provides an
outline of phases of distress in asphyxia victims (Table 4):

1. Difficulty breathing, congestion and cyanosis.

2. Heavy breathing and heaving, worsening the congestion
while petechiae begin to appear. Table 4: Phases of distress in
3. Victim loses consciousness and may have convulsions. victims suffering from asphyxia
4. Respiration becomes less frequent, triggering the onset of (Shepherd 2003: 95).
brain damage, pupils begin to dilate and the victim
eventually dies of cardiac arrest.

Collection of blood under the skin, petechial haemorrhage, is caused by venous pressure
rupturing thin-walled vessels and appears as small bruises emerging above the compression
causing asphyxiation (Wyatt et al. 2011). Petechiae are often found in eyelids, pleura and
epicardium of asphyxiated persons. Petechiae in eyelids are caused by severe compression to
neck and chest, accumulating pressure in the head, clogging veins and swelling tissues (ibid:354)
(Figure 8). Petechiae are not a reliable indication of asphyxia, since they are non-specific and may
be due to the position of deceased individuals, appearing postmortem. Congestion and oedema
may indicate asphyxia, but are also non-specific, since they can be caused by blockage of venous
flow. When the neck is compressed, tongue and face can swell and become more red than usual.

Figure 8: Conjunctival hemorrhages

or petechiae caused by traumatic
asphyxia in a man buried in an
avalanche of ash (Saukko & Knight
2004:354).

21
Congestion and “venous pressure” are common in the thorax of victims whose chest has been
compressed (ibid:356). Venous pressure can cause oedema, leaking of blood into soft tissues.
Disturbances in the venous flow can make fluid escape into the brain (Saukko & Knight 2004).
After prolonged asphyxiation, pulmonary oedema is corroborated by fluid in the alveoli (Wyatt et
al. 2011). Cyanosis, discoloration of blood, is due to lack of oxygen and generally indicates
asphyxia (ibid; Saukko & Knight 2004). It can be detected shortly after death. If the neck is
constricted, the face becomes congested with deoxygenated blood, making it blue. If oxygenation
ceases in the lungs, lack of oxyhaemoglobin makes the blood dark, discolouring most organs
(ibid). Escape of body fluids may also be due to emotional factors, such as fear (Wyatt et al. 2011).

Most postmortem changes present similar results, making it hard for pathologists to
pinpoint a specific phenomenon as a sure sign of asphyxia. Congestion, cyanosis, inflammation of
the right side of the heart, oedema and petechiae have been referred to as an “obsolete
diagnostic quintet”, since there are numerous natural deaths presenting the same autopsy
results. Airway blockage and/or trauma to neck or chest, remain the most reliable indications of
death by asphyxia (Byard 2011:35; Saukko & Knight 2004).

Mechanical asphyxiation is often detected in individuals buried by the collapse of a

building, or workers buried under grain, sand or coal (Saukko & Knight 2004). However, in such
cases there are generally several causes to death. When significant pressure is placed on the
chest, the unaffected upper part, as well as neck and face, may be subject to congestion,
preventing expansion of the rib cage and proper breathing (Dolinak et al. 2005). The skin can be
discoloured, especially in the face and neck (Saukko & Knight 2004). If the pressure is particularly
heavy, the eyes may be bloated with blood and the whites become red. Internal congestion is
generally not as evident, but the lungs may have petechial haemorrhages and turn dark and
heavy, while the right side of the heart may become distended. Postural asphyxia is similar to
traumatic asphyxia. This may happen to persons being trapped while in an inebriated state,
resulting in an inhibition of respiratory movements, in particular if an individual has collapsed in a
narrow space and twisted the neck (Dolinak et al. 2005). An example is an intoxicated man who
fell into a V-shaped pit consisting of tree trunks, wedging his head, inhibiting air supply (Figure 9).
Postural asphyxia may involve the inversion of the whole body, a famous example being the
legendary crucifixion of St. Peter, who was crucified upside down, impairing his breathing since
abdominal organs pressed down on the diaphragm (Saukko & Knight 2004).

22
 Figure 9: Intoxicated man who
fell into and in-between two
tree trunks, eventually leading
to his death by positional
asphyxia (Dolinak et al.
2005:209).

Lack of pathological proof for asphyxia is problematic while diagnosing the demise of
elderly and young infants. To avoid misdiagnosis, it is essential to consider the death scene and
associated findings. The position of the body may be the only indicator for postural asphyxia
(Byard 2011). Similarly, circumstances involving the reduction of oxygen may only be discovered if
the space is analysed, for example to ascertain if it was airtight, or the levels of present gases.
Accidental crush asphyxia occurs when a victim has been compressed by animals or people, or
under heavy debris (ibid). Accordingly, a multidisciplinary approach is necessary while identifying
asphyxia as a cause of death.

There are several cases of children being locked in refrigerators and dying due to lack of
oxygen (DiMaio & Dana 2007). The most common cause of death within a confined space is the
replacement of gases in the atmosphere. An individual enclosed in a shaft made of limestone is
likely to die from fast accumulation of carbon dioxide, while industrial metal chambers tend to be
filled with nitrogen gas due to rusted walls, creating a lethal environment for an entrapped
individual (Saukko & Knight 2004). Similar to suffocation is smothering, i.e. “mechanical
obstruction of the nose and mouth” (DiMaio & Dana 2007:156). It may be accidental, as when
infants are trapped between a crib’s mattress and frame, or people buried alive by a cave-in.
Occlusion of the mouth can be caused by a solid object, such as a hand or a piece of fabric, or
mobile agents like sand and similar material blocking the airways (Saukko & Knight 2004). Choking
is another kind of mechanical asphyxiation, defined as the obstruction of internal airways, rather
than blockage of external airways, often caused by the introduction of foreign objects, or lesions
within the pharynx or trachea (ibid). Signs of suffocation and smothering may be as vague as
those for asphyxiation.

23
 3.2.3. Environmental deaths

A live burial does not exclusively mean that an individual has intentionally been placed
under ground, or left to die within a concealed space. It is more accurately described as the death
of a person enclosed in an airtight space, sealed off from the outside world; a categorization
including environmental death caused by hyperthermia, hypothermia, starvation and
dehydration.

Hyperthermia is when the body temperature rises above 40.5°C, leading to heat stroke
(DiMaio & Dana 2007). In hot surroundings the body is usually able to cool itself via the
hypothalamus, which regulates heat loss and gain (Dolinak et al. 2005). However, if the body is
incapable of cooling itself due to a health condition or the surroundings, heat stroke may occur, a
condition causing 4,000 deaths per year only in the US (DiMaio & Dana 207). Two settings may
produce heat stroke; classic or exertional. Classic heat stroke occurs when the environment
contains too many heat waves for a prolonged period of time, while exertional heat stroke occurs
when vigorous exercise or exertion overpower an individual (ibid). Persons dying from
hyperthermia and heat stroke initially have a body temperature exceeding 42°C, but the
temperature changes rapidly and cannot be used in postmortem diagnosis (Dolinak et al. 2005).
Nevertheless, if a deceased person has been found shortly after her/his demise, body
temperature should be taken at once, together with that of the environment, to be informed
about the victim´s personal history is also essential. Victims of hyperthermia tend to have
predisposing factors including age, cardiovascular disease, dementia, obesity and/or drug
dependency (DiMaio & Dana 2007; Dolinak et al. 2005).

Confined spaces with low environmental temperature depressing the core body
temperature below 35°C generally cause hypothermia, that turns into severe hypothermia when
the body reaches a temperature lower than 30°C (DiMaio & Dana 2007). Signs of death by
hypothermia may be lividity in the lips caused by rise of unused oxyhaemoglobin in tissues, as
well as haemorrhages in the pancreas, ulcers in stomach and intestines, pneumonia, and necrosis
in major organs (ibid). However, these are non-specific features and may not be used alone to
diagnose hypothermia. The scene must be investigated as well (Dolinak et al. 2005). For example,
if a victim is found undressed, it may indicate hypothermia since people suffering from this
condition may fall victims to “paradoxical undressing”, meaning that they hallucinate about being
warm instead of actually dying from cold (DiMaio & Dana 2007:222) (Figure 10).

24
Figure 10: An individual who has died
from hypothermia, showing signs of
“paradoxical undressing” (Prahlow &
Byard 2012:744).

Death by starvation and dehydration may occur under circumstances similar to those of
hyper/hypothermia. Symptoms of starvation include sunken eyes, frail hair, a “skeletal
appearance”, and oedema of the face, torso and extremities (DiMaio & Dana 2007:243). If no
water is available, dehydration may prove to be fatal after only ten days (Saukko & Knight 2004).
Daily fluid intake for adults should be at least 50 millilitres and even more in higher temperatures
(DiMaio & Dana 2007:243). In an autopsy, dry, wrinkled skin remaining rigid if pinched, often
indicate dehydration since it suggests fat loss and fluid concentrated within the skin (Saukko &
Knight 2004). Sunken fontanelles in infants´ skulls may be a sign of dehydration, suggesting a loss
of cerebrospinal fluid (ibid). If found in an entombed corpse such traces may indicate a live burial
(Figure 11).

Figure 11: The head of an

infant who suffers from
dehydration illustrating
the depression of the
fontanelles and unfused
sutures (Griest 2010:177).

Forensic features like those listed above are not enough for establishing an indisputable
cause of death. Blunt force trauma may be sufficient for outlining a plausible cause, but it is up to
a forensic anthropologist and/or archaeologist to determine whether it was a sole component in
the mechanism of death. Torture could be part of circumstances surrounding a live burial, since a
victim confined within a small space may have been forced to succumb to hyperthermia or
asphyxiation (Slaus et al. 2007). Mock burials is apparently not infrequent and even mentioned in

25
a US Office of Professional Responsibility Report in 2009, where interrogation experts are quoted
recommending “mock burials” among a list of 12 recommended torture techniques (U.S.
Department of Justice 2009). Even if CIA excluded mock burials from the list, it is a known fact
that they are used by other organizations (Hárdi et al. 2010).

3.3 Forensic cases of live burial

There are several types of forensic cases where individuals have been victims of being
unintentionally buried alive during accidents and disasters such as avalanches, earthquakes and
cave-ins. This is one reason to why forensic pathology and forensic anthropology need to interact
with forensic archaeology, since archaeologists are trained in “expecting the unexpected”,
something which is important while investigating both modern and past circumstances involving
death (Gould 2007:5). The task of a forensic pathologist at a mass disaster site is to coordinate
techniques, such as DNA sampling and radiology, perform autopsies, as well as reconstructing
sequences of events and define the cause and manner of various deaths (Schuliar & Knudsen
2012).

A disaster investigation team generally includes a forensic pathologist, who is in charge of

evaluating the extent of the scene and establish methodologies to accurately investigate and
remove the corpses. Victims need to be subjected to radiological exams, external and dental
examination, autopsy, and DNA sampling (ibid). Antemortem information has to be collected and
compared to postmortem information. Autopsies are required to determine the survival time of
victims. The main assignment for a disaster investigation team is to identify the victims and
understand the context of the disaster. Through joint efforts between forensic pathologists,
anthropologists and forensic archaeologists it is possible to outline disasters and accidents within
a forensic context and gain a better understanding of circumstances surrounding live burials and
perhaps contribute to the prevention of future accidents (ibid).

3.3.1 Avalanches

Avalanches cause the death of nearly 150 individuals in Western countries per year, 70
percent of completely buried victims usually die within 35 minutes (Paal et al. 2013). Cause of
death is generally asphyxia, hypothermia, and/or injuries sustained by BFT. During an avalanche, a
person falls along with large blocks of snow and while tumbling down s/he may collide with trees
or rocks, causing extensive trauma (McIntosch et al. 2007). The victim generally ends up buried
alive under several meters of dense snow, within an airtight space, circumscribing movement and
breathing (ibid). In a study, eight piglets were buried under snow, leading to the conclusion that

26
hypothermia generally takes place during early stages of the burial, with asphyxia as the main
killer (Paal et al. 2013). Asphyxiation ensues due to re-breathing expired carbon dioxide, causing
hypoxia (McIntosch et al. 2007). Even under just one meter of snow asphyxiation may set in and
kill within half an hour. During winters between 1989 and 2005 in Utah, 56 avalanche fatalities
were caused by asphyxia and/or traumatic injuries. It was not specified whether those deaths
were solely from asphyxia caused by hypoxia, or traumatic asphyxia as well. Hypothermia was
feasible since a human body generally cools down by 3°C per hour if buried under snow, it would
thus take about three hours to die from hypothermia. Under such circumstances hypothermia is
seldom a cause of death, since asphyxia sets in at an earlier stage (ibid). A study describes the
case of a middle aged woman buried under 50 centimetres of snow, suggesting that a likely
mechanism of death for an avalanche victim would be pulmonary oedema, visible by x-ray and
causing respiratory distress after half an hour (Surmann et al. 2012). Pulmonary oedema is under-
researched and further analysis of avalanche victims is needed (ibid). If an avalanche victim is
rescued within 15 minutes of burial, he/she is likely to survive, but as time increases and
asphyxiation sets in, rescue becomes unlikely (McIntosch et al. 2007) (Figure 12).

Figure 12: It is recommended

that if threatened by an
approaching avalanche you
ought to expand your chest to
avoid the thorax from being
compressed under the snow
and thus allow for subsequent
respiratory movement. It is also
advised that an air pocket is
created above the mouth,
allowing respiration and
consequently increasing the
chances for survival. A breathing
device has been invented to
create an artificial air pocket for
avalanche victims. Air from the
snow is inhaled through a valve,
while gas is exhaled through
another one placed by the back
of the head. This diagram
illustrates how a device called
“AvaLung” functions. The image
was taken from an article
describing how this device
saved the lives of three
avalanche victims, who were
buried under two meters of
snow for over two hours
(Willoughby 2009).

27
 3.3.2. Earthquakes

An earthquake is the natural disastrous event where most live burials can be expected. A
study of the effects of a 1999 earthquake in Athens revealed several types of trauma and
suggested forensic methodologies to be applied in such a situation. One hundred and forty-three
individuals died after the earthquake, more than 700 were injured and only 43 victims could be
rescued from the debris. A study was based on autopsies of 111 of the victims (Papadopoulos et
al. 2004). Like in most mass disasters it was difficult to determine main causes of death. Through
macroscopic findings, asphyxia could be determined as the foremost killer, though that diagnosis
was mainly reached by comparing contextual evidence collected at the scene. Blunt force and
penetrating trauma were major contributors to the death of 94.6 percent of the analysed victims
(ibid). Thirty-one deaths were classified as caused by asphyxia, including traumatic asphyxia,
suffocation due to aspiration of dust, soil and blood, as well as the obstruction of airways caused
by debris. A third of the victims had injuries consistent with instant death, while the remaining
victims had suffered injuries that had not been immediately life-threatening, but they later
succumbed to asphyxia (ibid). According to the authors, deaths caused by asphyxia could have
been prevented if the victims were rescued in time. It is thus important to make potential
rescuers aware about the danger of asphyxia in the aftermath of an earthquake. The study was
made to emphasize priorities of rescuers while managing an earthquake disaster and establish a
viable model for training in “disaster medicine”, resulting in the so called “Emergotrain system”
which now is in place throughout Europe (ibid:1638) (Figures 13&14).

Figures 13: Image

from the 2010
earthquake in
Haiti. A devastating
disaster which
resulted in more
than 150,000
deaths. The picture
shows the arm of
an individual
buried under the
rubble (Miami
Herald 2010).

28
 Figure 14: Another
picture from the2010
earthquake in Haiti
illustrating how a
young woman is
rescued by LA County
SAR after having
been buried alive for
several days after the
disaster. (Stumberg
2010).

3.3.3. Bombings

The most iconic bombing of the 21st century, at least so far, was the attack on the Twin
Towers in New York City on September 11th 2001. It constitutes a clear example of collaboration
between various specialists to identify and determine causes and mechanisms of death of the
2,749 victims (Gill 2006) (Figure 15).

After the incident, the towers were reduced to a 70 ft pile of rubble. Excavations of the
disaster area continued until May 2002, uncovering 19,964 different human remains (ibid). The
bodies were analysed in a temporary morgue and investigated by forensic pathologists, forensic
anthropologists, forensic biologists, ondontologists, medical examiners, forensic dentists,
photographers, radiologists and laboratory technicians. Out of these remains only 288 bodies
were externally examined, the rest were analysed in depth via autopsies by pathologists and
forensic anthropologists (ibid). Death was mainly caused by blunt force trauma, asphyxia via
suffocation caused by debris, or a combination of the two. The number of persons dying from BFT
was 1,562 individuals. However, deaths by asphyxia are not as evident since the main reason for
death had apparently been debris and smoke, mortality could also be due to incidents during the
aftermath of the collapse (ibid). The subterranean environment could have been the scene of live
burials, combining traumatic asphyxia with suffocation and BFT. Nevertheless, as mentioned
earlier, after such disasters it is difficult to determine single mechanisms of death (ibid) (Figure
16).

29
 Figure 15: Image taken when
the twin towers collapse after
the attack illustrating the
massive amount of ash and
debris filling the streets of
Manhattan. This caused a
significant amount of people
having symptoms of
suffocation (Broughton 2010).

Figure 16: Image illustrating

a damaged PATH train in
the subterranean levels of
the fallen twin towers at
the World Trade Centre
disaster site as workers are
trying to remove it (Lanzano
2002).

3.3.4. Confined spaces

According to the US National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health (NIOSH), a
confined space is an area with few, or no, entry or exit openings, with unfavourable ventilation
likely to contain or produce dangerous contaminants, and not constructed for continuous
occupancy (Suruda et al. 1994:45). Industries contain such spaces in the form of sewers, pits,
tanks, silos, degreasers, boilers, vaults and pipelines, they might generally be safe, but at some
point extremely toxic (ibid; Manwarning & Conroy 1990). Sewers, for example, are surrounded by
soil emitting toxic gases, which in times of barometric pressure may be released into the space.
Other areas, such as vaults and tanks, may be filled with material such as loose granules, like
sand, which may be harmful to a worker who accidentally becomes immersed by them, causing
asphyxiation (Suruda et al. 1994). According, to a study most confined space accidents result in

30
multiple fatalities since rescuers are entering hazardous areas. Over a nine year period, NIOSH
investigated deaths in confined spaces and found that out of 803 deaths, 499 were caused by
atmospheric hazards and 223 resulted from mechanical suffocation (ibid). Based on these studies
a protocol was established to avoid fatalities in confined spaces (Table 5):

i) Mechanical ventilation should be set in place, together with standby personnel.

ii) Atmospheric testing should be done before anyone is allowed to enter.
iii) Personnel should wear protective gear and should be controlled by the
administration.
iv) Employees should be aware of the hazards of confined spaces.

Table 5: Basic protocol to be employed to avoid fatalities in confined spaces (Suruda et al. 1994).

Apart from occupational confined spaces, hazardous places can be found wherever we are.
For example, a man was found dead in a sealed and unused refrigerator in the kitchen basement
of a university. An evaluation of the scene and an autopsy determined the mechanism and cause
of death (deJong & Adams 2001). The man was found seated on the floor of the closed
refrigerator, the space was airtight without ventilation and absence of markings on the inside
suggested that the victim had not struggled for survival. However, an external examination of the
body revealed injuries to heels, knees, lower back, the “dorsal surfaces” on both hands and
forearms, indicating desperate attempts at deliverance (ibid:709). It was concluded that the man
had entered the cabinet accidentally and then discovered that the latch could not be opened from
the inside. Before the man entered the refrigerator it contained 300L of oxygen. A man of the
victim´s size consumes 15L of oxygen per hour, but while subjected to intense labour he must
have consumed up to 240L per hour. Normal metabolic heat production of an adult is 512 Btu per
hour, but heavy labour produces up to 2047 Btu per hour (ibid). Taking into consideration these
facts, the expected oxygen values, temperature and humidity levels, and the body temperature of
the victim, it may be estimated that the mechanism of death was hyperthermia, and not
asphyxiation. When body temperature rises beyond 37°C, the body begins to produce sweat in
excess, contributing to a rapid increase of humidity, while oxygen levels decrease due to heavy
panting, dangerously mounting the levels of carbon dioxide (ibid). The enclosed person is likely to
panic, sweating profusely out of fear, desperate activity, heat and water vapour, thus rising the
temperature even further, causing hyperthermia and heat stroke within half an hour. If the
individual had been enclosed in an unconscious state, the cause of death would more likely be
asphyxia, since exertion would be at a minimum and death would occur at least two hours later
(ibid). Autopsy findings in this particular case were non-specific to hyperthermia, though the
contextual evidence established it as an accurate cause of death.

31
3.4 Conclusion

The role of a forensic pathologist is to reveal the manner, cause and mechanism of a death,
despite such efforts, most causes are not easily evidenced in a postmortem investigation and
several clues identified in an autopsy may be non-specific and inconclusive. In cases such as these,
the pathologist should outline factors leading to a possible mechanism of death and then take
into consideration evaluations and observations made at the scene.

Forensic pathology demonstrates how the reactions of persons falling victims to a live
burial are able to affect their immediate surroundings and even contribute to their own demise.
Nevertheless, context is sometimes neglected in forensic pathology, while it is essential in
forensic archaeology. Mechanisms of death of an interred individual might be neglected by an
archaeologist, who puts emphasis on the context, cause and manner of a person’s demise. A
pathologist, as illustrated by the case of the man trapped in a refrigerator, may pay more
attention to the actions of an individual at the time of death, understanding death as a process
revealed by various mechanisms identified during an autopsy. Forensic pathology emphasizes
reactions of an individual while, as will be shown in the next chapter, forensic archaeology
concentrates on the effects of the environment surrounding an interred person. This is why
forensics needs to be considered as a multidisciplinary practice, especially in the context of a live
burial. Forensic archaeology is a fundamental asset in efforts to understand the specific
circumstances surrounding a live burial, at the same time as it needs to be complemented by the
findings of a pathologist, able to determine the numerous causes of death likely to occur in such a
scenario.

32
4. EXTERNAL MECHANISMS: The Burial Environment and its Archaeological Exploration

4.1 Forensic archaeology vs. Forensic anthropology

The archaeologist Louis Binford stated that “human burials are one of the most frequently
encountered classes of cultural feature observed by archaeologists” (Binford 1972:210). However,
it is not until recently that a methodology was established to accurately excavate such sites. Tools
needed to research burials are currently formalized, like the determination of postmortem
interval and the importance of taphonomy (Duday & Guillon 2006). One reason for this delay may
be that human remains often have been considered to be an “embarrassment to archaeologists”,
their study have by some archaeologists been perceived as tedious and occasionally even
considered as irrelevant in the archaeological context (ibid:118). Nevertheless, human bones offer
just as essential clues to human endeavours as does a piece of pottery or archaeological
assemblies, if not more.

A forensic archaeological investigation means “revealing the context of burial and

scientific recovery of remains and associated evidence” (Cheetham et al. 2008:216). In the context
of a presumed live burial it is essential to uncover circumstances that may have caused the
incident. Assumed live burials are examples of the importance of combining insights gained from
a combination of forensic anthropology and forensic archaeology to deduce whether an individual
has been interred alive. A forensic anthropologist analyses a deceased individual, while an
archaeologist contributes with hypotheses concerning the circumstances surrounding an
individual’s death and interment, based on an investigation of the context of the site (Prieto 2007;
Cunha & Pinheiro 2007). When investigators encounter human remains, both forensic and
archaeological methodologies ought to be employed, if not - essential stratigraphical information
can be lost and skeletal remains damaged due to oversights by forensic anthropologists (Cunha &
Cattaneo 2007) .

Forensic archaeology and anthropology have different objectives. A purely forensic

approach relies on an “individualized” cultural background, referred to as “criminal gestures”,
while an archaeological approach emphasizes the historical and archaeological background
(Duday & Guillon 2006:118). Accordingly, use of archaeological methods at a crime scene is often
neglected, while forensic methodology may be ignored on archaeological sites (Hochrein 2002).
Archaeologists are often not trained in physical anthropology, while physical anthropologists
often lack sufficient field experience. According to Michael Hochrein (2002) this is a flaw in most
investigations of funerary contexts. Hochrein (2002) states that a burial site must be “similar to

33
that of a thorough forensic autopsy”, where every cranny and aspect of a burial site is recorded
and interpreted with the same scrutiny as a pathologist investigating a corpse (ibid:47).

Within the site of a mass disaster archaeologists study the entire site, relying on forensic
pathologists to interpret the soft tissue of victims and anthropologists to interpret bone
modification and trauma (Dirkmaat et al. 2008). Forensic anthropology may be summed up as “a
scientific discipline that focuses on the life, and death, and the postlife history of a specific
individual, as reflected primarily in their skeletal remains and the physical context in which they
are emplaced” (ibid:47). Some forensic scientists might conceive archaeology as exclusively
concerned with ancient human behaviour, artefacts and methods of deposition. Melissa Connor
and Douglas Scott (2001) affirm that in forensic archaeology “evidence is not gathered to uncover
the broad patterns of human behaviour, but rather to reconstruct the specifics of a single event”
(Connor & Scott 2001:3). This is a generalization, since it is essential for forensic pathologists to
view death as a process, for example while examining postdepositonal abnormalities and
differencing between postmortem and antemortem changes (Hunter & Cox 2005). Such factors
should be essential to archaeological funerary excavations as well, since they may be important
for identifying a live burial. Dupras et al. (2012) outline several advantages gained by using
archaeologist expertise while assessing a crime scene (Table 6):

- a systematic and controlled approach , easily adapted to any site; Table 6: The
- obtaining a clear understanding of the site formation process; advantages of
- easily recognising any post-burial site disturbance and even an using the expertise
identification of the cause to the demise of the buried individual/s; of an archaeologist
- a reconstruction of events surrounding the interment; in a crime scene
- an accurate collection of skeletal remains and associated evidence ; investigation
- preventing any damage to the remains and associated evidence during (Dupras et al.
their recovery; 2012:198).
- recording and collecting environmental data, which later may be
analysed by specialists; and
- a thorough analysis of the site through recording and recovering all
potential evidence.

Taphonomy is the study of “internal and external, natural and human processes which
alter a body and its deposition site” (Duhig 2003:211). Taphonomy uncovers how perimortem and
postmortem processes have left “imprints” on a body and its surrounding environment (Nawrocki
2009:284). There are three main categories of taphonomic processes: environmental factors,
individual factors, and behavioural/cultural factors. Environmental factors include temperature,
radiation, weather, animal activity, roots etc. affecting human remains. Individual factors are the
“intrinsic traits” of an individual influencing decomposition processes, such as weight, age, sex,

34
etc. (ibid:285). Behavioural /cultural factors include human actions affecting the remains, such as
the choice of burial site, embalming, the performance of an autopsy, or if there has been an
intention to bury an individual alive.

Taphonomy allows for forensic anthropology to not only be exclusively laboratory-based,

but also consider circumstances in the field (Sorg et al. 2012) (Table 7). In the past, taphonomy
was only used while studying fossilization and it was not until the 1970s it became a common
practice while interpreting human aspects of site formation:

“the use of taphonomic models, approaches, and analysis in forensic contexts to

estimate the time since death, reconstruct the circumstances before and after
deposition, and discriminate the products of human behaviour from those created by
the earth’s biological, physical, chemical, and geological subsystems” (Haglund &
Sorg 1997:3).

Table 7: Problem
focused areas of
forensic
taphonomy
research in Sorg
et al. 2012: 479.

35
4.2 The corpse

It is assumed that one aim of archaeological anthropology is to understand “mortuary

gestures”, while forensic anthropology is concerned with “intentional gestures”, such as a
homicide or accidents. Nevertheless, the methodology to uncover different gestures is
fundamentally the same, i.e. investigating decomposition and skeletonisation processes, the
position of human remains, postmortem intervals and temporal changes (Duday & Guillon
2006:117).

4.2.1 The decomposition process

Decomposition is a dynamic process, a transition from one state to another, a progression

affected by both interior and exterior factors. Interior factors include bacteria and fungi found in
the digestive system (Duday 2006:26). Exterior factors mainly occur after interior agents have
initiated the decay and depend on the level at and manner in which a corpse has been interred,
something that also has a bearing on the effects flora, fauna and microorganisms have on a body,
as well as variations in temperature, moisture and pH (ibid; Rando 2014). Decomposition may be
divided in seven stages: livor mortis, rigor mortis, algor mortis, autolysis, putrefaction, proteolysis
and skeletonisation (Forbes 2008a) (Table 8).

Stage Time elapsed Description

Livor Mortis 1-2 hrs After the heart stops beating
(Lividity) 8-12 hrs fixation blood stops circulating leading
to gravitational pooling in the
capillaries. As the body cools,
fat around the capillaries
solidifies causing the blood to
remain in the area even if the
body is moved – fixation.
Rigor Mortis 2-3 hrs (facial muscles) An irreversible chemical
12 hrs (entire body) change causing the muscles to
48 hrs (relaxation) stiffen and become immobile
and be fixed in the position the
individual had at the time of
death. Varies significantly
according to temperature.
Algor Mortis Variable The body progressively cools
until it reaches the same
temperature as the
surrounding environment.
Highly variable since body´s
state is related to
temperature, but it usually
cools 1.5°C per hour.

36
Autolysis 24-48 hrs Hydrolytic enzymes
(lysosomes) cause cells to
detach from one another and
to digest carbohydrates, lipids
and proteins. This process
causes skin slippage, the
loosening of hair and nails due
to the receding skin, collection
of fluid under the skin and
“marbelling” of the skin due to
the black staining of internal
blood vessels.
Putrefaction 24-96 hrs The time frame varies
according to the environment
and the onset of autolysis.
Involves the accumulation of
bacteria and fungi within the
intestinal tract due to the
accumulation of proteins,
lipids and carbohydrates which
are converted into acids and
gases. This causes the
abdominal cavity and face to
bloat. Together with the
decomposition of the lining of
the intestine, an accumulation
of fluid emerges and purging
starts to occur.
Mummification Post 96 hrs As fluid escapes the body due
to the organs liquefying as the
digestive enzymes break them
down, the remaining tissues
such as the skin starts to
become leather-like. Fluid may
also escape via evaporation in
hot environments.
Skeletonisation Months, or even years Sequence of skeletonisation
depends on the environment
in which the remains are
found. According to Dirkmaat
and Sienicki (1995) the
sequence of skeletonisation,
based on remains found in
open spaces, is the following:
cranium, clavicles and
sternum, cervical vertebrae,
upper limbs, pelvis, and lower
limbs.

Table 8: Stages of Decomposition, based on information from: Forbes (2008a) and Rando (2014).

37
 A decomposition process is complex and some specific elements have to be addressed in
detail while identifying misconceptions and features related to assumed live burials. A corpse
bloats significantly in its putrefaction stage, often affecting the burial site since surrounding soil
may be pushed upwards, creating a void around the abdominal cavity, this is particularly common
in shallow burials (Carter & Tibbett 2008). After a while the abdomen collapses, something which
affects the soil above. This is not to be confused with another feature called “internal
compaction” a phenomenon that will be addressed below.

Rigor mortis is different from “cadaveric spasm”, an incident not linked to the
decomposition process and generally considered to be rare (Bedford & Tsokos 2013). However, it
may happen in connection to live burials. A cadaveric spasm is when a recently deceased
individual appears to be rigid, but nevertheless takes hold of objects (ibid). It may happen in
connection with drowning, electrocution or drug overdose. Such a spasm lasts only a few minutes
(Figures 17&18). Corpses with signs of cadaveric spasm are usually found in unusual positions.
There is no unambiguous evidence proving cadaveric spasms transpire during the process of dying
(Mant 1984).

Figures 17 & 18: Examples of what are believed to be cadaveric spasms. The first is an image illustrating
the hand of a drowned victim still gripping onto grass debris (left). The second shown a man who has died
from electrocution in a bathtub and is shown still holding onto the electrical cord (right) (Bedford &
Tsokos 2013:6).

A corpse excavated at Sewerby, UK, apparently presented signs of cadaveric spasm and was
suspected to have been buried alive (Künsel et al. 1996). However, the corpse was later found to
be similar to modern fire victims, whose flexor muscles in arms and legs tend to contract when
heat rises from a fire (Anderson 1994:121). In Sardis, Turkey, the remains of a man were found
with numerous perimortem fractures, indicating that he had fallen from a great height. Within the
grave his right hand hold on to a stone in a gesture similar to that of a live person, interpreted as
the man might have been buried while still conscious after the fall (Greenewalt et al. 1994).

38
 To settle arguments around cadaveric more scientific evidence is needed. Some
researchers state that evidence has been neglected due to the “infrequent assimilation of
archaeological and biological anthropological (which includes insights derived from forensic
anthropology) evidence of burials and burial grounds” (Künsel et al. 1996:127).

4.2.2. Skeletonisation processes and the original position of a corpse

Bone displacement sets in already during the decomposition phase and is accelerated when
soft tissues disappear, leaving behind empty spaces making bones increasingly unstable (Duday &
Guillon 2006). Movement varies according to the original position of the body. Gradual decrease
in thoracic volume makes the rib cage flatten, while ribs move forward and downward, dislocating
from sternum and vertebrae. The pelvis collapses due to loosening of the sacroiliac ligaments,
pushing the sacrum forward. Within a relatively open space, like a coffin, femurs may rotate to
the side followed by the fall of the patella (ibid). The cranium becomes dislocated and may
together with the mandible rotate to the side. Since the mandible can become dislocated in the
process and furthermore may have loosened due to the decomposition of major ligaments and
joints, it may appear as if the individual had died with the mouth open, looking like s/he was
screaming at the time of death (ibid).

Skeletonisation is influenced by where and in which manner the corpse was buried. There is
a relationship between the skeleton and weight, volume and composition of material surrounding
the corpse. If decomposition occurs inside a filled space, with no structure separating the corpse
from the soil, displacement is not so extreme (Figures 19-21). Soft tissues surrounding the
skeleton are replaced by sediment, preserving the original configuration of the corpse. Impact on
the body by surrounding material, as well as changes over time, must be compared with the
decomposition process (Duday & Guillon 2006). The position and orientation of the body is
usually related to the structure and size of the grave; however it is common to find individuals
who deliberately have been placed in a specific position (Dupras et al. 2012). A body´s position
refers to the location of upper and lower limbs and the head in relation to the trunk of the body,
excluding any reference to the grave itself. Orientation describes the direction of the head in
accordance to the central axis of the corpse (ibid). A corpse is normally placed in three positions:
extended, flexed or semi-flexed and may be arranged in a prone (face down) or supine (face up)
position, as well as sitting, kneeling or standing (Figure 22).

It is often assumed that individuals buried alive have their arms flexed at the elbow to place
their hands close to the face, trying to protect or free themselves from the soil enclosing them, a
movement believed to take place before the onset of rigor mortis, though positions of the dead

39
may be due to ritual practices (Verano 2008). During so called “inverted burials” corpses have
intentionally been placed in strange positions, like placing the head under the feet by tightly
flexing the torso towards the lower limbs (Weiss-Krejci 2013). Figure 23 presents another method
used to “restrain” a corpse.

Figure 19: Burial 668 from the Medieval site of Serris, Les Ruelles in France presented by Henri Duday as
an example of a burial in a filled space. He observed how the individual is highly articulated as seen by the
almost intact pelvis, the articulated upper limbs and the perfect anatomical position of both patella. The
bones have not been moved by gravity due to the steady replacement of soft tissue with sediment (Duday
2006: 74).

Figures 20 & 21: Another burial from Serris, Les Ruelles

(right) shows evidence of a corpse placed in an empty
space, in this case a coffin. This is illustrated by the severe
displacement of lighter bones such as the clavicles, cervical
vertebrae and ribs caused by the process of sedimentation
and the occurrence of occasional flooding, something which
happens very frequently in structures such as coffins within
tombs. The displacement of patellas, rotation of the femurs
and the opening of the pubic bones also show evidence for
an open space burial. Figure 21 (above) illustrates a body
which had been placed in a circular coffin, a common
practice performed by samurais in 17th century Japan. The
deceased was placed in a seated position and the space was
then covered by wooden boards. This is evidenced by the
fallen cranium and the scapula being in a posterior position.
The space was open due to the presence of an open pelvis
40
and the displacement of several skeletal elements (Duday
2006: 49 & 75).
 Figure 22 (right): Examples
of an individual in an (A)
extended, (B) semi-flexed
and (C) flexed position
(Dupras et al. 2012, 67).

Figure 23: In deviant burials

from Medieval Ireland blocks
of stone have been used to
weigh down corpses and
pebbles have been found
inside oral cavities, indicating
some kind of postmortem
shaming (Farrell 2012) A
medieval burial from 8th
century County Roscommon,
Ireland. This individual was
found in a cemetery
containing 120 corpses dating
between the 7th and 14th
centuries. Many of these
individuals were found like
this copse with stones stuffed
into their mouths, believed to
prevent the dead from
walking amongst the living
(Owen 2011).

Alterations of human remains continue after the ceasing of taphonomic processes. Coffins
may collapse, causing movement and postmortem fractures, often confused with trauma
(Garland & Janaway 1989). Damages inflicted by scavengers, microorganisms, water and gravity
alter original positions. However, bones of tightly bound corpses, or those placed in solid burial
chambers, may remain unaltered, even after they have been exposed to natural decay (Duday
2006).

41
 4.2.3. PMI and temporal changes

Postmortem and postburial intervals differ. Individuals may be buried weeks or months
after their demise. In some cultures corpses are reburied after skeletonisation. This has been a
common practice among several Roman Catholic, Eastern Orthodox and Jewish groups who have
reburied bones of their dead in ossuaries, or catacombs (Koudounaris 2011). This study deals with
the opposite - individuals who were not dead at the moment of their burial and whereby
postmortem interval has been shorter than the postburial one. Postmortem interval is identified
by observing the state of decomposition, and other factors, like entomology, climate etc. What
often has been unrecognized is establishment of a timeframe using a burial context. Terminus
Ante Quem (limit before which) and Terminus Post Quem (limit after which) are used to date
material located within and around a site to establish their connection with the burial. Useful
items for establishing time sequences might be newspapers and other artefacts indicating dates,
day of the week, time of the year etc. (Hunter & Cox 2005:110). Vegetation features are
important time indicators, such as tree roots, flowers and seeds. If roots have penetrated the
corpse, or grave fill, it may support the establishment of a time frame. Similarly a study of the
presence of pollen grains or seeds may indicate the season during which the grave was dug (ibid).

4.3 The burial environment

4.3.1. PMI & PBI

Estimating the PMI (postmortem interval) of an individual requires precision and the use of
various disciplines (Forbes 2008a). When human remains are skeletonised and insects and other
fauna are no longer present, forensic anthropologists and archaeologists may be useful in
deciphering the PMI. Postburial interval (PBI) is the timeframe between a burial and the removal
of the human remains. Such “taphonomic time” is a phase archaeologists are prone to scrutinize
in detail, while forensic anthropologists tend to be more interested in establishing a strictly
chronological timeframe. If there has been a lengthy PBI, the human remains may not provide
enough information and the burial setting may turn out to be a more useful source of information
(ibid). In forensic cases PMI and PBI may turn out to be the same, but to assume this to be a
standard rule can lead to erroneous conclusions. In the case of a live burial, the time of deposition
and time of death may differ and exploring the burial environment may be particularly important
(Forbes 2008b). Marc Micozzi (1991) demonstrates the relationship between taphonomy and PMI
by outlining a timeline ranging from minutes to months by observing factors such as animal
scavenging and weathering (Table 9).

42
 Time Interval Process Methodology
I. Minutes to Hours Enzymatic changes Biochemistry
Cellular respiration Cell Biology (e.g., chemistry of
death)
II. Hours to 1 Day “Classic Triad” Forensic Pathology
III. 1 Day-1 Week Gross decomposition Forensic Pathology,
(autolysis, putrefaction) Taphonomy, Ecology
IV. Weeks-Months Skeletonisation, disarticulation Taphonomy, Anthropology,
Archaeology
V. Months-Years Weathering, burial, Taphonomy, Anthropology,
pedoturbation Archaeology
VI. Years-Eons Fossilization, diagenesis, trace Taphonomy, Archaeology,
elements Palaeontology, Mineralogy
Note: All intervals are influenced by environmental conditions, which generally alter rates, but not types, of
process.
Table 9: Relation of Taphonomy to Traditional Determinations of PMI from Micozzi 1991, adapted in Forbes
2008: 228.

Years after deposition human remains continue to undergo erosion, while the burial site
changes as well due to pedoturbation, perturbation not caused by illuviation (re-distribution by
water) (Forbes 2008b:237). Burial environment can be described by a matrix demonstrating the
“chemical, biological, and geological conditions that prevail in that particular location” (Janaway
1996:58). The chemical signature may include pH, ion exchange capacity and oxygenation.
Biological time markers are the presence of roots, flowers, fruits, seeds and pollen, as well as
damages made to tree and/or plant roots during the preparation of the burial, dendrochronology
(tree-ring dating) may also be applied (Forbes 2008b). Geological conditions can be traced by
examining minerals found within the bedrock (Janaway 1996).

Soil types may be of vital importance and include clay, slit or granules, which have specific
effects on preservation of human remains. An analysis of levels of volatile fatty acids produced by
microbacteria can, together with temperature data within the burial environment, be used to
estimate the PMI (Forbes 2008b). Range of ions in particular ratios (Na+, Cl-, NH4+, K+, Ca2+,
Mg2+, SO42-) can be used to establish stages of decomposition, particularly after skeletonisation
(ibid:241). Postputrefaction fungi have periods of growth which can be divided into early and late
phases. Early stages of growth are between 1-10 months postmortem and defined by release of
ammonia into the soil. Late stages may be up to four years postmortem, when levels of ammonia
are at their lowest (ibid). Using such methods to differentiate and define PBI and PMI, it may be
scientifically possible to discern whether a person was already dead before a burial.

43
 4.3.2. Taphonomic signatures and the nature of the grave

Taphonomy involves archaeology, palaeoanthroplogy and microbiology and forensic

taphonomy is increasingly emphasising the importance of studying the entire context of retrieved
human remains (Barker et al. 2008). A comprehensive taphonomic approach means that human
remains have to be analysed in situ, but the environment closest to them also merits a meticulous
investigation (Sorg et al. 2012). The grave cut has to be outlined and observed in relation to
overlying and surrounding soil. A grave fill is looser and more likely to hold moisture than
surrounding soil (Hunter & Cox 2005). Movement of soil within a grave may inhibit the growth of
plants, while preparation of a grave is evidenced by heaping of soil and trampling of surrounding
vegetation. The filling soil has more volume since it is less compact. After some time the mound
sinks due to the natural collapse of the corpse´s abdomen. While excavating a grave it is
important to maintain its edges as intact as possible, since the shape constitutes a significant clue
to its nature and intent (ibid). Assessing circumstances around a burial includes evaluating the
depth of the grave, since it affects preservation and decomposition and indicate circumstances
around the burial, for example if the grave was prepared in haste with rudimentary tools (Forbes
2008a). Stratigraphy and site formation are also relevant. Archaeology uses four principles to
identify a deposition: superposition, association, reversal and intrusion (Dupras et al. 2012).
Superposition means that deposits have been placed on top of others, human remains found
close to the bottom of a grave were generally buried first. Intrusion is particularly relevant while
assessing assumed live burials (Figure 24). It is important to determine whether the cut of the
grave has been modified from the inside and to identify any intrusion within the backfill. The cut
of a grave has to be differentiated from the backfill (ibid). A cut is a context representing a
moment in time when material was removed for the creation of a feature such as a ditch, pit or
grave, backfill is a context in which soil, or other material, has been returned to a grave cut after a
corpse has been deposited. A taphonomic event such as an animal burrowing into a grave fill can
be considered as an intrusion cut, causing soil outside the grave cut filter into the backfill and thus
damaging the original stratification. When considering post depositional movements of an
individual buried alive and enclosed within a burial context, layers beneath her/him, which
previously were undisturbed, may move and change the backfill context (Figure 24). Layers of the
backfill directly above an individual buried alive can be affected by her/his movements and shift
location, resulting in changes within the burial context. Backfill of a grave may move for several
other reasons, like water intrusion and earth movements. A disturbed burial is defined as being
altered after the initial determent, but remaining in the same location (Hester et al. 2008).

44
Figure 24: Internal compaction simulation model by the author (with the help of V. Timpano) to illustrate
what may occur inside a premature burial. As depicted within the diagram, the movements of the interred
individual may create significant bioturbation and soil movement within the already mixed fill, creating
specific soil patterns as well as various levels of soil density and compaction (arrows). The diagram also
shows how the human remains may be positioned when discovered considering the postdepositional
movement within the grave. It is important to note that in this instance, the “intrusion” within the burial is
the individual her/himself.

Michael Hochrein (2002) refers to the ideal process of exploring a grave as

“geotaphonomic”, signifying a meticulous attention to all geophysical features of the explored
site, including the fill, grave walls, and the human remains (Dirkmaat et al. 2008). The grave site
may have affected the body and vice versa. Geotaphonomy is “the study of the geophysical
characteristics of, and changes in, subterranean features associated with the interment of buried

45
evidence” (Hochrein 2002:47). This approach differs from taphonomy, which mostly concerns the
condition of and modifications to human remains. Hochrein (2002) lists six geophysical
characteristics to consider while investigating a burial: stratification, tool marks, bioturbation,
sedimentation, compression/depression, and internal compaction.

Stratification includes identifying the mixed soil horizon of a grave fill, comparing it with the
one of the surrounding environment. An archaeologist must be able to note the difference
between friable and compact soil to properly isolate grave walls (Hochrein 2002) (Figure 25).
Examining stratigraphy makes it possible to discern whether the grave has been disturbed and for
what reason (Hochrein 1997). Identification of tool marks within a burial feature makes it feasible
to trace intrusions and establish the original outline of the grave. Tool marks are recognized by
carefully removing the fill to expose the original walls. A technique involving “profiling the
feature”, i.e. sectioning the burial to excavate the fill, and “partexing”, i.e. partial excavation
(ibid:51). Geotaphonomic experiments have been carried out to identify tool markings on burial
walls (Figures 26&27). Such experiments have been useful for creating casts of different tool

Figure 25: Model graves in four different soil horizons. Grave A illustrates a classic scenario in which a body
is buried in a grave cut in natural soil and filled with mixed soils from the surrounding context. Grave B
shows a burial made in the hillside in which the cut of the grave is made into the hillside above the body.
The individual in grave C has been buried in the mixed soils of a fill from a road construction and the fill of
the grave itself may be exactly the same to the surrounding soils. Grave D illustrates a grave where the body
has been removed, leaving only decomposition fluids and highly organic soil. These contexts illustrate the
importance of the surrounding context in relation to the grave itself (Connor 2007: 79).

46
Figure 26: Cox (2007) presents a diagram of a deep grave illustrating several pieces of evidence and
features which may be identified by exposing the burial walls and floor including the type of machine used
to excavate the burial and any residual evidence left by the victim. Combining tool marks and other
evidence a sequence of events may then be reconstructed (Cox 2007: 244).

Figure 27: Tool marks on the walls

of a burial identified as being
made by a round-point shovel
(Hochrein 2002: 52).

marks to facilitate their identification on site. Such geotaphonomic features may be especially
significant while identifying a live burial, since not only tools used to excavate the grave may be
identified, but also if any tools, or limbs, have been used from within the grave (ibid).
Unfortunately not much research has been made to identify features such as scratch marks or
indents indicating that someone buried alive has tried to escape from her/his confinement.

47
 It is important for archaeologists to be able to discern impacts from natural forces, like
bioturbation and scavenging animals, to compare them to human intrusions and alterations (ibid).
Another characteristic to be considered is sedimentation caused by movement of water inside the
grave. Water tends to pool, evaporate and then pool again, creating configurations that may be
helpful while determining phases and time intervals (Hochrein 2002). Such investigations may
determine whether the grave was left open for a certain amount of time, or if the body was
interred at the same time as the grave was dug. Other important features are signs of
compression and/or decompression. Compression may intentionally have been made on top of
the grave fill, depressions are generally primary or secondary (ibid). Primary if resulting from the
fill settling into the pit and secondary if caused by bloating and release of gases from the corpse.
To identify a live burial it is important to search for signs of internal compaction caused by
movements of an interred victim. Hochrein (2002) uses the example of one of the bodies found
during an investigation of the Sacramento Boarding House Murders, described in detail by a
district attorney who refers to a description made by a coroner and an anthropologist who in
1988 participated in the excavation of nine burials in the murderer´s garden:

“He and the anthropologist saw an unusual compaction of dirt on either side of the
victim’s wrapped legs, and a mound-like effect above the knees, as if the soil had
been forced upward. A tunnel had been created between the victim’s wrapped legs,
caused by the packing of dirt on either side… it was possible, that [the victim] had
awakened from her drugged stupor and begun jerking her wrapped legs, trying to
kick to the sides or above her. Bur she succeeded only in mounding the dirt, packing
it up on either side. She was too weak or restrained to do more” (Wood 1994:4).

This observation is difficult to ascertain since no archaeologist interpreted features like soil
signatures. More empirical studies need to be made regarding the nature and preservation of
internal compaction within a grave (Hochrein 2002).

Forensic pedology, soil science, refers to the variation of soil and its diverse properties
(Dupras et al. 2012). Generally, most soils are composed of the following horizons (Table 10):

O Generally composed of highly organic matter

and surface litter, often referred to as humus.
A Referred to as topsoil containing the most
organic matter and live contents.
E Lighter in colour compared to other horizons,
mixed with organic material leaching in from
previous horizons.
B Referred to as subsoil, containing mineral and
organic compounds.
C Mainly composed of altered and unaltered
rock creating the so called bedrock.
Table 10: Soil horizons and a description of their characteristics from topsoil layers to the bedrock
(Dupras et al. 2012:201). 48
 Relevant for this study is soil consistency, i.e. measuring soil´s ability to compact. This can
be done by manipulating soil on site to identify the amount of force needed to alter and
manipulate it (Fitzpatrick 2008) (Table 11). Morphological features, including thickness, colour,
consistency, texture, and structure, need to be described during an excavation to determine
whether specific geotaphonomic or biotaphonomic characteristics can be detected within a burial
(ibid). Soil structure is characterized by the presence of primary particles manipulated into
different shapes referred to as peds (Connor 2007). Disturbed soils have no structure (specific
grade, class, or type), facilitating identification of undisturbed soil. Soil is produced within a
specific environment and may be used to establish the chronology of a site and identify its
distinctive features (ibid; Dupras et al. 2012).

Table 11: A diagram presented by Fitzpatrick (2008) illustrating different interpretations of soil
consistency (Fitzpatrick 2008: 16-17). 49
4.4 Archaeological methodology in a forensic investigation

After securing external evidence of a live burial it is important to outline a viable

methodology. A grave must initially be examined at its surface to discern defects like evidence of
sedimentation, compression/depression, bioturbation and tool markings (Hochrein 2002:63). A
well-defined procedure of how a burial feature should be excavated is offered by Dupras et al.
(2012) (Table 12):

1. Half of the feature should be excavated until as many remains as possible

are exposed, this allows for a profile of the buried individual, offering an
orientation and position of the body which should then be photographed
and drawn in detail. The archaeologist has to comprehend whether there
are differences in the soil in specific areas above the individual (such as
compaction or intrusions).
2. Excavations should be done in a grid above the centre of the feature and
the archaeologist should leave a 2-5cm margin between the fill and the
burial cut. This will preserve geotaphomonic evidence on the burial walls.
3. The fill should be removed in 5cm layers at a time in order to note any
changes in the soil signature, such as the presence of internal compaction.
4. The soil from each layer should be subject to dry sieving in order for any
items found not to be missed and maintained in its context.
5. After 20-25cm into the burial fill it is essential to stop using tools such as
trowels but to move to smaller hand tools and brushes in order to not
damage any remains or tool marks etc. when encountered.
6. Every artefact or evidence should be recorded and mapped within its
original layer and differences in the soil itself should be drawn as well as
perhaps placing markers along the edge to create a section drawing.
7. When the body has become exposed, the position of the individual has to
be preserved together with any associated evidence including wrappings,
ligatures or blindfolds etc.
8. The remains should be photographed and then the following points should
be taken using a site datum: skull, pelvis, knees, elbows, shoulder, hands
and feet together with any associated evidence.
9. Soil samples are to be collected from the burial floor (up to 5cm below) and
the floor should be scraped until undisturbed layers have been
encountered beneath.

Table 12: Excavation methodology at a burial site offered by Dupras et al.’s Forensic Recovery of Human
Remains: Archaeological Applications (Dupras et al. 2012: 216-223).

Depth measures are important, for example, depth beneath removed human remains
allow for an assessment of the decay (Duday & Guillon 2006). Points can be taken to create a
reconstruction of the interred individual as a 3-D image, related to its immediate environment
(Cheetham et al. 2008). Significant anomalies are noted, such as colour change, postmortem
breakage, rootlet etching, animal scavenging and heat modification and compared to

50
biotaphonomic or geotaphonomic burial features (Barker et al. 2008). Another methodological
outline may be the following (Table 13):

1. Define the postmortem interval using biotaphonomic approaches.

2. Understand the original location of death.
3. Reconstruct the final resting place of the individual before taphonomic
processes have manipulated the original state of the remains and altered
the environment.
4. Define relevant peri/postmortem events of the victim or offender such as
the preparation of the corpse.
5. Identify any physical trauma on the remains made ante/perimortem.
6. Outline the differences between any pseudotrauma/postmortem trauma
and perimortem trauma present on the remains.
7. Verify any witness statements and compare them to the perimortem and
postmortem evidence on the remains (Nawrocki 2009:286).

Table 13: Excavation procedure suggested by Nawrocki (2009), emphasizing taphonomic processes which
may not only affect the remains but also the grave itself.

The listed steps are generally executed by an anthropologist. If compared to archaeological

methods described above it is evident how dependent methodologies recommended by Dupras
et al. (2008) and Nawrocki (2009) are on geotaphonomy and biotaphonomy.

Distribution of limbs also have to be accounted for, for example by presenting viable
hypotheses about disposal, whether the deceased has been thrown into the grave, or interred in
another manner.

An archaeologist´s contribution to a thorough investigation of a burial site can be to

produce section and plan drawings to identify and compare disturbances and anomalies (Figures
28&29). A section drawing presents a “cut through” of an object, while a plan drawing constitutes
a bird’s eye view of the feature (Dupras et al. 2012:172). Section drawings are often referred to as
“cross-sectional drawings” and used to illustrate depth relations between layers, artefacts and
“surface contours” (ibid:185) (Figure 30). If an area of soil compaction is identified in connection
to a live burial, its layer, depth and contour should be drawn to indicate if compaction is due to
movement of the limbs of an interred individual. While addressing an anomaly, an archaeologist
should concentrate on excavating disturbances to delineate their limits, so that soil believed to be
part of a different event within the feature can be stored and labelled separately as another
context (Cheetham et al. 2008). Such a methodology may display tool marks, footprints and even
handprints, as well as paints etc. On site, anthropologists should be available to answer questions
regarding identification of postmortem trauma, taphonomic alterations, and perimortem trauma
(ibid).

51
Figure 28: A typical plan
(top left) illustrating sloping
and features and section
(bottom) of a grave with
corresponding levels of
various soil contexts
(Hunter & Cox 2005: 106).

Figure 29: A reference grid,

profile and section of a grave.
Note the method of excavation
presented in the diagrams:
only some of the features are
exposed before excavating the
entire burial. This is to
orientate the archaeologist
and to identify which features
will be found in the unexposed
area. This is an especially
important detail while
concerned with live burials
since it may be used to identify
internal compaction above the
upper and lower limbs whilst
excavating. What is also
evidenced is the difference
between various soil horizons,
like the mixed soil in the fill
compared to the undisturbed
soils surrounding the grave cut
(Dupras et al. 2012: 217).

52
Figure 30: A plan drawing of a grave using “grid system mapping”. This involves the use of a site datum in
order to pinpoint where exactly various features are within the grave in relation to the rest of the site. It is
also used to accurately measure the depth of the grave, as well as where elements are in relation to the
body, as illustrated by the position of the bricks over the individual (Dupras et al. 2012: 184).

4.5 Conclusion

There are numerous ways of identifying a live burial by using theories such as intrusions,
internal compaction and tool marks. However, despite the fact that several authors have outlined
adequate methodologies to be used in a funerary context, it is still not the norm in practice.

As experiments have been conducted to identify types of tool marks within a burial feature,
empirical studies ought to be carried out in relation to mechanics of internal compaction.
Postburial interval remains under-investigated, while more attention has been given to
postmortem interval. When it comes to assumed live burials it is important to differentiate
between PBI and PMI, and apply a multidisciplinary approach with contributions from
anthropology, forensic science, taphonomy, archaeology and pedology. In some cases it would be
advisable to collaborate with experts in fields such as social-anthropology, social history and
psychology.

In the next section, methodologies described in previous chapters will be put to the test
while exploring what are believed to be examples of live burials. Funerary contexts have in the
past often been interpreted as ritualistic and/or “deviant”. This may be due to abnormalities
within the burial feature, but may also be the result of taphonomic processes. It is important to

53
approach a burial keeping in mind that its human remains represent a specific individual,
irrespective of which era or context s/he belonged to. Such an understanding of the uniqueness of
each burial is not only important for an investigation of its human remains, but equally essential
for exploring their location. A burial constitutes a unique event, depending on its specific setting,
time and circumstances influencing it. Human remains have often been analysed separated from
their context. If methodologies like those outlined above are applied to any burial context,
remarkable discoveries and conclusions can be made.

54
5. ARCHAEOLOGICAL MANIFESTATIONS: Approaches to the issue of live burials in the
archaeological record

5.1 Archaeology of fear

Live burials constitute an intriguing taboo, occasionally leading to misconceptions, even in
the archaeological record. Rigorous methodologies are discrediting anecdotes regarding live
burials. Myths regarding premature burials are a contributing reason for avoiding preconceived
notions and for applying strictly scientific methodology to the investigation of burial sites. Since
contexts often concern long past circumstances it may be problematic to associate atypical burials
with crime, or extraordinary situations (Tsaliki 2008). In her study of “unusual” interments and
“necrophobia” Anastasia Tsaliki (2008) presents several criteria for deviant burials (Table 14):

Basic criteria applied to distinguish unusual burials:

- Primary and secondary burials in unusual places and/or positions when compared to ordinary
burial customs of the cultural group or time period (e.g. skeletal remains in wells, pits or kilns,
skeletons laid in a prone position).
- Mass burials (inhumations and cremations), especially those without evidence or historical
documentation (e.g. epidemic, war, civil unrest), or unique in the given burial ground.
- Inhumations or cremations, isolated or in cemeteries, and/or associated with indicators of
unusual ritual activity (e.g. cut marks, unusual artefacts of possible symbolic or ritual use).
- Cremations found in an inhumation site and vice-versa.
- Skeletons with evidence that may be indicative of crime, torture, or special mortuary rituals
(e.g. victims of infanticide, senicide, human sacrifice, cannibalism).

Table 14: Basic criteria used to identify deviant burials (Tsaliki 2008:2).

Persons found in deviant burials have generally been considered as outcasts while alive;
criminals, women who died in childbirth, unbaptized children, disabled people, and slaves
(Murphy 2008). Human sacrifice, execution, and poena post mortem, punishment after death, are
some examples of how the state of human remains can inform about their identity. “Archaeology
of fear”, a concept introduced by Tsaliki (2008), indicates that certain interred individuals have
been conceived as “dangerous dead”. Assumed witches and criminals could have been interred in
a manner to impede their spirits from haunting the living. “Deviant burials” have been defined as
accidental, executions, or human sacrifice. However, no single explanation can define them all
(ibid:3) (Table 15).
Despite knowledge of context and ancient societies, archaeologists may misinterpret
skeletal remains and a burial site (Weiss-Krejci 2008). This is true for complicated funerary
contexts, some even containing live burials. While investigating such sites, it is important to
consider ideologies/traditions and rituals within a social framework, as well as clues found within

55

Table 15: Indicators of “necrophobia”
or fear of the dead within burials
(Tsaliki 2008: 3
- Skeletons with evidence of tied body parts.
- Skeletons in prone position.
- Bodies buried unusually deep in the ground.
- Burials being covered by rocks, or other
weights.
- Bodies found cremated in an inhumation site.
- Skeletons with evidence of decapitation.
- Burials with evidence of rivets/stakes.

“normal” funerary sites (ibid). Reasons behind live burials can be identified as controlled or
uncontrolled circumstances. Controlled circumstances concern ideology and religion, sometimes
involving concepts related to liminality, the dichotomy of order and chaos, and/or the idea of
deploying helpers beyond the grave. Uncontrolled circumstances are epidemics, natural disasters,
such as earthquakes etc., as well as war casualties. Liminality may explain some features of live
burials, considering the fact that a grave can be considered “the threshold of death and afterlife”
(van Gennep 1960:190). If an individual is buried alive, s/he is denied a proper rite of passage and
thus condemned to abide in a liminal state, doomed to a marginalized existence even beyond the
grave.

5.2 Historical anecdotes

Prevalence of live burials has either been accepted, or written off completely. Nevertheless,
they are popular in novels, plays and even operas. Like in Giuseppe Verdi’s Aida, where the young
warrior Radamés is sentenced to be entombed alive (Verdi et al. 1963) (Figure 31).

5.2.1. Vestal burials

Famous records of live burials are descriptions of punishment inflicted on Roman Vestal
virgins accused of “un-chastity” (Fraschetti 1984:95). Vestal virgins were in charge of keeping a
sacred fire alive, guaranteeing divine protection of Rome. Vestals were sacred, “set apart” and
violating this sanctity meant introducing “impurity” into the Roman realm. Accordingly, burying a
sacrilegious Vestal was staged as disposal of something impure (ibid:109). A condemned Vestal
dressed as a corpse was carried in a closed litter, to avoid contaminating the Roman soil (Figure
32). The procession ended at the Colline Gate, considered as a “liminal” burial ground set aside
for criminals. Vestals entered a subterranean vault, equipped with a couch, a lamp and a table

56
 Figure 31: The front cover or title page
for the music in Giuseppe Verdi’s Aida,
illustrating the final scenes from the
opera where Radamés and Aida are
entombed alive beneath the temple
(CPH 2009).

The Execution
Figure 32: were
Criminals of a Vestal
buried outside theVirgin
wall,(1790-1815) by were
while Vestals Heinrich Friedrich
buried in a Fuger, illustrating
subterranean howon
vault thethe
Vestal
was taken from her office and clothed in white like a corpse to be paraded through the streets of Rome
(ExecutedToday.com 2015).

57
with food and water to sustain the condemned for a few days, after the Vestal´s entrance the
vault was sealed (Lorsch Wolfgang 2006). The procedure corroborates a Vestal´s repute as a
tabooed entity, direct contact with her was avoided and no one could be pinpointed as her
murderer. No tangible proof of the burial ceremony exists. The site of the Colline Gate has been
identified and subjected to several archaeological campaigns, despite this, no human remains
have been found (Cifani 2008). It is uncertain whether accurate archaeological methods were
used, but even if the site was excavated haphazardly it is still odd that no traces of human
remains were found, considering that the site was well known, not only for immurement of Vestal
virgins, but also for interment of criminals (ibid).

5.2.2. Live immurment

Immurement means that an individual was sentenced to death by being enclosed in tight
confinement (Medioli 2001). Documented cases of enclosed nuns exist in inquisitorial documents
(ibid). However, no unambiguous discoveries of remains of immured nuns exist. The same can be
said concerning immurement of humans, especially children, to ensure the strength of buildings.
In Japan exits a folklore about hitobashira, human pillars, people deliberately buried alive inside
buildings (Tsuda 1918:760). By the Jomon tunnel, constructed in 1914, there is even a monument
erected over corpses found during repairs after an earthquake in 1968. They were found standing
upright and sealed into the walls of the tunnel (ibid). Burials of children were uncovered at the
four corners of the Pyramid of the Sun in Teotihuacan, followed by comparable discoveries in
other Central American archaeological sites (Serrano 1993). Child sacrifice in pre-Columbian
Meso-American cultures was connected with fertility beliefs, spririts of sacrificed children were
believed to grow in afterlife and thus strengthen life force (ibid). Spanish chroniclers stated that
water deities required child sacrifice involving live burial since children’s´ tears were believed to
have fertilizing powers. Under the great pyramid of Tenochtitlan corpses of 42 mostly male
children have been found, with serious cavities and abscesses of bone infections indicating that
pain had been inflicted intentionally (Duverger 2005:128-29).

5.3 Mass religious sacrifice

5.3.1. Ideology

A concept of ancient Egyptian religion was that the original state of the world was a cosmic,
social and physical order referred to as ma’at (Muhlestein 2011). Rebel forces threatened that
order by introducing chaos, isfet, seeking to destroy ma’at. To maintain ma´at and contain isfet it
was necessary to exercise violence and sacrifice (ibid) (Figure 33). Ritual sacrifice can be

58
considered as taking place illud tempus, “that time”, a term used by Mircia Eliade (1959) to
describe “a time out of time” where everything remains the same, guaranteeing eternal order.
The ancient Egyptian term sp tpi may be translated as “first time” and can be considered as an
equivalent to illud tempus (Eliade 1959:88). The most common forms of ritualistic killing were
decapitation and burning, making an afterlife impossible, hindering enemies to ma´at from
proliferating isfet (Muhlestein 2011). An example of violent death connected to religiously
motivated human slaughter are several burials at Saqqara, like tomb 3357 containing several
skeletons of men showing evidence of trauma, but without being decapitated or burned, and
covered by a layer of mud plaster, implying that they were sacrificed to serve a ruler after death
(ibid).

Figure 33: Isfet in the semblance of

Apep or the serpent Apophis, the
personification of darkness and
dissolution being slayed by the god
Ra in his cat-like form using ma’at as
a knife. The painting from the tomb
of Inherkha (New Kingdom) tries to
illustrate how Egypt needs to
constantly protect itself from chaos
using justice as a weapon (Bowen
2013).

Inca civilization sustained similar notions about transference of life force. Live burials have been
documented in chronicles, mentioning a ceremony called capacocha, where selected children
were offered to the Sun god and buried at sacred places (Ceruti 2004). A Spanish Jesuit listed such
cult sites where child sacrifices and live burials were carried out (Cobo 1990). Sacrificial burials
have been found above 6,000 meters, like at El Toro in northern Argentina. A naked boy of was
discovered showing signs of strangulation, though the fact that he was naked may point towards
death caused by exposure to cold (Ceruti 2004) (Figure 34). At another site discovered at 6 715 m,
contained the frozen bodies of three children, no older than ten. The children were fully clothed,
surrounded by grave goods and displaying no signs of trauma, indicating that they may have been
buried alive and frozen to death (ibid) (Figure 35). Evidence of tranquilizers was found on skin,
tunics, vomit and faeces, in the form of pigments from an

59
 Figures 34 & 35: The naked boy found at the site of El Toro in Northern Argentina (left) and the remains
of one of the children still in situ on the mount of Llullaillaco (right). Note that the boy at El Toro is naked
and is in a position of someone who may experience extreme cold, trying to maintain as much heat as
possible by making oneself small, reducing exposed flesh. Also, the fact that he is indeed naked may not
necessarily be ritualistic, but could also indicate “paradoxal undressing” caused by hypothermia as
mentioned in Chapter 3. The boy found at Llullailaco, however, may show the ritualistic aspect of
restricting the boy within the textile by tightly binding his limbs (Ceruti 2004: 106,110).

intoxicating potion. The excessive heights of the ceremonies indicate that extreme conditions
were assumed to do the killing, while the attendants acted as facilitators (ibid). Incas hold a belief
that “nothing incomplete should be offered to the sun”, making a natural death by hypothermia a
means to sacrifice the victim without “corrupting” the body (ibid:116). Inca mountain shrine
burials constitute a quite unique example of how a multidisciplinary approach combining
archaeology and forensic science supports written sources describing live burials within a ritual
context.

5.3.2. Retainer sacrifice and conspicuous consumption

Vestiges of ritual slaying have been identified at numerous archaeological sites, including
Ur, Kerma, Saqqara and Sipan. Slaves, prisoners of war and servants could even before being
sacrificed have been considered as socially dead, devoid of their personality and destined to serve
both in this life and the next (Morris 2014). Verle Gordon Childe (1945) claimed that tombs
containing human victims, indicated a “transitional stage in social development when a territorial

60
state was replacing barbarian organization” (Gordon Childe 1945:13). Slayed subordinates
accompanying their ruler in death, could accordingly be considered as “conspicuous
consumption” designating a controlling, repressive power (ibid).

In Kerma, once the ancient capital of Nubia, a necropolis, dating back to between 2500 – 1500 BC,
contains between 30,000 to 40,000 burials, most of them covered with earth tumuli, some up to
90 hectares in diameter (MASS 2015). According to its first explorer, Gerorg Reisner (1923), and
confirmed by later campaigns, several large scale tumuli contain victims of retainer sacrifice, i.e
sacrifice of people intended to serve a ruler in the afterlife (Reisner 1923; Bonnet et al. 1999).
Reisner (1923) described several bodies in an open grave pit as proof that ritual slaughter took
place throughout the course of one day (Table 16). Rulers buried in tumuli were placed on beds
surrounded by grave goods and remains of rams and humans. Some tombs contain what Reisner
referred to as “sacrificial corridors” enclosing hundreds of skeletons in a variety of positions,
placed in irregular groupings (Reisner 1923:68) (Figures 36-38).

Table 16: Table by Reisner

(1923) illustrating the
number of sacrificial victims
within each tumuli together
with an estimation of the
actual number based on
looted skeletal elements etc.
(Reisner 1923: 69).

Reisner described scenarios indicating that victims had been buried alive, like male corpses found
with their left hands holding on to daggers, which Reisner claimed indicate movements as the
grave was filled with soil, but still containing pockets of air. He described females found under the
bed of the main corpse, within an enclosed space of 0.175 cubic meters, indicating death by
asphyxiation while hiding under the bed (ibid) (Figure 39). It is evident that the individuals were
sacrificed, but the circumstances established by Reisner are uncertain since scientific methods to
ascertain causes of death were not sufficiently developed at the time. A study conducted on 100
individuals assumed to have been sacrificed and 190 individuals assumed to have died a “natural”
death (Buzon & Judd 2008). The hypothesis was that by comparing indicators of physiological
stress, it would be possible to determine whether the healthier group did not die of natural
causes, proving they were victims of retainer sacrifice. However, the results indicated a similar
health status in both groups (ibid). Nevertheless, the study demonstrates how archaeologists and
other specialists are becoming aware of the fact that a multidisciplinary approach is needed to
investigate complex funerary sites.

61
Figure 36: The plan of tumulus KIII, the largest tomb at Kerma, illustrating the location of subsidiary burials
of sacrificial victims as well as the main burials placed in specific chambers with elaborate structures and
brick walls (Adams 2000).

Figures 37 & 38: Photographs taken during their excavation from Reisner (1923). The first (left)
showing the tumulus KIII from the west, illustrating the small “sections” within the corridors
containing sacrificial victims, the second (right) showing KIII from the north, illustrating the central
corridor as well as the pavement with partially covered the entire structure (Reisner 1923: Plate V). 62
Figure 39: Plan of a sacrificial corridor in tumulus KXB, illustrating the various positions of the sacrificial
victims distributed unevenly within the space. Note that most of the positions are flexed, a possible
indication of a “defensive” or “protective” position as described by Reisner (Reisner 1923: Plate XXIII).

Retainer sacrifice also occurred in early Chinese civilizations. Yinxu contains remnants of
the last centre of the Shang dynasty (c. 1600 – 1046 BC). Burial sites have revealed humans and
horses accompanying rulers into afterlife, so far more than 12, 000 sacrificial victims have been
exhumed (Campbell 2014). Victims can be divided into two groups – “death attendants” placed in
coffins and accompanied by grave goods, exposing no signs of violence and accounting for less
than five percent of the victims, the rest were war captives, identified by being decapitated,
hacked, burned or buried alive in sacrificial pits (ibid:96) (Figure 40). A wealth of written
evidence, more than 20,000 inscribed bones and turtle shells, indicate that sacrificed captives
were interchangeable with livestock (ibid). Their deaths proved a ruler´s ability to vanquish chaos.
Corpses of “death attendants” show no sign of trauma or violence, pertaining to the logic that
they had to be unblemished to serve in afterlife (Morris 2014:83).

Figure 40: The foundation sacrifice and sacrificial pits of what are believed to be “death attendants”
within the royal cemetery at Anyang, dating back to between ca. 1250 – 1050 BC (Campbell 2014: 97).

63
 A later tomb of Duke Jing (575 – 537 BC) was excavated between 1977 and 1987. Ninety-
four corpses were found, each in a lacquered coffer containing small quantities of jewellery and
placed around their deceased ruler (Bonnechere & Gagné 2013) (Figure 41). In an outer circle
additional 74 corpses were found in simple wooden boxes without grave goods. These boxes were
circled by twenty, dismembered victims placed directly in the stamped earth. There are
indications that some of the victims found in coffins have been buried alive, some restrained with
ropes, several bodies were contorted, suggesting they had been placed in a restricting wooden
frame before being lowered into the coffins (ibid).

Figure 41: Tomb MI at

Yongcheng believed to be the
tomb of Duke Jing of Qin from
the 6th century BC. The image
clearly shows the “boxes”
belonging to the victims of
retainer sacrifice surrounding a
central pit (Campbell 2014:
105).

5.4 Deviant burials and the dangerous dead

Beliefs that the soul leaves the body through the mouth have made survivors stuff mouths
of deceased evildoers with soil, burying them in prone positions, or restrict their chances of
resurrection through magical means (Barker 1998; Aspӧck 2008). Lack of grave goods, unusual
positions, decapitation, and tied limbs may indicate fear and/or contempt of the departed
(Aspӧck 2008). Specialists in paleopathology and forensic pathology might be able to ascertain
the cause of death of individuals who have been aberrantly buried, disapproving or corroborating
suspicions of live interment (Charlier 2008).

64
 5.4.1. Restriction

At Capo Colonna, Italy, two graves was excavated, dating back to the 8th-9th century and
found to contain remains of two individuals, with heavy sandstones placed on top (Tsaliki 2008).
The remains presented lesions on the spine, as well on face and cranium. One of them was placed
in a disproportionately small grave, while the other lay face down (ibid). A similar burial was
identified at an Anglo-Saxon cemetery in Sewerby. Due to the remains´ position and the fact that
a large rock had been jammed at the base of the victim’s spine, the internment was defined as a
live burial (Aspӧck 2008) (Figure 42). At Hornsburg, Austria a corpse interred during Neolithic time

Figure 42: The “live burial” at the Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Sewerby in East Yorkshire, accompanied by a
reconstruction drawn by David A. Walsh (right). Note the strategic positioning of the rock, preventing the
individual from rising, blocking any movement in the lumbar region of the spine and therefore both legs.
This may have caused BFT/SFT to the pelvis as the fracture patterns illustrated in Chapter 3. The
uncomfortable position of the individual may be that of a victim who has been buried alive, however, more
scientific methodology could have been ensued in order to accurately determine this deviant burial as such
(Aspӧck 2008: 18).

was discovered head down in a v-shaped ditch, indicating that the victim had been buried alive
and died of asphyxiation (Taylor 2014). At Welwyn Herfordshire, England, a male was found in a
grave dating back to Roman Britain, heavy rocks had been placed on his back, his feet had been
cut off, remitted and positioned at a right angle towards another individual (Taylor 2008). These
are just a few examples of deviant burials, possibly indicating live burials. Taphonomy is
increasingly applied to investigate such sites (Aspӧck 2008). Robert Philpott (1991) has
established four categories of prone burials: Signs of coercion, careless burials, double burials,
and formal burials (Philpott 1991:71-76). Nevertheless, he emphasized that no single
interpretation can explain all features within a grave. An interesting case of prone burial from the
late 1600s was examined at a slave cemetery in Barbados. The grave contained the corpse of an
adult female buried face down under an earthen mound, outside the main cemetery (Handler
1997). The remains did not show evidence of trauma, but when analyzed evidence of severe lead

65
poisoning was identified (ibid). Lead poisoning causes paralysis of certain muscle groups, seizures
and severe abdominal pain, often forcing the victim to scream, symptoms that may have
alienated the woman, making her appear as dangerous. Socio-cultural context indicates
influences of belief systems from the African Gold Coast, particularly those concerning alleged
witches. Similar mounds covering individuals accused of witchcraft and placed in prone positions
have been found in Ghana. Traditions state that “in earlier times some living thing be buried alive”
under such mounds, indicating that the woman found in Barbados could have been buried alive,
explaining the nature of her grave and the state of her remains (ibid:80). An interpretation that
cannot be corroborated without the application of forensic science.

5.4.2. Dangerous dead

Two middle aged women found in a cistern on Delos Island, Greece, dating back to the
beginning of the 1st century BC, indicate ritual punishment (Charlier 2008). One of them had been
beheaded, while the other had traces of iron nails in the fibula and femurs (Figures 43&44). It was
initially believed that the woman had been crucified, though the nature of her wounds and the
burial context indicated she had been tortured by means of apotympanismos, meaning that an
individual was nailed to a wooden post and abandoned to a slow, agonizing death (ibid:66).
Historical records state that execution was illegal on Delos, since it was a sacred island, making
this a clandestine burial (ibid). The woman may have been thrown alive into the cistern and left to
die not to offend the island´s religious code.

Figure 43: The two skeletons inside the cistern at the House of Fourni on the Island of Delos. The most
visible and intact skeleton is that of the decapitated woman, while part of the pelvis and femur of the
second woman can be seen at the bottom. The strange positons may indicate some form of ritual which is
later confirmed by the use of forensic methods as well as historical records (Charlier 2008: 63).
66
 Figure 44: The right
fibula of the second
individual showing the
presence of an iron
nail embedded in the
bone and
accompanied by
chronic inflammation
illustrated by the
presence of periosteal
new bone (Charlier
2008: 64).

Social anthropologist Paul T. Barber (1998) has made comparisons between accounts of
vampirism and forensic data. He observes that vampire lore tends to be common where
exhumation is practiced. In such contexts, phenomena common to decomposition may by folklore
be interpreted as signs of vampirism (Barber 1998). Soil movement above shallow burial places
and sounds emitted from graves may be mistaken as signs of live burials, but are actually results
of bloating and discharge of gases. Normal changes such as the apparent growth of nails, in reality
a result of skin receding due to loosening of cartilage, may provoke fears of vampirism. Blood
emitted from nose and mouth due to blood clots and deterioration of lungs postmortem may
cause fear among the living (ibid). Corpses might be surprisingly well preserved due to a number
of reasons, such as cold temperatures below ground, or dry environments created by desiccating
sands or dry air currents. Fear of vampires may have been triggered when seemingly well
preserved individuals, known to have been dead for days, were exhumed and their corpses found
to be looking as though they were still alive and no longer stiff as corpses are known to be
(though rigmor mortis is actually a temporary condition). Bewilderment may be even greater if a
corpse in a bloated state was punctured and emitted smelling, red liquid, indicating that the
“undead” had feasted on blood of the living (ibid).

5.5 Natural disasters and war crimes

5.5.1. Pompeii

Most famous, at least from an archaeological point of view, of disastrous mass burial is the
eruption of Mount Vesuvius AD 79, in particular since a method to fill cavities left by decomposed
humans and animals had been invented (Lazer 2009). The dramatic poses of retrieved victims
triggered an intense interest in the human tragedy of the catastrophe. The approximately 2,000
skeletons excavated in Pompeii and Herculaneum are in very varied conditions, making it hard to
evaluate cause of death (ibid). Giuseppe Fiorelli´s casts from 1863, as well as later additions, are

67
highly dramatic, frozen at their moment of death, often in so called “pugilistic poses”, with raised
limbs and open mouths, some even with protruding tongues (ibid:257) (Figure 45). Such positions
are associated with exposure to extremely high temperatures, probably caused by hot gas
avalanches, nuées ardents, compact clouds of whirling deadly gases, hot air and pumice moving at
a high speed, a phenomenon killing 29,000 people when Mount Pelée exploded on Martinique in
1903, most of the retrieved corpses had the same “pugilist pose” as skeletons found in Pompeii
(ibid:81). However, in Pompeii other corpses were found lying in tranquil positions, shielding their
faces and/or one another, indicating they died from suffocation (Figures 46-48).

Figure 45: The cast of a victim from Pompeii in a
“pugilistic pose” shown by his raised and
contorted arms and hands, as well as his bent
knees. This man may have been burned by the
hot gases caused by the eruption of Mount
Vesuvius (Osanna & Lagi 2015).
Figure 46: The cast of a woman who died at another
point in time during the volcano eruption, illustrated
by her more controlled pose, shielding her nose and
mouth, possibly to avoid suffocating from the rising
clouds of ash. This woman may have died from
asphyxia as a result of being “buried” under ash and
debris caused by the eruption and not burned as the
man in Figure 15 (Osanna & Lagi 2015).

Comparisons with autopsies of 26 of 67 corpses retrieved from the eruption of Mount St

Helens in the US in 1980, seem to indicate that Pompeiian victims asphyxiated in a very short
time. The bodies of Mount Helen´s victims were found to contain an occlusal plug of mucus and
ash in the trachea, larynx and upper respiratory tract. Their extremities were mummified and
internal organs shrunken and desiccated (ibid). Accordingly, many victims in Pomepeii and

68
Herculaneum succumbed to hot gases, though strangely enough well preserved frescoes and even
glass and other perishable materials have been found, indicating that they were protected from
the intense heat, together with corpses lying quietly down, or crushed by falling walls (ibid). The
solution seems to be offered by comprehensive stratification studies carried out in the 1980s,
indicating several layers signifying that at least five surges of ashes and gas hit Pompeii (Figures
49&50).
Figure 47: The casts of two
individuals who died together
whilst seeking shelter and
comfort from one another
during the eruption. Their
tranquil position and the
absence of contorted limbs
leads us to believe that they
had succumbed to the high
temperatures and had
suffocated from the thick ash
which had trapped them inside
a refuge. This may indicate that
they may not only have died
from asphyxia, but may also
have died from possible heat
stroke as illustrated in Chapter
3 (Osanna & Lagi 2015).
Figure 48: Another cast of a
victim from Pompeii with what
could be interpreted as having
“pugilistic” features but when
analysed in further detail, he
still has some traces of clothing
which ought to have been
incinerated if the victim was
burned alive by hot ash. The
peculiar position of the limbs
may otherwise indicate that
the victim may have been
buried under hot ash and may
have died whist trying to
escape, something similar to
the positions of the victims of
retainer sacrifice previously
described at Kerma (Osanna &
Lagi 2015).

A first rain of ashes was not so hot and made it possible for people to flee, or hide inside
their houses, hoping to wait out the eruption. During the ash rain several persons could have
been killed by collapsing houses or been suffocated while being trapped inside their homes, or in
air pockets. New surges of ashes and brimstone built up a layer that in some places became as

69
thick as three meters, protecting material underneath. Finally a fourth and a fifth surge of nuée
ardents engulfed the town and burned the few survivors who were left (ibid:83).

Figure 49: (top left) This is a

very interesting trio of casts
also discovered at Pompeii.
The presumed mother and
her two children were found
together in this pose, which
may in various ways be
“pugilistic”. However, the fact
that the woman is almost
shielding her face and the
child on top of her is
apparently reaching out may
indicate that both were
burned but also covered by a
wave of ash which may have
caused suffocation (also since
both children are still wearing
some garments). This
example clearly illustrates the
complexity of the site and the
various events which
followed the eruption
(Osanna & Lagi2015).

Figure 50: The cast of a man in what is initially believed to be a “pugilistic pose” due to his bent knees and
partially raised arms. However, his face is completely intact, even showing his features and expression
perimortem. He is also wearing his clothes, indicating that he could not possibly have died from the surge
of hot gases, but rather succumbed to asphyxia caused by the secondary wave of ash covering the city and
preventing any means of escape. The example clearly indicates how an understanding of natural disasters
as well as forensic science may explain a complex site (Osanna & Lagi 2015).

5.5.2 Nanking mass burials

Ancient and current accounts document atrocities involving mass killings. Mass graves are
complex cultural features requiring careful attention while excavated and documented,
particularly since collected data may be used in court, or for personal identification (Haglund et al.
2001). Furthermore, the outcome of a forensic/archaeological investigation will impact

70
perpetrators, survivors, family, and even world opinion. Similar procedures may apply to older
atrocities affecting current public opinion and inter-state relations, like massacres committed by
German Sonderkommanodos during World War II, killings of Armenians, Assyrians and Greeks in
Turkey (1894-1923) and the so called Rape of Nanking.

The Nanking massacres was an episode during the Second Sino-Japanese war, when over a
period of six weeks soldiers of the Imperial Japanese Army murdered an estimated 40,000 to over
300,000 Chinese civilians and disarmed combatants (Chang 1997). The Nanking massacre is a
controversial topic. Orthodox positions are completely different in China and Japan. The issue has
poisoned Chinese-Japanese relations for decades and historians are obliged to calmly examine
primary material and reconstruct the history of Nanking on the basis of what those materials tell
us (Askew 2002).

The Nanking massacre is actually one of the few incidents where live burials have been
allegedly photographed (Figure 52). Since records were not kept, estimates of the number of
victims buried in a ditch over which A Memorial Museum in Nanking is built range from 4,000 to
20,000, some of them allegedly buried alive (Haglund et al. 2001). Several exhumed skeletons are
exhibited in situ inside the museum, but so far the forensic reports of these remains have not
been published (ibid). Only one thorough report is available, it is based on surveys conducted by
Americans in 1938 when a large selection of people was interviewed. Some mass graves were also
opened and investigated. Documents from these surveys were used to condemn four Japanese
army officers during The Nanjing War Crimes Tribunal established in 1946. Surprisingly, few
authors have made extensive use of this documentation (Askew 2002).

Figure 51: Chinese prisoners being

buried alive in a small ditch by
Japanese soldiers outside Nanking
in December 1937 after the fall of
the capital. The photograph was
first published by the Chinese
Government in July 1938, allegedly
taken by Adacho Kazuo,
correspondent for the Japanese
daily Asahi Shimbun. Several
Japanese have claimed it to be a
fake and a composite of several
pictures. However, in 2008 it was
claimed that similar photos of the
same event had been found at the
archives of Asahi
Shimbun (Katsuichi 2015).

71
 Exhumations of mass graves in former Yugoslavia and Rwanda have so far been much more
thoroughly investigated, particularly since findings have been used in war crime trials of living
perpetrators (Haglund et al. 2001). Meticulous scientific techniques may in some cases establish
whether, often much publicized, live burials have occurred as exceptionally cruel punishments, or
by “mistake” (ibid). For example, young survivors from both Rwanda and Babij Jar, where 33,770
Jews were killed in 1941 in a single operation, have given witness of how they survived for hours
buried under dead bodies, until they were either rescued or succeeded to escape on their own
(Stillman 2014; Gilbert 1985:203-5).

5.6 Conclusion

Modern forensic science and archaeological methodology have improved our possibilities
to determine if live burial has occurred, not only rectifying and adjusting methods used to
determine live burials, but even more importantly demonstrating the need for multidisciplinary
approaches and close collaboration between different researchers at both crime scenes, like
genocide, and more ancient burial sites. Such a collaboration and effective methodology will not
only enrich research of our common past, but also deepen the human aspect of archaeology and
our understanding of human nature, in both its dark and more lucid manifestations.

72
6. CONCLUSION

Edgar Allen Poe and other authors during the 19th century were obsessed by the fear of
being buried alive. A fear that proved to be excessive, since it was mainly groundless. However,
apart from a wealth of anecdotal cases, live burials are a reality, occurring during natural
disasters, cave-ins, accidental entrapments, and mass murders. How such events are, and have
been analyzed is one of the fundamental issues addressed in this thesis, which argues that a
multidisciplinary approach is needed to fully understand a complicated phenomenon like live
burials. Forensic and archaeological approaches cannot allow one another to be mutually
exclusive.

Forensic pathology intends to reveal the manner, cause and mechanism of a death,
meaning that it is not enough to study a corpse within a laboratory setting, evaluations and
observations have to be made in situ as well. Nevertheless, context may occasionally be neglected
by forensic pathologists, while the meaning of anatomical features may be insufficiently
understood by an archaeologist, who tends to place more emphasis on the general context of a
find. However, an archaeologist needs to understand death as a process and not a singular event,
since archaeology has a tendency to analyze specific events in time.

By simultaneously incorporating a wide array of relevant disciplines, forensics and

archaeology have become multidisciplinary and since they are, at least at their initial stages,
investigating a specific site it is natural to collaborate while applying methods and insights from
different areas of expertise to discern and investigate as many features as possible in situ. The
forensic archaeologist Michael Hochrein (2002) has stated that an archaeological site ought to be
approached with the same care as an autopsy , meaning that the interred individual has to be
placed at the centre and that all finds are related to the interred person and her/his uniqueness
and standing in society .

A grave constitutes a kind of epitome of an approach striving to create a holistic view of

the existence of people no longer with us. Anybody has a story to tell and a meticulous
investigation of it, or what remains of it, as well as the conditions of the site where a corpse has
been found, will provide information regarding the economy, social organization, religion, and
group identity of members of the specific society that interred the person.

If a burial is deviant, and even more if it is a suspected live burial, its significance
increases, since a study of “abnormalities” informs us about what is considered to be normal.
Furthermore, examining victims buried alive due to natural disasters like avalanches, earthquakes

73
and volcanic eruptions, and/or otherwise enclosed in sealed, tiny spaces, help us to increase
chances for survival of people affected by such emergencies.

There are specific features indicating a live burial, like internal compaction of the grave,
positions of human remains and marks on both corpses and their immediate environment. So far,
not enough empirical research has been conducted to identify markings other than tools within a
burial and more thorough empirical research remains to be carried out on mechanics of internal
compaction. Much has been done to establish postmortem interval, while postburial interval
needs to be better understood. Archaeologists in general need to gain a better understanding of
anthropology, forensic science, taphonomy and pedology, while forensic experts need to
collaborate with experts in fields such as archaeology, social-anthropology, social history and
psychology.

The thesis recognizes outstanding cases of proven live burials, demonstrating benefits
from combining forensic and archaeological methodologies. Forensic investigations of cases of
accidental deaths, like a man falling between bamboo trunks, wedging his neck and dying from
asphyxiation, may shed light on deviant burials from ancient times. A naked boy found in northern
Argentina appears to have been intentionally exposed to extreme cold as part of a sacrificial
ceremony, with the intention to keep the victim´s body “intact”. In huge burial complexes in China
and Sudan the state of human remains placed in vicinity of a deceased leader, indicate the social
position of the victims, their social standing, manner of death and the ideology of the political
establishment that demanded such sacrifices. The application of forensics to such cases supports
observations by archaeologists suggesting that victims have been buried alive. Such burials are
enlightened by comparisons with forensic investigations of people currently trapped in sealed
spaces. The state of human remains found in Pompeii and Herculaneum has been compared to
the remains of victims in similar events in modern times, thus shedding light on the manner of
death during ancient casualties providing an understanding of similar sequences during current
events. In Pompeii the different states of the corpses were explained not only through forensic
methods and comparisons with written sources, but through a meticulous stratigraphic and
topographic investigation.

The thesis is a preliminary study based on the review and interpretation of written
sources and constrained by a scarcity of studies specifically dealing with live burials, indicating
that it remains an under-researched area. Its main objective has been to provide a state of affairs
of current investigations of live burials, but also indicate a scientific multidisciplinary methodology
encompassing elements necessary for a meticulous study of live burials. To that end it provides

74
various examples and illustrations, including a diagram of what might occur within a live burial,
particularly concerning internal compaction.

The main conclusion is that much has recently been done to take assumptions of live
burials seriously and let them influence methodology applied during excavations, autopsies and
interpretations. However, much remains to be done, in particular through multidisciplinary
approaches.

What this thesis has tried to establish is that death matters to life. That the excavation,
investigation and interpretation of burial sites and their human remains reveal vital information
about behaviour, ideas and convictions of people who are no longer with us. Life is multifaceted
and concepts of death are a reflection of the complex manner in which people perceive their
existence. Accordingly, investigations of death have to be multidimensional and based on
collaboration of expertise from different fields.

75
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