MODULE 3

INSTITUTIONS OF MINSUPALA BEFORE THE ADVENT OF

ISLAM
Desheree Judena, Faharodin Salacop
Juvanni A. Caballero, Maria Cecilia B. Tangian
Department of Social Sciences & Humanities, CESS, MSU-Naawan
Department of History, CASS, MSU IIT

I. OBJECTIVES:
At the end of the module, the students should be able to answer the
following questions:

1. How did the traditional socio-political organization of the

natives look like prior to the coming of Islam and Christianity in
MINSUPALA?
2. What kind of leadership and governance did the pre-Islamic
natives observe?
3. How did the natives resolve conflict that traditional way?
4. What was the landholding system in the pre-colonial days?
5. What is maratabat and how does it capture the definition of
traditional pride, honor and dignity?
6. What were some of the features of the natives’ indigenous
religions prior to the coming of Islam in MINSUPALA?

II. Introductory Activity: Role Playing on “Pangahaon sa

Higaonon”

The traditional courtship (or wedding proposal) among the Higaunon

is called “Pangahaon”. This ceremony represents traditional values
and practices that should be observed by the Higaunon man wishing
to marry a Higaunon girl. It involves his seeking advice from the
Datu and elders and permission to have the event take place,
especially since these tribal leaders are influential figures in the
community and are responsible for the organization of the social
activity that would gather together the Higaunon ladies in the
community. Moreover, the Higaunon elders and Datu ensure that the
lady whom the Higaunon gentleman wishes to marry would
participate in the gathering. Two things could happen at the event.
The man’s proposal could be accepted or it could be rejected. If it
were accepted, the couple would be considered wedded, but if
rejected, the man would scream, declaring that he would actually like
someone else. In the Pangahaon, the man would go to the group of
ladies with a towel or handkerchief on his shoulder. While the ladies
were busy attending to their stuffs, he would suddenly drop his
handkerchief or towel. The lady who would pick up the cloth would
be interested in the man and his proposal. Meanwhile, the elders and
datu must ensure that they controlled the situation. In cases of conflict
that may arise, they should handle the matter appropriately and
tactfully. They must therefore possess and demonstrate imposing
leadership, but also conflict mediation and resolution skills to
maintain the respect of the community people.

III. Lesson Proper

There are innumerable institutions that predate the coming of Islam,

Christianity and colonialism in this part of the archipelago; this lesson
will limit discussion to the most instructive ones. among others, the
most interesting include: a.) Traditional socio-political organization,
b.) Leadership and Governance, c.) Landholding practices, d.)
Conflict and Conflict Resolution, e.) Value System and f.) Religion.
These instructions are described in the succeeding section.

From sources other than Spanish documents, history has learned

that this archipelago had already established contacts with other
countries and civilizations even before the coming of the Spaniards.
Sources like Chinese archival documents and a score of oral traditions
of Philippine and Southeast Asian origins suggest that flourishing
communities with advanced cultures already existed before western
civilization introduced itself in this part of the world. Concrete pieces
of evidence of early Philippine native contact with their Asian
neighbors are found in Chinese sources, which, as early as 1317,
mentioned places identified by scholars as regions and islands in the
Philippines. Minsupala of course were included. Below is a list of
curious words found in the book of Chau Ju Kua:

Ma-I / Ma-yi / Mo-yi = either Mindoro or Manila

Kia-ma-yen = Calamian
Pa-ki-nung = Busuanga
Pi-sho-ye = Visayas
Lu-sung = Luzon
Fang-chia-shi-lan = Pangasinan
Min-to-lang = Mindanao
Su-lu = Sulu
Pa-lao-yu = Palawan

How did the Chinese records describe these islands and their
inhabitants? They described a well-established trading relationship
between South China islands. While it is true that the book, which
contained the names of these islands, was entitled, “Records of
Various Barbarous Nations, it described the natives as honest, gentle
and industrious. Are these statements not enough to prove that the
ancestors were not really barbarians and that they possessed an
advance culture or civilization? To answer these question, there
follows below a review of the traditional socio-political structures and
other pre-colonial institutions of the Philippine ancestors.
 1.)How did the traditional socio-political organization of the natives
look prior to the coming of Islam in MINSUPALA?

In revisiting the pre-Islamic and pre-colonial past of these islands, it

is important to recognize that Filipino ancestors, despite
idiosyncrasies, had developed an essentially, homogenous culture. In
the first place, they came from the same racial stock, spoke related
languages, inhabited a contiguous territory and shared a common
environment. From the hinterland, coastal and riverine communities,
on Luzon through the Visayas and to Mindanao, Sulu and Palawan,
the peoples shared a common way of life.
According to Onofre Corpus:
…. our ancestors evolved an essentially homogenous
culture. Nature was a primary factor. Overall, community life
throughout the archipelago was influenced by, and responded
to the common ecology. The generally benign tropical climate
and the largely uniform flora and fauna favored similarities,
not differences.

From the Philippine History class, students learn that their pre-colonial
ancestors comprised of fragmented and autonomous barangays.
Philippine ethnic groups today (including Moros and Lumads) may have
different names for their traditional socio-political organizations, but
their features are basically the same. For example, among the Higaunon,
the barangay finds its equivalent in the term “gaop” while the Meranao
“Pengampong” practically epitomizes the networks and dynamics of the
old baranganic societies.

Compared to the great ancient civilizations, the barangays were

relatively smaller. Yet, the barangay had the features of a state. It had
territory, people, government and administrative control over group life.
It had a government that revolved from the authority and administrative
leadership of the Datu, who was always assisted by a council of elders
composed of representatives from the different kin groups living within
the territory.

Generally, the social stratification system of the barangay could be

drawn
three classes: The Datu (included the Datu and his family; the freemen
(included warriors, merchants, peasants, artisans) and the dependents
(composed of mostly of debt peons and prisoners of wars). Unlike the
Caste System of India, the social stratification in the Barangay was not
rigid, as there was a social mobility in the system. For instance, while a
Datu was always encouraged to marry a member of the nobility,
theoretically no one could prevent him from marrying a women
belonging to another class. Thus, the barangay society was more
democratic compared to the societies of medieval Europe ad ancient
India, where stratification system was rigid.

To further illustrate social mobility in the barangay, past and present, in

some tribes today, as the Higaunon the Datu is recognized in the
community not because of his bloodline but because of the people’s
choice and decision. The same can be said of the Subanen, who gives
anyone the opportunity to become Timuay so long as he is powerful
enough to protect his neighbors. Among the Tausog, traditional
community leadership, known as Taumaas, is based not on bloodline but
on the person’s material moral and intellectual prowess. In other tribes,
even the chieftains can be open to women, who could demonstrate
wisdom, magical powers, the ability to communicate with the unseen
world and perform sacred rituals. This is especially true among them as
Babaihon’. In other cultures, becoming community chief is an
achievement exclusive to men only.
 2.) What kind of leadership and governance did the Pre-Islamic
natives observe?
The traditional concept of leadership among Moros and Lumads is still
evident today. While the title may vary from one ethnic to another, the
requirements, characteristics and qualities of the tribal leader are more or
less the same. According to oral traditions, there was even an instance in
the Pre-Islamic past that some tribes of Moros and Lumads used the
same title to refer to chieftain. Among the Manobo, Subanen, Tiruray
and Maguindanaon, they called their leader the “Timuay” before the
arrival of Sharief Kabungsuan. According to Najeeb Saleeby:

… the Maguindanaons were distinguishable from the Manobos and

Tirurays, as all other groups shared a common ecology and were of
the same culture. The inhabitants of Slangan, Maguindanao,
Katitwan and those of all the other settlements valley were pagans
and were very similar to the present tirurays in language and
worship. It was the decision to accept or reject Islam that brought
about the beginning of differentiation.

Of course, the term Datu is still widely used as an honorific title in

almost all Moro and Lumad tribes. In fact, many traditions say that when
Islam was introduced in the Mindanao Islands group, communities and
tribes that accepted Islam conveniently changed the title “Datu” to
“Sultan”, “Imam”, “Hajji”, “Qadi” and other Islamized titles. Thus, the
Lumad and Moro tribal chieftains largely share a lot of common
qualities characteristics.

What are these characteristics? The Datu or Chieftain earns the respect
of his community, usually through bravery, generosity and wisdom.
Depending on the number of people, families and villages he has
protected and helped, the Datu’s territory and extent of influence is
defined. Among the Higaunon, people living within the Datu’s territory
of influence or gaop or under his leadership are called his sakop.
Customarily, the Datu is not dictatorial as he has to consult the council
of elders in almost all matters requiring decision that affect the
community. Those who compose the council of elders are usually
headmen of the families and clans, who serve as bonafide representative
of the people in the Gaop. This means that even before the Renaissance
period in Europe, the Moros and Lumads had been observing
“democracy” in the governance. Under the traditional set-up,
governance is in the hands of many and not monopolized by the Datu.

In fact, to the Manobo, becoming an Igbujag (Datu) means becoming

“selfless”. The leader should think of his people first, before himself. He
should first know the problems of his constituents and help them in their
needs. Also, he must ensure that his people live harmoniously and must
encourage peaceful living with neighboring communities. Just like the
Manobo, the Mansaka expects the Matikadong (Mansaka Datu) to be
equipped with leadership qualities, like bravery, thorough knowledge of
the tribe’s customary, wisdom and articulateness. He must also be fair,
morally upright and financially capable as he would need his wealth to
appease disgruntled parties during conflict mediation and in resolving
feuds.

For the Subanen, a Timuay (chieftain) must possess not only fighting
skills and financial capability; more importantly, he must be reliable,
emotionally mature, industrious, fair, responsible and a good example in
the community. He must not be a drunkard, a coward, a thief or a tyrant.
He should be principled, wise and a good implementer of the laws of his
tribe.

Just like the other tribes, the Higaunon considers integrity and sincerity
as important qualities that a Datu must possess. But apart from these
qualities, the Datu must also be someone who knows how to recite the
Dasang, aing the Limbay and narrate the Bunsuda (origin stories of the
Higaunon people) and the Ulaging (history). He also must be familiar
with the Talawagon or the spirits commonly invoked during the
performance of Singampo (Prayer rituals).

Although the Moro chieftains would adopt the Islamic title of “Sultan”,
nonetheless he is still the traditional Datu whose leadership is considered
ideal when he is capable of protecting and helping his people. He is
expected to serve his community by being there all the time. He has no
salary and observes no limit in his office hours. He is the hands-on
leader 24/7, so to speak. In times of war, he must lead his people in
battle; in times of famine, he is expected to feed everyone; when
somebody dies, he is supposed to give the biggest donation; when a
sakop gets married, he needs to offer the biggest wedding gift. When his
constituents fight, he must mediate and resolve their conflict, which
often means sharing and distributing his wealth to appease the offended
party and to ensure restorative justice. Perhaps, the only payment the
Sultan/Datu gets for all his social services is the genuine respect and
loyalty of his people. The observation of one Higaunon leader expresses
his view:

In the lowland, the one who settles the conflict would be the one
paid. The lawyer who resolves the problem would be compensated.
In the mountains, the Datu would shoulder all the expenses.

3.)How do the natives resolve conflict the traditional way?

To claim that there was absolute peace in the pre-Islamic/pre-colonial

days of MINSUPALA is certainly groundless. Cultures and communities
in the world must have experienced conflicts and wars at some point in
their respective histories. For example, one cannot deny that the violent
“rido” and “pangayao” were parts of the Philippine native cultural
institutions. Contemporary Filipinos may use different names for them,
but the practice is generally similar.

The interest of this study lies not on the above violent institutions for
themselves, but on how the traditional Moro and Lumad communities
dealt with them to resolve conflict. This study opts to have this focus
because indigenous conflict resolution is most instructive.

In the modern western system, conflicts are resolved by formally filing

cases in courts, hiring lawyers, etc. In every case, one party loses while
another wins. Also, the relationship between the complainants and
accused are not mended. The losers may weep and hold their grudges,
while the winners may celebrate.

But in the indigenous system, every avenue is optimally explored not

just to resolve the conflict per se, but to ensure reconciliation between
conflicting parties. While punishment is sometimes inevitable, ultimate
objective of the conflict resolution process is reconciliation. This is the
essence of indigenous terms like husay among the Bisaya, pagpapatawad
at sandugo among the Tagalogs, kapririla-I among the Meranaw,
diyandi among the Higaunon, pagsulut among the Maguindanao and
Tausog, etc.

Another unique aspect of indigenous conflict resolution is that the Datu,

solely, does not render judgement. In fact, it is the guidance of the elders
and the consensus of the community that matters most in the decision
making process. Through this method, check and balance is ensured so
that the Datu is prevented from becoming a tyrant or a dictator. As a
symbol of unity in the community, he must be consultative always with
the elders and must uphold the community consensus in crucial
decisions. This is part of the customary law and the Datu must follow
this procedure or earn the wrath of the Almighty, which could mean his
downfall as community leader.

In many ways of the Moro and Lumad tribes, Datus and respected
members of the council of elders also act as mediator. They do not only
facilitate communication and negotiations, but also assume
responsibility for raising the required blood money called manggad. The
mediators may include respectable relatives of the conflicting parties,
tribal leaders from other communities or women with influence in the
area.

One can surmise that the indigenous process of settling disputes among
the Moros and Lumads in the pre-Islamic days were more or less similar,
except that, when the Moros were converted to Islam, they simply
replaced the indigenous ceremonies with Islamic rituals ( e.g swearing
before the Qur-an, reciting Arabic prayers and invoking the name of
Allah). But generally, the process starts by identifying the peace
mediator/negotiator that is respected by both parties. The initiative may
come from one of the disputants or from a third party. Once, the
mediator is identified and accepts the invitation, he begins to visit the
conflicting parties and tries to arrange a peaceful meeting between them.
Once both parties accept his invitation, an opening ritual is performed in
the presence of the conflicting parties. It is the general rule that both
parties should refrain from shouting, pointing fingers and using harsh
words. The Datu must ensure that the two parties take part in a ballakaw
(dialogue or conflict settlement), which means they are given the chance
to speak. When the complaints are presented, the Datu starts the process
of checking and investigating facts and fallacies. As pointed out already,
he needs to confer every now and then with other elders in the
community before coming up with the next course of action.
Decisions on the case would depend upon the nature and gravity of the
offenses. A minor offense could be settled through payment of moral
damage. In a major offense, death maybe the corresponding penalty. But
often, to ensure that no further damage is made and reconciliation is
achieved, the mediating Datu can explore the possibility of some
indemnification in place of the death penalty with the aggrieved party.
He must be creative and persuasive to find a win-win solution to
everyone, otherwise he may be dragged into the conflict himself if his
decision/suggestion fails to please everyone.

As an example, among the Subanen, elopement with a woman engaged

to marry someone else is punishable by death. If no Datu would mediate,
violence could certainly ensue. The offended honor of the prospective
groom and the woman’s family would motivate them to kill the eloping
couple, especially the man who took the bride-to be. In such a case, an
eminent danger of attack and counterattack would loom. The Datu must
therefore intervene to ensure the community would continue to live in
tranquility. The mediating Datu would need to exert his best efforts to
find the eloping couple and bring them to justice. Theoretically, the
couple’s act would be punishable by death, but to control the damage,
the Datu could always argue that their death would do no good to
anyone in the community. The Datu therefore must be very persuasive to
convince the offended party. He may suggest that instead of death, the
offended party may demand for payment of moral damage. In that way,
the offended could use the money to look for another woman who would
be willing to be his wife. In case the offender and his family could not
pay, the Datu may have to shoulder the payment himself, say, on
condition that the offender would have to serve the Datu for a certain
period of time, depending on the amount of the payment made by the
Datu save him.
Even in cases involving death, the mediating Datu could beg the
conflicting parties to accept blood money for reconciliation. He argues
that more killings would not make the dead relatives live again. Among
the Meranaws, the reconciliation process generally facilitated by tracing
the tarsila (salsila) or clan genealogy. This is a great mechanism for
reconciliation as Meranaw clans and families are always related in one
way or another by consanguinity or affinity. In not a few instances, the
settlement of rido among the Meranaws could even end up in
intermarriage to ensure the conflict does not recur. By letting a man and
a woman from the two clans marry, the feuding families become one and
united.

For the Higaunon, a dispute must be ended by a ritual called tampuda.

Theoretically, two things could happen at the conclusion of the ritual: 1.)
end of dispute violently in an all-out war; or 2.) peacefully end the
conflict through reconciliation and forgetting the offenses.

Tampuda as a ritual starts with pandalawit (prayer). A pig, chicken and

a piece of rattan are offered to the spirits. In the presence of the
conflicting parties, the officiating Datu slaughters the offered animals.
Suspense follows when the two Datu prepares to cut the rattan piece,
usually using the bolo that was used in the killing. The officiating Datu
cuts the rattan, shouting " As the rattan is cut, so the conflict between the
two parties shall end." In case the rattan is not cut at the first strike, the
Datu has two more chances to cut the material. If the third (i.e., last)
strike still fails to cut the rattan, it will mean that the ritual ground shall
serve as the final venue of the battle between the two warring families.
They must make their final stand right there and then. Theoretically, this
eventuality may happen, but in reality the mediating Datu, knowing how
crucial his strike will be to end the conflict, pours out all his strength to
cut the rattan without needing to reach the third strike, so that more often
than not conflict cases that reach the tampuda ritual usually have happy
endings.

The sandugo or blood compact is also known institution in the pre-

Islamic days among the Moros and Lumads. Among the B'laan, the
ritual after a conflict is resolved called the sadyandi. In this ritual, a
small incision is made on the left chest of the conflicting individuals to
draw a drop of blood that will be mixed in a glass of wine. The blood
obtained from the left chest is symbolic as that section is near the heart
of the individual, suggesting sincerity of the sadyandi participants. The
conflicting parties then drunk from the same glass to signify their
agreement that henceforth they have become blood brothers. The
Tausugs recognize this ceremony as paginum dugo and the pre Islamic
Maguindanaons must have performed it, as indicated in Datu Buisan's
Blood compact with the Datu of Leyte in 1603.

4.) What was the landholding system in the pre-colonial days?

Life in the old barangay was essentially communal. Land preparation

planting and harvesting as well as food gathering, fishing and even
household-building were done cooperatively by neighbors and families.
That activity was the origin of the term bayanihan among the Tagalog,
pagtambayayong among the Bisaya, awidan among the Meranaw, etc.
which basically refers to reciprocity, mutual help and support and
cooperative labor in the community. In describing the communalism of
the old barangays, Onofre Corpus writes:

The tasks always end in the afternoon, followed by feasting and

drinking. The family whose land was plowed, or house built,
hosted everybody.
Historical and anthropological evidence also suggests that the
indigenous land-tenure system in the pre-Islamic/precolonial days was
characterized by communal ownership. By the term communal
ownership, the Moros and Lumads actually meant communal
stewardship. The general assumption was that the air, water and
everything else in this world, including land, were only entrusted on the
tribes by the real owner whom the natives variously called Magbabaya,
Magbubuhat, Bathala, Taginiit, Manama and other names that refer to
the notion of an Almighty Craetor and Sustainer. The Datu served only
as the manager and overseer of the area entrusted on the tribe by the
Almighty or by the spirits, while his followers served only as stewards
of the assigned parcels of land. They may have usufruct rights (i.e. the
right to use) over the land, but no one had the right to sell it to the other
for land could not be owned individually and privately.

5.)What is maratabat and how does it capture the definition of

traditional pride, honor and dignity?

There are many intangibles, values, of Moros and Lumads that can be
cited for discussion, but the present focus is on the natives’ concept of
“pride”, “honor” and “dignity”, which encapsulated in the concept of
maratabat. This concept defines people psyche and serves as an
important key to understanding them.

Maratabat is a Meranaw term, but it is not monopoly of the

Meranaw, because other ethnic groups have also their own similar
concept. In fact, one may equate with yabang and hiya among tagalog,
kaulaw ug garbo among the Bisaya, kasipug among the Tausug and
Surigaonon, etc. Other groups may have different terms for it, with
various degrees of manifestation, but essentially they all refer to the
concept of dignity. It would be useful to deal with maratabat as
manifested among the Meranaw of Lanao because it is typically
represented of the natives’ concept of dignity especially among the
Moros.

Maratabat is believed to be an indigenous concept, but the term

itself is a loanword from Arabic. Cariton Riemer notes:
Among the Meranaw.. maratabat has developed beyond the
original Arabic. Basically the meaning has been shifted to the
Meranaws from rank to rank sensitivity, from prestige to seeking
after prestige, from status to status honor and status enhancement.
The meaning has been changed by Meranao usage. In the process
the original word has been filled with the new different (although
related) meanings. It is very possible that the present understanding
of maratabat is an indigenous pre-Islamic Filipino idea and that
the Meranaw maratabat is an Arabic loanword, which has been
shorn of its original meaning in order to fit the concept that has
already present in the Meranao society.

According to Mamitua Saber, et, al., maratabat is “the key to

Meranao psychology”. Meranao used this folk mental makeup “to
account for, explain, justify and rationalize actions and behaviors over a
wide range of situations. “To the Meranao, maratabat is “thought to be
the fundamental motivating force” that served as basis for judging a
person “as a good or bad”, not so much in terms of the consequences of
his acts but rather in terms of the extent to which he has maratabat. The
anthropologist Melvin Mednick also added that the notion of
“maratabat” is the single-most emotionally changed concept in Meranao
culture.

To illustrate that Meranaos revolves around maratabat, Carlton

Reimer is quoted.
…. there are varying amounts of maratabat, and the Maranaos
respect most highly those members of their society who have a
 Mala’I maratabat, a large/big/high pride. Furthermore, the
importance of maratabat has been heightened to such a degree in
Meranao society that for many Meranaos maratabat is more
precious than life itself.

The idea pervades Meranao society because it includes men,

women and children – both sexes and all age groups. When
children leave their family and home to visit other places, the
family gives them this parting advice. “Remember your
maratabat”

Corroborating this idea is the observation of Saber, et. al., which

says:

The Meranao themselves explicitly recognize... a man

without a maratabat is nobody, or a man who loses his maratabat
becomes very, very small, and an important man is one with lots of
maratabat.

So what is maratabat? Many authors agreed that its closest English

equivalent is pride, honor and self-esteem. As mentioned already, this is
not a monopoly of the Meranao because other Moros and Lumads ave
also their own similar concepts. The Meranao exemplifies the communal
character of pride, honor and self-esteem, which is characteristically
present among traditional Moros and Lumads. That is why among these
natives, feud is seldom between individuals because even pride, honor
and self-esteem is collectively owned (i.e., communally anchored on the
family, clan or tribe). To further enlighten us about Maratabat’s
communal character, Raymond Llorca has this to say on the matter.

… (Maratabat) appears to be compounded with the intensified by

the indulgence of the entire family. The Meranao individual,
 therefore carries in his mind – and on his back – the self-esteem of
the clan. In a manner of speaking, he is not being proud only of
himself but of his family, too. And, even if he were not conscious
of it, he would be…proud for them.

Thus, the Meranao maratabat is no ordinary pride, honor and self-

esteem for individual for it is not only linked with one’s social rank,
status, prestige, power and influence in relation to other individuals, but
also one’s family, clan and tribe in relation to other families, clans and
tribes.

Just like the Tagalog pakikisama, maratabat per se is neither good

nor bad. It becomes good only when the consequences of its
manifestations are constructive; and bad when its effect are destructive.
Maratabat is good when it is shown to help needy relatives and other
poor people; reciprocating the goodness of one’s neighbor with an even
higher degree; showing bravery in protecting neighbors and community;
demonstrating leadership and in conflict resolution skills by settling rido
etc. Maratabat can be bad when it becomes unregulated and manifested
waywardly. It is certainly bad maratabat when seemingly simple things
(like a boy’s whistling at a girl or wanting one’s car to follow
immediately behind the bridal - or more exactly the groom’s) car in a
wedding motorcade could grow into full-blown Rido. It is also bad
maratabat when one tries to “show-off “semblances of power beyond his
means. It is also bad maratabat when one looks down upon other people
and becomes inaccessible to them. Thus, maratabat has its own merits
and demerits. On one extreme end, it can probably cause the
disintegration of Meranao society, yet on the other hand, the same can
be directed also to uplift the said society to greater heights.
Thus maratabat does not only concern with the individual. Rather,
its complexities involved as well as the image of the family, clan or even
tribe. This is the reason why there are no beggars among the Meranaos
for the affluent relatives make sure that the poor members of the family
or clan are supported. Otherwise, if the poor relatives become beggars,
the image of the family or clan is destroyed. In such a case, the
individual members’ and the family/clan’s maratabat would be
blemished and the whole kin group would lose ‘face’.

6.)What are some of the features of the natives’ indigenous

religions prior to the coming of Islam in MINSUPALA?

Even if many of the Moros and Lumads nowadays are already practicing
Muslims and Christians, elements of the pre-Islamic and pre-Christian
beliefs are still discernible in their belief system. These elements would
appear every now and then in the form of superstitions that are no part of
Islamic and Christian teachings. The combination of the new and old
religions resulted in what anthropologist call “folk Islam” and “folk
Christianity”.

Interestingly, even before the advent of monotheistic religions (i.e, Islam

and Christianity), which “introduced” the concept of God Almighty, the
indigenous populations had already a concept of a Supreme Being, who
created and sustained everything. They did not call Him Allah or God,
but they had a various names for him: Magbabaya among the Subanen
Higaunon, Bukdinon and Mansaka; Magbubuhat among the Bisaya,
Bathala or Maykapal among the Tagalog; Manama among the Manobo;
Mandarangan among the Bagobo; Taginiit among Dibabawon, etc.
Apart from this Supreme Being, the natives also believed in other
unseen others that lived in caves, waterfalls, mountains, trees, rocks and
other natural structures. For instance, the Meranaos believed in the
tonongs, which were thought to be benevolent unseen beings. According
to the Darangen epic of the Meranaos, the tonongs originated from me
union of Rajah Indarapatra with a karibang (water nymph) named Potri
Rainalaut. They begot two children: one was invisible (damipayag) and
the other was an ordinary human being. The invisible brother, who
become the ancestor of the tonongs, promised to help and protect his
ordinary human brother, who became the ancestor of the Meranao. Thus,
the Meranao would invoke the Tonong every time they were will ill or in
danger. They also invoked the tonongs to protect their crops from pests,
wild animals, and natural calamities. Moreover, they performed rituals
(locally known as kalilang sa Tonong) to ask the unseen beings and to
grant them a good catch in fishing or hunting. This ceremony would be
done by offering chicken and other things along with the playing of
musical instruments such as gongs, the kulintang and debak usually
along river banks or lakeshore.
Among the Manobo, mountains, waterfalls and even the land where
crops are to be planted are considered sacred. The natives believed that
unseen spirits, both good and bad, live in them. Thus, when stepping
into uninhabited places, they are very careful not to make noise or any
form of disturbance. When they open a field for planting, they first
carefully chose the area depending on omen or sign they get from the
spirits that guard the forests, trees, and farm site. One particular omen
would be on the sound of the limukon (turtle dove), which, according to
Manobo belief, is the messenger of Mother Earth.

For the Subanen, the planting is a communion with the spirits. every
year, they set aside a quantity of seeds that would be used for a special
ritual called pangasi. In the pangasi, the Subanen does not plow the field
or use bladed tools to till the soil. They simply bore holes on the ground
using a wooden dibber. They drop in the seeds without covering the hole
with loose soil. Subanen believe the stars and the guardians of the crops
will do the covering. This pangasi is a ritual that makes a human beings
work with the invisible spirits of the earth.

Other ethnic groups also have similar rituals that recognize invisible
beings as guardians of Mother Earth. Yet, in all rituals, an important
figure, a woman or a man, leads in performing the ceremonies. She acts
as mediator between the mortals and the spirit world. She is believed to
be capable of conveying messages to and from the visible and invisible
realms. She is also thought to have powers to foretell the future and see
the supernatural or the spirits. The natives turn to her for healing and
protection. She is the baylan.

IV. Lessons Learned and Peace Message

Pre-Islamic and pre-colonial history serves as the long lost connection to

the same past and present Filipinos came from. By looking back, present
generations of Muslim, Lumads and Christians are reminded that their
ancestors at some point in history shared more commonalities than
differences. For modern Filipinos to set it, they only need to retrace their
steps into the past – presumably on Mindanao – and rekindle the
meaning of sandugo and sadiyandi that their ancestors shared.

Present leaders may follow example of indigenous Mindanao tribal

chieftains who, despite the fact that they need to receive no salary,
served their people selflessly. Filipinos need not look for models from
foreign lands; native ancestor had shown them how to real leaders.

The communalism that characterized the pre-Islamic/pre-colonial

societies of our ancestors may remind Filipino leaders that they have
social obligations to their fellow Filipinos. This attitude is the essence of
the bayanihan, awidan and pagtambayabong spirit, that precious value
that brought the feeling of oneness and the sense of belongingness
among our ancestors in the old Barangays. If Filipinos are community to
remain intact, they all, regardless of ethnic and religious identity, should
be given equal opportunity to economic, political, educational and
cultural advancement. Not only that no Filipino should be left behind in
poverty and ignorance. This is the essence of “walang iwanan” (i.e, no
one should be left behind) be he Muslim, Lumad or Christian.

This present generation of Filipinos could also take inspiration from the
traditional conflict resolution of our ancestors. They did not seek justice
by imposing punishment; more importantly, they struggled to mend
broken relationships and strived to achieve reconciliation. The spirit of
reconciliation (with bayanihan and walang iwanan) is indeed very
timely, especially in the light of the present peace process between the
MILF and the Philippine Government.

The ancestors’ reverence and resepect for Mother Nature is also very
instructive to the present generation of Filipinos. The notion that Mother
Earth is not some inanimate object that can be owned especially
enlightening in the face of present challenges of environmental
degradation and climate change.