How Musical Is Man John Blacking

THE JESSIE A N D J O H N DANZ L E C T U R E S
THE JESSIE AND JOHN DANZ LECTURES
The Human Crisis, by Julian Huxley

Of Men and Galaxies, by Fred Hoyle
The Challenge of Science, by George Boas
Of Molecules and Men, by Francis Crick
Nothing But or Something More, by Jacquetta Hawkes
Abortion in a Crowded World:
The Problems of Abortion with Special Reference to India,
by S. Chandrasekhar
World Culture and the Black Experience, by Ali A. Mazrui
Energy for Tomorrow, by Philip H. Abelson
Plato's Universe, by Gregory Vlastos
The Nature of Biography, by Robert Gittings
Darwinism and Human Affairs, by Richard D. Alexander
Arms Control and SALT II, by W. K. H. Panofsky
Promethean Ethics:
Living with Death, Competition, and Triage,
by Garrett Hardin
Social Environment and Health, by Stewart.Wolf
The Possible and the Actual, by Francois Jacob
Facing the Threat of Nuclear Weapons, by Sidney D. Drell
Symmetries, Asymmetries, and the World of Particles, by T. D. Lee
The Symbolism of Habitat:
An Interpretation of Landscape in the Arts,
by Jay Appleton
The Essence of Chaos, by Edward N. Lorenz
Environmental Health Risks and Public Policy:
Decision Making in Free Societies,
by David V. Bates
Language and Human Behavior, by Derek Bickerton
The Uses of Ecology: Lake Washington and Beyond,
by W. T. Edmondson
HOW
MUSICAL
IS
MAN
JOHN BLACKING
UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS
SEATTLE AND LONDON

A tape recording of Venda music, prepared by the author, is available from
the publisher. Included are performances of some of the musical examples in
the book, as well as additional complementary material. A descriptive listing
of the items recorded accompanies the tape. (Venda Music. Recorded and
edited by John Blacking. 1974. One C-60 cassette, 1-7/8 ips [0-295-75512-2])
TO ORDER, please write University of Washington Press, P.O. Box 50096,
Seattle, WA 98145-50%.
Copyright © 1973 by the University r

Second printing, 1974
First paperback edition, 1974
Sixth printing, 2000
Printed in the United States of Ameri
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or trans-

mitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including
photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publisher.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Blacking, John
How musical is man? « u I U 4
(The John Danz lectures)
1. Musical ability. 2. Ethnomusicology.
I. Title. II. Series
ML3838.B6 780M 72-6710
ISBN 0-295-95338-1 (pbk.)
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of

American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of
Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. ®
Excerpts from Benjamin Britten's War Requiem are reproduced by permission

of Boosey & Hawkes Music Publishers Ltd.; from Gustav Mahler's Ninth
Symphony and the " Abschied" from Song of the Earth by permission of
Universal Edition (London) Ltd.; from Mahler's Tenth Symphony by
permission of G. Schirmer, 140 Strand, London WC4R1HH, and copyright
© 1966 by Associated Music Publishers, Inc., New York, used by permission.
Examples from Deryck Cook's The Language of Music are reproduced by
permission of Ocford University Press.
All photographs are by the author.

To Meyer Fortes
T H E J E S S I E A N D J O H N DANZ L E C T U R E S
IN O C T O B E R , 1 9 6 1 , M r . J o h n D a n z , a S e a t t l e pioneer, and
his wife, J e s s i e D a n z , made a substantial gift to the U n i v e r -
sity of W a s h i n g t o n to establish a perpetual fund to provide
i n c o m e to be used to bring to the U n i v e r s i t y of W a s h i n g t o n
each y e a r ". . . distinguished scholars of national and inter-
national reputation w h o h a v e c o n c e r n e d themselves with the
impact of science and p h i l o s o p h y on m a n ' s perception of a
rational u n i v e r s e . " T h e fund established b y M r . and M r s .
Danz is now k n o w n as the Jessie and John Danz Fund, and the
s c h o l a r s b r o u g h t t o t h e U n i v e r s i t y u n d e r its p r o v i s i o n s are
known as Danz Lecturers or Professors.
M r . D a n z wisely left t o the B o a r d o f R e g e n t s o f the U n i -
versity of W a s h i n g t o n the identification of the special fields
in science, philosophy, and o t h e r disciplines in which lecture-
ships m a y be established. His major concern and interest
were that the fund would e n a b l e the U n i v e r s i t y of W a s h i n g -
ton to bring to the campus s o m e of the truly great scholars
and thinkers of the world.
M r . D a n z authorized the R e g e n t s to expend a portion of
the i n c o m e from the fund to p u r c h a s e special collections of
b o o k s , d o c u m e n t s , and other scholarly materials needed to
vii
viii
reinforce t h e effectiveness o f t h e extraordinary lectureships

and p r o f e s s o r s h i p s . T h e t e r m s of the gift also provided for
the publication a n d dissemination, w h e n this s e e m s appropri-
ate, o f t h e l e c t u r e s g i v e n b y t h e D a n z L e c t u r e r s .
Through this book, therefore, another Danz Lecturer
s p e a k s to the people and scholars of t h e world, as he h a s
s p o k e n t o his audiences a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f W a s h i n g t o n and
in the Pacific N o r t h w e s t c o m m u n i t y .
PREFACE
T h i s is n o t a scholarly study of h u m a n musicality, so m u c h

a s a n a t t e m p t t o reconcile m y experiences o f music m a k -
ing in different cultures. I present n e w i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t is a
result of my research in A f r i c a n music, as well as s o m e facts
that are familiar to a n y o n e b r o u g h t up in t h e tradition of
European " a r t " m u s i c ; b u t m y conclusions and suggestions
are e x p l o r a t o r y . T h e y express t h e dilemma of a m u s i c i a n w h o
has b e c o m e a professional anthropologist, and it is for this
reason t h a t I dedicate the b o o k t o M e y e r F o r t e s . I n 1 9 5 2 ,
w h e n I was devoting far m o r e time to music than to my
courses in a n t h r o p o l o g y , he sent me to Paris to study e t h n o -
musicology under A n d r e Schaeffner during a s u m m e r v a c a -
tion. B u t a n o t h e r five years passed b e f o r e I b e g a n to glimpse
the possibilities of an a n t h r o p o l o g y of music. E v e n after a
year's intensive fieldwork, I tended to regard A f r i c a n music
as s o m e t h i n g " o t h e r " ; and this attitude would be reinforced
w h e n I listened to a tape of Wozzeck or s o m e of W e b e r n ' s
music in my tent, or w h e n e v e r there was a p i a n o available
and I could i m m e r s e m y s e l f in B a c h , or C h o p i n , or M o z a r t .
I t was t h e V e n d a o f S o u t h A f r i c a w h o first b r o k e d o w n
s o m e o f m y prejudices. T h e y introduced m e t o a n e w world
ix
X PREFACE
of musical experience and to a deeper understanding of " m y

o w n " m u s i c . I h a d b e e n b r o u g h t up to u n d e r s t a n d music as a
s y s t e m of ordering sound, in which a cumulative set of rules
and an increasing r a n g e of permissible sound patterns had
b e e n i n v e n t e d and developed b y Europeans w h o were c o n -
sidered to h a v e had exceptional musical ability. By associating
different " s o n i c o b j e c t s " with various personal experiences,
by hearing and playing repeatedly the m u s i c of certain a p -
proved c o m p o s e r s , and by selective r e i n f o r c e m e n t that w a s
supposed to be o b j e c t i v e l y aesthetic b u t w a s n o t unrelated
to class interests, I acquired a repertoire of performing and
c o m p o s i n g techniques and musical values that were as p r e -
dictably a c o n s e q u e n c e of my social and cultural e n v i r o n m e n t
as are the musical abilities and taste of a V e n d a m a n a c o n -
vention o f his society. T h e c h i e f results o f nearly two y e a r s '
fieldwork a m o n g the V e n d a and o f a t t e m p t s t o a n a l y z e m y
data over a period of twelve years are that I t h i n k I am
beginning to understand the V e n d a s y s t e m ; I no l o n g e r un-
derstand the history and structures o f European " a r t " music
as clearly as I did; and I can see no useful distinction b e -
tween the terms " f o l k " and " a r t " m u s i c , except a s c o m m e r -
cial l a b e l s .
T h e V e n d a taught me that music can never be a thing in
itself, and that all music is folk m u s i c , in the sense that music
c a n n o t b e transmitted o r h a v e m e a n i n g without associations
b e t w e e n people. D i s t i n c t i o n s b e t w e e n the surface c o m p l e x i t y
of different musical styles and techniques do n o t tell us a n y -
thing useful about the expressive purposes and p o w e r of
music, or a b o u t the intellectual organization involved in its
creation. M u s i c is too deeply concerned with h u m a n feelings
and experiences in society, and its patterns are t o o often
generated b y surprising o u t b u r s t s o f u n c o n s c i o u s c e r e b r a -
tion, for it to be subject to arbitrary rules, like t h e rules of
games. M a n y , i f not all, o f m u s i c ' s essential p r o c e s s e s m a y
be found in t h e constitution of the h u m a n b o d y and in pat-
PREFACE xi
terns o f i n t e r a c t i o n o f h u m a n bodies i n s o c i e t y . T h u s all

music is structurally, as well as functionally, folk m u s i c . T h e
m a k e r s o f " a r t " music are not i n n a t e l y m o r e sensitive o r
cleverer t h a n " f o l k " m u s i c i a n s : the structures o f their music
simply e x p r e s s , by processes similar to those in V e n d a m u s i c ,
the n u m e r i c a l l y larger s y s t e m s o f interaction o f folk i n their
societies, t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s of a m o r e extensive division of
labor, and an a c c u m u l a t e d t e c h n o l o g i c a l tradition.
Literacy and the invention of n o t a t i o n are clearly i m p o r t a n t
factors that m a y g e n e r a t e e x t e n d e d musical structures, but
they express differences of degree, and not the difference in
kind that is implied by the distinction b e t w e e n " a r t " and
" f o l k " music. I h a v e limited my e x a m p l e s to the m u s i c of the
V e n d a , b e c a u s e I h a v e personal experience of it and empirical
data to support my s t a t e m e n t s . B u t my a r g u m e n t about music
in one culture s e e m s to apply to other musical s y s t e m s that
have b e e n studied by e t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t s , and particularly to
Arabic, Indian, Chinese, Japanese, and Indonesian "art"
music. I am c o n v i n c e d that an anthropological a p p r o a c h to
the study of all musical s y s t e m s m a k e s more sense of t h e m
than analyses of the patterns of sound as things in t h e m -
selves.
If my guess a b o u t the biological and social origins of music
is correct, or even o n l y partly correct, it could affect a s s e s s -
ments o f m u s i c a l i t y and patterns o f music education. A b o v e
all, it m i g h t g e n e r a t e some n e w ideas about the role of music
in education, and its general role in societies w h i c h (like the
V e n d a in the c o n t e x t of their traditional e c o n o m y ) are going
to have m o r e leisure time as a u t o m a t i o n increases. I often
wondered h o w it w a s that at my preparatory school most of
the scholarships were w o n b y c h o r i s t e r s , w h o represented
only a third of the school and m i s s e d m o r e than a third of the
classes b e c a u s e of sung services and choir practice. W h e n I
lived with the V e n d a , I b e g a n to understand h o w music can
b e c o m e a n intricate part o f the development o f m i n d , b o d y ,
xii PREFACE
and h a r m o n i o u s social relationships. T h e s e ideas are, o f

c o u r s e , older than the writings o f B o e t h i u s a n d P l a t o o n
m u s i c ; b u t I h o p e that my o w n experiences m a y add a fresh
perspective to a perennial p r o b l e m .
I am deeply grateful to t h e B o a r d of R e g e n t s of t h e U n i -
versity o f W a s h i n g t o n , w h o s e invitation t o deliver the J o h n
D a n z Lectures has given m e t h e opportunity t o t h i n k aloud
and s u m m a r i z e some of my findings on A f r i c a n music. I t h a n k
Robert Kauffman, w h o originally suggested that I might
c o m e , a n d W i l l i a m B e r g s m a , R o b e r t Garfias, and m a n y o t h e r s ,
w h o helped me to spend a v e r y h a p p y and stimulating m o n t h
in S e a t t l e . In particular, I t h a n k N a o m i Pascal for her e n t h u -
siasm and advice in preparing the lectures for publication,
and Cyril Ehrlich for reading the m a n u s c r i p t and m a k i n g
m a n y useful c o m m e n t s ; but I t a k e full responsibility for any
deficiencies in the final product. I am c o n v i n c e d that a n y
creative effort is the s y n t h e s i s of an individual's r e s p o n s e s to
all the g o o d things that o t h e r s h a v e given h i m ; and so these
b r i e f a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s represent only a fraction of the grati-
tude I o w e to all t h o s e w h o h a v e helped me to appreciate and
u n d e r s t a n d music.
CONTENTS
Humanly Organized Sound 3

Music in Society and Culture 32
Culture and Society in Music 54
Soundly Organized Humanity 89
H O W MUSICAL IS MAN?
Humanly
Organized
Sound
ETHNOMUSICOLOGY is a comparatively new word
w h i c h is widely used to refer to the study of the different
musical s y s t e m s of the world. Its seven syllables do not give
it any aesthetic a d v a n t a g e o v e r t h e p e n t a s y l l a b l e " m u s i c o l -
o g y , " b u t a t least they m a y r e m i n d u s that the people o f m a n y
so-called " p r i m i t i v e " cultures used s e v e n - t o n e scales and h a r -
m o n y long b e f o r e t h e y h e a r d t h e music o f W e s t e r n Europe.
P e r h a p s we need a c u m b e r s o m e w o r d to restore the b a l a n c e
to a world of m u s i c that t h r e a t e n s to fly up i n t o clouds of
elitism. W e need t o r e m e m b e r t h a t i n most c o n s e r v a t o i r e s
t h e y teach o n l y o n e particular kind o f ethnic m u s i c , and t h a t
m u s i c o l o g y is really an e t h n i c m u s i c o l o g y . A S c h o o l of M u s i c
such a s that a t t h e U n i v e r s i t y o f W a s h i n g t o n , w h i c h e s t a b -
lishes a s u b d e p a r t m e n t of E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y , E t h n i c M u s i c ,
or B l a c k M u s i c , h a s t a k e n the first step toward recognizing
its role in t o m o r r o w ' s world of music. It has implicitly rede-
fined its M u s i c m o r e m o d e s t l y , as a s y s t e m of musical t h e o r y
and practice that emerged and developed during a certain
period o f E u r o p e a n h i s t o r y .
M o r e i m p o r t a n t than a n y arbitrary, e t h n o c e n t r i c divisions
b e t w e e n M u s i c and Ethnic M u s i c , o r b e t w e e n A r t M u s i c and
4 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
Folk M u s i c , are the distinctions that different cultures and

social groups m a k e b e t w e e n music and n o n m u s i c . In the long
run, i t i s t h e activities o f M a n the M u s i c M a k e r that are o f
m o r e interest and c o n s e q u e n c e to h u m a n i t y t h a n the particu-
lar musical a c h i e v e m e n t s of W e s t e r n m a n . If, for e x a m p l e , all
m e m b e r s of an African s o c i e t y are able to p e r f o r m and listen
intelligently to their o w n indigenous m u s i c , and if this un-
written m u s i c , w h e n analyzed in its social and cultural c o n -
text, c a n be s h o w n to h a v e a similar range of effects on
people and to be b a s e d on intellectual and musical processes
that are found in the so-called " a r t " music of Europe, we
must a s k w h y apparently general musical abilities should be
restricted to a c h o s e n few in societies supposed to be cultur-
ally m o r e advanced. D o e s cultural development represent a
real a d v a n c e in h u m a n sensitivity and technical ability, or is it
chiefly a diversion for elites a n d a w e a p o n of class exploita-
t i o n ? M u s t the majority be m a d e " u n m u s i c a l " so that a few
m a y b e c o m e more " m u s i c a l " ?
R e s e a r c h in e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y h a s expanded our k n o w l e d g e
of the different musical s y s t e m s of the world, b u t it has n o t
yet brought about the reassessment of human musicality
which this n e w k n o w l e d g e demands. E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y has
the p o w e r to create a revolution in the world of music and
music education, if it follows the implications of its discover-
ies and develops as a m e t h o d , and n o t m e r e l y an area, of
study. I believe that e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y should be m o r e than a
b r a n c h o f orthodox m u s i c o l o g y concerned with " e x o t i c " o r
" f o l k " m u s i c : i t could pioneer n e w w a y s o f analyzing music
and music history. C u r r e n t l y recognized divisions between
A r t M u s i c and Folk M u s i c are inadequate and misleading as
conceptual tools. T h e y are neither meaningful n o r accurate as
indices of musical differences; at best, they m e r e l y define the
interests and activities of different social groups. T h e y express
the s a m e outlook as the irregular v e r b , "I play m u s i c ; you
are a folk singer; he m a k e s a horrible n o i s e . " We need to
HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 5
k n o w w h a t sounds and w h a t kinds of b e h a v i o r different soci-

eties have c h o s e n to call " m u s i c a l " ; and until we k n o w m o r e
about this we cannot b e g i n to a n s w e r the question, " H o w
musical i s m a n ? "
If studies in the p s y c h o l o g y of music and tests of musical-
ity have failed to reach a g r e e m e n t on the nature of musicality,
it is p r o b a b l y because t h e y h a v e b e e n almost exclusively
ethnocentric. T h u s , the contradictions that exist b e t w e e n the
different schools o f t h o u g h t m a y b e artifacts o f their e t h n o -
centricity. W h e n the G e s t a l t school insists that musical talent
is m o r e t h a n a set of specific attributes dependent upon sen-
sory capacities, it is right; b u t only partly right, b e c a u s e its
whole does n o t e x t e n d into the culture of which the music is
a part. W h e n opponents of the G e s t a l t school attach prime
importance to s e n s o r y capacities, they are also right, b e c a u s e
without certain specific capacities music could neither be per-
ceived n o r performed. But their tests, like t h e theories on
which they are based, are also of limited value and are hardly
m o r e o b j e c t i v e than those which m a y seem to be less scien-
tific. P a r a d o x i c a l l y , their laudable aim to be c o n t e x t - f r e e and
objective fails precisely b e c a u s e they minimize t h e i m p o r t a n c e
of cultural experience in t h e selection and d e v e l o p m e n t of
sensory capacities. For i n s t a n c e , a test of musical pitch based
on the sounds of a G e n e r a l R a d i o b e a t- f r e q uency oscillator
m a y seem to be m o r e scientific t h a n one based on culturally
familiar t i m b r e s , b e c a u s e the intensity and duration of the
sounds can be e x a c t l y controlled. B u t the results of such a
test could in fact represent a distortion of the truth, b e c a u s e
the s u b j e c t s ' perception m a y be t h r o w n off b a l a n c e by the
unfamiliar medium.
O n e e x a m p l e o f the e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m o f all the musical tests
that I h a v e so far encountered will serve as a general criti-
cism, and also illustrate w h y we m u s t b r o a d e n our field of
investigation if we are to find out what capacities are in-
volved in m u si c a lity . Carl Seashore's Measures of Musical
Talents were the first standardized tests of musical ability to

b e published, i n 1 9 1 9 ; and although they h a v e b e e n criticized,
refined, and elaborated b o t h b y S e a s h o r e h i m s e l f and b y
m a n y other w o r k e r s , testing procedures h a v e n o t changed
radically. T h e basis o f t h e S e a s h o r e tests i s discrimination o f
s o m e k i n d . N o w , b e c a u s e sensory discrimination is developed
in culture, people m a y fail to express any distinction b e t w e e n
musical intervals w h i c h t h e y can h e a r , b u t w h i c h h a v e n o
significance in their musical s y s t e m . S i m i l a r l y , people w h o use
o n l y four or five basic color terms m a y be able to distinguish
b e t w e e n finer shades of color even t h o u g h t h e y m a y not
k n o w the special terms the manufacturers h a v e invented in
order to sell the n e w s e a s o n ' s clothes. I lived for nearly two
years in a rural A f r i c a n s o c i e t y , and I studied the develop-
m e n t and expression of its m e m b e r s ' musical ability in the
c o n t e x t of their social and cultural experience. M u s i c plays a
very important part in the life of the V e n d a of the N o r t h e r n
T r a n s v a a l , and even white settlers w h o suffer from the de-
m e n t e d logic of apartheid readily admit that t h e V e n d a are
very musical people. But w h e n confronted w i t h the S e a s h o r e
tests of musical talent, an outstanding V e n d a musician might
well appear to be a t o n e - d e a f musical m o r o n . B e c a u s e his
perception of sound is basically h a r m o n i c , he m i g h t declare
that two intervals a fourth or a fifth apart w e r e the s a m e ,
and that there was no difference b e t w e e n t w o apparently
different patterns o f m e l o d y (see Example 2 ) . T e s t s o f timbre
and loudness would be irrelevant outside the social c o n t e x t of
sound, and in any c a s e t h e sound of the oscillator would
p r o b a b l y turn him off i n s t a n t l y : since it is not sound made
by a h u m a n being, it is n o t music.
T e s t s of musical ability are clearly relevant only to the cul-
tures w h o s e musical s y s t e m s are similar to t h a t of the tester.
But I would ask further q u e s t i o n s : H o w useful are musical
tests even within the cultural tradition in which they are set?
W h a t do the tests test, and h o w far is it related to musical
ability? H o w musical is the ability that finds its expression in

musical c o m p o s i t i o n or p e r f o r m a n c e , and under what condi-
tions can i t e m e r g e ? W e c a n n o t a n s w e r the question, " H o w
musical i s m a n ? " until w e k n o w w h a t features o f h u m a n b e -
havior, i f a n y , are peculiar t o music. W e talk freely o f musical
genius, b u t we do n o t k n o w what qualities of genius are re-
stricted to music and w h e t h e r or n o t they m i g h t find e x p r e s -
sion in a n o t h e r m e d i u m . N o r do we k n o w to w h a t e x t e n t
these qualities m a y be latent in all m e n . It m a y well be that
the social and cultural inhibitions that prevent the flowering
of musical genius are m o r e significant than any individual
ability that m a y s e e m to p r o m o t e it.
T h e question, " H o w musical is m a n ? " is related to the m o r e
general questions, " W h a t i s the nature o f m a n ? " and, " W h a t
limits are there to his cultural d e v e l o p m e n t ? " It is part of a
series of questions that we must a s k about m a n ' s past and
present if we are to do a n y t h i n g m o r e than s t u m b l e blindly
forward into the future. A l t h o u g h I h a v e no final a n s w e r to
the question posed by the title of the b o o k , I h o p e to show in
the first three chapters h o w research in e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y m a y
resolve m o s t of t h e p r o b l e m s , and, in the fourth, w h y the
issue m a y be i m p o r t a n t for the future of h u m a n i t y . T h e r e is
so m u c h music in the world that it is r e a s o n a b l e to suppose
that music, like language and possibly religion, is a species-
specific trait of m a n . Essential physiological and cognitive
processes that g e n e r a t e musical composition and p e r f o r m -
ance m a y e v e n be genetically inherited, and therefore present
in almost every h u m a n being. An understanding of these and
other processes involved in the production of music m a y pro-
vide us with evidence that m e n are m o r e r e m a r k a b l e and
capable creatures than m o s t societies ever allow t h e m to b e .
T h i s is not the fault of culture itself, b u t the fault of m a n ,
w h o m i s t a k e s the m e a n s of culture for the end, and so lives
for culture and n o t beyond culture.
C o n s i d e r the contradictions b e t w e e n theory and practice in
the m a t t e r o f m u s i c a l i t y i n t h e kind o f b o u r g e o i s e n v i r o n m e n t
in w h i c h I w a s raised and seemed to acquire a degree of
musical c o m p e t e n c e . ( I s a y " s e e m e d , " b e c a u s e a n essential
point o f m y a r g u m e n t i s that w e d o n o t k n o w e x a c t l y w h a t
m u s i c a l c o m p e t e n c e is or h o w it is acquired.) M u s i c is played
while we eat and try to t a l k ; it is played b e t w e e n films and
at the t h e a t e r ; it is played as we sit in crowded airport
l o u n g e s , and o m i n o u s l y as we wait in t h e p l a n e to t a k e off; it
is played all day long on the radio; and even in c h u r c h few
organists allow m o m e n t s o f silence t o intervene b e t w e e n
different stages o f t h e ritual. " M y " society claims t h a t o n l y a
limited n u m b e r of people are musical, and yet it b e h a v e s as if
all people possessed the b a s i c capacity w i t h o u t w h i c h no
musical tradition can e x i s t — t h e capacity to listen to and dis-
tinguish patterns o f sound. T h e m a k e r s o f m o s t films and
television serials hope to appeal to large and varied audiences;
and s o , w h e n t h e y add incidental music to t h e dialogue and
action, t h e y implicitly a s s u m e that audiences c a n discern its
patterns and respond to its e m o t i o n a l appeal, and that t h e y
will hear and understand it in the w a y s that its c o m p o s e r in-
tended. T h e y assume that music is a form of c o m m u n i c a t i o n ,
and that in a c o m m o n cultural c o n t e x t specific musical s e -
q u e n c e s can e v o k e feelings that are fearful, apprehensive,
p a s s i o n a t e , patriotic, religious, s p o o k y , and so on.
T h e film m a k e r s m a y n o t b e aware o f the grounds for their
a s s u m p t i o n s ; but w e c a n b e sure that, i f e x p e r i e n c e had
proved t h e m wrong, t h e y would h a v e rejected all incidental
and m o o d music as u n n e c e s s a r y . Instead, t h e y seem to h a v e
s h o w n increasing confidence in their audiences' musicality by
a b a n d o n i n g continual b a c k g r o u n d music in favor of m o r e
selective heightening of the drama. T h i s m a y be o n l y a re-
sponse t o the pressures o f m u s i c i a n s ' u n i o n s ; b u t , even i f this
were s o , film m a k e r s c o n t i n u e to c o m m i s s i o n c o m p o s e r s of
m u s i c , at considerable e x t r a expense. It is interesting that
these a s s u m p t i o n s should b e made b y m e n and w o m e n w h o s e
attitudes to art and financial profit often contradict t h e m . A

producer's training in W e s t e r n E u r o p e a n culture m u s t h a v e
taught h i m that not all people are musical, and t h a t s o m e are
more musical than others. B u t his k n o w l e d g e and experience
of life lead h i m u n c o n s c i o u s l y to reject this t h e o r y . Capitalist
dogma tells h i m that only a c h o s e n few are musical, b u t capi-
talist experience reminds h i m that The Sound of Music was
one of t h e biggest box-office draws of all time.
O n e explanation o f this paradox c o m e s i m m e d i a t e l y t o
mind. In m a n y industrial societies, merit is generally judged
according to signs of i m m e d i a t e productivity and profits, and
postulated usefulness, within t h e boundaries of a given s y s -
tem. Latent ability is rarely recognized or nurtured, unless its
bearer b e l o n g s to the right social class or happens to s h o w
evidence of w h a t people h a v e learned to regard as talent.
T h u s , children are judged to be musical or unmusical on the
basis o f their ability t o p e r f o r m music. A n d yet t h e v e r y e x -
istence of a professional performer, as well as his n e c e s s a r y
financial support, depends on listeners w h o in o n e important
respect m u s t b e n o less musically proficient than h e is. T h e y
must be able to distinguish and interrelate different patterns
of sound.
I am a w a r e that m a n y audiences b e f o r e and since t h e c o m -
position of Haydn's Surprise Symphony have not listened
attentively to music, and that, in a society w h i c h h a s invented
n o t a t i o n , music could be h a n d e d d o w n by a h e r e d i t a r y elite
without a n y need for listeners. B u t if we t a k e a world view
of m u s i c , and if we consider social situations in musical tradi-
tions that h a v e no n o t a t i o n , it is clear that t h e creation and
p e r f o r m a n c e of m o s t music is generated first and foremost
by the h u m a n capacity to discover patterns of sound and to
identify t h e m o n subsequent o c c a s i o n s . W i t h o u t biological
processes of aural perception, and w i t h o u t cultural a g r e e m e n t
a m o n g at least s o m e h u m a n b e i n g s on w h a t is perceived,
there c a n b e n e i t h e r music n o r musical c o m m u n i c a t i o n .
T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f creative listening i s too often ignored i n

discussions of musical a b i l i t y , and y e t it is as fundamental
to music as it is to l a n g u a g e . T h e i n t e r e s t i n g thing about child
prodigies is not so m u c h that s o m e children are b o r n with
apparently exceptional gifts, b u t that a child c a n respond to
the organized sounds o f m u s i c b e f o r e h e h a s b e e n taught t o
recognize t h e m . W e k n o w , t o o , t h a t children w h o are n o t
prodigies m a y b e equally responsive, though t h e y m a y n o t
relate to music in a positive w a y and s e e k to reproduce their
experience.
In societies w h e r e m u s i c is n o t written d o w n , i n f o r m e d and
a c c u r a t e listening is as i m p o r t a n t and as m u c h a m e a s u r e of
musical ability as is p e r f o r m a n c e , b e c a u s e it is t h e o n l y m e a n s
of ensuring continuity of the musical tradition. M u s i c is a
product o f t h e b e h a v i o r o f h u m a n groups, w h e t h e r formal o r
i n f o r m a l : it is h u m a n l y organized sound. A n d , although dif-
ferent societies tend to h a v e different ideas a b o u t w h a t t h e y
regard as music, all definitions are b a s e d on s o m e c o n s e n s u s
o f opinion about t h e principles o n w h i c h the sounds o f m u s i c
should b e organized. N o s u c h c o n s e n s u s c a n exist until there
is s o m e c o m m o n g r o u n d of e x p e r i e n c e , and unless different
people are able to h e a r and recognize patterns in the sounds
that reach their ears.
I n s o f a r as m u s i c is a cultural tradition that c a n be shared
and t r a n s m i t t e d , it c a n n o t exist unless at least s o m e h u m a n
b e i n g s p o s s e s s , or h a v e developed, a c a p a c i t y for structured
listening. M u s i c a l p e r f o r m a n c e , as distinct from the produc-
tion of n o i s e , is i n c o n c e i v a b l e without the perception of order
in sound.
I f m y emphasis o n the p r i m a c y o f listening m a y seem too
farfetched, consider w h a t would happen even to a tradition of
written m u s i c i f m e r e p e r f o r m a n c e w e r e regarded a s the
criterion of musical ability. M u s i c i a n s k n o w that it is possible
to get a w a y with a b a d or inaccurate p e r f o r m a n c e with an
audience t h a t l o o k s b u t does n o t l i s t e n ; and e v e n listening
audiences c a n be trained to accept g r o s s deviations from f a -

miliar scores of C h o p i n or B e e t h o v e n , w h i c h w e r e at first cur-
rently f a s h i o n a b l e b u t later b e c a m e part of a pianistic tradi-
tion. T h e c o n t i n u i t y o f m u s i c depends a s m u c h o n t h e de-
m a n d s of critical listeners as on a supply of p e r f o r m e r s .
W h e n I s a y t h a t music c a n n o t exist without the perception
of order in the r e a l m of sound, I am n o t arguing that s o m e
kind o f t h e o r y o f music m u s t precede musical c o m p o s i t i o n
and p e r f o r m a n c e : this would o b v i o u s l y b e untrue o f m o s t
great classical c o m p o s i t i o n s and o f t h e w o r k o f so-called
" f o l k " m u s i c i a n s . I am suggesting that a perception of sonic
order, w h e t h e r it be i n n a t e or learned, or b o t h , m u s t be in the
mind b e f o r e it emerges as music.
I deliberately use the term " s o n i c o r d e r " and stress experi-
ences of e x t e r n a l listening b e c a u s e I w a n t to emphasize that
a n y a s s e s s m e n t o f m a n ' s musicality must b e b a s e d o n de-
scriptions of a distinctive and limited field of h u m a n b e -
havior w h i c h we will provisionally call " m u s i c a l . " S o n i c order
m a y be created incidentally as a result of principles of o r -
ganization t h a t are n o n m u s i c a l or e x t r a m u s i c a l , such as the
selection of equidistantly spaced h o l e s on a flute or frets on a
stringed i n s t r u m e n t . Similarly, an apparent lack of sonic
order m a y e x p r e s s ordered a r r a n g e m e n t s o f n u m b e r s , people,
m a t h e m a t i c a l f o r m u l a e , o r a n y e l e m e n t s that c a n b e trans-
formed into sound, such as t h e application of a sine curve to
an electronic m a c h i n e .
If a c o m p o s e r tells me that I m u s t not expect to h e a r any
order " i n t h e n o t e s , " but that I m a y o b s e r v e it in patterns of
circles and cones t h a t are given to p e r f o r m e r s , or in n u m b e r s
that are fed into a m a c h i n e , I m a y prefer to call the noise r e -
actionary m a g i c rather than avant-garde m u s i c ; b u t I c a n n o t
exclude i t from any estimation o f h u m a n m u s i c a l i t y , even
though it p r o b a b l y does n o t b e l o n g to the area of b e h a v i o r
that includes t h e m u s i c o f the B u s h m e n , the B e m b a , the B a l i -
n e s e , B a c h , B e e t h o v e n , and B a r t o k . It is h u m a n l y organized
sound, intended for o t h e r h u m a n ears and p o s s i b l y enjoyed

b y t h e c o m p o s e r s ' friends, and thus concerned w i t h c o m m u -
nication and relationships b e t w e e n people.
T h i s process of producing musical sound is n o t as m o d e r n
or sophisticated as its creators might c l a i m : it is simply an
e x t e n s i o n of the general principle that music should express
a s p e c t s o f h u m a n organization o r h u m a n l y conditioned per-
c e p t i o n s of " n a t u r a l " organization. I observed a similar p r o c -
ess i n Z a m b i a i n 1 9 6 1 . A m o n g the N s e n g a o f the P e t a u k e
district, b o y s play small kalimba mbiras as a diversion w h e n
t h e y are walking or sitting alone. A n a l y s i s of the tunes they
play reveals relationships b e t w e e n the patterns of m o v e m e n t
of the left and right t h u m b s , the patterns of r h y t h m with
w h i c h they pluck the " k e y s , " and the patterned a r r a n g e m e n t
o f the " k e y b o a r d " i t s e l f (see Figure 1 ) . T h e tunes d o n o t
sound like other N s e n g a music, b u t the two t h u m b s perform
typically Nsenga polyrhythms, which in other contexts
would be performed by m o r e than one player. A similar in-
s t r u m e n t called the ndimba h a s a different " k e y b o a r d " m o r e
suited to melodic a c c o m p a n i m e n t than to patterned doodling.
T h e m e n w h o play this instrument are usually public enter-
tainers, w h o sing with or to large audiences. T h o u g h their
music often sounds simpler than that which the b o y s play, it
is in fact m o r e musical in construction, since the patterned
relationship between t h u m b m o v e m e n t and " k e y b o a r d " is
subordinate to the requirements of a song, with words and a
form that allow others to sing with the instrument. S o m e of
the b o y s ' tunes m a y b e m o r e experimental and avant-garde,
but they do not concern m a n y people, since they lack a qual-
ity the N s e n g a seem to desire of their music, n a m e l y , the
power to bring people together in b r o t h e r h o o d .
It is possible to give m o r e than one analysis of a n y piece
of music, and an enormous a m o u n t of print is devoted to
doing just this. But it ought to be possible to produce exact
analyses that indicate where musical and extramusical proc-
Transcriptions of three Nsenga melodies for kalimba
Layout of the "keys" of a 14-note kalimba (A) and a 14-note niimba (B).
(i): Approximate pitches of the scales most commonly used (transposed),
(ii): Numbering of "keys" from left to right of the "keyboard." (iii): "Keys"
numbered symmetrically according to their use in contrary motion by the
right and left thumbs. Shaded "keys" and underlined numbers above and be-
low the music staff indicate pitches in the upper manual of the "keyboard."
FIGURE 1 . Comparison of melodies and "keyboards" of kalimba

and ndimba mbiras, played by the Nsenga of Petauke, Zambia,
illustrating the cultural and physical origins of musical sound.
Rhythmic foundations of kalimba melodies, as revealed by analyses of

parts played by left and right thumbs
FIGURE 1 continued
Analysis of ndimba melody

16 H O W MUSICAL IS MAN?
esses are e m p l o y e d , and precisely w h a t t h e y are a n d w h y

t h e y were used. A t some level o f analysis, all musical be-
h a v i o r is structured, w h e t h e r in relation to b i o l o g i c a l , p s y c h o -
logical, sociological, cultural, or purely musical p r o c e s s e s ;
and it is t h e t a s k of the e t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t to identify all
processes t h a t are relevant to an explanation of musical
sound.
Figure 2 s h o w s a m u s i c a l p a s s a g e t h a t c a n be interpreted
in at least t w o w a y s . It is one of a n u m b e r of short repeated
figures t h a t o c c u r in a series of tunes played by a N a n d e (or
K o n j o ) flute player from B u t e m b o , in Zaire, and it is clear
from t h e musical c o n t e x t that it gives the player pleasure
and expresses fundamental principles of musical structure.
W h a t i s n o t clear from t h e m u s i c alone i s t h e n a t u r e o f
these principles. A listener trained in European ethnic music
m a y h e a r m o v e m e n t a w a y from a n d b a c k to a t o n e c e n t e r ,
which he would describe as a t o n i c - d o m i n a n t - t o n i c sequence.
M o r e generally, i n t e r m s H i n d e m i t h and o t h e r s h a v e used,
this could be described as a m u s i c a l sequence expressing re-
laxation-tension-relaxation. T h e N a n d e musician m a y also
conceive the p a s s a g e as m o v e m e n t a w a y from and b a c k to a
tone c e n t e r , since m u c h A f r i c a n m u s i c is structured in this
w a y , t h o u g h h e would n o t t h i n k specifically i n t e r m s o f tonic
and d o m i n a n t relationships. B u t i f w e consider his p e r f o r m -
ance in relation to the p h y s i c a l e x p e r i e n c e of stopping holes
with t h e fingers, t h e tonal relationships acquire a different
m e a n i n g . T h e p h y s i c a l r e l a x a t i o n o f t h r o w i n g t h e fingers off
the flute produces a tone t h a t is h a r m o n i c a l l y t e n s e , w h i l e the
physical tension of stopping certain holes produces a tone
that is h a r m o n i c a l l y relaxed.
I do n o t k n o w w h i c h of t h e s e interpretations of t h e music
is right in t h e c o n t e x t of N a n d e s o c i e t y and t h e m u s i c i a n s h i p
o f t h e particular p e r f o r m e r , K a t s u b a M w o n g o l o , o r w h e t h e r
there is a n o t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n . B u t I am sure that there is ulti-
m a t e l y o n l y o n e e x p l a n a t i o n and t h a t this could b e discov-
Musical phrase used in flute music from Butembo
FIGURE 2. Two possible interpretations of the same musical pas-

sage, using a tension/relaxation model and harmonic and physical
"languages," respectively.
ered by a c o n t e x t - s e n s i t i v e analysis of t h e music in culture.

W h e n I analyzed the flute melodies in 1 9 5 5 , I w a s w o r k i n g
with a n n o t a t e d recordings and a specimen i n s t r u m e n t which
I learned to play. I had no firsthand experience of the culture
o f the performer and n o evidence o f its musical s y s t e m ,
since very few recordings w e r e available.
I can be m o r e confident about the analysis of t h e b a l a n c e
b e t w e e n physical and musical factors in generating the tunes

played on the N s e n g a kalimba and ndimba mbiras, b e c a u s e I
w o r k e d i n Z a m b i a i n 1 9 6 1 with the performers and learned
to play the tunes (very b a d l y ) , I o b s e r v e d the different c o n -
texts of p e r f o r m a n c e , and I heard and recorded scores of
other pieces o f N s e n g a m u s i c . O n l y b y a s s e m b l i n g musical
and e x t r a m u s i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n w a s it possible to discover w h a t
was " i n the n o t e s . "
It is p o s s i b l e to improvise musical tests in the field; and
these m a y provide the o n l y m e a n s o f discovering o r confirm-
ing the principles that g e n e r a t e musical c o m p o s i t i o n . For e x -
ample, V e n d a y o u t h s play duets on o c a r i n a s , called zwipoto-
liyo, w h i c h they m a k e from small fruits of varying diameters
(ca. 4 . 5 to 7 c m s ) , in which t h e y h a v e cut o n e large h o l e for
b l o w i n g and two for stopping with the fingers. T h e tones that
can be played on t h e ocarinas v a r y according to the size of
the spheres, and their pitch c a n be modified by the b l o w i n g
of the performer. For the duets, players select pairs that
" s o u n d g o o d , " and so their choice indicates w h a t musical
principles t h e y h o p e to express in the duets. I devised a test
in which t w o y o u t h s selected the m o s t satisfactory of all c o m -
binations o f six differently tuned o c a r i n a s ; the sound o f the
duets played on t h e s e i n s t r u m e n t s , therefore, revealed tonal
and h a r m o n i c principles that are important in o c a r i n a m u s i c
in particular and V e n d a m u s i c in general. Figure 3 s h o w s
three such p a t t e r n s , with their root progressions and h a r -
monic s e q u e n c e .
T h e s e three e x a m p l e s illustrate p r o b l e m s t h a t exist in a n a -
lyzing t h e m u s i c o f a n y c o m p o s e r o r culture. T h e y also e m -
phasize the dangers of c o m p a r i n g different m u s i c solely on
the basis of its sound. Even t h o u g h the m e a n i n g of m u s i c
rests u l t i m a t e l y " i n the n o t e s " that h u m a n ears perceive, there
can b e several possible structural interpretations o f a n y pat-
tern o f sound, and a n a l m o s t infinite n u m b e r o f individual
responses to its structure, depending on the cultural b a c k -
20
Three Venda ocarina duets
FIGURE 3. Tonal and harmonic principles in Venda ocarina music.

Scale diagram of two Venda ocarinas, made from hollowed fruits (A: of Strychnos
spinofto Lam., the wild orange; B: of Oncoba spinosa Forsk.)
FIGURE 3 continued
ground a n d current e m o t i o n a l s t a t e of its listeners.

H o w e v e r , the n u m b e r o f p o s s i b l e structural interpretations
can be greatly reduced w h e n the musical s y s t e m of a single
c o m p o s e r or culture is considered in its total cultural c o n t e x t .
Even w h e n a s y s t e m is clearly articulated, a structural e x -
planation in t e r m s of that s y s t e m m a y be i n c o m p l e t e . For
example, w e k n o w m u c h a b o u t the t h e o r y and practice o f
h a r m o n y i n t h e European " a r t " m u s i c o f the n i n e t e e n t h c e n -
tury, b u t w h e n we analyze t h e m u s i c of H e c t o r Berlioz it is
useful to k n o w t h a t he often w o r k e d out h a r m o n i c p r o c e -
dures on a guitar, and that t h e structure of the i n s t r u m e n t
influenced m a n y o f his chord s e q u e n c e s .
Let m e illustrate the analytical p r o b l e m further b y a n anal-
o g y from structural linguistics. In doing this, I am n o t sug-
gesting t h a t e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y should use the m e t h o d s of lin-
guistics, t h o u g h the aims of m u s i c a l and linguistic analysis
m a y be similar. I see no r e a s o n to a s s u m e that m u s i c is a k i n d
of l a n g u a g e , or that it h a s a n y special structural relationships
with l a n g u a g e , or that l a n g u a g e processes are n e c e s s a r i l y
m o r e fundamental t h a n o t h e r h u m a n cultural activities. H o w -
ever, a n a l y s e s o f language b e h a v i o r b y Eric L e n n e b e r g and
b y N o a m C h o m s k y and his a s s o c i a t e s point t o features that
h a v e parallels in music. I do n o t refer so m u c h to t h e o b v i o u s

fact that the sound si can h a v e different structural and s e m a n -
tic significance in different l a n g u a g e s , and that even in English
the words sea, see, and see are different, as to t h e variety of
structures that c a n be embedded in the surface structures of
a language, that is, in the patterns of words w h i c h we hear
and to w h i c h we respond.
English speakers generally understand strings of words
according to t h e c o n t e x t in w h i c h they are heard. T h u s , as
L e n n e b e r g points out, the string " t h e y - a r e - b o r i n g - s t u d e n t s "
has two possible s y n t a c t i c interpretations w h i c h are directly
related t o two possible s e m a n t i c interpretations. T h e s e n t e n c e
can be either a c o m m e n t by faculty on students—1{ | [ ( T h e y ) ]
[(are) ( ( b o r i n g ) ( s t u d e n t s ) ) ] }| — i n which " b o r i n g " is an ad-
j e c t i v e ; or it c a n be a c o m m e n t by students on f a c u l t y —
[ [ ( T h e y ) ] [(are b o r i n g ) ( s t u d e n t s ) ] J||—in w h i c h " b o r i n g " is
an inflected v e r b form. In m a n y c a s e s , h o w e v e r , there is n o t
a o n e - t o - o n e relationship b e t w e e n syntactic and s e m a n t i c in-
terpretations. C h o m s k y h a s s h o w n that at the surface level
the structure o f the gerundial p h r a s e " t h e s h o o t i n g o f the
h u n t e r s " m a y be a t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of either the active sen-
tence " h u n t e r s s h o o t , " o r the passive " h u n t e r s are s h o t . "
I t i s b e c a u s e o f this k i n d o f relationship b e t w e e n deep and
surface structures that we c a n n o t regard language as a m a t t e r
of fitting words into g r a m m a t i c a l slots according to learned
patterns, regardless of the cognitive processes t h a t underlie
the patterns. T h e r e is a world of difference b e t w e e n the active
s e n t e n c e " J o h n is eager to p l e a s e " and the passive " J o h n is
easy to p l e a s e , " although on the surface o n l y o n e word has
been c h a n g e d . Similarly, we c a n n o t substitue any similar verb
form for " s h o o t i n g " without considering t h e s e m a n t i c impli-
cations, w h i c h in turn bring into play different structural
principles. In s o m e c o n t e x t s I can talk of " t h e eating of the
h u n t e r s " i n the s a m e w a y a s " t h e shooting o f the h u n t e r s , "
but i n all c o n t e x t s k n o w n t o m e " t h e drinking o f t h e h u n t e r s "
can h a v e only o n e structural and s e m a n t i c interpretation.
Logical possibilities m u s t always b e considered, h o w e v e r , and
in s o m e cultures the ambiguity of phrases such as " t h e sing-
ing o f the h u n t e r s " o r " t h e d a n c i n g o f the h u n t e r s , " w h i c h
ought t o b e t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o n l y o f active s e n t e n c e s , m a y b e
resolved b y the c o n c e p t that a m a n can " b e s u n g " o r " b e
danced."
M u s i c a l structures, like strings of words, can be interpreted
as the results of fitting tones i n t o slots according to the rules
of a musical g r a m m a r . B u t if t h e deep structures are ignored,
confusion m a y arise. A h u m o r o u s c o n s e q u e n c e of such an
approach to musical analysis is quoted by D e r y c k C o o k e in
his b o o k The Language of Music ( [ L o n d o n : O x f o r d U n i v e r -
sity P r e s s , 1 9 5 9 ] , E x . 7 3 , p . 1 8 6 ) . A friend o f his " c o n f i d e n t l y
a s s u m e d " t h a t " t h e once-popular c o m i c song ' Y e s , w e h a v e
n o b a n a n a s (we h a v e n o b a n a n a s t o d a y ) ' " w a s generated i n
the following w a y :
Example 1
A m o r e serious illustration of t h e i m p o r t a n c e of deep s t r u c -

tures in the a n a l y s i s of music is provided by t w o different
versions of a V e n d a children's song, Funguvhu tanzwa mu-
lomo! (see E x a m p l e 2 ) . T h e t w o melodies are described as
" t h e s a m e " b e c a u s e they are melodic t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s o f t h e
same deep structure, w h i c h is an essentially " h a r m o n i c " s e -
q u e n c e , given r h y t h m i c impetus and c o n t o u r by a string of
words. T h e tones o f o n e m e l o d y are the h a r m o n i c equivalents
o f the o t h e r .
T h e first p r o b l e m in assessing h u m a n musicality is also the
central issue in m u s i c o l o g y and e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y . It is the
4. Vha ka e - n d a pT? Vho l i - m a da-vha la kho - mbe.
problem of describing w h a t happens in a piece of music. We

cannot yet explain what we already k n o w intuitively as a
result of experience in culture, namely, the essential differ-
ences between the music of H a y d n and M o z a r t , or of the
Flathead and the Sioux Indians. It is not enough to k n o w the
distinctive features of Mozart's piano concertos or of Beetho-
ven's orchestration: we w a n t to know exactly h o w and w h y
Beethoven is Beethoven, Mozart is Mozart, and H a y d n is
H a y d n . E v e r y composer has a basic cognitive system that sets
its stamp on his major w o r k s , regardless of the ensembles for
which they were written. This cognitive system includes all
cerebral activity involved in his motor coordination, feelings,
and cultural experiences, as well as his social, intellectual, and
musical activities. An accurate and comprehensive description
of a composer's cognitive system will, therefore, provide the
most fundamental and powerful explanation of the patterns
that his music takes. Similarly, the musical styles current in a
society will be best understood as expressions of cognitive
processes that m a y b e o b s e r v e d t o operate i n the f o r m a t i o n

o f other structures. W h e n w e k n o w h o w these cognitive
processes w o r k in producing the patterns of sound different
societies call " m u s i c , " we shall be in a better position to find
out h o w musical m a n is.
T h e study o f music i n culture i s w h a t A l a n M e r r i a m advo-
cated in his important book, The Anthropology of Music
( E v a n s t o n , 111.: N o r t h w e s t e r n U n i v e r s i t y Press, 1 9 6 4 ) , b u t
e t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t s h a v e yet to produce s y s t e m a t i c cultural
a n a l y s e s of m u s i c that explain h o w a musical s y s t e m is part
of other s y s t e m s of relationships within a culture. It is n o t
e n o u g h to identify a characteristic musical style in its o w n
terms and view it in relation to its society (to p a r a p h r a s e a
definition o f o n e o f the aims o f e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y b y M a n t l e
H o o d , w h o h a s done m o r e for the s u b j e c t t h a n almost a n y
o t h e r living e t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t ) . W e m u s t recognize that n o
musical style h a s " i t s o w n t e r m s " : its terms are t h e terms o f
its society and culture, and o f t h e bodies o f the h u m a n b e i n g s
w h o listen to it, and create and p e r f o r m it.
We can no longer study m u s i c as a thing in i t s e l f w h e n
research in e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y makes it clear t h a t musical
things are n o t always strictly m u s i c a l , and that the expression
o f tonal relationships i n patterns o f sound m a y b e s e c o n d a r y
t o e x t r a m u s i c a l relationships w h i c h t h e tones represent. W e
m a y agree that m u s i c is sound t h a t is organized into socially
accepted p a t t e r n s , t h a t m u s i c m a k i n g m a y be regarded as a
form of learned b e h a v i o r , and that musical styles are b a s e d
on w h a t m a n h a s c h o s e n to select from n a t u r e as a part of
his cultural expression r a t h e r t h a n on w h a t n a t u r e h a s i m -
posed on h i m . B u t t h e nature from w h i c h m a n h a s selected
his musical styles is n o t o n l y e x t e r n a l to h i m ; it includes his
o w n n a t u r e — h i s p s y c h o p h y s i c a l capacities and the w a y s in
w h i c h t h e s e h a v e b e e n structured b y his experiences o f inter-
action with people and t h i n g s , which are part of t h e adaptive
process o f m a t u r a t i o n i n culture. W e d o not k n o w w h i c h o f
these psychophysical capacities, apart from hearing, are

essential for m u s i c m a k i n g , o r w h e t h e r a n y o f t h e m are spe-
cific to m u s i c . It seems t h a t m u s i c a l activities are associated
with specific parts of t h e b r a i n , and that these are n o t the
s a m e as the language centers. B u t we shall never k n o w w h a t
to l o o k for until we study the creative processes t h a t are
present e v e n in a learned p e r f o r m a n c e of music, m u c h as they
are p r e s e n t in the sentences of a learned language.
E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y ' s claim to be a n e w m e t h o d of analyzing
music and m u s i c history m u s t rest on an a s s u m p t i o n n o t y e t
generally accepted, n a m e l y , that b e c a u s e m u s i c is h u m a n l y
organized sound, there ought to be a relationship b e t w e e n
patterns o f h u m a n organization and the p a t t e r n s o f sound
produced as a result of h u m a n interaction. I am chiefly inter-
ested in the analysis of musical structures b e c a u s e this is the
first step toward understanding musical processes and h e n c e
assessing musicality. W e m a y n e v e r b e able t o understand
exactly h o w a n o t h e r person feels about a piece of m u s i c , b u t
we can perhaps understand the structural factors that gener-
ate the feelings. A t t e n t i o n to music's function in society is
n e c e s s a r y o n l y in so far as it m a y help us to explain the
structures. A l t h o u g h I shall discuss the uses and effects of
music, I am c o n c e r n e d primarily with w h a t music i s , and n o t
what is is used for. If we k n o w w h a t it is, we m i g h t be able
to use and develop it in all kinds of w a y s that h a v e n o t yet
been imagined, b u t which m a y be inherent in it.
T h e sound m a y b e the o b j e c t , b u t m a n i s the s u b j e c t ; and
the k e y to understanding m u s i c is in the relationships existing
b e t w e e n s u b j e c t and o b j e c t , the activating principle of organi-
zation. S t r a v i n s k y expressed this with characteristic insight
w h e n he said of his o w n ethnic m u s i c : " M u s i c is given to us
with the sole purpose of establishing an order in t h i n g s , in-
cluding, and particularly, the coordination between man
and time" (Chronicle of M y Life [ L o n d o n : G o l l a n c z , 1936], p.
8 3 ) . Every culture has its o w n r h y t h m , i n the sense t h a t c o n -
scious e x p e r i e n c e is ordered i n t o c y c l e s of s e a s o n a l c h a n g e ,
physical g r o w t h , e c o n o m i c enterprise, genealogical depth or
width, life and afterlife, political s u c c e s s i o n , or a n y other r e -
curring features that are given significance. W e m a y say that
ordinary daily experience t a k e s place in a world of actual
time. T h e essential quality of m u s i c is its power to create an-
other world o f virtual time.
In the musical s y s t e m of t h e V e n d a , it is r h y t h m t h a t dis-
tinguishes s o n g (u imba) from speech (u amba), so that pat-
terns of words that are recited to a regular m e t e r are called
" s o n g s . " B o t h S t r a v i n s k y and t h e V e n d a insist that music
involves m a n . T h e regular b e a t s of an engine or a p u m p m a y
sound like the b e a t s of a drum, b u t no V e n d a would regard
t h e m a s m u s i c o r e x p e c t t o b e m o v e d b y t h e m , b e c a u s e their
order i s n o t directly produced b y h u m a n b e i n g s . T h e sound
of electronic i n s t r u m e n t s or of a M o o g synthesizer would n o t
be excluded from their realm of musical experience as long as
it was o n l y the t i m b r e and n o t the m e t h o d of ordering that
was outside h u m a n control. V e n d a m u s i c is founded n o t on
melody, b u t on a r h y t h m i c a l stirring of the w h o l e b o d y of
which singing is b u t o n e e x t e n s i o n . T h e r e f o r e , w h e n we s e e m
to h e a r a rest b e t w e e n two d r u m b e a t s , we m u s t realize that
for the player it is n o t a r e s t : each d r u m b e a t is t h e part of a
total b o d y m o v e m e n t in which the h a n d or a stick strikes the
drum skin.
T h e s e principles apply in the children's song Tshidula tsha
Musingadi ( E x a m p l e 3 ) , w h i c h for t h e V e n d a is m u s i c , and
n o t speech or p o e t r y .
O n e m i g h t e x p e c t the b e a t to fall on the syllables -du, tsha,
and -nga-, w h i c h are stressed in p e r f o r m a n c e . B u t if people
clap to t h e s o n g , t h e y clap on the syllables Tshi-, -la, -si-, and
-di, so that there is n o t a rest on the fourth b e a t , b u t a total
pattern o f four b e a t s that c a n b e repeated a n y n u m b e r o f
times, b u t n e v e r less than o n c e if it is to qualify as " s o n g "
and n o t " s p e e c h . "
V e n d a music is overtly political in that it is performed in a

variety of political contexts and often for specific political
purposes. It is also political in the sense that it m a y involve
people in a powerful shared experience within the framework
of their cultural experience and thereby make them more
aware of themselves and of their responsibilities toward each
other. "Muthu ndi muthu nga vhahwe," the V e n d a s a y : " M a n
is man because of his associations with other men." V e n d a
music is not an escape from reality; it is an adventure into
reality, the reality of the world of the spirit. It is an experi-
ence of becoming, in which individual consciousness is nur-
tured within the collective consciousness of the community
and hence becomes the source of richer cultural forms. For
example, if two drummers play exactly the same surface
rhythm, but maintain an individual, inner difference of tempo
or beat, they produce something more than their individual
efforts. T h u s , the combination of a straightforward beat
played by two people at different tempi produces:
Example 4
A combination of iambic rhythms with different main beat

can produce:
Example 5
Other combinations are illustrated in Figure 4, which shows

how the same surface structure m a y be produced by different
processes, involving one, two, or three players.
FIGURE 4 . Different ways in which one, two, or three players may

produce the same surface structures of music.
T o describe these differently organized p a t t e r n s o f sound

as the s a m e " s o n i c o b j e c t s " simply b e c a u s e they sound the
s a m e would be grossly misleading. Even to recognize the w a y
in which the sounds are produced and to describe s o m e of
t h e m a s e x a m p l e s o f p o l y r h y t h m would b e inadequate i n the
c o n t e x t o f V e n d a music. T h e y m u s t b e described first i n terms
of cognitive and behavioral p r o c e s s e s that b e l o n g to the pat-
tern o f V e n d a culture.
A cultural analysis of s o m e of the r h y t h m s in Figure 4
would n o t be o n e which simply points out that t h e y are used
in such-and-such a w a y on a stated variety of o c c a s i o n s . It
would n o t be a p r o g r a m n o t e outlining the c o n t e x t of t h e
music, b u t an analytical device describing its structure as an
expression o f cultural patterns. T h u s , performances b y c o m -
b i n a t i o n s o f t w o o r three players o f r h y t h m s that c a n i n fact
b e played b y o n e are not musical g i m m i c k s : t h e y express c o n -
cepts o f individuality i n c o m m u n i t y , and o f social, temporal,
and spatial b a l a n c e , which are found in other features of
V e n d a culture and other types o f V e n d a music. R h y t h m s
such as t h e s e c a n n o t be performed correctly unless t h e players
are their o w n conductors and yet at the s a m e time submit to
the r h y t h m o f a n invisible c o n d u c t o r . T h i s i s the k i n d o f
shared experience which the V e n d a seek and express in their
music m a k i n g , and an analysis of their music t h a t ignored
these facts would be as i n c o m p l e t e as an analysis of M o n t e -
verdi's Vespro della Beata Vergine of 1 6 1 0 which failed to
t a k e a c c o u n t o f the liturgical framework, the composer's
early sacred w o r k s , his service to the dukes of G o n z a g a , and
his early e x p e r i m e n t s in opera.
Functional analyses o f musical structure c a n n o t b e de-

tached from structural analyses of its social f u n c t i o n : the
function of tones in relation to each other c a n n o t be explained
adequately as part of a closed s y s t e m without reference to the
structures o f t h e sociocultural s y s t e m o f w h i c h the musical
s y s t e m is a part, and to the biological s y s t e m to w h i c h all
music m a k e r s b e l o n g . E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y is n o t o n l y an area
study c o n c e r n e d with e x o t i c m u s i c , n o r a m u s i c o l o g y of the
e t h n i c — i t is a discipline that holds out h o p e for a deeper
understanding o f all music. I f s o m e m u s i c can b e analyzed
and u n d e r s t o o d as tonal e x p r e s s i o n s of h u m a n e x p e r i e n c e in
the c o n t e x t o f different kinds o f social and cultural o r g a n i z a -
tion, I see no r e a s o n w h y all m u s i c should not be analyzed in
the s a m e w a y .
M u s i c in
Society and Culture
I H A V E D E S C R I B E D m u s i c a s h u m a n l y organized sound. I
h a v e argued that we ought to l o o k for relationships b e -
tween patterns o f h u m a n o r g a n i z a t i o n and the p a t t e r n s o f
sound produced as a result of organized interaction. I rein-
forced this g e n e r a l s t a t e m e n t by referring to the c o n c e p t s of
music shared b y the V e n d a o f t h e N o r t h e r n T r a n s v a a l . T h e
V e n d a also share the experience of music making, and with-
out this experience there would be very little music. T h e pro-
duction o f t h e patterns o f sound w h i c h the V e n d a call music
depends, first, on the c o n t i n u i t y of the social groups w h o
perform i t and, second, o n t h e w a y the m e m b e r s o f those
groups relate to each other.
In order to find out w h a t m u s i c is and h o w musical m a n is,
we need to a s k w h o listens and w h o plays and sings in a n y
given s o c i e t y , and w h y . T h i s is a sociological question, and
situations in different societies can be compared w i t h o u t any
reference to the surface forms of m u s i c b e c a u s e we are con-
cerned o n l y with its function in social life. In this respect,
there m a y b e n o significant differences b e t w e e n B l a c k M u s i c ,
C o u n t r y and W e s t e r n M u s i c , R o c k and P o p M u s i c , O p e r a s ,
S y m p h o n i c M u s i c , o r P l a i n c h a n t . W h a t turns o n e m a n off
32
MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 33
m a y turn a n o t h e r m a n on, n o t b e c a u s e o f any a b s o l u t e qual-

ity i n the m u s i c i t s e l f b u t b e c a u s e o f w h a t the m u s i c h a s c o m e
to m e a n to h i m as a m e m b e r of a particular culture or social
group. W e m u s t also r e m e m b e r that, while w e m a y h a v e our
o w n personal preferences, we c a n n o t judge the effectiveness
o f music o r t h e feelings o f musicians b y w h a t seems t o h a p -
pen to people. If an old, blind m a s t e r of V e n d a initiation
listens in silence to a recording of the domba initiation song,
we c a n n o t rate the m u s i c m o r e or less effective t h a n a r e c o r d -
ing o f S p o k e s M a s h i y a n e ' s p e n n y whistle b a n d from J o -
h a n n e s b u r g , w h i c h bores h i m but excites his grandson. W e
c a n n o t s a y that the K w a k i u t l are m o r e e m o t i o n a l t h a n the
Hopi b e c a u s e their style of dancing looks m o r e ecstatic to
our e y e s . In some cultures, or in certain types of music and
dancing within a culture, e m o t i o n s m a y be deliberately inter-
nalized, b u t they are not n e c e s s a r i l y less i n t e n s e . A m a n ' s
mystical or psychedelic experiences m a y not be seen or felt
by his n e i g h b o r s , b u t they c a n n o t be dismissed as irrelevant
to his life in society.
T h e s a m e criteria o f j u d g m e n t should b e applied t o appar-
ent differences in the surface c o m p l e x i t y of music, which we
tend to see in t h e s a m e terms as that of other cultural p r o d -
ucts. B e c a u s e the growing c o m p l e x i t y of cars, airplanes, and
m a n y o t h e r m a c h i n e s can be related to their efficiency as
m e a n s of c o m m u n i c a t i o n , it is often assumed that technical
development in m u s i c and the arts m u s t likewise be a sign
of deeper or b e t t e r expression. I suggest that t h e popularity
of s o m e Indian m u s i c in Europe and A m e r i c a is n o t unrelated
to the fact t h a t it s e e m s to be technically brilliant as well as
pleasing to t h e ear, and that it is a c c o m p a n i e d by profound
philosophizing. W h e n I try to interest my students in the
sounds of A f r i c a n m u s i c , I k n o w that I too tend to draw their
attention to technical feats in p e r f o r m a n c e , b e c a u s e these are
m o r e i m m e d i a t e l y appreciated. A n d y e t the simplicity o r
c o m p l e x i t y of the m u s i c is ultimately irrelevant: t h e equation
should not be LESS = BETTER or MORE = BETTER, b u t MORE or

LESS = DIFFERENT. It is the human c o n t e n t o f the h u m a n l y o r -
ganized sound t h a t " s e n d s " people. Even if this emerges as
an exquisite turn of melody or h a r m o n y , as a " s o n i c o b j e c t "
if you like, it still began as the t h o u g h t of a sensitive h u m a n
b e i n g , and it is this sensitivity that m a y arouse (or n o t ) the
feelings o f a n o t h e r h u m a n being, i n m u c h the s a m e w a y that
m a g n e t i c impulses c o n v e y a telephone conversation from one
speaker to a n o t h e r .
T h e issue o f musical c o m p l e x i t y b e c o m e s i m p o r t a n t only
w h e n we try to assess h u m a n musicality. S u p p o s e I argue
that, b e c a u s e there are s o m e societies w h o s e m e m b e r s are as
c o m p e t e n t in m u s i c as all people are in language, m u s i c m a y
be a species-specific trait of m a n . S o m e o n e will a l m o s t cer-
tainly retort that evidence of a widespread distribution of
listening and performing ability a m o n g the V e n d a and other
apparently musical societies should not be compared with the
limited distribution of musical ability in, say, E n g l a n d b e c a u s e
the c o m p l e x i t y of English music is such that o n l y a few could
master it. In o t h e r words, if English music w e r e as e l e m e n t a r y
a s V e n d a music, then o f c o u r s e t h e English would s e e m t o
b e a s universally musical a s the V e n d a ! T h e b r o a d e r implica-
tion of this argument is that technological development
brings about a degree of social e x c l u s i o n : b e i n g a passive au-
dience is the price that s o m e m u s t pay for m e m b e r s h i p in a
superior society w h o s e superiority is sustained by the e x c e p -
tional ability of a c h o s e n few. T h e technical level of w h a t is
defined as musicality is therefore raised, and s o m e people
must be branded as unmusical. It is on such a s s u m p t i o n s that
musical ability is fostered or anesthetized in m a n y m o d e r n
industrial societies. T h e s e a s s u m p t i o n s are diametrically o p -
posed to t h e V e n d a idea t h a t all n o r m a l h u m a n b e i n g s are
capable o f musical p e r f o r m a n c e .
T h e issue of musical c o m p l e x i t y is irrelevant in a n y c o n -

sideration of universal m u s i c a l c o m p e t e n c e . First, within a
single m u s i c a l s y s t e m greater surface c o m p l e x i t y m a y b e like

a n e x t e n s i o n o f v o c a b u l a r y , which does n o t alter the b a s i c
priniciples of a g r a m m a r and is m e a n i n g l e s s apart from t h e m .
S e c o n d , in c o m p a r i n g different s y s t e m s we c a n n o t a s s u m e
that surface c o m p l e x i t y is either musically or c o g n i t i v e l y m o r e
c o m p l e x . In any c a s e , the m i n d of m a n is infinitely m o r e
c o m p l e x than a n y t h i n g produced by particular m e n or cul-
tures. A b o v e all, t h e functional effectiveness o f m u s i c s e e m s
to be m o r e i m p o r t a n t to listeners than its surface c o m p l e x i t y
or simplicity. W h a t is the use of b e i n g the greatest pianist in
the world, or of writing the cleverest music, if n o b o d y w a n t s
to listen to i t ? W h a t is the h u m a n u s e of inventing or using
n e w sounds j u s t for their o w n s a k e ? D o n e w sounds m e a n
a n y t h i n g in V e n d a culture, for i n s t a n c e , in terms of n e w
groups and social c h a n g e ? W h y sing or dance or play at all?
W h y b o t h e r to i m p r o v e musical technique if the aim of per-
f o r m a n c e is to share a social e x p e r i e n c e ?
T h e functions o f music i n society m a y b e the decisive f a c -
tors p r o m o t i n g or inhibiting latent musical ability, as well as
affecting the choice of cultural concepts and materials with
which t o c o m p o s e music. W e shall n o t b e able t o explain the
principles of c o m p o s i t i o n and the effects of m u s i c until we
understand b e t t e r the relationship b e t w e e n musical and h u -
m a n e x p e r i e n c e . If I describe s o m e of the functions of m u s i c
i n V e n d a s o c i e t y , perhaps the n e w k n o w l e d g e m a y stimulate
a b e t t e r understanding of similar processes in o t h e r societies.
T h i s has c e r t a i n l y b e e n m y o w n experience. S i n c e m y initial
stay o f two years i n the S i b a s a district b e t w e e n 1 9 5 6 and
1 9 5 8 , and a s a result o f s u b s e q u e n t fieldwork i n other parts
of A f r i c a , I h a v e c o m e to u n d e r s t a n d my o w n society m o r e
clearly and I h a v e learned to appreciate my o w n music b e t t e r .
I do not k n o w w h e t h e r or n o t my a n a l y s e s of V e n d a m u s i c
are c o r r e c t : I h a v e benefited greatly by the criticisms of
V e n d a w h o h a v e b e e n good e n o u g h t o discuss m y evidence
and c o n c l u s i o n s , b u t there m a y b e o t h e r interpretations that
have so far escaped us. W h a t e v e r t h e ultimate j u d g m e n t on

m y a n a l y s e s o f V e n d a m u s i c , I h o p e that m y discoveries m a y
play a small part in restoring the conditions of dignity and
freedom in w h i c h their musical tradition originally developed.
T h e r e are a b o u t three h u n d r e d t h o u s a n d V e n d a , and m o s t
of t h e m live in the undeveloped rural area that w a s left to
t h e m w h e n w h i t e colonists t o o k the rest of their land for
farming and mining. C o m p a r e d w i t h over twelve million
b l a c k S o u t h A f r i c a n s , divided almost equally a m o n g the Zulu,
X h o s a , and S o t h o - T s w a n a l a n g u a g e groups, t h e V e n d a m a y
seem insignificant. A n d yet t h e white S o u t h A f r i c a n g o v e r n -
m e n t h a s s h o w n great interest in t h e m and h a s held an i m -
portant military exercise in their so-called h o m e l a n d . For the
V e n d a live in and around the Z o u t p a n s b e r g M o u n t a i n s , just
south o f the L i m p o p o R i v e r , t h e n o r t h e r n b o u n d a r y o f the
white R e p u b l i c o f S o u t h A f r i c a . S i n c e I was there i n 1 9 5 8 ,
more and m o r e whites h a v e b e e n settling on land t h a t was
once reserved for b l a c k s .
'In 1 8 9 9 the V e n d a b e c a m e the last o f the S o u t h A f r i c a n s t o
submit to B o e r rule. T h e y are well placed to b e c o m e the
first to achieve their full freedom. T h e ancestors of some
V e n d a clans lived in V e n d a long b e f o r e whites landed in the
C a p e , and t h e y m a n a g e d to retain their identity even after
t h e y h a d accepted the rule of b l a c k invaders from t h e n o r t h
about two hundred years ago. T h e V e n d a are pacifists at
heart, and they h a v e a s a y i n g : "Mudi wa gozwi a u na
malila" ( " I n the h o m e s t e a d of the coward there is no w e e p -
i n g " ) . W h e n their c o u n t r y was later invaded from t h e south
by b l a c k s w h o were fleeing from the a d v a n c e of the w h i t e s ,
the V e n d a preferred to retreat to t h e safety of their m o u n -
tains and wait for t h e m to pass. T h e y were unwilling to a c -
cept cultural innovations or to incorporate strangers into
their political s y s t e m on terms that were likely to diminish,
rather than increase, cooperation and " h u m a n n e s s " (vhuthu)
in their society. On the other h a n d , during the latter h a l f of
t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , the V e n d a adopted and accepted a s

" s o n g s o f the V e n d a - s p e a k i n g p e o p l e " several foreign songs
and styles of m u s i c from their n e i g h b o r s in the n o r t h and
south.
I t m a y s e e m surprising t h a t s u c h musical people should
h a v e s h o w n little interest in, and c o m p a r a t i v e l y little ability
for, the sounds and techniques o f European m u s i c . T h e rea-
sons are partly t e c h n i c a l , b u t chiefly political. First, t h e sort
o f music t h a t has b e e n disseminated i n m i s s i o n s and s c h o o l s
h a s often b e e n the dullest type of European institutional
music, and even the b e s t m u s i c h a s i n v a r i a b l y b e e n distorted
b y the w a y i n w h i c h i t w a s t a u g h t b y the whites. T h e r e h a s
b e e n n o real c o n t a c t w i t h the original o f the unfamiliar i d i o m ;
n o n e o f t h e E u r o p e a n s w h o h a v e passed o n the tradition h a v e
been accomplished musicians, and so b o t h they and the
A f r i c a n s t h e y h a v e trained h a v e often b e e n a s unsure about
the c o r r e c t reading o f the scores a s t h o s e t h e y h a v e taught.
W h i t e " e x p e r t s " h a v e assured t h e m that sentiment and e x -
pression ( w h i c h often a m o u n t to w e a r i n g b r i g h t u n i f o r m s at
i n t e r s c h o o l singing c o m p e t i t i o n s ) are m o r e i m p o r t a n t than
a c c u r a c y . T h i s is a n o t i o n quite foreign to traditional V e n d a
music, in which accuracy is always expected and s e n t i m e n t
generally a s s u m e d , b u t it is o n e s t r o n g e n o u g h to h a v e h a d
disastrous results in the process of assimilating European
m u s i c , and so it is n o t surprising that the apparently m u s i c a l
V e n d a h a v e generally failed to excel in performing European
m u s i c , even w h e n t h e y h a v e w a n t e d to do so.
Political factors w e r e p r o b a b l y e v e n m o r e significant than
the t e c h n i c a l barriers I h a v e described. A l t h o u g h t h e gospel
and the e d u c a t i o n t h e m i s s i o n a r i e s b r o u g h t were at first well
received b y the V e n d a , the w h i t e administration and the
c o m m e r c i a l e x p l o i t a t i o n that c a m e i n their w a k e w e r e not.
S i n c e 1 9 0 0 t h e V e n d a h a v e n o t b e e n able t o retreat t o their
m o u n t a i n f a s t n e s s e s , as t h e y did with earlier invaders. T h e y
h a v e b e e n c o m p e l l e d by superior p h y s i c a l f o r c e to put up
with an authoritarian system that contradicts traditional

A f r i c a n democracy. Is it surprising, therefore, that indiffer-
ence and even hostility to European music should go along
with their resistance to white domination? T h e general re-
action to European music is in keeping with the function of
music in their society, and it must be seen as a sociological
as well as a musical phenomenon.
M u c h V e n d a music is occasional, and its performance is a
sign of the activity of social groups. M o s t adult V e n d a know
w h a t is happening merely by listening to its sounds. During
girls' initiation, whenever a novice is being taken d o w n to
the river or back to her initiation hut, the women and girls
w h o accompany her w a r n people of their approach with a
special song, in which the lower lip is flapped with the fore-
finger.
Example 6
T h e following song, with its unusual prelude, indicates that

a novice is being taken from her home for initiation. T h e
melody will be recognized even by women w h o cannot hear
the words.
MUSIC IN SOCIETY A N D CULTURE 39
Example 7
During the various stages of the girls' schools, instruction

is given both directly and indirectly by means of symbolic
dances, which are often v e r y strenuous physical exercises,
performed to a variety of complex rhythms. O n e song tells
girls not to gossip.
Example 8
T h e u . e of left and right hands (which may be reversed) in the drum parts is shown by the direction ol the t a i l s of the n o t e s .
T h e V e n d a learn to u n d e r s t a n d the sounds of music as

they understand speech. No fewer than sixteen different
styles are distinguished, with different r h y t h m s and c o m b i n a -
tions of singers and i n s t r u m e n t s ; and within these styles are
further subdivisions of style, as well as different s o n g s within
each division. For e x a m p l e , at the sungwi initiation s c h o o l for
girls, there are four m a i n t y p e s o f s o n g :
1. Nyimbo dza u sevhetha ( s o n g s for dancing round) are
sung by the girls as t h e y d a n c e c o u n t e r c l o c k w i s e in a circle
round the drums. T h e t e m p o of t h e songs is rapid, and t h e y
are sung m o r e often than a n y o t h e r type of song at the school.
C l a s s e d w i t h t h e m are two s o n g s with special rhythms,
a " s o n g of d i s m i s s a l " (luimbo Iwa u edela, literally, s o n g for
sleeping), which always t e r m i n a t e s a session; and a recruiting
song (luimbo Iwa u wedza, literally, song for helping a person
across a r i v e r ) , which is sung w h e n senior m e m b e r s go round
recruiting.
2. Nyimbo dza vhahwira ( s o n g s of the m a s k e d dancers)
are sung w h e n the m a s k e d dancers perform in front of the
girls. T h e t e m p o varies, with fast and slow episodes to a c -

company different phases of the dance and distinctive
r h y t h m s to m a r k the various steps.
3. Nyimbo dza dzingoma ( s o n g s for special rites) a c c o m -
p a n y certain ordeals that the n o v i c e s must undergo w h e n
they are in t h e second stage of initiation. E a c h o n e h a s a
distinctive r h y t h m i c pattern.
4. Nyimbo dza milayo ( s o n g s of the laws of the s c h o o l )
are sung by the novices and a n y graduates present. T h e y
kneel on t h e ground by the drums while muluvhe, the girl
appointed to be in charge of the n o v i c e s , leads the singing.
Figure 5 summarizes the different types of communal
music recognized b y the V e n d a and indicates the times o f
year w h e n they m a y o r m a y n o t b e performed.
A l t h o u g h the V e n d a generally classify their music a c c o r d -
ing to its social function, and the n a m e for the function and
its music is often the s a m e , the criteria of discrimination are
formal and musical. It is by its sound, and particularly by its
r h y t h m and the m a k e - u p o f its vocal a n d / o r i n s t r u m e n t a l en-
s e m b l e , that the function o f music i s recognized. T h e c o n t e x t s
in which s o n g s are sung are n o t exclusive, b u t the w a y in
which they are sung is generally determined by c o n t e x t . T h u s ,
a beer song m a y be adapted as a play song for the girls'
domba initiation, in which c a s e a drum a c c o m p a n i m e n t will
be added and the call-response form m a y be e l a b o r a t e d into
a sequence of i n t e r l o c k i n g melodic phrases. S i m i l a r l y , a n u m -
b e r of different t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of the national dance, tshi-
kona, m a y be performed on V e n d a musical i n s t r u m e n t s . T h e y
sound different, b u t they are all called tshikona and are c o n -
ceived as variations on a t h e m e in the " l a n g u a g e s " of the
different i n s t r u m e n t s .
W h e n the V e n d a discuss o r classify different types o f song,
they generally distinguish b e t w e e n s o n g s that are proper to
the function and t h o s e w h i c h h a v e b e e n adopted and adapted.
As I believe that this is a c o m m o n p h e n o m e n o n in central
T o n g a o f Z a m b i a . I recorded w h a t w a s described t o m e a s " a

grinding s o n g , " and the c o n t e x t left me in little doubt a b o u t
its function. In a different c o n t e x t , t h e s a m e m e l o d y w a s de-
scribed to me as a mankuntu d a n c e song for y o u n g people,
and the n e w c o n t e x t also left me in little d o u b t a b o u t its
function. T h e o n l y differences b e t w e e n the two p e r f o r m a n c e s
were i n their r h y t h m , t e m p o , and social c o n t e x t . T h e song
was not, in fact, a grinding s o n g , b u t a song sung while
grinding. It h a p p e n e d to be a mankuntu dance s o n g that was
currently popular, and the w o m a n ' s use of it while grinding
was comparable to a performance of " H a r k , the Herald
A n g e l s S i n g ! " over the washing-up a t C h r i s t m a s time.
People's classifications o f s o n g s b y form and b y function
m a y provide i m p o r t a n t evidence o f musical and e x t r a m u s i c a l
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n processes t h a t are a c c e p t a b l e in a culture.
T h e y m a y also b e relevant i n assessing the effects o f m u s i c .
For e x a m p l e , t h e r e is a V e n d a s o n g a b o u t loneliness and death
which I h e a r d sung with great gusto at a party, and with no
trace of s o r r o w . On another o c c a s i o n , I was talking one day to
an old, blind m a s t e r of initiation, and he suddenly b e g a n to
sing this s a m e song. He w a s a b o u t to stand up and dance
w h e n his son stopped him, saying, " D o n ' t d a n c e , old m a n ! "
S i n c e his f a t h e r w a s singing a sad song, he m u s t be full of
sorrow and so there was no point in intensifying the e m o t i o n
by dancing, especially as there w a s a risk that he m i g h t fall
and hurt himself. T h e son w a s deeply m o v e d , b u t w h e n I
asked h i m a b o u t the s o n g he replied simply that it w a s a b e e r
song. He could h a v e described it as a " s o n g of s o r r o w , " b u t
he preferred to give it its formal classification.
T h e value of music in society and its differential effects on
people m a y b e essential factors i n the g r o w t h o r a t r o p h y o f
musical abilities, and people's interest m a y be less in the
music i t s e l f than i n its associated social activities. O n the
o t h e r h a n d , musical ability m a y n e v e r develop w i t h o u t s o m e
e x t r a m u s i c a l m o t i v a t i o n . For every infant prodigy w h o s e in-
terest and ability fizzled out b e c a u s e he could n o t relate his

music to life w i t h his fellows, there must be thousands of
people w h o n o w love music as part of the experience of life
and deeply regret that they neglected to practice or were n o t
properly taught an instrument. This conflict has been
greatly alleviated b y s o m e m u s i c education p r o g r a m s , b u t the
c o m b i n a t i o n of social, p h y s i c a l , and musical activity is n o t as
total as in V e n d a society. W h e n I watched y o u n g V e n d a
developing their bodies, their friendships, and their sensitivity
in c o m m u n a l dancing, I could n o t help regretting the h u n -
dreds of afternoons I had wasted on the r u g b y field and in
b o x i n g rings. B u t then I w a s b r o u g h t up n o t to c o o p e r a t e ,
but to c o m p e t e . Even music was offered m o r e as a c o m p e t i -
tive t h a n as a shared e x p e r i e n c e .
A l t h o u g h the structure of m o s t V e n d a m u s i c d e m a n d s a
high degree of cooperation for p e r f o r m a n c e , it would be
wrong to suggest that all musical and associated social experi-
ences are equally shared. For i n s t a n c e , on t h e last day of the
tshikanda g i r l s ' initiation, the sullen, silent d e m e a n o r of the
novices c o n t r a s t s strongly with t h e excited singing and danc-
ing of the old ladies in c h a r g e and the other graduates pres-
ent. Even t h o u g h the girls h a v e to put on a s h o w of humility
and d e t a c h m e n t , it is hard to believe that they are concealing
a n y t h i n g but resignation and indifference to the m u s i c they
are required to perform. W h e n I a s k e d t h e m a b o u t their reac-
tions, I detected a significant difference b e t w e e n t h e girls'
" I t ' s the c u s t o m , " and the adults' " I t ' s the c u s t o m . It's n i c e ! "
S i m i l a r l y , the exciting r h y t h m s o f the V e n d a possession
dance (ngoma dza midzumi) do n o t send every V e n d a into a
trance. T h e y send o n l y m e m b e r s of the cult, and then only
w h e n they are dancing at their o w n h o m e s , with w h i c h the
spirits o f the ancestors w h o p o s s e s s t h e m are familiar. T h e
effectiveness of the music depends on the c o n t e x t in which
it is b o t h performed and heard. B u t ultimately it depends on
the music, as I found out o n c e w h e n I was playing o n e of the
drums. D a n c e r s t a k e turns c o m i n g out into the " a r e n a , " and

at first there w e r e no c o m p l a i n t s a b o u t my efforts. V e r y s o o n ,
h o w e v e r , a senior lady b e g a n d a n c i n g , and she w a s e x p e c t e d
to go i n t o a trance b e c a u s e the m u s i c w a s b e i n g played for
her cult group. H o w e v e r , after a few m i n u t e s she stopped
and insisted that a n o t h e r d r u m m e r should replace m e ! S h e
claimed t h a t I was ruining the effect of t h e music by " h u r r y -
i n g " the t e m p o — j u s t e n o u g h , I suppose, to inhibit t h e o n s e t
of trance.
T h e w a y i n w h i c h the m u s i c o f the p o s s e s s i o n dance b e -
c o m e s effective suggests that k i n s h i p is as i m p o r t a n t a factor
as the r h y t h m of m u s i c in h a v i n g effects on people. B u t it is
not b l o o d relationships so m u c h as their social i m p l i c a t i o n s
that are the decisive factors, a n d n o t t h e music so m u c h as its
social e n v i r o n m e n t and the attitudes developed t o w a r d it.
A f t e r all, if t h e possession d a n c e m u s i c h a s the p o w e r to
" s e n d " a w o m a n on one o c c a s i o n , w h y should it not do so
on a n o t h e r ? Is it the social situation that inhibits the o t h e r -
wise powerful effects o f the m u s i c ? O r i s the m u s i c p o w e r -
less w i t h o u t t h e r e i n f o r c e m e n t of a special set of social cir-
c u m s t a n c e s ? It is evidence such as this that m a k e s me s k e p t i -
cal o f m u s i c association tests w h i c h h a v e b e e n administered
to subjects in artificial and unsocial settings n e v e r envisaged
b y t h e creators o f the music. U n d e r s u c h c o n d i t i o n s , the m u s i c
c a n n o t help b e i n g m e a n i n g l e s s , or at least its m e a n i n g s are
hopelessly diverse. It also raises a n o t h e r i s s u e : granted that
music c a n n o t express a n y t h i n g e x t r a m u s i c a l unless the experi-
e n c e to w h i c h it refers already e x i s t s in the m i n d of t h e lis-
tener, can it c o m m u n i c a t e a n y t h i n g at all to u n p r e p a r e d or
unreceptive m i n d s ? C a n n o t even a powerful r h y t h m e x c i t e an
unprepared p e r s o n ? O r are the V e n d a w o m e n u n m o v e d b e -
cause t h e y are u n w i l l i n g ? I c a n n o t a n s w e r this, b u t my o w n
love o f m u s i c and m y c o n v i c t i o n t h a t i t i s m o r e t h a n learned
b e h a v i o r m a k e me h o p e that it is the social inhibitions w h i c h
are powerful and n o t the m u s i c w h i c h is p o w e r l e s s .
Let us return to the m a t t e r of k i n s h i p in the d e v e l o p m e n t

o f musical ability. T h e V e n d a m a y n o t consider t h e possibility
o f u n m u s i c a l h u m a n b e i n g s , b u t t h e y d o recognize that s o m e
people perform b e t t e r t h a n o t h e r s . J u d g m e n t is b a s e d on the
performer's display of technical brilliance and originality, and
the vigor and confidence o f his execution. Anyone who
troubles to perfect his technique is considered to do so b e -
cause he is deeply c o m m i t t e d to m u s i c as a m e a n s of sharing
s o m e experience with his fellows. A sincere desire to express
feeling is n o t accepted as an e x c u s e for inaccurate or i n c o m -
petent p e r f o r m a n c e , as it often is in the confused world of
m o d e r n P o p and so-called Folk music. If a person w a n t s to
do his thing, he is expected to do it well. T h e ability of a
m a s t e r d r u m m e r (matsige) at a possession d a n c e is assessed
by the sounds he produces, and n o t by the e x t e n t to which
he rolls his eyes and t h r o w s his b o d y about.
T h e V e n d a m a y suggest that exceptional musical ability i s
biologically inherited, b u t in practice they recognize that
social factors play the m o s t i m p o r t a n t part in realizing or
suppressing it. For i n s t a n c e , a b o y of n o b l e birth m i g h t s h o w
great talent, b u t as he grows up he will be expected to a b a n -
don regular musical p e r f o r m a n c e for the m o r e serious (for
him) b u s i n e s s o f g o v e r n m e n t . T h i s would n o t m e a n that h e
would cease to listen critically and intelligently to m u s i c : in
fact, i m p o r t a n t guidance to successful g o v e r n m e n t m i g h t be
given to him in song. C o n v e r s e l y a girl of n o b l e b i r t h has
every e n c o u r a g e m e n t to develop her musical capacities, so
that as a w o m a n she c a n play an active role in supervising
the girls' initiation schools which are held in the h o m e s of
rulers, and for which music is an indispensable adjunct of
their didactic and ritual functions. D u r i n g two m o n t h s of
daily rehearsals of the young girls' dance, tshigombela, I
watched the young relatives of a h e a d m a n e m e r g e as out-
standing performers, although at first they did n o t seem to
be m o r e musical than their a g e - m a t e s . I am sure t h a t the k e y
to their d e v e l o p m e n t as dancers w a s the praise and the inter-

est s h o w n in t h e m by the w o m e n in the audience, w h o w e r e
m o s t l y from the h e a d m a n ' s f a m i l y , a n d w h o therefore k n e w
the girls by n a m e b e c a u s e t h e y w e r e relatives. It was surely
the social c o n s e q u e n c e s of b l o o d relationship that affected the
g r o w t h o f their m u s i c a l i t y , r a t h e r t h a n special, genetically in-
herited musical capacities. A g a i n , it is not surprising that
m a s t e r s o f initiation tend t o " i n h e r i t " the craft from their
fathers. A m a s t e r m u s t k n o w m a n y songs and rituals, and so
his son is in a favored position w h e n he assists his father on
the j o b .
In V e n d a society, e x c e p t i o n a l musical ability is therefore
expected of people w h o are b o r n into certain families or social
groups in which musical p e r f o r m a n c e is essential for m a i n -
taining their group solidarity. J u s t as musical p e r f o r m a n c e is
the central factor that justifies the continued e x i s t e n c e of an
o r c h e s t r a as a social group, so a V e n d a possession cult group,
or a domba initiation school, or a sungwi girls' school, would
disintegrate if there were no music. O n l y a few of those w h o
are b o r n i n t o the right group actually emerge as e x c e p t i o n a l
m u s i c i a n s , and w h a t s e e m s to distinguish t h e m from o t h e r s
is that t h e y p e r f o r m b e t t e r b e c a u s e they have devoted m o r e
time and e n e r g y to it. In applauding the m a s t e r y of e x c e p -
tional m u s i c i a n s , t h e V e n d a applaud h u m a n effort, a n d in
b e i n g able t o recognize m a s t e r y i n t h e musical m e d i u m , l i s t e n -
ers reveal that their general m u s i c a l c o m p e t e n c e is no less
than that o f the m u s i c i a n s w h o m they applaud. W e should
r e m e m b e r that the e x i s t e n c e o f B a c h and B e e t h o v e n depends
on discriminating audiences as m u c h as on p e r f o r m e r s , j u s t
as some V e n d a a n c e s t o r s c a n o t return to their h o m e s except
by the good offices of their d e s c e n d a n t s .
A l t h o u g h c o m m u n a l m u s i c d o m i n a t e s the V e n d a musical
s c e n e , and social factors influence t h e d e v e l o p m e n t of musical
ability, there is individual m u s i c m a k i n g , and good solo in-
strumentalists c a n e m e r g e w i t h o u t a n y of the i n c e n t i v e s I
have described. Y o u n g g r o w i n g girls confide in t h e quiet,

intimate tones of a lugube musical b o w or its m o d e r n equiva-
lent, t h e j a w ' s harp. Y o u t h s sing o f the j o y s and p a n g s o f
love while a c c o m p a n y i n g t h e m s e l v e s with an mbira or an-
other kind of b o w , called tshihwana. A third t y p e of b o w
(dende) is m o s t c o m m o n l y played by semiprofessional m u s i -
cians w h o are n o t o r i o u s l y popular with w o m e n .
T h e n a m e given t o such m i n s t r e l s — t s h i l o m b e — i s related
to words that refer to spirit p o s s e s s i o n , such as tshilombo
and malombo. T h e V e n d a a c k n o w l e d g e that m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of
musical ability can emerge in unexpected quarters and
a m o n g unlikely s u b j e c t s , b u t insist that they be normalized
by logical e x p l a n a t i o n s . T h e t e r m tshilombe should be re-
garded as n o t so m u c h an a c c l a m a t i o n of genius or of e x c e p -
tional talent as an occupational description. An outstanding
individual musician is o n e w h o puts h i m s e l f in touch with
spiritual forces, like a d o c t o r or t h e m e m b e r of a possession
cult, and so is able to e x p r e s s a wider range of experiences
than m o s t people. It m a y s e e m paradoxical that his creative
abilities should be expressed in t h e originality and t h o u g h t -
fulness of the words he c o m p o s e s , rather than in t h e music.
But there is a reason for this to be found in the b a l a n c e of
two b a s i c principles o f V e n d a m u s i c .
As I emphasized in the first chapter, V e n d a m u s i c is dis-
tinguished from n o n m u s i c by the creation of a special world
of time. T h e c h i e f function of m u s i c is to involve people in
shared experiences within the f r a m e w o r k of their cultural
experience. T h e form the m u s i c takes m u s t serve this func-
tion, and so in the n o r m a l course of events V e n d a m u s i c b e -
comes m o r e musical and less culture-bound w h e n e v e r p o s -
sible, and t h e restrictions of words are a b a n d o n e d for the
freer musical expression o f individuals i n c o m m u n i t y . T o
ensure that the form does n o t lose its essential function, the
process is inverted in the c o m p o s i t i o n s of certain individuals.
T h e function of such c o m p o s i t i o n s is to jolt and e x p a n d the
c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f V e n d a audiences b y b o t h reflecting and c o n -

tradicting the spirit of the time. T h e y reflect the political i n -
terests o f the m a x i m u m n u m b e r o f people b y contradicting
the musical tendencies to w h i c h t h o s e people are a c c u s t o m e d .
T h e s a m e k i n d o f analysis o f musical effectiveness m i g h t b e
applied in other c o n t e x t s : I would n o t consider it an e x a g g e r a -
tion to say that B e e t h o v e n achieved his extraordinary musical
p o w e r b y b e i n g a n i / m u s i c a l and s h o c k i n g the c o m p l a c e n c y
o f his c o n t e m p o r a r y society. His c o n t e m p o r a r i e s m a y have
b e e n m o r e musical i n their t r e a t m e n t o f m e l o d y , for i n s t a n c e ,
b u t their k i n d o f c o n v e n t i o n a l m u s i c a l i t y was less relevant t o
c o n t e m p o r a r y p r o b l e m s a l t h o u g h it w a s a logical c o n s e q u e n c e
o f t e m p o r a r y cognitive p r o c e s s e s .
T o a n a l y z e the c o m p o s i t i o n and appreciation o f m u s i c i n
t e r m s of its social function and of cognitive p r o c e s s e s that
m a y be applied in other fields of h u m a n activity does n o t in
a n y w a y diminish t h e i m p o r t a n c e of the music itself, and it is
in line with the c o m m o n c u s t o m of interrelating a series of
h u m a n activities and calling t h e m T h e A r t s . H o w e v e r , at this
early stage o f investigation w e should b e careful not to
a s s u m e that music is always created by the s a m e p r o c e s s e s ,
or that its p r o c e s s e s are specially related to t h o s e e m p l o y e d in
the other arts. T h e processes that in o n e culture are applied
to language or music m a y in a n o t h e r be applied to k i n s h i p
or e c o n o m i c organization.
It will be useful to distinguish different kinds of musical
c o m m u n i c a t i o n , w h i c h m i g h t b r o a d l y be described as the
utilitarian and artistic uses of m u s i c in V e n d a society. It is
clear from the w a y the V e n d a talk a b o u t it that n o t all music
has the s a m e value. All their m u s i c grows out of h u m a n
experiences and h a s a direct function in social life, but o n l y
some o f i t i s regarded a s w h a t J o h n D e w e y h a s called " a n
i n s t r u m e n t indispensable to the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n of m a n and
his w o r l d . "
A s m y e x a m p l e s h a v e s h o w n , m u c h V e n d a music i s merely
a signal or sign of social events and no less utilitarian than

c o m m e r c i a l j i n g l e s , radio station identifications, s o m e inci-
dental m u s i c , and the h y m n s or s o n g s that are essentially the
" b a d g e s " o f different social groups. M a n y s o n g s o f initiation
are m o r e i m p o r t a n t as m a r k e r s of stages in ritual or as rein-
f o r c e m e n t s o r m n e m o n i c s o f lessons t h a n a s m u s i c a l experi-
e n c e s ; w o r k s o n g s coordinate and ease l a b o r ; and a special
group o f b e e r songs can b e used t o voice complaints and m a k e
requests w h e n parties o f w o m e n t a k e gifts o f b e e r t o the
h o m e s o f their in-laws. A s i n w o m e n ' s pounding s o n g s , cer-
tain children's s o n g s , and s o n g s of protest, a m u s i c a l f r a m e -
w o r k c a n ritualize c o m m u n i c a t i o n in such a w a y that m e s -
sages m a y b e conveyed b u t n o c o u n t e r a c t i o n i s t a k e n . Y o u d o
not " g o to p r i s o n " if you s a y it in m u s i c , and s o m e t h i n g m a y
be done a b o u t y o u r complaint b e c a u s e it m a y be a w a r n i n g
of g r o w i n g public feeling.
It is tempting to define the utilitarian functions of V e n d a

music as those in which the effects of music are incidental to
the impact of the social situation, and the artistic as t h o s e in
which the m u s i c itself is the crucial factor in the experience.
T h e t e s t i m o n y of the high value attached to tshikona, their
national dance, and t h e a p p a r e n t l y antimusical p e r f o r m a n c e
by a c k n o w l e d g e d experts does n o t contradict this a r g u m e n t
w h e n we see that it is the process of music m a k i n g that is
valued as m u c h a s , and s o m e t i m e s m o r e than, the finished
product. T h e value of music is, I believe, to be found in terms
of the h u m a n experiences involved in its creation. T h e r e is
a difference b e t w e e n music t h a t is occasional and m u s i c that
e n h a n c e s h u m a n c o n s c i o u s n e s s , music that is simply for
having and m u s i c that is for being. I submit that t h e former
m a y be good c r a f t s m a n s h i p , but that the latter is art, no
matter h o w simple or complex it sounds, and no m a t t e r under
w h a t c i r c u m s t a n c e s it is produced.
T h e m u s i c of tshikona expresses the value of the largest
social group to which a V e n d a can really feel he b e l o n g s . Its
Fourteen-note kalimba mbira of the Nsenga of Zambia.
Two Venda girls play alto drums (mirumba) at the
domba initiation. They sway their bodies from side to
side, keeping a steady rhythm so that the drumbeat is
part of a total body movement.
A beer-drink at a headman's homestead.
The village of a Venda chief at Thengwe. The houses are occupied

by his wives, relatives, and councilors. The big tree slightly to
the left of center shades the khoro, meeting place of the council
and scene of music and dancing.
Masked dancer (muhwira) at the Venda girls' sungwi initiation.
A Venda novice performs a special ndayo movement at her
tshikanda initiation. Note the contrast in response between her two
companions and the married women running the proceedings.
Ngorrta dza midzimu, Venda dance of spirit possession. The

hunchbacked girl who is dancing in the arena will not be possessed
because she does not belong to this particular cult group. Those
who have been possessed wear a special uniform and shake
hand rattles.
Venda girls practice the first part of the tshigombela dance,
Venda girls dancing "solo" (u gaya) during the second part of

tshigombela dance.
A trio on the large mbiras (mbila dza madeza).
A boy plays the small mbira (mbila tshipai).

Dende musical bow.
A duet on two mouth bows

(zwihwana, singular tshihwana).
A trio of three-holed transverse flutes
(zwitiringo, singular tshitiringo).
Boys' dilitili flute, made of an open

tube or river reed with a notched
embouchure and stopped with the
first finger at the distal end.
The phalaphala signal horn, made

from the horns of a sable antelope
or kudu.
Two men play the mbila mtondo xylophone; a third adds
extra notes.
The dance of the Venda domba initiation school.

A Venda team of tshikona pipe dancers from Johannesburg visits
a rural area during Easter vacation.
A Venda minstrel (tshilombe) sings and entertains with puppets at

a beer-drink organized by a rotating credit association
(tshitokofela) in a rural area.
Solo Venda dancer leaping
during performance of penta-
tonic reed-pipe music
(tshikanganga or visa). This
style of dancing is called u
gaya, as in the second part of
rshigombela, and is distin-
guished from the communal
dancing (u tshina) in the
first part.
Novices at a Venda domba initiation, with their hair recently cut,

are led in song by the master of initiation, while his assistant
directs them to the crossbeam of the council hut, from which they
will hang upside down, like bats, as part of a lesson about
childbirth. Note the baby on the back of the mother playing the
bass drum.
p e r f o r m a n c e involves the largest n u m b e r of people, and its

music incorporates the largest n u m b e r of tones in a n y single
piece o f V e n d a m u s i c involving m o r e t h a n o n e o r t w o players.
From w h a t I h a v e said a b o u t shared experiences in V e n d a
music, it should be clear that tshikona is valuable and b e a u -
tiful to the V e n d a , not only b e c a u s e of the q u a n t i t y of people
and tones involved, b u t b e c a u s e o f the quality o f t h e rela-
tionships that m u s t be established b e t w e e n people and tones
w h e n e v e r it is performed. Tshikona music c a n be produced
o n l y w h e n t w e n t y or m o r e m e n b l o w differently tuned pipes
with a precision that depends on holding o n e ' s o w n part as
well as blending with o t h e r s , and at least four w o m e n play
different drums in p o l y r h y t h m i c h a r m o n y . F u r t h e r m o r e , tshi-
kona is n o t complete unless the m e n also p e r f o r m in unison
the different steps which the d a n c e m a s t e r directs from time
to time.
T h e effectiveness o f tshikona is not a c a s e o f MORE -—
BETTER : it is an e x a m p l e o f the production o f t h e m a x i m u m o f

available h u m a n e n e r g y in a situation that g e n e r a t e s t h e high-
est degree of individuality in the largest possible c o m m u n i t y
of individuals. Tshikona provides an experience of the b e s t of
all possible worlds, and the V e n d a are fully a w a r e of its value.
Tshikona, they say, is Iwa-ha-masia-khali-i-tshi-vhila, "the
time w h e n people rush to the scene of the d a n c e and leave
their pots to boil o v e r . " Tshikona " m a k e s sick people feel
better, and old m e n t h r o w a w a y their sticks and d a n c e . " Tshi-
kona " b r i n g s peace to the c o u n t r y s i d e . " Of all s h a r e d experi-
ences in V e n d a society, a p e r f o r m a n c e of tshikona is said to
be the m o s t h i g h l y valued: the dance is c o n n e c t e d with an-
cestor w o r s h i p and state o c c a s i o n s , i n c o r p o r a t e s t h e living
and the dead, and is the m o s t universal of V e n d a music.
It is b e c a u s e m u s i c can create a world of virtual time that
G u s t a v M a h l e r said that it m a y lead to " t h e ' o t h e r w o r l d ' —
the world in which things are no l o n g e r s u b j e c t to time and
s p a c e . " T h e B a l i n e s e speak o f " t h e other m i n d " a s a state o f
being that can be reached through dancing and music. T h e y

refer to states in which people b e c o m e k e e n l y a w a r e of the
true n a t u r e o f their b e i n g , o f the " o t h e r s e l f " within t h e m -
selves and other h u m a n b e i n g s , and of their relationship with
the world around them. O l d age, death, grief, thirst, h u n g e r ,
and other afflictions of this world are seen as transitory
events. T h e r e is freedom from the restrictions of actual time
and c o m p l e t e absorption i n the " T i m e l e s s N o w o f the D i v i n e
S p i r i t , " the loss o f self i n being. W e often e x p e r i e n c e greater
intensity o f living w h e n our n o r m a l time values are upset,
and appreciate the quality r a t h e r than the length of time
spent doing something. T h e virtual time o f music m a y help
to generate such experiences.
T h e r e is e x c i t e m e n t in r h y t h m and in the progression of
organized sound, in the tension and relaxations of h a r m o n y
or m e l o d y , in the cumulative evolution of a fugue, or in the
infinite variations on the t h e m e of m o v e m e n t from and b a c k
to a tone center. T h e m o t i o n of music alone seems to a w a k e n
in our bodies all kinds of responses. A n d yet people's r e -
sponses to m u s i c c a n n o t be fully explained w i t h o u t s o m e ref-
erence to their experiences in the culture of which t h e notes
are signs and s y m b o l s . If a piece of music m o v e s a variety of
listeners, it is p r o b a b l y n o t b e c a u s e of its o u t w a r d form but
b e c a u s e of w h a t the form m e a n s to each listener in terms of
h u m a n e x p e r i e n c e . T h e s a m e piece o f music m a y m o v e differ-
ent people in the s a m e sort of w a y , b u t for different r e a s o n s .
Y o u can e n j o y a piece of plainchant b e c a u s e you are a R o m a n
C a t h o l i c , o r b e c a u s e you like the sound o f t h e m u s i c : you
need not h a v e a " g o o d e a r " to enjoy it as a C a t h o l i c , n o r
need you be a believer to enjoy it as music. In b o t h cases the
e n j o y m e n t depends on a b a c k g r o u n d of h u m a n experience.
Even if a person describes musical experiences in t h e tech-
nical language of music, he is in fact describing e m o t i o n a l
experiences which he has learned to associate with particular
patterns o f sound. I f a n o t h e r person describes his e x p e r i e n c e
in the s a m e musical tradition, he m a y be describing a similar,

if not identical, e m o t i o n a l e x p e r i e n c e . M u s i c a l t e r m i n o l o g y
can be a l a n g u a g e with w h i c h to describe h u m a n e m o t i o n a l
experience, j u s t as m e m b e r s h i p in t h e V e n d a p o s s e s s i o n cult
offers b o t h a certain type of experience and a w a y of talking
about it. T h u s , under certain conditions, the sound of music
m a y recall a state of c o n s c i o u s n e s s that has b e e n acquired
through processes o f social e x p e r i e n c e . W h e t h e r the effective
agent is the right social situation, as in the V e n d a possession
cult, or the right musical situation, as in the responses of two
similarly trained m u s i c i a n s , it is effective o n l y b e c a u s e of
associations b e t w e e n certain individual and cultural e x p e r i -
ences.
I am sure that m a n y of the functions of m u s i c in V e n d a
society which I h a v e described will recall to y o u similar situa-
tions i n o t h e r societies. M y general argument h a s been that,
if the value of music in society and culture is to be a s s e s s e d , it
must be described in terms of the attitudes and cognitive
processes involved in its creation, and the functions and ef-
fects of the musical product in society. It follows from this
that there should be close structural relationships a m o n g the
function, c o n t e n t , and form of music. R o b e r t Kauffman h a s
drawn my attention to a passage in L e R o i J o n e s ' s Blues
People ( N e w Y o r k : W i l l i a m M o r r o w , 1963), in which h e says
that the b a s i c h y p o t h e s i s o f his b o o k depends o n u n d e r s t a n d -
ing that " m u s i c can be seen to be t h e result of certain atti-
tudes, certain specific w a y s of t h i n k i n g about t h e world, and
only ultimately about the ' w a y s ' in which m u s i c c a n be
m a d e " (p. 1 5 3 ) . I t i s e n o u g h that this should b e said and
accepted. B u t I think it is useful if the a r g u m e n t c a n be rein-
forced with d e m o n s t r a t i o n s of h o w it w o r k s out in practice.
T h i s is s o m e t h i n g that e t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t s c a n do, and m o s t
of my w o r k during the past fifteen y e a r s h a s b e e n directed
toward the discovery of structural relationships between
music and social life.
Culture and
Society in
Music
M U S I C can express social attitudes and cognitive pro-

cesses, but it is useful and effective only when it is
heard by the prepared and receptive ears of people w h o have
shared, or can share in some w a y , the cultural and individual
experiences of its creators.
M u s i c , therefore, confirms w h a t is already present in so-
ciety and culture, and it adds nothing new except patterns of
sound. But it is not a luxury, a spare-time activity to be sand-
wiched between sports and art in the headmaster's report.
Even if I believed that music w a s , or should be, merely a
means of decorating social events, I would still have to explain
how the music of many composers can excite me although the
cavortings of their patrons are a bore. W h e n E. M. Forster
said, "History develops, art stands still," he w a s referring to
their subject matter, to the fact that history is about events
but art is about feelings. T h a t is w h y we can also say that
history dies but art lives, although art is a reflection of history.
I share the V e n d a view that music is essential for the very
survival of man's humanity, and I found it significant that as
a subject for discussion they generally greeted music more en-
thusiastically and with more erudition than history, though
54
CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 55
n o t less t h a n current politics. T h i s m a y h a v e b e e n partly a

response to my o w n b i a s , b u t I t h i n k it also reflected the
V e n d a c o n c e r n for life as a process of b e c o m i n g , rather t h a n
as a stage in e v o l u t i o n a r y p r o g r e s s .
We shall do well to l o o k at m u s i c in the s a m e w a y . A n d s o ,
before I w o r k b a c k to the surface patterns of music from the
cultural and social processes to w h i c h I have reduced t h e m ,
b e f o r e I discuss the origins of m u s i c in culture and s o c i e t y , I
w a n t t o dispose o f two kinds o f evolutionary a p p r o a c h t o
music h i s t o r y w h i c h are of no use in seeking an a n s w e r to the
question, H o w musical i s m a n ? T h e y are useless chiefly b e -
cause they c a n n e v e r be proved. T h e first approach s e e k s to
understand the m e a n i n g and forms o f music b y speculating
about its historical origins in bird song, m a t i n g calls, and a
h o s t o f o t h e r reactions o f s o m e m y t h i c a l " p r i m i t i v e " m a n t o
his e n v i r o n m e n t . S i n c e the c h i e f sources of i n f o r m a t i o n for
this g u e s s w o r k h a v e b e e n , and can o n l y b e , the musical p r a c -
tices of living people, and a k n o w l e d g e of m u s i c ' s origins is
useful o n l y for understanding these practices b e t t e r , the e x e r -
cise is clearly futile.
T h e s e c o n d k i n d o f e v o l u t i o n a r y approach i s c o n c e r n e d
with the d e v e l o p m e n t of musical styles as things in t h e m -
selves. It tends to a s s u m e t h a t there is a world h i s t o r y of
m u s i c , in w h i c h m a n b e g a n by using one or t w o tones and
then gradually discovered m o r e and m o r e tones and p a t t e r n s
of sound. It leads to such s t a t e m e n t s a s : " I n the g r o w t h of
great civilizations, m u s i c is the first of the arts to e m e r g e and
the last to d e v e l o p . " S u c h r e m a r k s usually ignore the fact that
our k n o w l e d g e of past music is often limited to w h a t literate
classes c h o s e t o recognize o r record o f such activities. S o m e
w h i t e m i s s i o n a r i e s in the S i b a s a district, for i n s t a n c e , were
a s t o n i s h e d t h a t it could t a k e m o r e than six m o n t h s to learn
all there w a s to k n o w about V e n d a m u s i c b e c a u s e their ears
w e r e closed to the variety and c o m p l e x i t y of its sounds.
T h e a b s e n c e o f i n f o r m a t i o n o n m u s i c i n the records o f the
elite does n o t m e a n that there was no good music in the lives

of o r d i n a r y people; n o r is the apparent simplicity of some
c o n t e m p o r a r y musical styles evidence that their m u s i c is a
survival from a stage in the h i s t o r y of world music. In 1 8 8 5 ,
A l e x a n d e r J o h n Ellis, the m a n w h o is generally regarded as
the f a t h e r o f e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y , d e m o n s t r a t e d t h a t musical
scales are n o t natural b u t h i g h l y artificial, and t h a t laws of
acoustics m a y b e irrelevant i n t h e h u m a n organization o f
sound. In spite of his timely warning, there are still some
e t h n o m u s i c o l o g i s t s w h o write as if it were their t a s k to fill
in the gaps of musical h i s t o r y by describing the m u s i c a l styles
of exotic cultures. Even if t h e y do not say it in so m a n y
words, their techniques of analysis b e t r a y affection for an
evolutionary view o f music. M u s i c a l styles c a n n o t b e heard a s
stages in the evolution of music, as judged in terms of one
particular civilization's c o n c e p t s of music. Each style has its
o w n h i s t o r y , and its present state represents o n l y o n e stage
in its o w n d e v e l o p m e n t ; this m a y have followed a separate
and unique course, although its surface patterns m a y suggest
c o n t a c t s with other styles. M o r e o v e r , even t h o u g h people are
s o m e t i m e s m o r e conservative a b o u t music than a b o u t other
aspects of culture, it is h a r d to believe that in s o m e parts of
the world there h a s been no musical innovation for thousands
of years.
S p e c u l a t i v e histories of world music are a c o m p l e t e w a s t e

o f effort. Even i f w e k n e w h o w musical styles had changed
in the cultures which are cited as evidence of stages in the
development o f music, t h e k n o w l e d g e would b e o f o n l y e n c y -
clopedic interest. It would give us little or no insight into
h u m a n creativity in music unless we had corresponding evi-
dence on the cultural and social e n v i r o n m e n t in w h i c h the
musical developments t o o k place. O n the o t h e r h a n d , i f cul-
tural and social history is well d o c u m e n t e d , studies of music
history are b o t h possible and useful. T h e r e is a vast difference
b e t w e e n studies such as Paul H e n r y Lang's Music in Western
Civilization, Hugo Leichtentritt's Music, History and Ideas,

and A l e c H a r m a n ' s and W i l f r i d M e l l e r s ' volumes on Man and
His Music, in w h i c h the origins of certain aspects of musical
style are sought in the social m o v e m e n t s and philosophical
c o n v e n t i o n s of the time, and studies that trace musical devel-
o p m e n t in terms of m o r e tones to the o c t a v e , m o r e thirds to
the chord, and m o r e i n s t r u m e n t s to t h e o r c h e s t r a .
W h e r e , for i n s t a n c e , would our speculative music historian
place the V e n d a in his h i s t o r y of world m u s i c ? T h e r e are
mbiras that h a v e five-, s i x - , or s e v e n - t o n e scales, and sets of
reed pipes that use either five- or seven-tone scales. T h e m e l -
odies of songs m a y use a n y t h i n g from o n e to seven t o n e s ,
selected from various h e p t a t o n i c m o d e s . S o n g s that use five
tones m a y be b a s e d on a p e n t a t o n i c scale or on selections of
five tones from a heptatonic m o d e (like the " O d e to J o y "
i n B e e t h o v e n ' s N i n t h S y m p h o n y ! ) . I f our m u s i c historian
gives the V e n d a t h e credit of producing the h e p t a t o n i c scale
t h e m s e l v e s and does not a s s u m e that they must h a v e b o r -
rowed it from a " h i g h e r " culture, I suspect t h a t he might
describe their m u s i c as being in a stage of transition from
p e n t a t o n i c t o h e p t a t o n i c m u s i c — a fascinating e x a m p l e o f
musical evolution in action! T h e only trouble about such a
description is that social and cultural evidence contradicts it.
For e x a m p l e , the V e n d a used a h e p t a t o n i c x y l o p h o n e and h e p -
tatonic reed pipes long b e f o r e they adopted the p e n t a t o n i c
reed pipes of their southern n e i g h b o r s , the Pedi, w h o in turn
say that they adopted and adapted the h e p t a t o n i c reed pipe
music o f t h e V e n d a . A c c o r d i n g t o evolutionary theories o f
music h i s t o r y , the V e n d a should be going b a c k w a r d — l i k e the
C h i n e s e , w h o selected a p e n t a t o n i c scale for their m u s i c al-
though they k n e w and had used " b i g g e r and b e t t e r " s c a l e s !
It m a y be argued that I h a v e used o n e k i n d of speculative
history in order to throw out a n o t h e r , and that the stated
cultural origins of V e n d a and Pedi music m a y be no less eth-
nocentric and inaccurate, as rationalizations of a s y s t e m , than
a concept of musical evolution that explains p a t t e r n s of sound

in a different w a y . To this o b j e c t i o n I would reply that in
studying musical s y s t e m s I am primarily c o n c e r n e d with
historical relevance. Even if we k n e w e x a c t l y h o w t h e V e n d a
got tshikona, domba, and a h e p t a t o n i c scale (and I doubt if
we shall ever k n o w ) , and even if it were true t h a t the h e p t a -
tonic music had evolved from the p e n t a t o n i c , it would n o t
c o n t r i b u t e m u c h to our understanding of the V e n d a musical
s y s t e m o r o f the development o f musicality i n V e n d a society.
I am interested in V e n d a music m o r e as t h e product of h u m a n
minds in V e n d a culture and society than as a stage in the
h i s t o r y o f world music.
In asking h o w musical is m a n , I am obviously c o n c e r n e d
with all aspects of the origins of music, but n o t with specula-
tive origins, or even with origins which a foreign historian
thinks he can detect, but w h i c h are n o t recognized by t h e
creators o f the music. T h e origins o f music that c o n c e r n m e
are t h o s e w h i c h are to be found in the p s y c h o l o g y and in the
cultural and social e n v i r o n m e n t of its creators, in the a s s e m -
bly o f p r o c e s s e s that generate the patterns o f sound. I f music
expresses attitudes, we should expect correlations b e t w e e n
the different attitudes and the patterns of sound with which
they are expressed.
To w h a t e x t e n t is music a " l a n g u a g e of e m o t i o n s , a k i n to
s p e e c h , " as D e r y c k C o o k e h a s claimed in The Language of
Music? T h e thesis m u s t be considered in the c o n t e x t in which
i t i s p r o p o s e d : European tonal music b e t w e e n 1 4 0 0 and 1 9 5 3 .
C o o k e h a s s h o w n that specific musical figures s e e e m to be
used again and again to c o n v e y similar feelings, and that the
use of this kind of code is an essential feature of musical c o m -
munication. His a r g u m e n t goes a long w a y toward bridging
the gap b e t w e e n formal and expressive analyses o f music,
and toward showing e x a c t l y h o w music can be described as
the expression of certain attitudes. For i n s t a n c e , he describes
the descending progression 5 - ( 4 ) - 3 - ( 2 ) - l (MINOR) as a figure
"which has been much used to express an 'incoming' painful

emotion, in a context of finality: acceptance of, or yielding to
grief; discouragement and depression; passive suffering; and
the despair connected with death" (p. 1 3 3 ) . T h u s he compares
a phrase of Gibbons' madrigal " W h a t Is Our L i f e ? " with the
opening of the finale of T c h a i k o v s k y ' s Pathetique S y m p h o n y :
Cooke's thesis impressed me at first because it seemed to -

make sense in terms of my own musical experience. For in-
stance, I had noticed and felt the musical and expressive
similarity between the pleading melody in the "Recordare
Jesu Pie" of Benjamin Britten's War Requiem (see Example
1 0 ) and the figure with which Mahler accompanies the nostal-
gic words, "Ich sehne mich, O Freund, am deiner Seite die
Schoenheit dieses A b e n d s zu geniessen," in "Der Abscheid,"
the last song of D a s Lied von der Erde (Universal Edition,
sections 2 3 , 3 0 , and 6 3 t o the end) (see Example 1 1 ) . T h e
figure 1 - 3 - 4 - 5 (MINOR) also opens the spiritual, " N o b o d y
K n o w s the Trouble I See" (see Example 1 2 ) . Same figure,
same kind of feeling. D e r y c k Cooke quotes other instances
of this figure and describes it as "an assertion of sorrow, a
complaint, a protest against misfortune" (Language of Music,
p. 1 2 2 ) .
Example 10
R e - c o r - da - re J e - su pi - e,
Example 11
Example 12
No-Lod-y knows the trou-ble I see, Lord, No-bod-y knows the trou-ble I see.
Again, although I h a v e deliberately never read a n y a n a l y s e s

of M a h l e r ' s N i n t h and T e n t h s y m p h o n i e s b e c a u s e I first w a n t
to find out w h a t the music says to me, I react quite definitely
to t w o parallel sequences of intervals in their final m o v e -
m e n t s (in t h e case of the T e n t h , I refer to D e r y c k C o o k e ' s
performing v e r s i o n ) . First, in t h e twenty-third b a r of the last
m o v e m e n t of the N i n t h , t h e first violins play t h e t o n e s of a
descending scale, but in rising pairs of falling tones.
Example 13
T h e n in the T e n t h , there is an ascending scale w h i c h is played

in descending groups of rising tones (bar 3 2 7 of the last
movement).
Example 14
Andante
I will make no attempt to express in words what I feel when

I hear this music, because Mahler explicitly stated that he
felt the need to express himself in music only when "indefin-
able emotions make themselves felt," and if they could have
been expressed in language he would have done so. I will
merely say that for me they express something about life and
death and man's struggle for fulfillment and spiritual peace.
T h e final chords of the Tenth seem to express ultimate resig-
n a t i o n — w h e t h e r they w e r e written b y M a h l e r o r b y D e r y c k
Cooke!
N o w , h a v e I received t h e attitudes that p r o m p t e d M a h l e r
to c o m p o s e t h o s e n o t e s , or h a v e I reinterpreted t h e m in t h e
light o f m y o w n e x p e r i e n c e ? A n d does a n y o n e else feel a b o u t
t h e m in the s a m e w a y ? Am I out on a l i m b , like t h e n o v i c e s
in the tshikanda girl's initiation, listening to M a h l e r b u t n o t
hearing h i m ? Can a n y o n e else h e a r those n o t e s as I do, or as
M a h l e r did? Is t h e purpose of musical experience to be a l o n e
i n c o m p a n y ? I s there n o h o p e o f establishing c o m m o n r e l a -
tionships through music e x c e p t w h e r e there is a fairly specific
extramusical program? Could "soul" music affect Black
A m e r i c a n s if its forms were n o t associated with a w h o l e set
o f e x t r a m u s i c a l experiences w h i c h B l a c k A m e r i c a n s s h a r e ?
I n spite o f the beautifully stated antiwar m e s s a g e o f B r i t t e n ' s
War Requiem, can all t h o s e w h o share his s e n t i m e n t s s h a r e
the intense m e s s a g e o f his m u s i c ? D o e s i t really m e a n t h e
s a m e to the R u s s i a n , English, and G e r m a n solo singers w h o
made the first recording o f the w o r k ? T o t h o s e w h o s h a r e
aspects of B r i t t e n ' s cultural, social, and musical b a c k g r o u n d ,
the music m a y e n h a n c e the pity o f W i l f r e d O w e n ' s poetry
and create a greater h o r r o r of w a r than could the poetry on its
own. For o t h e r s , the poetry m a y be a stirring e x p e r i e n c e , b u t
the music a b o r e . We c a n n o t say that they share t h e e x p e r i -
ence o f the p o e t r y m o r e than that o f the music, b e c a u s e t h e y ,
like Britten and m o s t of his listeners, did n o t share O w e n ' s
ultimately fatal experience o f trench warfare. W e c a n o n l y s a y
that t h e y share the experience o f the convention o f t h e p o e t r y
m o r e easily than the c o n v e n t i o n o f the music.
A l t h o u g h ' " m u s i c can reveal the nature of feelings with a

detail and truth that language c a n n o t a p p r o a c h " (to quote
S u s a n n e Langer, Philosophy in a New Key [ N e w Y o r k : M e n -
tor B o o k s , 1 9 4 8 ] , p. 1 9 1 ) , it is also tied to the culture in a w a y
in which t h e descriptive capacities of language are n o t . C o n -
sider the elements of British and European culture in the
music of Britten's War Requiem—and, again, in this descrip-
tion I shall speak of the w o r k as it strikes me: I have not
read any commentaries on it. T h e v e r y first two bars of the
work set the stage for death, with the tolling of a bell and the
intoning of the opening words of the Requiem M a s s .
Example 15
Slow and solemn J = 42 46
(Lento e solenne)
Gong
Later, the sounds of boys' voices and an organ recall the hope
and innocence of childhood,
Example 16
[3] Quick crotchets J=:]62
(Allegro)
f smooth
and brass instruments and bugle-call motifs recall warfare.
Example 17
Musical imitations of the sounds of shrapnel accompany the

words of O w e n ' s jaunty soldiers singing, "Out there we've
walked quite friendly up to Death." N o w it is the shrapnel
that sings aloft, but a few moments before, in the "Rex tre-
mendae, majestatis," it w a s heaven. T h e military associations
of drums are reinforced when they are used to refer to the
firing of artillery.
Example 18
CULTURE'AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 65
lift - ed up, thou long black arm,
B u t drums and trumpets m a y also t a k e us to h e a v e n and

divine j u d g m e n t in the " D i e s I r a e / ' and Britten m a k e s a p o w -
erful c o n t r a s t b e t w e e n " T u b a m i r u m spargens s o n u m " and
" B u g l e s sang, saddening the evening a i r " —
Example 19
Example 20
the glorious trumpets of G o d , and then the bloody bugles

of man!
To someone w h o has been immersed in the culture of the
composer, the sounds Britten uses and the contrasts he makes
between them can be heart-rending and poignant. For one
whose school friends have been killed in action, it has the
same kind of effect as the contrasting photographs of cricket
fields, choirboys, rockets, and w a r which Peter Brook showed
at the beginning of his film of Lord of the Flies. In this case,
CULTURE?AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 67
m y reactions t o the m u s i c m a y b e closer t o the feelings B r i t t e n

had w h e n h e w r o t e i t t h a n they w e r e i n the c a s e o f M a h l e r ' s
N i n t h and T e n t h s y m p h o n i e s . B u t h a v e B r i t t e n and M a h l e r
really used a l a n g u a g e that is in a n y w a y akin to s p e e c h ?
C o m p o s e r s acquire characteristics o f style b y listening t o
t h e m u s i c of the past and present. B r i t t e n a c k n o w l e d g e s a
debt t o M a h l e r , and b o t h B r i t t e n and M a h l e r spent s o m e time
in the U n i t e d S t a t e s . B u t is there really a c o m m o n factor in
their use of t h e s a m e figure in the War Requiem and Das Lied
von der Erde? A n d is it likely that the creators of " N o b o d y
K n o w s " would h a v e used the s a m e m u s i c a l l a n g u a g e a s B r i t -
ten and M a h l e r , w h e n it is clear (to m e , at a n y rate) that
spirituals are a development of A f r i c a n principles of m u s i c
m a k i n g r a t h e r t h a n a n imitation o f t h e E u r o p e a n ? (For in-
s t a n c e , the b a s i c m e t e r o f " N o b o d y K n o w s " i s 3 + 3 + 2 , and
the apparently u n - A f r i c a n m e l o d y m a y h a v e b e g u n a s the
lower part of a characteristically A f r i c a n " f a l l i n g " m e l o d y ,
which was given the h a r m o n i c t r e a t m e n t that is typical of
A f r i c a n m u s i c and n o t n e c e s s a r i l y b o r r o w e d from Europe.)
J u s t as B r i t t e n assigns different m e a n i n g s to the s a m e
t i m b r e in the c o n t e x t of a single w o r k , so the s a m e p a t t e r n
of m e l o d y m a y h a v e a variety of expressive m e a n i n g s , and in
fact it is this variety in the c o n t e x t of unity which m a y add to
the expressive p o w e r of music. In V i v a l d i ' s The Four Seasons
( O p . 8 ) , similar scales and arpeggios depict different s u b j e c t s
ranging from t h e staggering o f d r u n k e n peasants i n " A u t -
u m n " to icy winds in " W i n t e r . " E v e n without a k n o w l e d g e of
the s o n n e t s that inspired the m u s i c , the m e a n i n g s of the s i m i -
lar musical figures are clearly different w h e n heard in t h e c o n -
text o f the w o r k . A g a i n , the m a r c h l i k e melodies o f M a h l e r ' s
T h i r d and S i x t h s y m p h o n i e s , and t h e M a r c h i n A c t 1 , scene 3
of B e r g ' s Wozzeck, w h e n M a r i e is admiring t h e sergeant-
m a j o r , h a v e n o t h i n g to do with feelings about w a r . T h e i r
musical and dramatic contexts suggest entirely different
meanings.
N o n e o f these musical m e a n i n g s i s absolute even w i t h i n the

same European musical tradition, in which t h e rules are
clearly stated and the s y s t e m of learning t h e m has b e e n simi-
lar for centuries. T h e y depend n o t o n l y o n the c o n t e x t o f the
w o r k , b u t also o n the musical c o n v e n t i o n s o f the t i m e . M u c h
h a s b e e n written about t h e use of musical figures to illustrate
ideas, especially i n t h e m u s i c o f J . S . B a c h . B u t t h e m u s i c o f
B a c h and H a n d e l c a n n o t be fully understood w i t h o u t refer-
e n c e to the e i g h t e e n t h - c e n t u r y view of the world, in which
aesthetic theories included " a complicated doctrine o f e m o -
tional expression going b a c k t o certain correlations o f r h y t h m
and melodic line with various e m o t i o n s " ( H u g o Leichtentritt,
M u s i c , History and Ideas [ C a m b r i d g e , M a s s . ; H a r v a r d U n i -
versity Press, 1 9 4 6 ] , p . 1 4 2 ) . For i n s t a n c e , F m a j o r was the
k e y of t h e pastoral idyll, and F-sharp major was a t r a n s c e n -
dental k e y : " H a n d e l ' s entire h a r m o n i c s y s t e m and style o f
m o d u l a t i o n s is based on the underlying m e a n i n g of the var-
ious k e y s " (ibid., p . 1 5 4 ) . S i m i l a r l y , i f n o r t h e r n Indian music
claims t o b e able t o b r i n g out " a n u a n c e o f sadness, o r o f
love . . . b y careful and i m p e r m a n e n t use o f the intervals
that correspond with these emotions" (Alain Danielou,
Northern Indian Music [ L o n d o n : H a l c y o n P r e s s , 1 9 5 4 ] , 2 : 9 ) ,
it is b e c a u s e t h e music is heard and performed in the c o n t e x t
of Hindu culture and of a musical s y s t e m that is intricately
related to it.
T h e musical c o n v e n t i o n s o f t h e eighteenth c e n t u r y stand
b e t w e e n t h e G i b b o n s madrigal and the T c h a i k o v s k y s y m -
p h o n y to w h i c h I referred earlier. A n d so I find it h a r d to
accept that there has been a continuous musical tradition b e -
tween England in 1 6 1 2 and R u s s i a in 1 8 9 3 , in w h i c h certain
musical figures h a v e had corresponding emotional c o n n o t a -
tions. T h e o n l y justification for such an a r g u m e n t would be
that the emotional significance of certain intervals arises from
fundamental features o f h u m a n p h y s i o l o g y and p s y c h o l o g y .
If this is so, some relationships b e t w e e n musical intervals and
human feelings ought t o b e universal. An example from

Africa will be sufficient to question s u c h a t h e o r y . It is n o t
sufficient to dismiss the theory altogether, b e c a u s e it is p o s -
sible that V e n d a musical c o n v e n t i o n s h a v e suppressed an
i n n a t e desire in V e n d a people to express their e m o t i o n s in a
specific, universal w a y .
Figure 6a s h o w s a V e n d a children's song in w h i c h small
variations in the m e l o d y are generated by c h a n g e s of speech
tone. W h e n I first learned to sing it, the V e n d a told me that
I was doing well, b u t that I sang like a T s o n g a (their n e i g h -
bors to the s o u t h ) . I sang all word phrases to the m e l o d y of
the first, and I t h o u g h t that my fault lay in the pitch of my
intervals. Eventually, w h e n I realized that the m e l o d y should
vary, t h e y accepted my p e r f o r m a n c e as truly V e n d a even if I
deliberately sang out o f tune. T h e pattern o f intervals i s c o n -
sidered m o r e i m p o r t a n t than their e x a c t pitch, b e c a u s e in
certain parts of a melody t h e y are expected to reflect c h a n g e s
in speech t o n e . Figure 6b s h o w s a children's s o n g in w h i c h
the s p e e c h - t o n e patterns of the first p h r a s e g e n e r a t e the b a s i c
melody, and subsequent variations in words bring about
rhythmic, as well as melodic, variations. Such rhythmic
c h a n g e s are s o m e t i m e s called agogic accents in o r t h o d o x
musical analysis. Variations in melody and rhythm may
therefore indicate n o t musical p r e f e r e n c e s , but the incidental
c o n s e q u e n c e s of c h a n g e s in speech tone, which are t h e m -
selves generated by the use of different words w h o s e sequence
i s generated b y the " s t o r y " o f t h e song.
Essential g e n e r a t i v e factors in t h e m u s i c of t h e s e and other
V e n d a s o n g s are therefore e x t r a m u s i c a l . Parts o f the melodies
are formal r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f p a t t e r n s o f speech t o n e , which
are also formal and not n e c e s s a r i l y related to the m e a n i n g
and expressive purpose o f t h e w o r d s . R e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n
the specific e m o t i o n a l c o n t e n t o f the words a n d t h e s h a p e o f
its associated m e l o d y m a y exist, b u t they would be c o i n c i -
dental.
1. M a - e - le - lei Vho-ne Vho Mu-tshi-nyl! 2. M a - e - le - le! Vha i - t s e - m e - l a - ' n f ?
3. M a - e - l e - le! Ndftshf ta - mba zwa-nga, 4. M a - e - le - le! Na mu-da-vhu wa-nga,
5. M a - e - l e - le! Nge- f b a - m b e - 1 6 - ni, 6. Ma-e - le - le! Nge- f L u - vu - vhu?
a - high speech tone a = secondary high

a • falling high a - low
4 + - points where some might clap to the melody
FIGURE 6. Parts of two Venda children's songs, illustrating some

effects of changing speech tones on the patterns of melody.
T h i s does n o t m e a n that the V e n d a are u n m o v e d b y music,

or that they regard it as a m e r e e x t e n s i o n of l a n g u a g e . T h e
treatment of a girls' tshigombela dance song illustrates this
very clearly. T h e t e n d e n c y is for the music to b e c o m e m o r e
musical as the p e r f o r m a n c e proceeds. Even in solo vocal music
like the children's s o n g s , the f o r m of melodies can be divided
into call and response s e c t i o n s , reflecting a social situation in
which s o m e o n e " s o w s " (-sima) a song, and o t h e r s " t h u n d e r
in response"(-buHme!«)—a m e t a p h o r derived from horticul-
ture. It is only in the call section of the songs that melodies
follow the speech-tone p a t t e r n s of words, and also the g e n -
eral rule that each syllable of a word m a y be a c c o m p a n i e d by
only o n e tone. If performers substitute for words various
c o m b i n a t i o n s of p h o n e m e s such as ee, ah.ee, huwelele wee,

yowee, and so forth, they give t h e m s e l v e greater freedom of
musical expression. T h i s is i m p o r t a n t , b e c a u s e it is the part of
the shared experience o f m u s i c a l activity w h i c h m a y b e c o m e
t r a n s c e n d e n t a l in its effect on individuals. In the development
of a tshigombela song during a p e r f o r m a n c e that m a y last
from ten to m o r e t h a n thirty m i n u t e s , the straightforward call
and r e s p o n s e is elaborated into a quasi-contrapuntal s e q u e n c e ,
and words are a b a n d o n e d . D u r i n g the course of freer musical
expression, a variety of melodies c o m e out " o n t o p " b e c a u s e
in the e x c i t e m e n t of the dance the pitch of the girls' voices
rises, and w h e n t h e y c a n n o t reach a tone t h e y transpose it
down a fifth or an octave. T h u s , falling intervals m a y s o m e -
times express the feeling, " I c a n ' t reach the n e x t t o n e " !
T h e r e are also relationships b e t w e e n variations in the
social and e m o t i o n a l c o n t e n t of a tshigombela dance and the
form of t h e m u s i c , so that a formal analysis of different per-
f o r m a n c e s is also an expressive analysis. B u t unless the
formal analysis b e g i n s as an analysis of the social situation
that g e n e r a t e s the music, it is m e a n i n g l e s s . O n e h a s o n l y to
listen to p e r f o r m a n c e s on an afternoon w h e n the girls are
few in n u m b e r and bored, and on a n o t h e r o c c a s i o n w h e n
there is a good turnout, an appreciative audience, and an
a t m o s p h e r e o f e x c i t e m e n t and c o n c e r n , t o realize h o w and
w h y two p e r f o r m a n c e s o f t h e s a m e song c a n b e entirely
different in expressive p o w e r and in form. T h e n u m b e r and
quality o f variations i n r h y t h m depend o n the ability o f the
d r u m m e r s and dancers, b u t it is n o t simply a m a t t e r of run-
ning t h r o u g h the gamut of standard patterns which they
k n o w . W h e n and h o w these variations are introduced i s w h a t
gives the music its expressive p o w e r ; and this depends on
the c o m m i t m e n t o f t h o s e p r e s e n t and the quality o f the
shared e x p e r i e n c e that c o m e s into b e i n g a m o n g p e r f o r m e r s ,
and b e t w e e n p e r f o r m e r s and audience.
I introduced D e r y c k C o o k e ' s t h e o r y o f the l a n g u a g e o f
music b e c a u s e , although I c a n n o t accept it, it is undeniably

t h o u g h t - p r o v o k i n g . I h a v e concluded my criticism with e x -
amples from V e n d a music in order to s h o w w h y an e t h n o -
musicological approach is n e c e s s a r y even in the study of
European m u s i c b e t w e e n 1 4 0 0 and 1 9 5 3 . C o o k e c a n n o t b e
faulted for c h o o s i n g a particular area of music, but, b e c a u s e
his t h e o r y is n o t general e n o u g h to apply to any culture or
society, it is automatically inadequate for European music. It
is not sufficiently c o n t e x t - s e n s i t i v e . T o n a l music between
1 4 0 0 and 1 9 5 3 c a n n o t be isolated as a thing in itself, espe-
cially if it is to be related to h u m a n emotions. T h e aesthetic
c o n v e n t i o n s o f the eighteenth century c a n n o t b e considered
apart from the experience of t h e social groups w h o were or
were n o t involved in them. If music serves as a sign or s y m b o l
o f different kinds o f h u m a n e x p e r i e n c e , its p e r f o r m a n c e m a y
help to channe l the feelings of listeners in certain directions.
A c o m p o s e r w h o hopes to c o m m u n i c a t e a n y t h i n g m o r e t h a n
pretty sounds must be aware of the associations t h a t differ-
ent sounds conjure up in t h e m i n d s of different social groups.
It is n o t simply a m a t t e r of expressing feeling by relating
sounds in the c o n t e x t of a single piece of m u s i c , as in B r i t t e n ' s
War Requiem. T h e principles of musical organization must
be related to social e x p e r i e n c e s , of which listening to and
performing music form o n e aspect. T h e minuet is n o t simply
a musical form b o r r o w e d from d a n c i n g : it h a s entirely differ-
ent social and emotional associations b e f o r e and after the
French R e v o l u t i o n .
From a distance, the f o r m s , techniques, and building m a -
terials of musi c m a y seem to be cumulative, like a t e c h n o l o g i -
cal tradition. B u t music is n o t a b r a n c h of t e c h n o l o g y , t h o u g h
it is affected by technological developments. It is m o r e like
philosophy, which m a y also give a superficial impression of
being evolutionary. Each apparently new idea in m u s i c , like
a new idea in philosophy, does n o t really grow out of pre-
viously expressed ideas, though it m a y well be limited by
them. It is a n e w emphasis w h i c h g r o w s out of a c o m p o s e r ' s

experience of his e n v i r o n m e n t , a realization of certain aspects
of the e x p e r i e n c e s c o m m o n to all h u m a n b e i n g s w h i c h seem
to h i m to be particularly relevant in the light of c o n t e m p o r a r y
events and personal experiences.
T h e m o s t important thing about a cultural tradition at any
time in its h i s t o r y is the w a y in w h i c h its h u m a n c o m p o n e n t s
relate to each other. It is in t h e c o n t e x t of these relationships
that e m o t i o n a l experiences are h a d and shared. A r t i s t i c en-
j o y m e n t i s " b a s e d essentially upon the reaction o f our minds
to f o r m " ( F r a n z B o a s , Primitive Art [ N e w Y o r k : D o v e r , 1 9 5 5
( 1 9 2 7 ) ] , p . 3 4 9 ) ; but the f o r m s are produced b y h u m a n minds
w h o s e w o r k i n g h a b i t s are, I believe, a s y n t h e s i s of given,
universal s y s t e m s of operation and acquired, cultural p a t t e r n s
of expression. Since these patterns are always acquired
through and in the c o n t e x t of social relationships and their
associated e m o t i o n s , the decisive style-forming factor in a n y
attempt to express feeling in music m u s t be its social c o n t e n t .
If we w a n t to find the b a s i c organizing principles that affect
the shapes o f p a t t e r n s o f m u s i c , w e m u s t look b e y o n d the cul-
tural c o n v e n t i o n s of a n y c e n t u r y or society to t h e social situa-
tions in which t h e y are applied and to which they refer.
T h e selection and use o f scales m a y b e the product o f social
and cultural processes that are n o t necessarily related to the
acoustical properties o f sound. I n V e n d a , the use o f p e n t a -
tonic, h e x a t o n i c , and heptatonic scales reflects a process of
social c h a n g e , in which different groups, with different m u s i -
cal styles, h a v e b e c o m e incorporated into a larger s o c i e t y . It is
strange that even a sociologist should ignore similar social
processes in t h e development of t h e European tonal s y s t e m . In
his study of The Rational and Social Foundations of Music
(trans, and ed. D o n M a r t i n d a l e , J o h a n n e s R i e d e l , and G e r -
trude N e u w i r t h [ C a r b o n d a l e , 111.: S o u t h e r n Illinois U n i v e r s i t y
Press, 1 9 5 8 ] ) , M a x W e b e r claimed that the E u r o p e a n musical
s y s t e m w a s rationalized from within the tone s y s t e m : it was
c o n c e r n e d n o t with real distances on i n s t r u m e n t s , such as

equidistance b e t w e e n frets or flute h o l e s , b u t with h a r m o n i c
distances. " T h e a p p e a r a n c e o f theories dealing w i t h t h e dis-
s o n a n c e s m a r k s the b e g i n n i n g o f t h e special musical develop-
m e n t o f the O c c i d e n t " (p. 7 5 ) , b e c a u s e " d i s s o n a n c e i s the
b a s i c e l e m e n t o f chordal m u s i c , m o t i v a t i n g the progression
from c h o r d t o c h o r d " (p. 6 ) . W e b e r attributes this develop-
m e n t to t h e scientific attitude that emerged at t h e t i m e of the
R e n a i s s a n c e . A l t h o u g h h e a c k n o w l e d g e s that t h e o r y follows
practice and that " m o d e r n chordal h a r m o n y b e l o n g e d to p r a c -
tical m u s i c long b e f o r e R a m e a u and the e n c y c l o p a e d i s t s p r o -
vided it with a theoretic b a s i s " (p. 1 0 3 ) , he does not go
further and s h o w h o w h a r m o n i c music arose out o f p o l y -
p h o n y , and that p o l y p h o n y w a s at first m o d a l and disting-
uished from m o n o d y m o r e b y its r h y t h m than b y its tonal
relationships.
T h e p o l y p h o n y o f early European music i s i n principle not
unlike t h e p o l y r h y t h m o f m u c h African m u s i c ; i n b o t h c a s e s ,
p e r f o r m a n c e depends on a n u m b e r of people holding separate
parts within a f r a m e w o r k of m e t r i c unity, b u t t h e principle is
applied " v e r t i c a l l y " to melodies in p o l y p h o n y , and " h o r i z o n -
t a l l y " t o r h y t h m i c figures i n p o l y r h y t h m . T h e source o f b o t h
techniques is surely in cultural concepts and social activity,
such as dancing. T h e c h a n g e in European musical technique
from t h e m o n o d y o f p l a i n c h a n t t o p o l y p h o n y depended o n
m e n s u r a t i o n , o n the strict organization o f r h y t h m s o that
the different singing parts would fit. A n d m e n s u r a t i o n is the
c h i e f feature of dance m u s i c , w h i c h was a vital activity of
the p e a s a n t s . T h e medieval c h u r c h h a d allowed o n l y plain-
c h a n t , w h i c h w a s intended t o express the u n i t y o f society
within the f r a m e w o r k of a c h u r c h dedicated to G o d ; its style
was c o m p l e t e l y divorced from the regular r h y t h m s of secular
dancing and the unsophisticated " t o n i c - d o m i n a n t " relation-
ships that o c c u r in lively pieces such as " S u m e r is i c u m e n
i n . " It is n o t surprising that the early m a s t e r s of p o l y p h o n y
c a m e from t h e N e t h e r l a n d s and E n g l a n d , w h e r e the peasants

had b e c o m e free during the t h i r t e e n t h and fourteenth c e n -
tries, respectively. As the p e a s a n t s ' political i m p o r t a n c e grew,
so their dance m u s i c b e c a m e i n c o r p o r a t e d in the m u s i c written
for the c h u r c h by professional c o m p o s e r s .
It is p o s s i b l e that the p r e d o m i n a n c e of thirds and s i x t h s in
the m u s i c o f J o h n D u n s t a b l e , and o f fourths i n the m u s i c o f
the Flemish c o m p o s e r s , m a y be explained as a l e g a c y from
the popular music of their societies. (In Africa today, societies
w h o sing in parallel m o t i o n s h o w preferences for certain
intervals.) A g a i n , the r e m a r k a b l e development o f p o l y p h o n i c
music in E n g l a n d during the sixteenth century m a y h a v e b e e n
stimulated a s m u c h b y the advent o f W e l s h m o n a r c h s and
their followers as by the m u s i c a l invention of individual c o m -
posers in the first h a l f of the fifteenth c e n t u r y . W h e n the
T u d o r K i n g H e n r y V I I c a m e t o t h e throne i n 1 4 8 5 , h e re-
established W e l s h influence i n E n g l a n d ; and W e l s h popular
music had b e e n , noted for its p o l y p h o n i c technique since at
least the twelfth c e n t u r y .
A c o m p o s e r ' s style is " d i c t a t e d by the kind of h u m a n
beings and h u m a n e m o t i o n s " he " t r i e s to b r i n g into his art,
using the language elements o f his t i m e , " says S i d n e y F i n k e l -
stein in Art and Society ([New York: International Pub-
lishers, 1 9 4 7 ] , p . 2 9 ) . T h e influence o f popular culture i s
strong i n the w o r k s o f m a n y great c o m p o s e r s , w h o h a v e
striven to express t h e m s e l v e s , and h e n c e their society, in the
broadest t e r m s . L u t h e r a n chorales were deliberately derived
from " f o l k s o n g s , " and B a c h organized m u c h o f his music
round t h e m . H a y d n , M o z a r t , and S c h u b e r t , in particular,
organized their m u s i c round the A u s t r i a n " f o l k " idiom. B a r -
tok, K o d a l y , J a n a c e k , C o p l a n d , and numerous o t h e r c o m -
posers of n a t i o n a l schools h a v e found the greatest stimulus in
the sounds of their o w n societies. In the third and fourth
volumes of Man and His Music, and especially in The Sonata
Principle (from c. 1750) (London: Rockliff, 1957), Wilfrid
M e l l e r s h a s s h o w n h o w d a n c e f o r m s , the tone and stress o f

the c o m p o s e r ' s o w n language, and particularly t h e melodies
of " f o l k " m u s i c , h a v e all played as vital a part in the process
of assimilation and creation as h a v e c o n v e n t i o n s of musical
style. H e has drawn attention t o t h e successive d o m i n a n c e o f
vocal and instrumental forms in the development of t e c h -
niques o f E u r o p e a n " a r t " music, and h a s linked these develop-
m e n t s with c h a n g e s in t h e social order (Wilfrjd M e l l e r s ,
M u s i c and Society [ L o n d o n : D o b s o n , 1 9 5 0 ] , pp. 8 1 , 1 3 2 ) .
Curt S a c h s h a s likewise discussed the influence o f s o c i e t i e s '
styles of dancing on their melodies (in World History of the
Dance [New Y o r k : W . W . N o r t o n , 1 9 3 7 ] , pp. 1 8 1 - 2 0 3 ) .
C h a n g e s in musical style h a v e generally b e e n reflections of
changes in society. For e x a m p l e , after about A.D. 1 2 0 0 in
Europe, k n i g h t s and other secular powers turned increasingly
" t o the people, w h o s e popular style of singing they adapted to
their m o r e refined t a s t e " (Leichtentritt, Music, History and
Ideas, p. 6 0 ) . In turning a w a y from the social d o m i n a n c e of
the c h u r c h , they also rejected its m u s i c . S i m i l a r l y , the various
styles of V e n d a music reflect the variety of its social groups
and the degree of their assimilation into the b o d y politic.
M u s i c a l p e r f o r m a n c e s are audible and visible signs of social
and political groupings in V e n d a s o c i e t y , and Figure 7 shows
their pattern in the social structure. M u s i c in the traditional
style is c o n t a i n e d in c o n c e n t r i c circles s y m b o l i c of V e n d a
houses and d a n c e patterns, and nontraditional m u s i c is in
rectangles, similar to the E u r o p e a n house designs that m a n y
educated people h a v e adopted. T h e initiation schools vhusha,
tshikanda, and domba are directly controlled by rulers, while
murundu and sungwi are privately owned, but under the
auspices of rulers and traditionally oriented. T o g e t h e r with
the possession dances (ngoma dza midzimu), w h i c h are held
by family cult groups with the permission of rulers, each of
these institutions is regarded very seriously and called ngoma
(literally, d r u m ) . O t h e r types of music m a y be referred to as
CULTURE/AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 77
FIGURE 7 . Diagram showing the relationships between musical and

social structure in Venda society. Compare with Figure 5.
a m u s e m e n t s (mitambo), b u t this does not m e a n t h e y are not

an i m p o r t a n t part of V e n d a social and political life. T h e
European-run c h u r c h e s c a m e and set t h e m s e l v e s up in total
opposition to traditional V e n d a life, b u t schools and separa-
tist churches h a v e developed m u s i c that reflects t h e s y n c r e -
tism of their social life.
T h e variety and vigor o f V e n d a musical styles are the pro-
duct of a political situation similar to that in A u s t r i a in the
late e i g h t e e n t h century, w h e n p r o m i n e n t families and princes
"rivalled each other in the e x c e l l e n c e of their private o r c h e s -
t r a s " (ibid., p . 1 7 3 ) . T h e diversity o f musical styles reflects a
diversity that underlies the apparent h o m o g e n e i t y o f V e n d a
culture and s o c i e t y , and h e n c e b o t h the historical p r o c e s s that
has b r o u g h t t h e m about, and their m e a n i n g in c o n t e m p o r a r y
life. T h e r e are o n l y two types o f politically regulated c o m -
munal music that can really bring traditionally oriented
V e n d a together. T h e y are tshikona, the national d a n c e , and
domba, the premarital initiation dance, which used to be per-
formed by y o u t h s and girls but is n o w performed almost
exclusively b y girls b e c a u s e m i g r a n t labor and the g r o w t h o f
school education h a v e c h a n g e d the pattern o f V e n d a rural
life.
T h e m u s i c and dance of the domba initiation s c h o o l p r o -
vide an astonishing illustration of the w a y in w h i c h formal
and expressive e l e m e n t s m a y be c o m b i n e d to p o r t r a y s y m b o l -
ically in music the essential t h e m e s of a culture. W h a t m a k e s
t h e m all the m o r e r e m a r k a b l e is that the process of creation
was almost certainly not s e l f - c o n s c i o u s , but the f o r m s are
s y s t e m a t i c a l l y related t o their expressive purpose. T h e V e n d a
explain that domba h a s b e e n with t h e m for centuries, and
they h a v e m u c h to say on the functions of the initiation
school and the b e a u t y and value of the c h i e f ritual dance.
T h e y m a k e n o c o m m e n t o n the form o f the dance and its
music, except to s a y that "domba is domba; it's an i m p o r t a n t
rite (ngoma)." A n d yet the m u s i c and dance depict an e s s e n -
tial feature of adult life, and their regular p e r f o r m a n c e s y m -

bolize the i m p o r t a n c e o f m a r r i a g e , childbirth, and institution-
alized m o t h e r h o o d .
On the surface, domba sounds like a regular piece of V e n d a
music in c a l l - r e s p o n s e form, with p o l y r h y t h m i c a c c o m p a n i -
m e n t and musical development o f the response. T h e circular
form of the d a n c e is characteristically V e n d a , and with a lot
of girls in relatively small dancing grounds, it is not u n r e a s -
o n a b l e that they should hold each other. T h e m o v e m e n t has
b e e n w r o n g l y called " T h e P y t h o n D a n c e " i n illustrated j o u r -
nals and tourist b r o c h u r e s , in w h i c h it is cited as o n e of the
m o s t interesting things a b o u t the V e n d a — p r e s u m a b l y b e -
cause it is performed by a chain of almost n a k e d m a i d e n s .
A n d yet the d a n c e m o v e m e n t , the kind of musical develop-
m e n t w h i c h the response is given, and the signals for the
b e g i n n i n g and t h e end of the d a n c e m o v e m e n t s are all gen-
erated b y the expressive functions o f the music. W h a t i s
m o r e , I could never h a v e discovered this if I had not attended
scores o f p e r f o r m a n c e s o f the dance i n different parts o f V e n -
da, recorded hundreds of the word-phrases sung by the solo-
ist, noted the relationships a m o n g words, dance, and music,
and learned the esoteric s y m b o l i s m of the school. I had to
i m m e r s e m y s e l f in V e n d a culture and society in order to
understand this product o f V e n d a minds.
T h e analysis of domba I present is derived from a c o m b i n a -
tion of different kinds of e t h n o g r a p h i c information. I do n o t
claim that it is the last word on the subject, b u t at least it is
logical and it arises out of the e t h n o g r a p h y . W h e n I b e g a n
the analysis, I had no idea h o w it would turn out, and I never
suspected that the formal and expressive elements would be
s o unified. M y conclusions w e r e thrust o n m e b y the regulari-
ties and c o r r e s p o n d e n c e s that emerged from the material I
had collected in the field.
Domba is the last of a series of initiation schools that
prepare girls for marriage. A l t h o u g h there is m u c h emphasis
on sex and reproduction, the schools are n o t concerned solely

with fertility. T h e y are designed to prepare girls for institu-
tionalized motherhood, together with all the rights and
obligations that go with it. T h e r e is evidence that the c o n t e n t
and form of t h e school h a v e c h a n g e d over t h e y e a r s , particu-
larly since its " n a t i o n a l i z a t i o n " by t h e ancestors of t h e ruling
clans. In the past, w h e n domba was a ritual of t h e c o m m o n e r
clans, the emphasis on physical growth seems to h a v e been
stronger. T h e ruling clans have expanded t h e political sig-
nificance of the initiation s c h o o l s , but the basically physical
orientation of the music and dance remains.
Each p e r f o r m a n c e of the d a n c e symbolizes sexual inter-
course, and successive p e r f o r m a n c e s symbolize the building
up of t h e fetus, for which regular intercourse is t h o u g h t to
be n e c e s s a r y . T h e music and the dance are n o t m e a n t to be
s e x y : they symbolize the m y s t i c a l act o f sexual c o m m u n i o n ,
conception, the g r o w t h of the fetus, and childbirth. A f t e r
three warning d r u m b e a ts, the voice of the male soloist, the
m a s t e r of initiation, " p i e r c e s the air like an a r r o w , " like a
phallus, and the girls reply w i t h a low, murmuring response.
T h e m a n ' s voice begins on what is functionally similar to a
d o m i n a n t in V e n d a tonality, and t h e girls' voices t a k e the
response t o the " t o n i c , " t h e point o f relaxation. T h r e e differ-
ently pitched drums enter in p o l y r h y t h m , two against three,
and the song is under w a y .
The girls are being symbolically roused. After a few
repeats of the basic melody, the m a s t e r sings " t h e river reed
u n w i n d s , " and the girls, w h o are in a line holding each other's
bodies, begin to step around the drums. T h e river reed and
the line of girls are b o t h phallic s y m b o l s , and the b e g i n n i n g
of the dance m o v e m e n t s y m b o l i z e s t h e entry of the phallus.
T h e girls immediately begin quasi-orgastic singing w h i c h they
call khulo. As in t h e tshikona n a t i o n a l dance, h o c k e t technique
is employed. A f t e r several m i n u t e s , w h e n the m a s t e r sings the
word-phrase "gndu has stirred up your e n t r a i l s , " t h e girls
CULTURE, AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 81
stop m o v i n g and lean o v e r toward the center o f t h e d a n c i n g

circle, s y m b o l i z i n g d e t u m e s c e n c e .
T h e r e is a fire in the center of the dancing p l a c e , w h i c h
m u s t b e k e p t alight t h r o u g h o u t the duration o f the s c h o o l .
Example 21
Example 21 (continued)
.CHORUS (" tivha khulo)
Example 21 (continued)
Alternative pattern of basic melody:

SOLO CHORUS
T h e " w h i t e " a s h e s s y m b o l i z e the semen that i s considered

n e c e s s a r y for t h e g r o w t h o f t h e fetus. T h e s w i n g i n g b a s s
drum is called " t h e h e a d of t h e c h i l d " in the esoteric s y m b o l -
i s m of t h e school. At the b e g i n n i n g of domba, it lies on t h e
ground. A f t e r three or four m o n t h s (though s o m e t i m e s less,
it s e e m s ) , there is a c e r e m o n y at w h i c h the drum is " c o o k e d "
and then h u n g from t h e c r o s s b a r . T h i s i s like the m o v i n g of
the child i n t h e w o m b , symbolized b y the dance circle. T h e
s y m b o l i s m is n o t conclusive about t h e drums, but it seems
that their different b e a t s express t h e h e a r t b e a t s of father,
m o t h e r , and fetus.
O n the last n i g h t o f the initiation school, the girls d a n c e
with their h a n d s a b o v e their h e a d s , symbolizing t h e pains of
childbirth and a night of l a b o r . On the following m o r n i n g

they are stripped and w a s h e d , and dressed in their gradua-
tion clothes. T h e y are carried, like b a b i e s , o n t h e b a c k s o f
their " m o t h e r s " up to the ruler's courtyard, w h e r e they dance
domba for the last time as n o v i c e s . T h e n c e f o r t h t h e y are
ready for m a r r i a g e and for fuller participation in V e n d a
society. O n e function o f the m u s i c and dance w a s t o c r e a t e
a b a b y s y m b o l i c a l l y , and, as if to reinforce this, the b a s s
drum is r e m o v e d from the c r o s s b a r for the final rites.
T h e r e is an i m p o r t a n t relationship b e t w e e n the m u s i c of
domba and of tshikona, which reflects the function of the
t w o types of m u s i c in V e n d a society. A complete set of
reed pipes is called mutavha. T h e w o r d refers to the set and
n o t to the n u m b e r of tones to an o c t a v e . T h e s a m e word is
used to refer to a set of k e y s on the mbira and t h e x y l o p h o n e .
H o w e v e r , n a m e s are given to the n o t e s in such a w a y that
their relationships within the o c t a v e and their musical func-
tions are recognized. T h e c h i e f t o n e of a set of h e p t a t o n i c
reed pipes is called phala, and the tone an o c t a v e a b o v e it is
called phalana, or " l i t t l e phala." T h e tone a b o v e phala is
called thakhula, the " l i f t e r , " b e c a u s e it leads the m e l o d y b a c k
down o n t o the c h i e f tone. (It is functionally like a leading
note in E u r o p e a n music.) Every tone h a s a c o m p a n i o n t o n e , a
fifth b e l o w . T h i s is n o t a device limited to tshikona: it is
implicit in every V e n d a m e l o d y b a s e d on h e p t a t o n i c m o d e s .
T h e c o m p a n i o n t o n e s in a p e n t a t o n i c scale differ b e c a u s e of
the spacing of t h e intervals, but the basically social principle
that a t o n e m u s t h a v e a c o m p a n i o n t o n e still applies, and it
m a y b e e x p r e s s e d explicitly i n the " h a r m o n i e s " improvised
b y other singers.
In i n s t r u m e n t a l music the interval of a tritone is permitted,
b u t in vocal m u s i c it is avoided as a chord. An interesting
contrast exists b e t w e e n tshikona and the khulo of domba, in
which girls sing with their voices almost the s a m e pattern
that m e n play o n their reed pipes (see Figure 8 ) . T h e per-
mitted tritone is n o t in the same position in the pattern of

tshikona (c"I f%" in 8 a ) as it would be in the pattern of khulo
(second chord in 8 b ) , if it were not avoided. T h i s is evidence
that khulo is not a simple transposition of tshikona: if it
were, the avoided tritone would appear, as in tshikona, in the
(a) TSHIKONA • (b) KHULO
(c) (d)
FIGURE 8. Illustration of the transformation process by which

khulo is related to tshikona, and summary of modes and basic
chord sequence.
(a) The upper tones of tshikona, transposed down a semitone.
(b) The basic pattern of khulo for girls' voices.
(c) Transposition of tshikona to the same pitch as khulo. Note the
I natural and the position of the tritone.
(d) Transformation of tshikona, rewriting d" as phala instead of
a". Note how the position of the tritone differs from tshikona in
8c, but agrees with khulo in 8b.
(e) The three modes used in tshikona and khulo, rewritten without
accidentals.
(f) The harmonic basis of khulo. The sequence of chords also fits
the tshikona pattern, regardless of the different modes used.
Note: the figures indicate the number of semitones in the intervals
of the modes.
penultimate, and n o t in the s e c o n d chord. Khulo i s , rather, a

t r a n s f o r m a t i o n that is generated by t h e different function of
the music. T h u s the c o m p a n i o n tones of the m e n ' s tshikona (B
i n 8 a , 8 c , and 8 e ) h a v e b e e n selected a s the chief m o d e o f the
girls' khulo, for which a further set of c o m p a n i o n tones h a s
been taken (C in 8 b , 8d, and 8 e ) . It is as if tshikona
embodies within its mutavha a m a l e and a female m o d e , and
the m a l e m o d e h a s been c h o s e n for the m e n ' s music and the
female m o d e for t h e girls' m u s i c . B o t h are united by their
c o m m o n relationship to a single basic h a r m o n i c progression
( 8 f ) . N o t i c e that in t h e h a r m o n i c progression there is a shift
of tonal power from phala (d" in 8 c , 8 e , and 8f) to thakhula
(e" in 8 c , 8 e , and 8 f ) , and t h e n b a c k to phala. T h e relation-
ship b e t w e e n the chords is determined by the fact that in the
tshikona pattern every tone h a s t w o c o m p a n i o n t o n e s — t h e
first a fifth b e l o w and the s e c o n d a fifth above. T h u s d"/g and
e"la' are functionally " s t r o n g e r " chords than d"la' and e"lb'
(see Figure 9 ) .
Harmonic Progression
FIGURE 9. Diagram of the harmonic and tonal progressions of

tshikona and khulo, showing how the power of phala (d") and
thakhula (e") alters as they change their companion tones. The
rectangles symbolize shifts of tonality, and the changing thickness
of the "wedges" illustrates the decrease and increase of the tonal
power of phala and thakhula.
In spite of their different t i m b r e and tempi, the musical

affinity of tshikona and khulo o u g h t to be apparent even to
one w h o h a s n o k n o w l e d g e o f V e n d a culture. T o a certain
extent t h e m u s i c speaks for itself. B u t , although t h e general
nature of the relationship is clearly audible, the precise w a y
in which this musical relationship h a s b e e n achieved c a n n o t
possibly be derived from a study of the n o t e s alone. T h e
analysis m u s t b e g i n with the role of music in V e n d a society
and culture (see Figures 5 and 7 ) , so that we c a n see h o w
patterns of culture and society h a v e emerged in the s h a p e of
h u m a n l y organized sound.
Soundly
Organized
Humanity
f | N T H E F I R S T C H A P T E R I stated that, i f w e w a n t t o
H I know h o w musical man is, w e must b e able t o describe
exactly w h a t happens to any piece of music. In the second and
third chapters I have tried to show w h y we shall never be
able to do this until we understand what happens to the
human beings w h o make the music. M u s i c is a synthesis of
cognitive processes which are present in culture and in the
human b o d y : the forms it takes, and the effects it has on
people, are generated by the social experiences of human
bodies in different cultural environments. Because music is
humanly organized sound, it expresses aspects of the experi-
ence of individuals in society.
It follows that any assessment of human musicality must
account for processes that are extramusical, and that these
should be included in analyses of music. T h e answers to many
important questions about musical structure m a y not be
strictly musical. W h y are certain scales, modes, and intervals
preferred? T h e explanation m a y be historical, political, philo-
sophical, or rational in terms of acoustical laws. W h a t comes
next when a certain musical pattern has been played? Is the
next tone determined by the logic of the melodic pattern,
89
or by a m o r e g e n e r a l rule relating m e l o d y to p a t t e r n s of
speech tone, a s i n V e n d a m u s i c ? W h y s h o u l d a p a t t e r n b e
r e p e a t e d at a certain p o i n t ? W h y s h o u l d it be r e p e a t e d at all?
M u s i c o l o g y m u s t be a b l e to a n s w e r these q u e s t i o n s if it is to
e x p l a i n w h a t is g o i n g on in m u s i c ; b u t I b e l i e v e that it w i l l
not succeed in a n s w e r i n g g e n e r a l questions a b o u t m u s i c until
it r e c o g n i z e s the peculiarities of different m u s i c a l s y s t e m s .
E v e n the d i s c o v e r i e s o f s y s t e m a t i c m u s i c o l o g y m a y a p p l y o n l y
to the m u s i c a l traditions of s y s t e m a t i c m u s i c o l o g i s t s a n d to
the p e r c e p t u a l faculties t h a i h a v e b e e n d e v e l o p e d i n their
o w n cultures.
I w i l l reinforce this point w i t h reference to f o u r of the
children's songs included in my book, Venda Children's
Songs ( J o h a n n e s b u r g : W i t w a t e r s r a n d U n i v e r s i t y P r e s s , 1 9 6 7 ) .
T h i s w i l l s h o w h o w a n a n a l y s i s o f their s o u n d a l o n e i s
inadequate and misleading. We will consider the songs
( E x a m p l e s 2 2 - 2 5 ) first a s " p u r e " m u s i c , then a s s o u n d o r g a -
nized in a p a r t i c u l a r cultural a n d social context.
Example 22
Fottlo s e e m s to be b a s e d on ten h a i r - n o t e beats d i v i d e d b}

the m e l o d y into 4 4 - 4 + 2 , a n d i n c o r p o r a t i n g thirty w o r d
s y l l a b l e s w h i c h are g r o u p e d into threes a s l + l - ) - 2 e i g h t !
notes. O n e can i m a g i n e s e v e r a l i n g e n i o u s e x p l a n a t i o n s of th(
metrical structure of the s o n g , w h i c h m a y or m a y not b<
correct; b u t the V e n d a w h o p e r f o r m it are c o n s c i o u s of a
single e x p l a n a t i o n , w h i c h i s a s s i g n e d b y its cultural context.
Potilo is a c h i l d r e n ' s s o n g (luimbo Iwa vhana) in the s u b c a t e -
g o r y of c o u n t i n g s o n g s (nyimbo dza u vhala): on e a c h half-
note beat, a finger is g r a s p e d a n d c o u n t e d , from the left little
finger to the t h u m b , and then t h r o u g h from the right t h u m b
to the fourth finger, w i t h a clap of the h a n d s on the tenth
half beat.
Example 23
T h e s e c o n d s o n g , Nde' ndi ngei thavhani, u s e s five tones

a n d is b a s e d on repetitions of f o u r dotted q u a r t e r n o t e s . In
this c a s e , w e w i l l consider n o t the m e t e r but the c h a n g e s i n
the m e l o d y . A g a i n , a " p u r e l y " m u s i c a l a n a l y s i s w i l l n o t d o ,
b e c a u s e o f the V e n d a s y s t e m o f relationships b e t w e e n speech
tone a n d m e l o d y . T h e tonal s e q u e n c e at the b e g i n n i n g of
each p h r a s e v a r i e s f r o m G E D t o C E D and C D , a n d there
are different p a t t e r n s in later repetitions of the b a s i c m e l o d y .
T h i s m a y b e h e a r d a s m e l o d i c v a r i e t y that i s b a l a n c e d and
p l e a s i n g to the ear, b u t it is n o t c o n c e i v e d m u s i c a l l y . It is a
c o n s e q u e n c e of c h a n g e s in the speech tone of the different
w o r d s , w h i c h i n turn are g e n e r a t e d b y the " s t o r y " o f the
s o n g (see a l s o F i g u r e 6 ) . T h e f o r m o f the s o n g i s d e r i v e d
from a social m o d e l , so that the v a r y i n g call and the u n c h a n g -
ing r e s p o n s e reflect a situation in w h i c h a soloist w o r k s

w i t h a c h o r u s . T h u s , s p e e c h - t o n e c h a n g e s are reflected in the
first, but not the s e c o n d , section of e a c h p h r a s e , so that in the
p e r f o r m a n c e of a single p e r s o n there is a c o n d e n s a t i o n of a
social situation w h i c h children w i l l encounter w h e n t h e y g r o w
up and p a r t i c i p a t e in l a r g e r social g r o u p s .
Example 24
T h e third s o n g also u s e s five t o n e s , but a different a r r a n g e -

ment o f five t o n e s . N o t i c e the p a t t e r n E G C E , s i m i l a r t o that
in Potilo, C E A C . T h i s m i g h t be called a f a n f a r e p a t t e r n ; b u t
b u g l e s a n d f a n f a r e s are i r r e l e v a n t in the context of tradi-
tional V e n d a culture. A g a i n , the first part of the m e l o d y is
like the call of c a l l - r e s p o n s e f o r m , a n d there are m i n o r v a r i a -
tions of m e l o d y d e p e n d e n t on c h a n g e s in s p e e c h tone. T h e
s a m e principles a p p l y in the fourth song> w h i c h uses s i x tones
and also h a s the " f a n f a r e " pattern C E A C .
Example 25
SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 93
SOLO CHORUS
3. Se - se a tshi bva -'flu? Vhu - t w a - na - mba.
4. Fha - la ha Mu - kwa - I vho kwa - ya vha vhti - ya.
It could be argued that t h e s e four songs represent stages

of musical evolution from a four-tone nucleus E D C A . It is
possible to a n a l y z e t h e m j u s t as musical p a t t e r n s , in terms of
the iteration of tones and their c o n v e r g e n c e on tone centers,
the rhythmic reinforcement of tones, tonic-dominant to-
nality, p a t t e r n s of melodic relaxation and tension, and so on.
If you treat these melodies as things in themselves, as " s o n i c
o b j e c t s , " w h i c h is t h e kind of approach I am o b j e c t i n g to, you
can w o r k out several different a n a l y s e s . T h i s procedure is
very c o m m o n i n a n a l y s e s o f E u r o p e a n music and m a y b e o n e
o f the reasons w h y musical j o u r n a l s are s o full o f c o n t r a d i c -
tory e x p l a n a t i o n s o f the s a m e m u s i c . E v e r y o n e disagrees h o t l y
and s t a k e s his academic reputation on what M o z a r t really
m e a n t i n this o r that b a r o f o n e o f his s y m p h o n i e s , c o n c e r t o s ,
or quartets. If we k n e w e x a c t l y w h a t went on inside M o z a r t ' s
m i n d w h e n h e w r o t e t h e m , there could b e o n l y o n e e x p l a n a -
tion.
If we a n a l y z e the four s o n g s as music in culture, it seems

that we can explain t h e m w i t h o u t resort to a r g u m e n t s about
musical evolution or the merits of alternative a n a l y s e s . Fur-
thermore, it is n o t n e c e s s a r y to c o n c o c t a theory that the

songs are part of a musical Cradus by which children prepare
for adult m u s i c , like Carl Orff's Music for Children. T w o of
the first s o n g s that small children were singing in 1 9 5 6 - 5 8
were t h e f o u r - t o n e Potilo and the six-tone Ndo bva na tshi-
dongo ( E x a m p l e s 2 2 and 2 5 ) . T h e y were the m o s t popular
children's s o n g s , they b e l o n g e d to classes of s o n g s that are
sung by b o y s and girls together, and they were generally
learned b e f o r e certain t w o - or three-tone songs that a c c o m -
panied g a m e s children rarely played at an early age. S o c i a l
factors tend to regulate the age at which V e n d a children
learn the s o n g s , and the fact that o n e has four t o n e s , and
others h a v e five, six, or seven t o n e s , h a s little to do with the
learning process. It is the total pattern of the music and its
associated situations which are m o r e significant than the
n u m b e r of tones used in songs. Children learn these s o n g s as
they learn l a n g u a g e , as c o m p l e t e ideas, and n o t gradually by
musical progression.
T h e children's songs are t h e first music V e n d a children

learn, in the s e n s e of actively performing music. T h e y are
not the first music they h e a r , w h i c h is m o r e likely to be the
music of t h e national dance (tshikona), the premarital initia-
tion dance (domba), or the m a n y b e e r songs that will assail
their ears as t h e y are strapped to their m o t h e r s ' b a c k s . O t h e r
music t h a t V e n d a b o y s h e a r and play is the music of the
b o y s ' d a n c e (tshikanganga) and a series of associated reed-
pipe dances for t h e pentatonic pipes (nanga dza lutanga).
Tshikona, the national dance, is played on different sets of
heptatonic pipes. As I pointed out in t h e second and third
chapters, it is the m o s t i m p o r t a n t V e n d a m u s i c ; and there
is a close relationship b e t w e e n its musical form and its e x -
pressive purposes. T h e music of tshikona is such that if y o u
ask a V e n d a to sing it, he m a y give o n e of several p o s s i b l e
versions (see Figure 1 0 ) . He m a y e v e n attempt to give a m o r e
graphic representation in which snatches of vocal p h r a s e s
SOUNDLY/ORGANIZED HUMANITY 95
FIGURE 10. Different ways in which the Venda may sing tshikona,
their national dance for reed pipes and drums. The figures indicate
the number of semitones in each interval. D and £ are the nearest
equivalents to a scale that the Venda sing: singers do not complete
the octave, but pause on the seventh tone or repeat the pattern.
The names of one octave of reed pipes are given. Tshikona is here
transposed down a minor third.
a c c o m p a n y an imitation of the pipes. All these variations, and

m a n y o t h e r s , can be drawn from the tshikona pattern (see
Figure 1 1 a ) . All are t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s that are accepted b y the
V e n d a as tshikona. Figure 11 also s h o w s h o w three of the
children's s o n g s ( E x a m p l e s 2 2 , 2 4 , and 2 5 ) m a y b e derived
from the tshikona p a t t e r n : the recurrence of the " f a n f a r e "
patterns suggests s t r o n g l y that the relationship is n o t an
imaginary creation o f the music analyst. Besides, o n o n e o c c a -
sion a group of V e n d a b o y s actually c o n v e r t e d Thathatha
(Example 2 4 ) into tshikona, a b a n d o n i n g the words for sounds
that are said to represent t h e sound of reed pipes, fhe, fhe,
fhe.
Pattern of Ndo boa na tshidongo (Example 25)
FIGURE 1 1 . Relationship between the melodies of three Venda

children's songs and the music of tshikona, only part of which is
given, transposed down a minor third.
Similarly, the song Nde' ndi ngei thavhani (Example 2 3 ) is

related to t h e pattern of Mutshaini (see Figure 1 2 a ) , w h i c h is
o n e o f t h e p e n t a t o n i c reed-pipe melodies. T h e relationship o f
a four-tone song Nandi Munzhedzi (see Figure 1 2 c ) to an-
other reed-pipe m e l o d y , Mangovho (see Figure 1 2 b ) , s h o w s
h o w that s o n g is not related to tshikona, as is Potilo (see
Figure l i b ) , although b o t h use the same t o n e s . W h a t reveals
their relationship is the pattern of their melodies. T h u s o n e
four-tone s o n g is derived from a pentatonic model and an-
other is derived from a h e p t a t o n i c model. T h e principles of
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n are the s a m e , and t h e musical results are
similar at the surface level, b u t their basic conceptual models
are different. T h i s is w h y I maintained above that t h e total
pattern of a m e l o d y m a y be m o r e significant than t h e n u m b e r
o f tones used. A n apparently e l e m e n t a r y product m a y conceal
a complex process, and vice versa.
T h e r e are m a n y o t h e r s o n g s that are related to tshikona and
SOUNDLY/ ORGANIZED HUMANITY 97
FIGURE 12. Relationship between two Venda children's songs and

two pentatonic reed-pipe melodies played by youths and boys (No.
4 in Figures 5 and 7).
to the b o y s ' reed-pipe d a n c e s , as I h a v e d e m o n s t r a t e d in my

b o o k . M y point i s that formal musicological analysis m a y
b e c o m e inadequate and even irrelevant as soon as the s o n g s
are analyzed in relation to o t h e r items of V e n d a music and
in terms of the V e n d a music s y s t e m , and also in relation to
the social " o r i g i n s " o f that s y s t e m . T h e children's s o n g s are
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of music that children m u s t h a v e heard and
will a l m o s t certainly p e r f o r m later in their lives. T h e y h a v e
b e e n condensed by a process of ellipsis n o t unlike t h a t w h i c h
occurs in the early speech of children. Instead of imitating a
d o w n w a r d - m o v i n g , often heptatonic pattern o f m e l o d y , t h e y
exhibit a n e w type of pattern, which happens to suit the m o r e
limited r a n g e o f children's voices.
T h e processes o f creation w e r e p r o b a b l y u n c o n s c i o u s ; and
it is even possible that the s o n g s w e r e originally c o m p o s e d by
children. B u t i f they were n o t , and t h e y are n o w learned b y
conscious imitation rather than by o s m o s i s , there w a s a time
w h e n they w e r e c o m p o s e d , and the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n process
used was similar in principle to that which relates the pat-
tern of tshikona to the khulo of domba, as discussed in c h a p -
ter 3 (see Figure 8 ) . T h e i m p o r t a n t point h e r e is t h a t the
principles of the creative process cannot a l w a y s be found in
the surface structures o f the music, and m a n y o f the g e n e r a -
tive factors are n o t musical. For i n s t a n c e , I also s h o w e d h o w a

b a s i c m e l o d y m a y be restructured to suit c h a n g e s in t h e
speech-tone patterns o f words (see Figure 6 ) . E v e n V e n d a
children are able to set entirely n e w strings of words to an
existing m e l o d y in a w a y that is recognized as c h a r a c t e r i s t i c -
ally V e n d a (see page 6 9 ) , a l t h o u g h they receive n o f o r m a l
instruction and t h e rules of the s y s t e m can be derived o n l y
from a c o m p a r a t i v e analysis of m a n y different s o n g s . C r e -
ativity in V e n d a music depends on the use and t r a n s f o r m a t i o n
of the b a s i c conceptual models that generate its surface
s t r u c t u r e s ; and b e c a u s e these models are acquired u n c o n -
sciously as part of the maturation p r o c e s s , I do not t h i n k that
they can be used really creatively by s o m e o n e w h o is n o t
deeply involved in V e n d a society.
In o t h e r words, the rules of V e n d a music are not a r b i t r a r y ,
like the rules of a game. In order to create n e w V e n d a m u s i c ,
you must be a V e n d a , sharing V e n d a social and cultural life
from early childhood. T h e technical resources o f V e n d a music
m a y n o t s e e m very great to o n e a c c u s t o m e d to E u r o p e a n c l a s -
sical music, and the b a s i c rules of c o m p o s i t i o n could p r o b a b l y
be learned from a study of recordings and of my own
analyses. B u t I am convinced t h a t a trained musician could
n o t c o m p o s e m u s i c that was a b s o l u t e l y n e w and specifically
V e n d a , and a c c e p t a b l e as s u c h to V e n d a audiences, unless he
had b e e n b r o u g h t up in V e n d a society. B e c a u s e t h e c o m p o s i -
tion of V e n d a m u s i c depends so m u c h on b e i n g a V e n d a , and
its structure is correspondingly related to that condition of
being, it follows that an analysis of the sound c a n n o t be
conceived apart from its social and cultural c o n t e x t . T h e
music o f the four songs could h a v e b e e n analyzed i n t e r m s o f
their n o t e s o n l y , but such a n a l y s e s would not h a v e revealed
the deep structures o f the m u s i c , t h e processes b y w h i c h t h e y
were created in the c o n t e x t of V e n d a society. A c o n t e x t -
sensitive analysis turns out to be m o r e general, b e c a u s e it
explains the music of the children's songs according to a
s y s t e m that applies to o t h e r items of V e n d a music, a n d in

terms of their respective social functions. T h a t is, the social
and expressive relationships between the function o f the
children's s o n g s and the different reed-pipe dances in V e n d a
society is reflected in their f o r m a l , musical relationships.
A n a l y s e s o f music are essentially descriptions o f s e q u e n c e s
of different kinds of creative a c t : t h e y should explain the
social, cultural, p s y c h o l o g i c a l , a n d musical e v e n t s in the lives
of individuals and groups t h a t lead to the production of
organized sound. At the surface level, creativity in m u s i c is
expressed chiefly in musical c o m p o s i t i o n and in p e r f o r m a n c e ,
in the organization of n e w relationships b e t w e e n sounds or
n e w w a y s of producing t h e m . C o n c e r n for the sound as an
end in itself, or for the social m e a n s to the a t t a i n m e n t of that
end, are t w o aspects o f m u s i c a l creativity that c a n n o t b e
separated, and b o t h seem to be present in m a n y societies.
W h e t h e r the e m p h a s i s is on h u m a n l y organized sound or on
soundly organized h u m a n i t y , on a tonal e x p e r i e n c e related to
people or a shared experience related to tones, the function of
music is to reinforce, or relate people m o r e closely to, certain
experiences which h a v e c o m e to h a v e m e a n i n g in their social
life.
M u s i c a l creativity c a n b e described i n t e r m s o f social,
musical, and cognitive processes. In two o t h e r published
analyses of over o n e hundred V e n d a s o n g s , I h a v e drawn up
six sets of rules that explain their patterns of sound. T h e first
set, " s o c i a l and cultural f a c t o r s , " b e g i n s with t h e rule 1.0.0.
" M u s i c is performed as part of a social s i t u a t i o n . " T h i s m a y
seem absurdly o b v i o u s , but it is a n e c e s s a r y prelude to m o r e
c o m p l e x rules that explain musical patterns as products of
their social a n t e c e d e n t s . T h e n e x t four sets are b a s i c a l l y
m u s i c a l : " T e m p o , m e t e r , a n d r h y t h m , " " S p e e c h t o n e and
m e l o d y , " " H a r m o n y and t o n a l i t y , " and " M u s i c a l develop-
m e n t " ; and t h e last i s c o g n i t i v e : " T r a n s f o r m a t i o n p r o c e s s e s . "
T h e s e rules are c l u m s y and provisional, and t h e y are i n a d e -
quate b e c a u s e they a s s u m e a w o r k i n g k n o w l e d g e of V e n d a
culture and society. I shall n o t discuss t h e m further, b u t I
w a n t to suggest h o w and w h y such rules could be generalized
and refined in terms of a unified t h e o r y of cognition, s o c i e t y ,
culture, and creativity.
First, let me outline certain theoretical a s s u m p t i o n s . Emile
Durkheim, in The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life
( [ L o n d o n : A l l e n and U n w i n , 1 9 6 8 ( 1 9 1 5 ) ] , p . 4 4 7 ) argues that
society is " n o t a nominal being created by reason, b u t a
s y s t e m of active f o r c e s . " I believe that b e h a v i o r is an integral
part of an a n i m a l ' s c o n s t i t u t i o n ; t h a t h u m a n b e i n g s are not
infinitely p l a s t i c ; and that we shall learn m o r e about music
and h u m a n musicality if we l o o k for basic rules of musical
b e h a v i o r which are biologically, as well as culturally, condi-
tioned and species-specific. It seems to me t h a t w h a t is
ultimately of m o s t i m p o r t a n c e in music c a n n o t be learned like
other cultural s k i l l s : it is there in the b o d y , waiting to be
brought out and developed, like the basic principles of
language formation. Y o u c a n n o t really learn to improvise, but
this does n o t m e a n that improvisation i s random. T h e m a n
w h o does it is n o t i m p r o v i s e d : all aspects of his b e h a v i o r are
subject to a series of interrelated, structured s y s t e m s , and,
when he i m p r o v i s e s , he is expressing these s y s t e m s in relation
to the reactions he picks up from his audience. S i m i l a r l y ,
married V e n d a w o m e n do n o t relearn the music of domba
every four or five y e a r s , w h e n a n e w school is set u p : they
relive a social situation, and t h e right music emerges w h e n
that experience is shared under certain conditions of indi-
viduality in c o m m u n i t y .
T h e rules of musical b e h a v i o r are not arbitrary cultural
c o n v e n t i o n s , and techniques of music are not like develop-
ments in t e c h n o l o g y . M u s i c a l b e h a v i o r m a y reflect varying
degrees of consciousness of social forces, and the structure
and function of music m a y be related to basic h u m a n drives
and to the biological need to m a i n t a i n a b a l a n c e a m o n g them.
If the V e n d a perform c o m m u n a l music chiefly w h e n their

s t o m a c h s are full, it is not simply to kill time. If drives of
cooperation, reproduction, and exploration are o v e r l o o k e d in
the pursuit of self-preservation, the h a r m o n y of nature is
disturbed. M a n c a n n o t b e satisfied with h a v i n g : h e must
also b e , and b e c o m e . But neither can he b e , w i t h o u t having.
W h e n the V e n d a are h u n g r y , o r b u s y w o r k i n g t o avoid
hunger, they do n o t h a v e the time or energy to m a k e m u c h
music. N o r do they imagine that music might in s o m e magical
w a y alleviate their hunger, a n y m o r e than their rain m a k e r s
expect rain to fall before they h a v e seen the insects w h o s e
m o v e m e n t s precede it. T h e music is in them, b u t it requires
special conditions to emerge. I suggest that the V e n d a m a k e
music w h e n their s t o m a c h s are full because, c o n s c i o u s l y or
u n c o n s c i o u s l y , they sense the forces of separation inherent
in the satisfaction of self-preservation, and t h e y are driven
to restore the b a l a n c e with exceptionally cooperative and e x -
ploratory b e h a v i o r . T h u s forces in culture and society would
be expressed in h u m a n l y organized sound, b e c a u s e the chief
function of music in society and culture is to p r o m o t e soundly
organized h u m a n i t y b y e n h a n c i n g h u m a n c o n s c i o u s n e s s .
In the third chapter I suggested that m a n y formal c h a n g e s
in European music c a m e a b o u t as a result of a t t e m p t s by
c o m p o s e r s t o m a k e people m o r e aware o f social d i s h a r m o n y
and inequality. M u s i c a l creativity was thus a function of c o m -
p o s e r s ' attitudes to the separation of people in societies which
should h a v e b e e n fully cooperative. In much t h e s a m e w a y ,
we m a y say that the thematic relationships of tshikona and
the V e n d a children's songs express corresponding social rela-
tionships. Tshikona s y m b o l i z e d the largest society k n o w n to
the V e n d a in the p a s t ; and b e c a u s e the oppression of apart-
heid restricts t h e m in the larger society of w h i c h they are
painfully a w a r e , this traditional society still r e m a i n s the larg-
est in w h i c h they can m o v e a b o u t w i t h c o m p a r a t i v e freedom.
Tshikona is universal b o t h in c o n t e n t and in f o r m : e v e r y o n e
attends it; it epitomizes the principle of individuality in c o m -

m u n i t y (like a B a c h chorale, it is interesting for all p e r f o r m -
ers, in c o n t r a s t to the average h y m n a c c o m p a n i m e n t w h i c h
reduces altos and tenors to slaves of sopranos and b a s s e s ) ;
and its musical structure incorporates the m o s t i m p o r t a n t
features of V e n d a music. It is a shared experience, b o t h s o -
cially and musically.
V e n d a children's songs are also universal, rather than
parochial, in that every V e n d a child is expected to sing s o m e
of t h e m and their performance is n o t limited to a cult group
or social clique. T h u s it is n o t surprising to find musical rela-
tionships between tshikona and the children's songs that
parallel their social relationships. In the c o n t e x t of V e n d a
social and musical life, t h e children's songs can be seen as
" c o n t r a s t i n g on the surface but identical in s u b s t a n c e , " as
Rudolph R e t i h a s described s o m e great w o r k s of music in
his book, The Thematic Process in Music ([London: Faber
and Faber, 1 9 6 1 ] , p . 5 ) .
It is tempting to see the basic musical form of t h e m e and
variation as an expression of social situations and social forces
transformed according to patterns of culture and the state of
the division of l a b o r in society. T h u s the essential differences
b e t w e e n music in one society and a n o t h e r m a y be social and
n o t musical. If English music m a y seem to be m o r e c o m p l e x
than V e n d a music and practiced by a smaller n u m b e r of
people, it is b e c a u s e of the c o n s e q u e n c e s of the division of
labor in so c i et y , and n o t b e c a u s e the English are less musical
or their music is cognitively m o r e c o m p l e x . T h e r e are n o t
m o r e or less things for an individual to learn in different
societies, and in the c o n t e x t of each culture they are n o t
basically m o r e or less difficult. T h e r e are m o r e or fewer differ-
ent fields in which to learn. It is neither easier n o r m o r e diffi-
cult to be a B u s h m a n than an A m e r i c a n . It is different.
As a result of the division of l a b o r in society, s o m e people
must do things for others. If I were a B u s h m a n I would h a v e
m a d e my o w n clothes and I w o u l d hunt for my o w n f o o d : I

would really be an individual in a w a y no A m e r i c a n c a n b e .
( A m e r i c a n s w h o opt out and live a folksy or Utopian life are
not really escaping the division of l a b o r in their society.
B e c a u s e o f the protection o f the larger society they enjoy a n
easy life that has almost n o t h i n g in c o m m o n with the lives of
peasants and t r i b e s m e n w h o c a n n o t afford the luxuries they
take for g r a n t e d , and they t r y to avoid the p r o b l e m s of
collective responsibility with which the more extensive
division of l a b o r presents them.)
In any s o c i e t y , cultural b e h a v i o r is learned; although the
introduction of new skills m a y represent an intellectual b r e a k -
through, t h e learning of accumulated skills does n o t present
essentially different or m o r e difficult tasks to the m e m b e r s of
different cultures. If there is a pattern to the difference, it is
that A m e r i c a n s h a v e t o learn m o r e a b o u t less. T h i s m e a n s
that they m u s t learn less t h a n the B u s h m e n a b o u t s o m e
things. P r o b l e m s in h u m a n societies begin w h e n people learn
less about love, b e c a u s e love is t h e basis of our e x i s t e n c e as
h u m a n b e i n g s . K i e r k e g a a r d h a s expressed this in the follow-
ing w o r d s :
One generation can learn much from another, but that which is
purely human no generation can learn from the preceding genera-
tion. In this respect every generation begins again from the begin-
ning, possessing no other tasks but those of preceding generations
and going no further, unless the preceding generation has betrayed
itself and deceived itself. . . . No generation has learned how to
love from another, no generation begins at any other point than
the beginning, and no subsequent generation has a shorter task
than the generation which preceded it [Fear and Trembling (Lon-
don and New York: Oxford University Press, 1 9 3 9 ) , pp. 1 8 3 - 8 4 ] .
T h e hard task is to love, and m u s i c is a skill that prepares

m a n for this m o s t difficult t a s k . B e c a u s e in this respect every
generation has t o b e g i n again from t h e b e g i n n i n g , m a n y c o m -
posers feel that their task is to w r i t e new music n o t as if they
were designing a n e w model of a u t o m o b i l e , b u t as if they

were assessing t h e h u m a n situation in w h i c h n e w a u t o m o b i l e s
are m a d e and used. T h e t a s k o f designing n e w a u t o m o b i l e s i s
basically a technical and c o m m e r c i a l p r o b l e m that m a y be
c o m p a r e d to writing incidental music in t h e style of T c h a i -
k o v s k y , M a h l e r , or D e b u s s y . Provided a p e r s o n is b r o u g h t
up in a certain social class, w i t h adequate e m o t i o n a l oppor-
tunities, writing music i n t h e style o f T c h a i k o v s k y could b e
learned w i t h o u t great effort and carried on from o n e genera-
tion to a n o t h e r , like m a n y o t h e r cultural skills. A l t h o u g h a
c o m p o s e r m i g h t h a v e the greatest respect for T c h a i k o v s k y ' s
music, i f h e w e r e aware o f and c o n c e r n e d w i t h t h e c o n t e m -
p o r a r y t a s k o f being h u m a n and w a n t e d t o say s o m e t h i n g
about it in his music, he could n o t reproduce that sort of
music in a society w h o s e t a s k s are different from T c h a i -
k o v s k y ' s . ( S t r a v i n s k y ' s Le Baiser de la Fie m a y h a v e b e g u n
as a r e h a s h of T c h a i k o v s k y , b u t it turns out as pure S t r a v i n -
s k y , and essentially a n e w w o r k . ) T h u s if a c o m p o s e r w a n t s
to produce music that is relevant to his c o n t e m p o r a r i e s , his
chief p r o b l e m is n o t really m u s i c a l , t h o u g h it m a y s e e m to h i m
to be s o : it is a p r o b l e m of attitude to c o n t e m p o r a r y society
and culture i n relation t o t h e b a s i c h u m a n p r o b l e m o f learning
to be h u m a n . M u s i c is n o t a l a n g u a g e that describes t h e w a y
society s e e m s to b e , but a m e t a p h o r i c a l expression of feelings
associated with t h e w a y society really is. It is a reflection of
and r e s p o n s e to social forces, and particularly to t h e c o n s e -
quences of the division of l a b o r in society.
S o m e music expresses t h e actual solidarity o f groups w h e n
people c o m e together and produce patterns of sound that are
signs of their group a l l e g i a n c e s ; and other music e x p r e s s e s
theoretical solidarity w h e n a c o m p o s e r brings t o g e t h e r pat-
terns o f sound that express a s p e c t s o f social experience. J u s t
as diverse social groups in, s a y , V e n d a society m a y be
b r o u g h t together by a p e r f o r m a n c e of their national d a n c e , so
i n a n industrial society c o n t r a s t i n g patterns o f sound m a y b e
b r o u g h t together by a c o m p o s e r t h r o u g h the single idea, and

corresponding t h e m a t i c unity, of a s y m p h o n y . J u s t as a V e n d a
chief said to m e , " Y o u shall h e a r the finest p e r f o r m a n c e
i m a g i n a b l e of our national d a n c e : I will call to my capital
every available player i n the district," s o M a h l e r said, " T o
write a s y m p h o n y m e a n s , to m e , to construct a world with
all the tools of t h e available t e c h n i q u e . "
R e l a t i o n s h i p s b e t w e e n formal and expressive analyses of
music c a n be established even in m a t t e r s such as the quality
of creativity, an issue that c o n s t a n t l y occupies musicologists
and critics. In recent y e a r s , creative ability has b e e n assessed
in terms of a c o m p o s e r ' s ability to produce t h e m a t i c unity
with expressive contrast, and the impressive studies of H e i n -
rich S c h e n k e r , R u d o l p h R e t i , H a n s Keller, A l a n W a l k e r , and
others h a v e tended to stress that this m a y often be an u n c o n -
scious process. For example, A l a n W a l k e r has s h o w n h o w the
themes o f T c h a i k o v s k y ' s Fourth S y m p h o n y spring from the
opening " f a t e t h e m e , " w h i c h t h e c o m p o s e r recognized intui-
tively as t h e g e r m of the entire s y m p h o n y (A Study in Mus-
ical Analysis [London: Barrie and Rockliff, 1 9 6 2 ] , pp. 116-
2 6 ) . M a n y critics h a v e dismissed this s y m p h o n y a s poorly
constructed on the grounds that its thematic material is n o t
treated as it ought to be according to the c o n v e n t i o n a l rules
o f s y m p h o n i c construction. T h e w o r k could b e described a s
an intellectual leap forward, in that T c h a i k o v s k y was led to a
new way of w o r k i n g out s y m p h o n i c f o r m ; and it is interest-
ing that t h e musical c o n s e q u e n c e s o f this basically h u m a n
achievement are appreciated intuitively by lay audiences,
though poorly understood by the closed minds of some
musical e x p e r t s .
T h e theories o f Rudolph R e t i and his followers m a t c h well
with recent research that h a s s h o w n that the ability to think
creatively and to construct n e w forms is a function of per-
sonality. C r e a t i v i t y requires b r e a d t h o f view, o r w h a t M i l t o n
R o k e a c h calls an " o p e n m i n d , " and the ability to synthesize
is a critically i m p o r t a n t factor. People with open m i n d s , w h o

are low in e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m , reveal a c o m p r e h e n s i v e cognitive
organization, w h i c h is potentially m o r e creative than the n a r -
rower cognitive organization e x h i b i t e d b y people with closed
minds. (I should add that surface e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m should n o t
always be t a k e n as evidence of real e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m . For
e x a m p l e , i n S o u t h A f r i c a the surface e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m o f
b l a c k s w h o see a form of B l a c k P o w e r as the o n l y m e a n s of
regaining their land and freedom is very different from the
e t h n o c e n t r i c i s m o f the whites w h o oppose them.)
T h e r e is evidence w h i c h suggests that, although h u m a n
creativity m a y appear to be the result of individual effort, it
is in fact a collective effort t h a t is expressed in t h e b e h a v i o r of
individuals. Originality may be an expression of innate
exploratory b e h a v i o r with the a c c u m u l a t e d materials of a
cultural tradition; and the ability to synthesize, w h i c h is often
said to distinguish genius from talent, m a y express t h e c o m -
prehensive cognitive organization that is generated by e x p e -
rience of the relationships that exist b e t w e e n the social groups
w h o use and develop the techniques of the tradition. If this
is s o — a n d I am convinced that it is true—differences in
cultures and d e v e l o p m e n t s in t e c h n o l o g y are the result of
differences n o t o f intellect, but o f h u m a n organization. I f the
whites o f S o u t h Africa seem t o perform better than the
b l a c k s , or the rich and elite of a c o u n t r y seem to perform
better than the poor or the m a s s e s , it is not b e c a u s e they or
their p a r e n t s are cleverer or h a v e a richer cultural h e r i t a g e : it
is b e c a u s e their society is organized in such a w a y t h a t they
have better opportunities to develop their h u m a n potential,
and c o n s e q u e n t l y their cognitive organization. If intelligence
tests devised by m e m b e r s of a certain class s h o w p o o r per-
f o r m a n c e by the m e m b e r s of a n o t h e r class in a theoretically
" o p e n " s o c i e t y , we should first a s k j u s t h o w open the society
is and consider to what degree its class divisions m a y inhibit
the cognitive development of its less fortunate m e m b e r s .
C h a n g e s and d e v e l o p m e n t s in culture and s o c i e t y are a

function o f population g r o w t h and o f people's r e l a t i o n s h i p s
and attitudes w i t h i n given p o p u l a t i o n s . G r e a t e r productivity
h a s b e e n achieved b y larger groups o f people involved i n
joint enterprises. In such c a s e s , an i n c r e a s e in t h e division of
labor is d y n a m i c a l l y productive, b u t o n l y w h e n it is n o t also
a division of people. T h e i n t e r a c t i o n of minds developed
under different conditions is a stimulus to invention in a
n e w , shared situation, provided that t h e situation really is
shared. If a shared situation b e c o m e s static or formalized, or
disintegrates a l t o g e t h e r , it follows that creativity will tend to
dry up, and it will b e c o m e i n c r e a s i n g l y hard for m e m b e r s of
a society to adapt to the c h a n g e s that must result i n e v i t a b l y
from the birth, life, and death of its individuals. It s o m e -
times h a p p e n s that r e m a r k a b l e cultural d e v e l o p m e n t s can
t a k e place in societies in w h i c h m a n ' s h u m a n i t y is p r o g r e s -
sively abused, restricted, and disregarded. T h i s is b e c a u s e
cultural d e v e l o p m e n t can r e a c h a stage w h e r e it is a l m o s t
m e c h a n i c a l l y s e l f - g e n e r a t i v e — b u t o n l y in certain fields and
for a limited time. T h e h i s t o r y of m a n y civilizations h a s
s h o w n that a society and its culture m a y ultimately collapse
b e c a u s e o f h u m a n alienation. T h e m a c h i n e runs d o w n w i t h o u t
the only p o w e r that can c h a n g e it, the creative force that
springs from h u m a n s e l f - c o n s c i o u s n e s s . This is why the
V e n d a stress that " m a n i s m a n b e c a u s e o f his asociations with
other m e n , " and reinforce their b e l i e f with music. W h e n
t h e y s h a r e the e x p e r i e n c e of an invisible conductor in their
drumming and singing and pipe playing, they b e c o m e m o r e
a w a r e o f s o c i e t y ' s s y s t e m o f active f o r c e s , and their o w n c o n -
sciousness is e n h a n c e d .
M u s i c c a n n o t c h a n g e societies, a s can c h a n g e s i n t e c h -
n o l o g y a n d political organization. It c a n n o t m a k e people act
unless t h e y are already socially and culturally disposed to
act. It c a n n o t instill b r o t h e r h o o d , as T o l s t o y h o p e d , or a n y
other state or social value. If it can do a n y t h i n g to people,
the b e s t that it can do is to confirm situations that already

exist. It c a n n o t in itself generate t h o u g h t s that m a y benefit or
h a r m m a n k i n d , as some writers h a v e s u g g e s t e d ; b u t it can
m a k e people m o r e a w a r e o f feelings that t h e y h a v e experi-
enced, or partly experienced, by reinforcing, n a r r o w i n g or
expanding their consciousness in a variety of w a y s . S i n c e
music is learned in these k i n d s of c o n t e x t , it is c o m p o s e d in
the s a m e spirit. A person m a y c r e a t e music for financial gain,
for private pleasure, for e n t e r t a i n m e n t , or to a c c o m p a n y a
variety of social events, and he need n o t e x p r e s s overt
concern for the h u m a n condition. B u t his music c a n n o t escape
the s t a m p of the society t h a t m a d e its creator h u m a n , and
the k i n d of music he c o m p o s e s will be related to h i s con-
sciousness of, and c o n c e r n for, his fellow h u m a n b e i n g s . H i s
cognitive organization will be a function of his personality.
N o w t h o s e w h o are c o n c e r n e d w i t h m u s i c o l o g y and e t h n o -
musicology m a y be disappointed, b e c a u s e I seem to suggest
that there are no grounds for comparing different musical
s y s t e m s ; t h e r e i s n o possibility o f a n y universal t h e o r y o f
musical b e h a v i o r , and n o h o p e o f cross-cultural c o m m u n i c a -
tion. B u t if we consider our o w n experiences, we m u s t realize
that this is n o t in fact so. M u s i c can transcend t i m e and
culture. M u s i c that was e x c i t i n g to the c o n t e m p o r a r i e s of
M o z a r t and B e e t h o v e n is still exciting, although we do not
share their culture and society. T h e early B e a t l e s ' s o n g s are
still exciting although the B e a t l e s h a v e u n f o r t u n a t e l y b r o k e n
up. S i m i l a r l y , s o m e V e n d a s o n g s that must h a v e b e e n c o m -
posed hundreds of years ago still excite the V e n d a , and they
also excite m e . M a n y of us are thrilled by koto m u s i c from
J a p a n , sifar m u s i c from India, C h o p i x y l o p h o n e m u s i c , and
so on. I do n o t say that we receive the music in e x a c t l y the
same w a y as the players (and I h a v e already suggested that
even the m e m b e r s of a single culture do not receive their o w n
music in the s a m e w a y s ) , b u t our o w n experiences suggest
that there are s o m e possibilities of cross-cultural c o m m u n i c a -
tion. I am c o n v i n c e d that t h e e x p l a n a t i o n for this is to be

found in the fact that at the level of deep structures in music
there are e l e m e n t s that are c o m m o n to the h u m a n p s y c h e ,
although t h e y m a y n o t appear in the surface structures.
C o n s i d e r the m a t t e r of " f e e l i n g in m u s i c , " w h i c h is often
i n v o k e d to distinguish t w o technically correct p e r f o r m a n c e s
of the s a m e piece. T h i s doctrine of feeling is in fact b a s e d on
the r e c o g n i t i o n o f the e x i s t e n c e and i m p o r t a n c e o f deep struc-
tures in music. It asserts that m u s i c stands or falls by virtue
of w h a t is h e a r d a n d h o w people respond to w h a t t h e y hear
" i n the n o t e s , " b u t it a s s u m e s that the surface relationships
b e t w e e n t o n e s w h i c h m a y b e perceived a s " s o n i c o b j e c t s " are
o n l y part o f o t h e r s y s t e m s o f relationships. B e c a u s e the
a s s u m p t i o n s are n o t clearly stated and are o n l y dimly under-
stood, t h e a s s e r t i o n s b e c o m e all the m o r e d o g m a t i c and are
often clothed in t h e language of an elitist sect. T h e effect of
this confusion on musically c o m m i t t e d people can be trau-
matic, and t h e musically inclined m a y be discouraged a l t o -
gether.
W h e n , as a b o y , I m a s t e r e d a technically difficult piece of
piano m u s i c , I w a s s o m e t i m e s told that I played w i t h o u t
feeling. As a result of this I tended to play m o r e loudly or
aggressively, or to fold up altogether. It seemed as if an
assault w a s b e i n g m a d e on my integrity as a person, rather
than o n m y t e c h n i c a l ability. I n fact, m y " u n f e e l i n g " p e r f o r m -
ance w a s the result o f inadequate, hit-or-miss techniques o f
teaching in a society w h o s e educational theory w a s founded
on a confused doctrine relating success to a c o m b i n a t i o n of
superior i n h e r i t a n c e , hard w o r k , and m o r a l integrity. A s n o b -
b i s h distaste for technical e x p e r t i s e , t e c h n o l o g y , and " m e r e "
craftsmanship discouraged attention to basic mechanical
p r o b l e m s unless t h e y were w r a p p e d up in an aura of m o r a l i t y
— a s w a s t h e diligent practice o f scales and a r p e g g i o s . T h e
V e n d a attitude t o w a r d playing well is essentially technical
and not ego-deflating. W h e n the r h y t h m o f a n alto drum i n
domba is n o t quite right, the player m a y be told to m o v e in

such a w a y t h a t h e r b e a t is part of a total b o d y m o v e m e n t :
she plays with feeling precisely b e c a u s e she is s h o w n h o w to
experience the physical feeling of m o v i n g with h e r instru-
m e n t and in h a r m o n y with the o t h e r d r u m m e r s and dancers.
T h e r e is no suggestion that she is an insensitive or inadequate
person. W h a t is a c o m m o n p l a c e of V e n d a musical instruction
seems to be a rarity in " m y " society.
So often, the expressive purpose of a piece of music is to
be found t h r o u g h identification w i t h the b o d y m o v e m e n t s
that generated it, and these in turn m a y have their origins, in
culture as m u c h as in the peculiarities of an individual. T h e r e
are so m a n y different tempi in the world of n a t u r e and the
b o d y o f m a n t h a t music h a s endless possibilities o f physical
coordination with any one o f t h e m , o r several o f t h e m t o -
gether. W i t h o u t this kind of coordination, which c a n be
learned only b y endless e x p e r i m e n t a t i o n , o r m o r e quickly b y
direct aural transmission, there is little possibility t h a t music
will be felt. W h e n we k n o w the associated dance step, we
should be t h o u g h t of as
1 - 2 - 3 - 1 2 3 , 1 2 3 1 - 2 - 3 - , o r 1 - 2 - 3 - 4 , o r whatever. I t m a y b e
n e c e s s a r y to slow d o w n o n e ' s b r e a t h i n g in order to " f e e l " a
piece of K o r e a n music, w h o s e unique elegance and refinement
are hard for a European to appreciate. A similar control of
the b o d y m a k e s it easier to catch the innigster empfindung
o f B e e t h o v e n ' s P i a n o S o n a t a , O p . 1 0 9 , last m o v e m e n t . J u s t
b r e a t h e s l o w l y , relax the b o d y completely and p l a y — a n d the
empfindung comes through the body. It is no longer an
elusive, m y s t e r i o u s T e u t o n i c quality!
O b v i o u s l y the most deeply felt p e r f o r m a n c e of a n y piece
of music will be that which approaches m o s t closely t h e feel-
ings of its creator w h e n he b e g a n to capture the force of his
individual experience with musical form. S i n c e this experience
m a y often begin as a r h y t h m i c a l stirring of the b o d y , it may
be possible for a performer to recapture the right feeling by
finding the right m o v e m e n t . Is it surprising, then, that m a n y

people a b a n d o n m u s i c b e c a u s e t h e y c a n n o t play w h a t they
feel, or c a n n o t feel w h a t they p l a y ? By creating a false dichot-
o m y b e t w e e n the deep and surface structures o f m u s i c , m a n y
industrial societies h a v e taken a w a y from people m u c h of the
practice and pleasure o f m u s i c m a k i n g . W h a t i s t h e use o f
teaching a pianist to play scales and arpeggios according to
s o m e didactic s y s t e m , and then e x p e c t i n g him to feel the
piano music o f M o z a r t , B e e t h o v e n , C h o p i n , D e b u s s y , and
R a v e l by a separate effort of the will, or the e m p l o y m e n t of
s o m e m y s t e r i o u s spiritual a t t r i b u t e ? Exercise of the finger
muscles is o n e thing, but the scales and arpeggios of a c o m -
poser's m u s i c will perhaps be felt m o s t deeply w h e n they are
played according to his s y s t e m . T h a t is, if you find out by
feeling for it h o w D e b u s s y m i g h t h a v e held his h a n d s and
b o d y w h e n he played the piano, y o u m i g h t get a better feel-
ing for his music. Y o u m i g h t find that you could play the
music with feeling without h a v i n g to be i m m e n s e l y " d e e p . "
In fact y o u w o u l d be profoundly deep, b e c a u s e y o u would
b e sharing the m o s t i m p o r t a n t thing a b o u t music, that w h i c h
is in the h u m a n b o d y and w h i c h is universal to all men. It
would be m y s t e r i o u s o n l y in so far that we do n o t under-
stand w h a t h a p p e n s in the r e m a r k a b l e bodies all h u m a n
b e i n g s possess. It would not be m y s t e r i o u s in the sense of
b e i n g s o m e t h i n g for o n l y a c h o s e n few.
Perhaps there is a h o p e of cross-cultural understanding
after all. I do n o t s a y that we can e x p e r i e n c e e x a c t l y the s a m e
thoughts associated with bodily e x p e r i e n c e ; but to feel with
the b o d y is p r o b a b l y as close as a n y o n e can ever get to
resonating with a n o t h e r person. I shall not attempt to discuss
the issue of musical c o m m u n i c a t i o n as a physiological p h e -
n o m e n o n ; b u t if m u s i c b e g i n s , as I h a v e suggested, as a
stirring of the b o d y , we can recall the state in which it was
conceived b y getting into the b o d y m o v e m e n t o f the music
and so feeling it very nearly as the c o m p o s e r felt it. S o m e
m a y be f o r t u n a t e enough to be able to do this intuitively;

but for m o s t people it will be easier if t h e n o t e s of music are
regarded as the product of cognitive, physical, and social
processes.
I w o u l d like to consider again t h e e x a m p l e s of tshikona
and t h e children's songs. I am no longer satisfied w i t h t h e
analysis I gave in Venda Children's Songs. I tried to explain
musical p h e n o m e n a as expressions of social s i t u a t i o n s ; b u t I
no longer consider this to be sufficiently general. For e x a m p l e ,
the use of t h e terms call and response implies a socially de-
rived musical form, rather t h a n seeking a basic structure
from which b o t h responsorial form and s o l o - c h o r u s / l e a d e r -
follower social situations m a y be derived. S u p p o s e we look
at the social, musical, e c o n o m i c , legal, and other s u b s y s t e m s
of a culture as t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of basic structures that are
in the b o d y , i n n a t e in m a n , part of his biological e q u i p m e n t ;
then we m a y h a v e different explanations for a lot of things
that we h a v e t a k e n for granted, and we m a y be able to see
correspondences b e t w e e n apparently disparate elements in
social life. For e x a m p l e , t h e following relationships m a y be
t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s of a single structure: c a l l / r e s p o n s e , t o n e /
c o m p a n i o n tone, t o n i c / c o u n t e r t o n i c , i n d i v i d u a l / c o m m u n i t y ,
c h i e f / s u b j e c t s , t h e m e / v a r i a t i o n , m a l e / f e m a l e , and s o forth.
E t h n o m u s i c o l o g y is in s o m e respects a b r a n c h of cognitive
a n t h r o p o l o g y . T h e r e seem to be universal structural principles
in music, such as t h e use of mirror forms (see E x a m p l e 1 6 , for
i n s t a n c e ) , t h e m e and variation, repetition, and b i n a r y form.
It is always possible that these m a y arise from e x p e r i e n c e of
social relations or of the natural w o r l d : an u n c o n s c i o u s c o n -
cern for m i r r o r forms m a y spring from the regular experience
of mirror forms in nature, such as observation of t h e two
" h a l v e s " o f the b o d y . I f different aspects and fields o f h u m a n
b e h a v i o r are analyzed in this w a y , we m a y h a v e a n e w view
of h u m a n societies and h u m a n " p r o g r e s s , " and a n e w concept
of the future of m a n , which is m o s t important.
S O U N D L Y / O R G AN I ZED HUMANITY 113
T h e evolution o f t e c h n o l o g y and a n i n c r e a s e i n the size

o f societies c a n n o t t h e n b e t a k e n a s signs o f the evolution o f
culture i n general, o r o f m a n ' s intellectual p o t e n t i a l . An
A f r i c a n " f o l k " s o n g i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y less intellectual t h a n
a s y m p h o n y : the apparent simplicity of sound produced m a y
conceal c o m p l e x p r o c e s s e s o f g e n e r a t i o n ; i t m a y h a v e b e e n
stimulated by an intellectual leap forward in w h i c h its c o m -
poser saw b e y o n d t h e b o u n d a r i e s of his culture and w a s able
to invent a powerful n e w form to express in sound his vision
of the unlimited possibilities of h u m a n development. As a
h u m a n a c h i e v e m e n t , this would b e m o r e significant t h a n t h e
surface c o m p l e x i t y of a c l a s s r o o m s y m p h o n y produced in the
c o n t e x t of a t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y advanced society, and so c o m -
parable to an original m a s t e r p i e c e . A n d , like a s y m p h o n i c
m a s t e r p i e c e , it m i g h t survive b e c a u s e of its musical quality
and w h a t it m e a n s to critical listeners.
T h r o u g h the o p e r a t i o n s o f the b r a i n , three orders o f c o n -
sciousness are w o r k i n g at the s a m e time in o n e p e r s o n ' s
body: the universal, a u t o m a t i c c o m p l e x i t y o f the n a t u r a l
w o r l d ; group c o n s c i o u s n e s s , w h i c h has b e e n learned t h r o u g h
t h e shared e x p e r i e n c e o f cultural l i f e ; and individual c o n -
s c i o u s n e s s , w h i c h m a y transcend the boundaries o f group
c o n s c i o u s n e s s w h e n an individual uses or develops areas of
b a s i c a u t o m a t i c c o m p l e x i t y w h i c h h a v e n o t b e e n explored b y
his society. I use the term " g r o u p c o n s c i o u s n e s s " deliberately,
b e c a u s e I regard the m o r e generalized " s o c i a l c o n s c i o u s n e s s "
as an a s p e c t of individual c o n s c i o u s n e s s . T h e r e is an i m p o r -
tant difference b e t w e e n a n individual's " n a t u r a l " a w a r e n e s s o f
a n y m a n n e x t to h i m as a h u m a n n e i g h b o r , and his " c u l t u r a l "
a w a r e n e s s o f n e i g h b o r s a s people w h o speak certain l a n g u a g e s
or b e l o n g to certain races, c l a s s e s , or creeds. B e c a u s e h u m a n
beings are physiologically parts of the natural world, I
doubt if t h e y c a n create a n y t h i n g w h o s e principles are not
already inherent in the system of automatic complexity
t o w h i c h t h e y b e l o n g . C o m p u t e r s , radios, X - r a y p h o t o g r a p h y ,
and television are in a sense no m o r e t h a n e x t e n s i o n s and

props t o m a n ' s i n b o r n p o w e r s o f calculation, t e l e p a t h y , sen-
sory diagnosis, and clairvoyance. Inventions may be de-
scribed as purposeful discoveries of situations that are already
possible by m e a n s that already exist. I would m o d i f y t h e
hypothesis t h a t " m a n m a k e s h i m s e l f " b y s u g g e s t i n g that
through the centuries of cultural achievement man has
extended h i m s e l f in the world, and h a s developed the e x p r e s -
sion o f his c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f the world. H e h a s devised e x p e r i -
m e n t s i n living that m a y help h i m b e t t e r t o b e w h a t h e
already is. I am n o t claiming that cultures in t h e m s e l v e s are
genetically inherited, but that t h e y are generated by p r o -
cesses that are acquired biologically and developed through
social i n t e r a c t i o n .
A n analysis o f the deeper p r o c e s s e s o f V e n d a musical
b e h a v i o r suggests that s o m e i n n a t e capacities are as n e c e s -
sary as are experiences of learning for realizing even e l e m e n -
tary musical a b i l i t y , let alone e x c e p t i o n a l musical ability. T h e
most c o n v i n c i n g evidence of i n n a t e creative capacities is to
be found in the w a y s the V e n d a apply themselves to n e w
experiences of sonic order, and in the processes t h a t h a v e
generated different features of their musical tradition and
c o n s t a n t l y g e n e r a t e the variations within that tradition. T h e
V e n d a adoption and adaptation of European music is testi-
m o n y t o the u n c o n s c i o u s , creative application o f musical
processes. T h e so-called " m i s t a k e s " i n their singing o f E u r o -
pean m u s i c m a y s o m e t i m e s be due to inadequate learning
facilities, b u t t h e y m a y also b e intentional. T h e V e n d a are
able to i m i t a t e c h r o m a t i c intervals or sharpened leading notes
or European c h o r d s e q u e n c e s ; but t h e y generally prefer to
create rather than imitate, and t h e y c h o o s e to i g n o r e t h e s e
European features or even i m p r o v e on t h e m — n o t b e c a u s e
they are b o u n d t o learned patterns o f b e h a v i o r , b u t b e c a u s e
there are deeper processes at w o r k in their m u s i c m a k i n g ,
which inspire a creative adaptation of the n e w sounds t h e y
hear. I am n o t arguing that particular musical s y s t e m s are

i n n a t e , b u t t h a t s o m e o f the p r o c e s s e s that g e n e r a t e t h e m m a y
be i n n a t e in all m e n and so species-specific. S i m i l a r evidence
o f creativity m a y b e found i n V e n d a children's s o n g s , m a n y
o f w h i c h m a y h a v e b e e n c o m p o s e d b y children. T h e i r struc-
tures suggest a creative use of features of the musical s y s t e m
which extends beyond techniques that might have been
learned in s o c i e t y . I do not see h o w the deeper, a p p a r e n t l y
u n c o n s c i o u s p r o c e s s e s o f g e n e r a t i o n could h a v e b e e n taught
or learned in s o c i e t y except t h r o u g h a w h o l e complicated
process o f relationships b e t w e e n i n n a t e potentialities and t h e
realization of t h e s e in culture t h r o u g h social i n t e r a c t i o n .
If we study m u s i c in the w a y s I h a v e suggested, we o u g h t

t o b e able t o learn s o m e t h i n g a b o u t structures o f h u m a n
interaction in general by w a y of the structures involved in
the creation o f m u s i c , and s o learn m o r e a b o u t the inner
n a t u r e o f m a n ' s m i n d . O n e o f the a d v a n t a g e s o f studying
music is that it is a relatively s p o n t a n e o u s and u n c o n s c i o u s
p r o c e s s . I t m a y represent the h u m a n m i n d w o r k i n g w i t h o u t
i n t e r f e r e n c e , and therefore o b s e r v a t i o n o f musical structures
m a y reveal s o m e o f the structural principles o n w h i c h all
h u m a n life i s b a s e d . I f w e can s h o w exactly h o w musical
b e h a v i o r (and, p e r h a p s , all aspects o f h u m a n b e h a v i o r i n
culture) is g e n e r a t e d by finite sets of rules applied to an
infinite n u m b e r o f variables, w e shall learn n o t o n l y w h a t
aspects o f musical b e h a v i o r are specifically m u s i c a l , b u t also
h o w and w h e n these rules and v a r i a b l e s m a y be applied in
o t h e r kinds o f h u m a n b e h a v i o r .
B y learning m o r e a b o u t the a u t o m a t i c c o m p l e x i t y o f the

h u m a n b o d y , w e m a y b e able t o prove conclusively that all
m e n are b o r n w i t h potentially brilliant intellects, or at least a
very high degree of cognitive c o m p e t e n c e , and that the source
of cultural creativity is the c o n s c i o u s n e s s that springs from
social c o o p e r a t i o n and loving i n t e r a c t i o n . By discovering
precisely h o w m u s i c is created and appreciated in different
social a n d cultural c o n t e x t s , a n d p e r h a p s e s t a b l i s h i n g that

m u s i c a l i t y is a u n i v e r s a l , species-specific characteristic, we
can s h o w that h u m a n b e i n g s are e v e n m o r e r e m a r k a b l e than
w e p r e s e n t l y b e l i e v e them t o b e — a n d not j u s t a f e w h u m a n
b e i n g s , b u t all h u m a n b e i n g s — a n d that the m a j o r i t y o f u s
l i v e f a r b e l o w o u r potential, b e c a u s e o f the o p p r e s s i v e n a t u r e
o f m o s t societies. A r m e d w i t h this vital i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t
the m i n d s o f m e n , w e can b e g i n t o discredit f o r e v e r the m y t h s
a b o u t the " s t u p i d i t y " of the m a j o r i t y a n d the s u p p o s e d l y
" i n n a t e " selfishness and a g g r e s s i v e n e s s o f m a n , w h i c h are
p e d d l e d all the time b y p e o p l e w h o u s e t h e m t o j u s t i f y the
coercion of their f e l l o w m e n into u n d e m o c r a t i c social s y s t e m s .
In a w o r l d in w h i c h a u t h o r i t a r i a n p o w e r is m a i n t a i n e d by
m e a n s of s u p e r i o r t e c h n o l o g y , a n d the s u p e r i o r t e c h n o l o g y is
s u p p o s e d to indicate a m o n o p o l y of intellect, it is n e c e s s a r y
to s h o w that the real s o u r c e s of t e c h n o l o g y , of all culture, are
to be f o u n d in the h u m a n b o d y a n d in c o o p e r a t i v e interaction
b e t w e e n h u m a n b o d i e s . E v e n falling i n l o v e m a y b e m o r e
significant as a c o g n i t i v e a c t i v i t y in w h i c h learned c a t e g o r i e s
are r e a l i g n e d , than as an e x e r t i o n of the s e x o r g a n s or a
h o r m o n a l reaction. In a w o r l d s u c h as o u r s , in this w o r l d of
cruelty a n d exploitation i n w h i c h the t a w d r y a n d the m e d i o c r e
are p r o l i f e r a t e d e n d l e s s l y for the s a k e of financial profit, it is
n e c e s s a r y to u n d e r s t a n d w h y a m a d r i g a l by G e s u a l d o or a
B a c h P a s s i o n , a sitar m e l o d y f r o m India or a s o n g f r o m
Africa, Berg's Wozzeck or Britten's War Requiem, a Balinese
gamelan or a C a n t o n e s e o p e r a , or a s y m p h o n y by M o z a r t ,
Beethoven, or Mahler, may be profoundly necessary for
h u m a n s u r v i v a l , quite apart f r o m a n y merit t h e y m a y h a v e a s
e x a m p l e s of c r e a t i v i t y and technical p r o g r e s s . It is also n e c e s -
s a r y t o e x p l a i n w h y , u n d e r certain c i r c u m s t a n c e s , a " s i m p l e "
" f o l k " s o n g m a y h a v e m o r e h u m a n v a l u e than a " c o m p l e x "
symphony.
THE LATE JOHN BLACKING w a s professor o f social a n t h r o p o l o g y
at the Q u e e n ' s University of Belfast, Northern Ireland. In 1 9 7 0
he w a s a p p o i n t e d professor of a n t h r o p o l o g y at Western M i c h i -
gan University, w h e r e he first taught courses in a n t h r o p o l o g y
and ethnomusicology in 1 9 7 1 .
Born in England on October 22, 1928, he was educated at
S a l i s b u r y C a t h e d r a l a n d S h e r b o r n e s c h o o l s , w h e r e h e re-
ceived his early musical training. D u r i n g a period of c o m p u l -
sory military service, h e w a s c o m m i s s i o n e d i n H.M. C o l d -
s t r e a m G u a r d s a n d spent the y e a r 1948-49 i n M a l a y a . H e
learned the M a l a y l a n g u a g e and, w h i l e on military operations
i n the j u n g l e , v i s i t e d s e t t l e m e n t s o f the S a k a i a n d S e n o i
tribesmen w h o lived there. T h e s e experiences, together with
m a n y e n c o u n t e r s with Malay, C h i n e s e , a n d Indian p e o p l e a n d
their cultures, c h a n g e d the direction of his career a n d forced
a g r a d u a l reassessment of his o w n culture and its values.
I n 1 9 5 3 , Dr. B l a c k i n g graduated from K i n g ' s C o l l e g e , C a m -
bridge, with a b a c h e l o r ' s d e g r e e in social anthropology. Dur-
ing the s u m m e r o f 1 9 5 2 , h e h a d studied e t h n o m u s i c o l o g y a t
the M u s e e de l ' H o m m e , Paris, under Andre Schaeffner.
An appointment as Government Adviser on Aborigines in
M a l a y a lasted six d a y s , until he w a s dismissed after a dis-
agreement with General Sir Gerald Templer in N o v e m b e r
1 9 5 3 . Thereafter, he did some anthropological research, taught
at a secondary school in Singapore, broadcast on Radio M a -
laya, accompanied Maurice Clare on a concert tour, returned
to Paris for piano lessons in June 1 9 5 4 , and went to South
A f r i c a as musicologist of the International Library of A f r i c a n
Music.
He worked with D r . H u g h T r a c e y on recording tours in
Zululand and Mozambique, and transcribed and analyzed
music in the library's collection. During 1 9 5 6 - 5 8 he under-
took fieldwork among the V e n d a of the Northern T r a n s v a a l ,
and in 1 9 5 9 he w a s appointed lecturer in social anthropology
and African government at the University of the W i t w a t e r s -
rand, Johannesburg. He w a s awarded his doctorate by the
university in 1 9 6 5 , and at the end of the year appointed pro-
fessor and head of the department. In 1 9 6 5 , he w a s also visit-
ing professor of African M u s i c at Makerere University,
Kampala. In 1 9 6 6 , he was appointed chairman of the A f r i c a n
Studies Programme at the University of the Witwatersrand,
and at the end of 1 9 6 9 he left South Africa.
Dr. Blacking has carried out ethnomusicological fieldwork
among the G w e m b e T o n g a and N s e n g a of Z a m b i a , and in
parts of U g a n d a and South A f r i c a , as well as anthropological
research in and around Johannesburg. He is the author of
many publications on V e n d a initiation rites and music and on
the relationship between the patterns of music and culture.
A m o n g his publications are two long-playing records of
Nsenga music, Black Background: The Childhood of a South
African Girl, Venda Children's Songs: A Study in Ethno-
musicological Analysis, and Process and Product in Human
Society.
HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
John Blacking
How Musical Is Man? explores the role of music in society and
culture, and of society and culture in music. T h e author, an
anthropologist and ethnomusicologist, draws examples from
Western music and from the music of the Transvaal Venda people.
" N o matter h o w respected the author is for his ethnomusicological

research, he is first and last a h u m a n i s t . . . T h e philosophy blos-
s o m s forth as facilely here as melodies c a m e from Mozart's
imagination. A l w a y s lucid and frequently informal, Blacking
m o v e s through techniques of music analysis to aesthetic concepts,
and from there through the social sciences . . . This slender v o l u m e
should certainly be required reading for every academically
oriented musicologist and performer. T h e music e x a m p l e s will be
no barrier to those w h o are not music readers, but they are as
provocative as the t e x t . " — C h o i c e
" T o u c h e s upon s o m e important issues and involves a variety of

disciplines—musicology, ethnomusicology, musical analysis,
aesthetics, anthropology, music education and the sociology of
m u s i c . . . . Stimulating from a variety of points of view."—African
Studies
" T h i s b o o k invites us profoundly to revise the notions we gener-

ally hold about the role of music in society. It contains observations
of great interest about the place of musical praxis in the general
education of m a n k i n d . . . . A passionate,
—Times Literary Supplement
JESSIE AND JOHN DANZ LECTURE SERIES
T h e late J o h n Blacking w a s professor of

Q u e e n ' s University of Belfast.
A c c o m p a n y i n g audio cassette Venda Music is available
University of Washington Press

Seattle and London

How Musical Is Man John Blacking

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

How Musical Is Man John Blacking

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

THE JESSIE A N D J O H N DANZ L E C T U R E S

THE JESSIE AND JOHN DANZ LECTURES

The Human Crisis, by Julian Huxley

UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS

SEATTLE AND LONDON

Copyright © 1973 by the University r

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or trans-

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of

Excerpts from Benjamin Britten's War Requiem are reproduced by permission

All photographs are by the author.

reinforce t h e effectiveness o f t h e extraordinary lectureships

T h i s is n o t a scholarly study of h u m a n musicality, so m u c h

of musical experience and to a deeper understanding of " m y

terns o f i n t e r a c t i o n o f h u m a n bodies i n s o c i e t y . T h u s all

and h a r m o n i o u s social relationships. T h e s e ideas are, o f

Humanly Organized Sound 3

Folk M u s i c , are the distinctions that different cultures and

k n o w w h a t sounds and w h a t kinds of b e h a v i o r different soci-

Talents were the first standardized tests of musical ability to

ability? H o w musical is the ability that finds its expression in

attitudes to art and financial profit often contradict t h e m . A

T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f creative listening i s too often ignored i n

audiences c a n be trained to accept g r o s s deviations from f a -

sound, intended for o t h e r h u m a n ears and p o s s i b l y enjoyed

Transcriptions of three Nsenga melodies for kalimba

FIGURE 1 . Comparison of melodies and "keyboards" of kalimba

Rhythmic foundations of kalimba melodies, as revealed by analyses of

Analysis of ndimba melody

esses are e m p l o y e d , and precisely w h a t t h e y are a n d w h y

Musical phrase used in flute music from Butembo

FIGURE 2. Two possible interpretations of the same musical pas-

ered by a c o n t e x t - s e n s i t i v e analysis of t h e music in culture.

b e t w e e n physical and musical factors in generating the tunes

Three Venda ocarina duets

FIGURE 3. Tonal and harmonic principles in Venda ocarina music.

ground a n d current e m o t i o n a l s t a t e of its listeners.

h a v e parallels in music. I do n o t refer so m u c h to t h e o b v i o u s

A m o r e serious illustration of t h e i m p o r t a n c e of deep s t r u c -

4. Vha ka e - n d a pT? Vho l i - m a da-vha la kho - mbe.

problem of describing w h a t happens in a piece of music. We

processes that m a y b e o b s e r v e d t o operate i n the f o r m a t i o n

these psychophysical capacities, apart from hearing, are

V e n d a music is overtly political in that it is performed in a

A combination of iambic rhythms with different main beat

Other combinations are illustrated in Figure 4, which shows

FIGURE 4 . Different ways in which one, two, or three players may

T o describe these differently organized p a t t e r n s o f sound

Functional analyses o f musical structure c a n n o t b e de-

Society and Culture

m a y turn a n o t h e r m a n on, n o t b e c a u s e o f any a b s o l u t e qual-

should not be LESS = BETTER or MORE = BETTER, b u t MORE or

T h e issue of musical c o m p l e x i t y is irrelevant in a n y c o n -

single m u s i c a l s y s t e m greater surface c o m p l e x i t y m a y b e like

have so far escaped us. W h a t e v e r t h e ultimate j u d g m e n t on

t h e n i n e t e e n t h c e n t u r y , the V e n d a adopted and accepted a s

with an authoritarian system that contradicts traditional

T h e following song, with its unusual prelude, indicates that

During the various stages of the girls' schools, instruction

T h e V e n d a learn to u n d e r s t a n d the sounds of music as

girls. T h e t e m p o varies, with fast and slow episodes to a c -

T o n g a o f Z a m b i a . I recorded w h a t w a s described t o m e a s " a

terest and ability fizzled out b e c a u s e he could n o t relate his