Masculine Spaces: Rural Male Culture in North India

Author(s): PREM CHOWDHRY

Source: Economic and Political Weekly , NOVEMBER 22, 2014, Vol. 49, No. 47
(NOVEMBER 22, 2014), pp. 41-49
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly

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SPECIAL ARTICLE

Masculine Spaces
Rural Male Culture in North India

PREM CHOWDHRY

In rural north India, there are thriving and exclusive

In rural north India, as observable in Haryana, the
all-male spaces in the villages which play an important
Patriarchy
strength ofensures
male culture isthe dominance
most noticeably visible in theof an all-male culture.
role in constructing gender identities. These extend
thriving and exclusive all-male spaces in the villages. Signify
from the home to the public domain. Reserved andand material dimension of male power,
ing both the symbolic
used almost exclusively by the male population,
they validate men's power over women, while asserting the
caste and class hierarchies
these are spaces where the power and legitimacy of which are under attack in post
Independence India. These masculine spaces are where tradi
masculinity are displayed and cemented and where
tionally men have congregated more commonly than women
men are at a distinct advantage in terms of deployment
and where men are at a distinct advantage in terms of deploy
of power. Mascuiinisation of space means an
ment access
of power. These to
extend from the home to the outside
public-domain.
and control over resources of various kinds The most common are the gendered spaces like
material,
the baithak (an outer apartment reserved for men correspond
sociocultural, political and ideological. Signifying both
ing to a sitting room for visitors, etc); the chaupal (community
the symbolic and the material dimension of male
building); the traditional panchayat (council); or the leisure
power, these spaces validate men's control time
atactivities
home, of males like consuming alcohol, smoking, card
playing orwhile
in the village, community, and wider society participating in male-oriented popular sports; or the
all-male army, which continues to resist the entry of females
asserting the caste and class hierarchies which are under
into its combat ranks. To these spaces may be added public
attack in post-Independence India. Circulating ideals
utility places like the village streets which get reserved for pre
of gendered separateness, they make the presence of
dominant male-only use after a certain hour of the day. Circu
males and the absence of females seem "natural". This
lating ideals of gendered separateness, they make the presence
of males and absence of females seem "natural".
mascuiinisation of spaces goes totally unacknowledged
Space has been shown to be gendered in many ways and its
and unchallenged even by those most affected.
importance inIt hasgender identities in different cul
constructing
merited little comment, discussion or condemnation
tural settings is well recognised (Hoven and Horschelman
from any quarter. 2005). Reserved and used almost exclusively by the male
population, these are the spaces where power and legitimacy
of masculinity are cemented and displayed. In these all-male
gatherings men's power and control at home, in the village,
community and wider society, is defended and continually
legitimated. This masculinisation of space means an access to
and control over resources of various kinds, material, sociocul
tural, political and ideological. Exclusive male spaces connote
sharpening of certain aspects of masculinities like male bond
ing, group solidarity, swearing, drinking, fighting and using
aggressive and sexually explicit language leading to abundant
use of abuses involving the female anatomy. Women are ex
tremely vulnerable in these spaces as their presence there
invites attention, ridicule, sexual harassment and even greater
I wish to thank Bhupendra Yadav for his insightful comments on an
violence. Indeed, all such male gatherings act as means of con
earlier draft of this paper.
trolling women.
Prem Chowdhry (chowdhryprem@gmail.com) is former Curiously,
professorial
this masculisation of spaces goes totally un
fellow at the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi, and is
acknowledged and unchallenged. There has been a notable lack
currently an independent researcher.
of attention to the connection between masculine identities

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SPECIAL ARTICLE

and spaces. It has not merited any comment, discussion or ideology of izzat or honour is used; fundamentally a male
condemnation. On the other hand, "women and space" has mer- cept it permeates every aspect of Haryanavi life and is bas
ited attention for a considerable period. For example, in states its culture. It is regulated and enforced not infrequen
like Kerala and Bengal, issues of public and domestic space or through the use of violence by the male members, in re
outer and inner space in relation to women have been of major to individuals or family or a group or even a community,
concern even in the colonial period (Devika 2006; Chakrabarty
1994; Chatterjee 1989). A recent in-depth study regarding 2 Gendered Geography: Household and the Outsid
women and the use of public space in Mumbai and Delhi by six Male-dominated spaces are amply reflected in both the p
authors draws our attention to the extent of openness or limi- and the public sphere. The private sphere consisting of
tations of these spaces, especially for its vast female working household is a highly gendered space. However, this is
population (Phadke 2007, 2013; Ranade 2007; Khan 2007; peculiar to this region as in many cultures the physical fo
Bedi 2007; Vishwanath and Malhotra 2007). In other words, the house is gendered, being literally and symbolically di
in India the importance of space for constructing gender iden- into feminine and masculine halves (Domosh 2001). In Hary
tities has been investigated essentially in relation to women in most households of the landowning caste groups cons
the cities and urban centres. This article seeks to unravel it in three distinct parts: the ghar (living quarters), the gher
relation to its rural counterpart and primarily in relation to its for cattle) and the baithak.3 The two important aspiration
male population to emphasise how exclusive spaces in the the Haryana male are summed up in a common utte
rural context emerge central to the overwhelming strength of "pukki rod aur pukki haveli" (a well-cooked meal and a
patriarchy and exercise of masculine power. The existence of built house). In fact, apart from the acquisition of agricu
"male spaces" is a good index to the measure of strength and tools and machinery, the male priority lies in acquiring a
extent of patriarchy in a given region and society. ghar (solidly constructed house). On an average, in 198
There is dire need for this issue to be recognised by socio- peasant proprietor's family was estimated to spend only
political forces. When males and females do not have an equal 5% of its domestic budget on housing (Government of H
claim to public and/or private spaces and the latter are dubbed 1987:5,14-15). Now that average according to the figure
as illegitimate users, and because of this, not infrequently, vio- able for 2004-05 has risen to 13.8% of its domestic b
lence is inflicted upon them, it is clear that the ideas of justice (Government of Haryana 2006: 88).
and an equal society are seriously lacking in rural areas. The Although considerable differentiation exists within a vi
exclusive and restricted male spaces underline basic inequality and between different villages, even visually the rural
between the two genders. Exposure of these male spaces and a scape has changed noticeably over the years of my assoc
demand for their opening out to include women would cer- with this region; it has come to be dotted with pukka and
tainly be a move towards a just and democratic society and pukka houses, more spacious than earlier. The material
polity. If we seek to transform unequal relations of gender it perity experienced under the green revolution and subse
may be useful to analyse the existing masculine spaces. This semi-urbanisation and urbanisation has brought consider
article is a move towards such an analysis. What follows is change. This change has also been acknowledged for oth
based upon my personal observations and interviews with a green revolution regions like western Uttar Pradesh (B
large number of people, both men and women, undertaken and Jewitt 2007). Even among the dalits, for a variety of
during my fieldwork in Haryana spread over a period of three sons which I have dealt with extensively elsewhere (Chowdh
decades and continuing. 2009), the upwardly mobile section has been able to build
pukka or semi-pukka houses and also own cattle. My field
1 Male Identification with the Village work showed that those among the lower caste and class
Spatially, men dominate the village which they declare to be groups who can afford to tend to include a baithak as a "male
hamara gaon (our village). In strong patrilineal societies like space", a practice contrary to their male-female sharing in
that of Haryana the village and its land is taken to belong to common ethos visible earlier.
the male descendants of those who originally settled in the vil- For the pukka houses, the inner quarter of the house, popu
lage. This usage effectively excludes the women of the village, larly referred to as the ghar, is considered a feminine space,
whether daughters or daughters-in-law. Basing their claim on However, the most popular ground plan for this ghar has at its
patrilineal descent men claim that it is they who are "indige- heart the dominant masculine space of the baithak. Located in
nous" to the village, i e, born and brought up there. All women the frontal portion of the house, the baithak is the most impos
are "outsiders": the beds (daughters) who are born there go ing part of the house and extends to the street - the public
away from the village after marriage making them essentially space outside - linking the two spaces. Baithak is where power
"temporary members";1 the brides who marry-in are not born is wielded and it may rightly be called the nerve centre of the
in the village; they are outsiders to the biradari (community) household where all decisions are made. This emphasis on the
or bhaichara (brotherhood) which controls the village affairs, acquisition of a baithak exclusive of ghar and gher underlines
It is significant that the village biradari or bhaichara are in the idea of men as negotiators with the extended world and
essence "male" concepts as women stand excluded from women as custodians of domestic culture within the home. This
them.2 For cementing this male collectivity the overarching division of space between the baithak and ghar, underlining

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 SPECIAL ARTICLE

the sex-segregation within the home, reinforces the con- This is the space where village panchayats (both official and
ventional distinction between the private and the public non-official) are generally held and take important decisions,
observed outside. Male villagers can be seen sitting here, smoking and playing
This geographical segregation of the sexes gets an extra cards and discussing various local and w
edge since men are wary of staying too long in the ghar due to and private functions are organised he
fears of the risk of being feminised. Males who spend more the joint property of the village, women
than the "necessary" time (generally spent in eating a meal) in usage. Women are very rarely called or
the ghar are called ghar ghusnoo (literally, home bound), unless they are summoned or are a pa
meant negatively, it is used in the sense of being "petticoat tion or panchayat, etc. More recently
bound", i e, a male under the influence/domination of females, also have the use of it. However, as m
Even the unemployed male youth, who constitute a very large women, the latter in general avoid
proportion of men in Haryana (Chowdhry 2005) do not wish firming its "for men only" identity a
to spend time in the domestic sphere lest such derogatory Apart from the main chaupal of the
charges are made against them which treat them as feminised, other caste groups may have their
Their masculinity, already under challenge, is asserted through caste groups especially tend to have th
a refusal to be in the domestic sphere comprising women and are not encouraged to use the chaupa
by observing an active disassociation from the private space. On their part, the lower caste groups
In fact, this escape from the domestic sphere is understood these as they are mostly located in th
to be a key aspect of the men's identities (Willott and Griffin of the higher castes. The dominant cast
1997: 107-28). They would rather spend their time loafing the other hand spend lavishly on build
about even at odd hours outside the home, occupying the posing chaupal structures. For example,
streets. This has the effect of keeping out women from the constructed a mammoth chabutra (sit
public space. Out in the streets these loafing unemployed chaupal in village Sisana, with a seatin
youth act as if they own the street or the street belongs to
them. They can also be violent or aggressive in their use of 3 Traditional Panchayat: Most Powe
sexually explicit language and abuses especially towards those Organisation
women who may wittingly or unwittingly breach the unwrit- One of the most important bastions of
ten code of space and time socially recognised and observable tution of the traditional panchayat w
for them in the streets.4 By focusing on the "danger" of these of males come together to solve disp
spaces for women they not only reserve this privileged space rights or inheritance, or caste and in
fer themselves but also emphasise women's space at home. gressions in marriage and other sundry
Standing as a "symbol of masculinity", the baithak emerges en the peace of the village or the imm
as an exclusive male preserve rarely breached by the women in very little is known about the workin
the family except to perform a few essential chores required or ats in contemporary times they rema
demanded by the men. The maximum part of the man's day is north India (Chowdhry 2004). What fol
spent here where he entertains, transacts business, does other meetings is claimed to be an open,
agricultural and market-related work. As this space assures sion in respect of a specific problem
the material and symbolic survival of the family it becomes members. However, in these exclu
the source of resources and prestige and hence superior to the low-caste men can be generally seen sit
domestic. Exclusion of women leads to minimising the inter- periphery of the male assembly, all h
action between men and women and depriving the latter of not intermingling with the high-caste
discussing, rationalising, questioning, partaking or influenc- A close observation of the proceed
ing the decision-making process of the men in any way. This contrary to the claimed democratic
space is also used by men for discussions of village affairs, pol- one of the concerned parties is not ev
itics and economy as well as national politics. This exclusion of represented. Women are not even
females, who are not required to hold political opinions or are chayat premises although, more ofte
considered "incapable" of holding them, underlines the work taken there involve them in import
and sphere of the "domestic-alone" for them. It reduces the norm regarding their attendance has
women's access to knowledge which is highly valued in the certain cases albeit on very rare occasion
public realm. frowned upon, discouraged and has never become a norm.
Chaupal is the public extension of the baithak. If the baithak More recently, in view of the large-scale media and
is the power centre of a household the chaupal is the heart of society criticism the khap panchayats (traditional co
the village. Traditionally, the chapaul, like the baithak, has representing a geographical area inhabited by a wider g
been a reserved space for males. Built on a somewhat grand of linked clans of Jats) have attempted to get a few wom
scale, generally on a high plinth, it has a spacious platform in this all male assemblage (Chowdhry 2013b). The w
front and open space for the assemblage of the male population, co-opted have essentially a token presence and are broug

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SPECIAL ARTICLE

for all intents and purposes, to silence the rising criticism participating and implementing the decisions and by pr
against these traditional bodies. Handpicked by the khap they ing a popular and vociferous base to the dictatorial and u
have been instructed to keep quiet and speak only to support stitutional doings of this extrajudicial body and giving it l
the male speakers. There is absolutely no evidence of rewriting macy. This is a kind of public demonstration of their mascu
the male-only rule of the panchayats.6 Clearly, masculinity ity which then gets established in relation to the evaluation
essentially lies in not sharing the exclusive male-assemblage male peers and male authority.
spaces with women. Even in the statutory panchayats the 33% The decision of such a body, with the older generati
female representation guaranteed under the Haryana Pancha- monopolising and directing its course, is projected and im
yati Raj Act of 1994, is hardly effective. The non-participation mented as a unanimous decision democratically arrived
of women in these official bodies due to "family male proxy dissenters are dismissed as "men of no importance". T
attendance" and the ineffectiveness of women's voices due to "united rural male strength" acts as a united repressive fo
the "biased male attitude" are well acknowledged facts and exercises ideological pressure on females and wea
(Nagpal 2013). members of other castes, especially low-caste groups. In cases
In the traditional male collectives or community gatherings where violence is resorted to, to implem
what is at stake is the men's tough image and strong leader- decision, an even more effective weapo
ship, both associated with masculinity. Such a leadership hands. The desire to enforce their dominat
closely monitors the discussion. Dissent is either ignored, kept strength is an interest that cuts across
dormant or not allowed to surface in any effective manner, upper-caste groups.
The young males, very often the affected party, are not al
lowed to voice their opinion, especially when any other older 4 Public Spaces: Pleasurable Activities
male member of the family is present. In rural north India, age This ideology of separate spheres, publi
and experience are still respected, though change, howsoever essence meant the unwillingness of men t
slow, now favours the youth. For example, the introduction of and equal involvement of women in
different state structures, such as the elected statutory pan- sphere, i e, agriculture. Significantly, un
chayat, the election mechanism based upon equal citizenship men, this public space of agriculture for w
and adult franchise, has shifted the balance of power to much a mere extension of their private space
younger, new socially mixed groups, who along with bureau- Work performed in the private space is no
cracy and police constitute the formal structure in post- of acknowledgement.
Independent India. A study of the leadership of the statutory Despite this association of productive wo
panchayats in Haryana shows that 77.5% of panchayat mem- men and not women, men can be seen to
bers to be below 50 years of age (Singh 1985: 39). The intro- time in the rural areas. And if leisure can b
duction of the green revolution involving new agricultural capital then it is apparent that women have
technology, machines and contact with the outside world, taking duced access to it, and are less able to nego
and re-payment of bank loans, etc, has thrown up the role of with it (Whitehead 2002:140-43). Men on
the younger men far more sharply than ever. All this suggests a given to observing certain social norms an
perceptible shift of power to the younger men in rural Haryana. leisure which are all-male, like hukka smo
Consequently, the older generation has been feeling a greater the fire in winter, card-playing, or play
need to assert itself and stand as leader of a united community sports, as well as drinking alcohol, especi
(Chowdhry 2005). In attempting to project such a community, creasing numbers of sharab ke adde (liquo
the traditional panchayat has been stressing a kind of aggres- (local eateries). Being strictly male-oriente
sive masculinity in which the youth loses out if he does not to enlarge the nuclei of male assemblage i
subscribe to it. He is declared to be a "weakling" and "effemi- The constant presence of so many men rei
nate", unable to withstand the urban/western phenomenon. of segregation of sexes, control of female
Indeed, as opposed to those who quietly acquiesce to what- nance of men.
ever is decreed in such gatherings there are a fairly large A common sight in the villages is a group
number of men who are extremely vocal and belligerent in hukka while playing cards, surrounded by
supporting the decisions of the panchayat. These are mostly boys peering over the players' heads to watc
drawn from among the unmarried/unemployed men in rural hukka smoking and sharing by males is al
society whose masculinity, for a variety of reasons, is con- It is always shared among equals. It is a mo
sidered highly suspect (Chowdhry 2005). The all-male pan- of inclusivity and exclusivity of caste. No h
chayat provides a space to them to demonstrate their mascu- share his hukka with a lower-caste man s
linity under the surveillance of other men's approval, in what plies the acceptance of the other man's eq
may be described as "homosocial enactment" (Kimmel 2001). also bestowal of honour and refusing to sh
Men prove their manhood in the eyes of other men, not neces- an insult. It means ostracism of an individua
sarily through demonstration of wealth and other accomplish- community. Hukka-pani bandh is evoke
ments, as suggested by Michael Kimmel, but by supporting/ boycotted or expelled from the village bira

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 SPECIAL ARTICLE

Another pleasurable activity, also traditionally enjoyed by aggression, physical strength, success in competition and n
Haryanavi males, is that of sports. Research by historians and gation of the feminine (Hall 2005). The history and spaces
sociologists shows how important male-sport is in the consoli- sport even in the West have been predominantly male a
dation of various masculine images and lifestyle (Horrocks sport grounds have been identified as a "traditional spaces o
1995)- Popular sports that have traditionally existed in this re- masculinity". Over the years in western societies severa
gion are located in combat and contact games like kushti factors in the context of changing institutional and societa
(wrestling), boxing, kabbadi, lathi ghumana (staff-wielding) norms and values, commercialisation of sport, media cov
and athletics, all of which require a strong physique and age, increase in government funding, coaching and training
strength. Among these it is the sport of kushti, considered a facilities leading to competitions have led to a steady flow
way of life that symbolises masculinity at its best. By working females into what were previously male-dominated spo
on their bodies the wrestlers gain in status. Exhibition and and spaces (Hall 2005). Women's involvement in sports qu
competitive kushti matches are frequently arranged on special tions this version of masculinity and the power that emanates
occasions like festivals, weddings and melas (fairs). from it. According to the critics, under such an ideolo
However, interviews with a cross section of people associât- female athletes put their "femininity" at risk, threaten th
ed with wrestling have revealed that the "dedicated" attend- social order and invite disapproval and hostility because th
ance at the akharas (wrestlers' arena) has dwindled, though "act" male (Bolin 2012).
thousands of them dot the villages. Unlike earlier when the Similarly in Haryana, there exists both derision and suppo
men came to build their physical fitness and muscles while for the development of women's sports especially in view o
supposedly following a strict moral and ethical code under the government funding, grants, and benefits with which spo
instructions of a revered guru, now the motivation is the land- women have been awarded. In Haryana, the physically pow
ing of a job with the police force or in the paramilitary or ful and competent women who are desired for performing a
armed forces. Being wholly job-oriented, their adherence to cultural work become suspect when they use this prowess
the required norms and the moral code of behaviour which another field, especially like that of wrestling and boxing.
has been traditionally associated with the wrestling culture is fieldwork threw up a lot of criticism, especially from the mal
totally absent (Alter 1992: 201). Pehalwans, as these wrestlers about female wrestlers who are accused of "building th
are called, are agreeable to being hired by real estate builders muscles" by lifting weights, "wearing kachchas" (undercloth
or agents and businessmen, whenever there is a need to flex exposing their bodies to the public and indulging in wrestlin
muscle power. They are known to, for a price, assist anyone The same opinion is held for boxing which some women h
who wants to grab land, get premises vacated or settle scores, taken up. Their opinion is summed up in "who will marr
A large number of akharas are also patronised by leaders of these girls?" Some of the girls complained that they are ev
different political parties. They are pressed into service at the discouraged from playing sports that might make th
time of elections to either stop or intimidate certain people or "manly". As in the West, this negative opinion shows "thr
communities from exercising their franchise. ened masculinity" in this region as well (Hall 2005).
With this "perverted" service being offered by them the In a milieu where sport occupies an important social role
word pehlawan, once hailed as an epithet of honour, has now and the normative sport is male, entry of female athletes e
come to be a pejorative word, even a dreaded one. It evokes daily in certain select "male sacred" sports which have be
fear, resentment and contempt rather than respect. The more traditionally an exclusive preserve of men poses a critic
ambitious ones among them have even joined politics. Others challenge. They have transgressed rigid gender boundaries
are trying constantly to be accepted as the candidate of a rec- Moreover, the presence of robust women athletes demon
ognised political party for contesting the elections. During my strates that sporting prowess is not naturally masculine (Bolin
fieldwork several names were disclosed as proof of this fact. 2012). It therefore becomes all the more important for m
On the other hand, wrestling has also opened a career op- that, notwithstanding a few breaches, sports remain an
tion for the youngsters; especially as this region has produced important site for the propagation of patriarchal and ma
a large contingent of gold-medallist, including a few women, linist gender politics,
who have come up in the international competitions (Outlook
2012). It is not only wrestling but other sports as well, where 5 Consumption of Alcohol: Growing Menace
women have started participating and winning awards. Gen- In terms of popularity nothing can match the practice
erously rewarded by the state, the sports policy followed in alcohol intake which is speedily increasing among males
Haryana since 2006 is geared towards encouraging sports by all ages. This adds more spaces and occasions, both social
"rewarding deserving" men and women, though not necessar- and political, to the already existing male spaces and increa
ily by promoting a sports culture (Yadav 2010). a display of masculinity and aggression. This can be seen in
However, it must be remembered that the basic hegemonic the growing sharab ke adde in Haryana which in many
ideology of sport has been defined by scholars as "male" ways have come to influence the masculine spaces in a pro
(Saavedra 1997: 437-54)- It supports male dominance not only found manner.
by excluding or marginalising women but also by naturalising Drinking alcohol has always been an intrinsic part of rur
a connection between masculinity and the skills of sport, society. Places where alcohol is sold or where drinking tak
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SPECIAL ARTICLE

place are exclusive male preserves. In such spaces men's com- Haryana itself, as the state is an exporter of spirits and bee
munity and power can be seen to be openly displayed and other states. But even if we take the consumption of countr
dominant understanding of legitimate masculine behaviour is liquor alone, locally known as tharra, the increase in its
defended and continually refurbished (Campbell 2000). This sumption has been startling: from 14,20,345 in 1966-67
public place, reserved exclusively for men, promotes the absence 49,93,664 proof liters in 1980-81- an increase of 351.58%
or invisibility of others, not only women, but also among men 2006-07 (when the figures are available) it stood at 5,75,40
- "other men", notably lower-caste groups who may not be ac- proof litres - a rise of 1,152.27%. This excludes the enorm
commodated in such spaces. They may buy alcohol but not nec- illicit distillation carried out in the state,
essarily form a part of those who are drinking on the premises. Although the figures are missing, many vouch for an
In the colonial period, the British Indian Army's influence crease in the number of sharab ke thekke (licensed liqu
on alcohol consumption was a very decisive one. The one shop). The existing practice shows the licensing and setting
"taste" which was deliberately encouraged in the army was of one such shop within a radius of every 10 km and openin
that of alcohol drinking, which came to be firmly associated small retail shops every 3 km. Mostly located near the bu
with masculinity and masculine behaviour. Many times the stops or the residential areas of the villages, liquor has t
easy availability of "cheap" or subsidised liquor led to heavy busiest sale in the period between 6 pm and 9 pm - a ti
drinking. It was related to the desire and need to suppress the when no woman can be seen near these shops. Howev
soldiers' fears, reward their efforts, overcome their social inhi- liquor is freely available not only in the legally sanctio
bitions regarding aggression and violence and help numb the spaces but also in the vegetable and tea shops, being sold
pain of combat (Goldstein 2001: 257). small pouches or in glasses priced at Rs 2 and 5 per pouch. It is
The army recruits on their visits to their villages always well known that even schoolboys buy these pouches and con
brought back bottles of rum and whisky, relatively high in po- sume the contents. Their attempts at becoming a "man" by
tency compared to the home-brewed liquor, to be shared. Alco- drinking alcohol start early. The declining age group of
hoi drinking also gained significance as it came to be associât- alcohol consumers is a constant worry among the Haryanavi
ed with the martial heritage of not only the Rajputs, as de- populace. This menace has provided a basis for periodic
scribed by Jon Peter Dorschnver (1983: 35,54), but generally of anti-alcohol agitations spearheaded by women (Chowdhry
the "martial castes", as well as with the overriding concern 1994: 257-59).
with their masculinity. As opposed to this the two reasons How do men see their "drinking", and what explanation or
advocated for the popularity of alcohol among the lower castes justification do they offer? Some of the answers given by men
and classes, in direct opposition to the higher castes and classes, related essentially to their being men and their masculinity:
are economic deprivation and low self-esteem and an attempt (a) it is considered necessary for them to loosen up after a hard
to overcome these, however temporarily. Retired army men in day's work and drinking helps in that; (b) it helps them to
the villages even now are stated to be the greatest consumers build up necessary social capital and male solidarity, i e, male
of alcohol. They get "pure liquor" that is of high quality and bonding based upon their caste and biradari; (c) men corn
much lower in price than the market. Army men are known to plained of the "demands" and "expectations" placed upon
sell this liquor at a profit. them as men and their response to these. Such a rationalisa
There is also a noticeable increase in the number of social tion exposes extreme gender inequality in household expendi
occasions where drinking is popularly expected, accepted and ture, which is exclusively reserved for men to decide. Indeed,
allowed. These extend from festivals like Holi and Diwali to "wasteful" expenditure on drinking, at the cost of household
other celebratory occasions leading to a segregated gathering expenses, has been variously commented upon by the feminist
of males from females. For example, "drinking liquor" has authors as creating gender injustice (Vera-Sanso 2002).
become a must for the men gathered at the birth of a son; at
the marriage of a son and when a man lands a job, especially a 6 Army: A Closed Preserve of Men
government job. All male friends demand liquor for célébrât- An important exclusive masculine space can be located in the
ing such an "important" occasion. To these may be added the army profession. For army recruitment in the colonial period
increasing demand and popularity of having a "party". Strictly the British had structurally and ideologically identified with
confined only to men these parties are essentially for alcohol and privileged those trends of existing masculinities in this
consumption. However, the largest consumption of alcohol is region which suited their power structure and empire
to be found in the village panchayat elections. A candidate for building. They actively promoted a constellation of marital
the position of sarpanch (headman) arranges on an average caste status, landownership, dominant caste syndrome and
Rs 3 to 5 lakh worth of country liquor to be distributed among good physique or physical strength to successfully recruit a
the potential voters. A victory celebration again means an majority of men from the dominant caste of this region
all-male-liquor party. (Chowdhry 2013a).
The consumption of liquor is enormous and is said to be After Independence, the India
growing. During 1981 and 2006-07, foreign liquor consumption cruitment to different social s
rose 8.13 fold and wine and beer 10.12 fold (Statistical Abstract of region, class and caste
of Haryana 2010: 558-59). Not all this alcohol is consumed in quotas" to different states of

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 SPECIAL ARTICLE

known) percentage of male figures of recruiting ages. How- rahe hain ki ladkiyon ko bhifauj mein bharti ker do. Bhai vo
ever, according to the army officers, despite this "opening up" mahina apna mahavari sambhlegi ya bachchon to sambhal
of the army, by and large, the same "classes" and "castes" of ya fauj mein ladaee karegi, bandook uthayegi. Bkilkul dima
people continue to be recruited as in the colonial past. The kharab ker diya he inhone (Now the demand is that the girls
"others" are known to be largely recruited in the non-combat must be recruited in the army. Brother, you tell me wou
forces. Women especially have been kept out, or allowed in these girls be able to manage their menstruation every mon
very limited numbers and in very limited fields.8 The following and look after their children, or pick up the gun and fight
analysis of the anxiety faced by the army personnel in guard- the army? Surely, they are out of their minds).9 Similar se
ing the all-male character of the army is largely based upon ments regarding "those difficult days of the month for women"
the interviews held in the National Defense Academy in were expressed by an urbane army officer. The armymen's o
Dehradun where I had gone in February 2010 (Chowdhry 2010). position clearly emanates from their desire to prevent the
There is a strong belief among army men that combat, by sential "male character" of the army and their sense of mas
nature, is a male occupation; the army is a male space and linity which lies in the combat role itself, from being diluted,
combat the most masculine of all aspects of war. The resist- Unofficial army culture, I was also confidentially informe
ance to women's recruitment in the army, especially in the encourages sexist and homophobic attitudes - considered
fighting units, has to be looked at as the army men's desire to part of "natural masculine behavior". The use of "coarse la
preserve the fundamental aspect of their identity, i e, army as guage" and swearwords is common in the army, as in oth
a male domain. Almost all men asserted that fighting is a male spaces. It actively excludes women, denigrates them,
"man's job" and "should remain so". In a May 2012 radio inter- treats them as sexual objects, abuses and ridicules them. Ar
view the then army chief, V K Singh and now an mp of the men show an almost universal obsession with sexual banter
Bharatiya Janata Party, who hails from the Bhiwani district of and humour. Women officers revealed that they had to listen
Haryana, candidly commented: "since the soldiers of the army to endless references to sex in both formal and informal situa
are overwhelmingly drawn from the rural areas it would be tions and felt harassed on account of it. Refusing to chang
very difficult for them to serve under a lady officer; they are the men asserted: "If women have been allowed in, let the
just not used to taking commands from a lady". adjust to the existing pattern of our behaviour". This attitud
Army service, considered the "privilege of men", means de- creates tension which is sexual in nature. Indeed, the risi
fending not only the nation and its boundaries but also women cases of sexual harassment in the army are a case in poin
and children. Nations are symbolised by women and states by underlining the "unsafe" nature of the all "male spaces". Th
men. The male citizens, associated with the state, must protect overwhelming absence of women from combat thus ser
the mother earth, i e, the nation. Accommodation of women to reinforce the gender division that exists in the civilian
challenges these familiar roles. The resistance of men is there- society between males and females and helps generate pat
fore a sharp reaction to the perceived menace these women archal stability,
pose not only to the exclusive male spaces but also to the tradi
tional equilibrium of assigned male-female identificatory roles. 7 Conclusions
In a patriarchal society with culturally assigned subordinate Social and economic changes in the villages and extens
position, and in a relationship dominated by men, if women urbanisation with an increasing merger of boundaries b
were to perform what men perceive as a "masculine function", tween city and villages along with gender neutral comm
it is bound to be resisted. When women attempt to enter the spaces have aroused great anxieties, especially among th
army, especially as officers, they threaten to undermine the male populace. The point of debate in the villages is: How
hegemonic masculinity of the organisation and stand to they (the local populace) want to see themselves? As a carica
undermine its masculine ethos; and as one officer put it, "to ture of the urban? Or with a different identity, especially
effeminate" the "sturdy men" by making them "behave out of the urban is largely looked down upon in the rural area
character (male)". Women officers "in charge" of male soldiers Increasing urban spaces are also problematic as they are re
and subordinates are seen as "transgressive" and "unnatural" tively emancipatory in both class and caste terms and thus c
- women who are out of place and who are denying their ate great uncertainty around gender issues. Masculine ident
"femininity". In other words introduction of women in the ties in Haryana are in certain respects empowered by mode
army would lead to a denial of the basic characteristics of both nity while women are perceived to have become a centr
masculinity and femininity. Another army officer from problematic to be constrained. In the urban-rural overlapp
Haryana commented: Admiyonjaisi aurautein kis ko chaihiyen areas there has been an erosion of the male space like the ru
hain? (who wants women who are like men?) In other words male claim to the exclusive use of the street after dark, or
they are averse to both, i e, "militarisation of femininity" and crease in the number of working women and their mobil
féminisation of the military. These notions of masculinity/ during "unorthodox" time periods. At such times men drin
femininity are totally at odds with the rules of modern rights ing in groups, swearing, fighting, gambling, or just standing
of equality. or lurking at street corners, watching passers-by, especially
The reservations of the Haryana males are summed up by a the odd woman, are a menacing site for w
panchayati member candidly recorded on camera: Abyeh keh ing visibility of women on the streets has

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SPECIAL ARTICLE

accompanied an increase in crime against them since in many unanimously passed a resolution against setting up of co
ways it is a reaction to a perceived loss of masculine control schools. It acknowledged the "danger" of mixing of the s
over this space. This perception has led to disquiet and and considered it to be morally reprehensible. Such re
discomfort among the male populace; their inability to han- tions have become yearly rituals now and are aimed at sn
die this erosion has turned the village collective noticeably ing away the public spaces available to females. This dem
resentful. for all-male schools is not only to "protect" the girls or prevent
The fractures in the village community - its economy, polity forming of intimate associations, but a
and society - have led to a profound nostalgia for an unreach- sary for bringing up "real men" who, ac
able concept of the past. The present day self-assertion of the cates of this view point, are threatened
community through khap panchayats is symptomatic of that females (Mangan and Walvin 1987). Cl
need. From time to time masculinity in rural areas needs to be khaps for segregating boys and girls is a
confirmed and recognised. Such occasions are provided by any nise the school.
challenge, perceived or real, that may be thrown at them. Whether it is schools, baithak, chaupal,
These occasions are used to reclaim or reassert the traditional liquour drinking, sports, or the all pow
form of masculinity. The tough stand taken by the male collec- chayat, masculine spaces exercise most
tive in the khap panchayats on the so called "honour crimes" is those who are left out of these spaces, w
a case in point (Chowdhry 2004). These present-day happen- curb their democratic and human right
ings have rejuvenated the discourse around tradition and the spaces impose social distance and limit
ideal of a stable community and stressed the preservation of women with those who control econom
the "ideal space", which is nothing but an exclusive masculine power and make decisions. What can be
space. Such spaces police and reinforce the boundaries of ters? It is difficult to find answers. Masculin
gender. The unwillingness of males to change their all-male tive of the society that produces them cul
spaces in the village or accommodate women for instance them (Domosh 2001). As symbols of that s
shows an endeavour to maintain structures of power duirng change without society being changed?
times of change. change society by changing the symbols of that society? On
In this connection it is interesting to note that the village the other hand if women do not even
and the community collectives have been working towards bolic spaces, how do we expect chan
"cleansing" certain spaces which are showing sure signs of tures and conditions? It cannot be den
breaches and safeguarding them as masculine spaces. In the to control of both symbolic as well a
shared domain of aspirations to economic development and are strongly interlinked. A change in
emphasis on education, cultural modes have emerged as these spaces has the possibility of enco
all important. The major thrust of the khap panchayats in desired direction and being potenti
this connection has been their attempts to put a stop to co- ry. An attack on the culture of all-m
educational schools in the villages. On 21 March 1993 a sarv seeks to normalise asymmetries as
khap panchayat held at village Sisana in district Sonepat, would be an attack on all-male power

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Link between Food Price Inflation and Rural Wage Dynamics - Atulan Guha, Ashutosh Kr Tripathi

Estimating Rural Housing Shortage - Arjun Kumar

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Financial Literacy in Rural Banking: Proposal for an Alternative Approach
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Punjab's Small Peasantry: Thriving or Deteriorating? - Sukhpal Singh, Shruti Bhogal

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NOTES
Emphasized Femininity, Labor and Government
Power Re of Haryana (1987): Family Budgets of
The customary rules regulating marriage lationsinamong Fitness, Figure and Women Cultivators in Haryana, 1984-85 (Chandigarh:
most parts of northern India are based Body Building Competition 1985-2019"
upon Economicin and Statistical Organisation, Plan
caste endogamy on the one hand, and AdamvillageLocks and Niall Richardson (ed.), Criti
ning Department).
or territorial exogamy, on the other. There cal Readings
is in Body Building (London
- (2006) : and
Family Budgets of Cultivators in Haryana,
very strict observance of these normsNew for York,
mar Routledge), 29-57. 2004-2005 (Chandigarh: Economic and Statis
riage purposes. The widespread phenomenon Campbell, Hugh (2000): "The Glass Phallus: tical Organisation, Planning Department).
of the so-called honour killings is directly Pub(lic)reMasculinity and DrinkingHall, in Michael
Rural (2005): "Shifting Spaces of Mascu
lated to the breaches in these customary New Zealand", Rural Sociology, 65 (4): 562-81.
linity" in Bettina van Hoven and Catherine
norms. For details, see Chowdhry (2007: 92
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (1994): "The Difference
Horschelman (ed.), Spaces of Masculinities
138). deferral of a Colonial Modernity: Public (LondonDe and New York: Routledge), 155-64.
The term biradari is variously defined accord bates on Domesticity in British India"Horrocks,
in David Roger (1995): Male Myths and Icons:
ing to its usage. McKim Marriott, for instance Arnold and David Hardiman (ed.), Subaltern Masculinity in Popular Culture (Great Britain:
notes that "the term biradari refers not to just Studies, VIII (New Delhi: Oxford University Palgrave Macmillian).
one concrete structural unit at the village level Press), 50-88. Hoven, Bettina van, and Catherine Horschelman,
but rather to patrilineal connection, real, puta Chandhoke, S (1990): Nature and Structure of Rural ed. (2005): Spaces of Masculinities (London
tive or fictional, at any level of segmentation" Habitation (New Delhi: Concept Publishing and New York: Routledge).
(1962). In the context of a caste group, a bira Company).
dari is a social group made up of males who Indian Express (2014): "Storm in a Khap: First
Chatterjee, Partha (1989): "The National Resolu Woman Member Aims to Bridge Gender Bias",
believe they are descended from a common tion of the Women's Question" in Kumkum
male ancestor which makes them equals and Delhi, 25 April.
Sangari and Sudesh Vaid (ed.), Recasting Khan, Sameera (2007): "Negotiating the Mohalla",
brothers. But used in the context of the village,
Women: Essays in Colonial History (New Delhi:
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Kali for Women), 233-49.
lage, theoretically overriding differences of Kimmel, Michael S (2001): "Masculinity as
caste, class and creed. In reality it effectivelyChopra, Radhika (2003): "Encountering Masculin Homophobia: Fear, Shame and Silence in the
excludes the lower-caste groups. Territorially ity: An Ethnographer's Dilemma" in Radhika Construction of Gender Identity" in Stephen M
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Darshana in village Jondhi, Darshana was - (2004): "Caste Panchayats and the Policing of
Panchayati Raj Institutions", Asian Journal of
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Recently, in April 2014, Satrol Khap panchayat EPW, XL (49): 5189-98. Women and Men - Risk and Reputation in
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stated that this was being done to erase "the Ranade, Shilpa (2007): "The Way She Moves: Map
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