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Review: A Quantitative Analysis of Lockouts

Reviewed Work(s): Lockouts in India by Ruddar Dutt


Review by: K. R. Shyam Sundar
Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 40, No. 7 (Feb. 12-18, 2005), pp. 624-625
Published by: Economic and Political Weekly
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/4416197
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Reviews

A Quantitative Analysis
two chapters attempt a quantitative study
of lockouts; and the fourth laboriously
provides summary and conclusions. The

of Lockouts
interesting chapter is the third chapter,
which presents 42 case studies of lockouts
that have taken place in West Bengal.
It is interesting to note that in most
incidence of lockouts in the Indian con-countries in the west, no separate statistics
Lockouts in India text, and the popularity of the 'employer on strikes and lockouts are presented. There
by Ruddar Dutt; militancy' thesis in industrial relations are two reasons. It is difficult to clearly
Indian Society of Labour Economics,literature, it is surprising that only a few distinguish between a strike and a lockout.
Institute for Human Development, studies exist on lockouts. The studies on The interests and actions of employers and
and Manohar, New Delhi, 2003; lockouts in India can be classified into workers are inextricably linked with one
pp 184, Rs 500. three types. Most of the analyses of lock-another. Given the complexity of the union-
outs form a minor part of the studies onemployer relationship it is difficult to
industrial workstoppages (industrial dis-determine the responsibility ('war guilt'
K R SHYAM SUNDAR putes according to official statistical so to say): a strike can be provoked by the
agency, Labour Bureau); they merely employer and the lockout by workers [ILO
he study of 'forms' of industrial compare the relative incidence of strikes1926, quoted in Knowles 1952:299]. The
conflict is a prominent field of study and lockouts at the aggregate level [e g,essential difference is that in one case
in industrial relations literature and of late
Verma and Kumar 1992]. Lockouts are aworkers (unions) take the initiative and,
has been moving into new dimensions minor of and passing concern for these stud-in the other, the employers. Secondly, lock-
enquiry. The assumptions of this approachies. The second type of studies is 'descrip-outs are rare in that part of the world. But
are: (a) conflict is inherent and inevitable
tive'; a detailed descriptive account of thein India, lockouts cause more damage than
in the relationship between labour and significant lockouts is made - e g, Radhastrikes and worryingly, their relative contri-
Iyer's (1989) descriptive analysis of thebution has been rising (see, forexample, the
capital; and (b) conflict finds expression
in some form or the other. The limitation
Hindustan Lever lockout. This is an in- data presented in the table for the 1990s).
of the forms study has been that some teresting attempt because commentaries Dutt reaches a similar conclusion by
and analyses of individual conflict situ- studying various statistical aspects of
industrial actions are paid greater atten-
ations [e g, Ramaswamy 1984; Sherlock lockouts. He uses new terms like 'indi-
tion, much to the neglect of others. Studies
of this genre have concentrated on the 1989; Subramanian 1997; Van Wersch vidual intensity' and 'social intensity' of
industrial actions of labour, viz, strikes,
1992] reveal what the macro data fail to a strike or lockout. These high sounding
sabotage, etc. The fault lies deeper. Thetell: the drama and dynamics of conflict. phrases simply mean: workdays lost per
industrial relations literature has paid The third type of study is a specific and worker involved, i e, average duration of
greater attention to the workers' side, viz,
elaborate study of lockouts. Ruddar Dutt, a dispute and, workdays lost (he still
history of trade union movement, strikes,author of the book under review, pre- uses the sexist term 'mandays' lost) per
working class politics, etc. The industrial
sented a study of lockouts (and closures)
Table: Percentage Share of Lockouts in
in his presidential address to the Annual
relations aspects of employers, in general,
Total Works Stoppages, 1990-2004
Conference of Labour Economics in 1991.
and their industrial actions, in particular,
have received little attention. Accessibil-
This address, surely laudable for taking up Year Count Workers Work Days
Involved (WI) Lost (WDL)
a neglected theme, did not make a com-
ity of the actors, reputation of trade unions
as underdogs, bloody and heroic struggles 1990 20.1 11.2 55.8
prehensive statistical analysis of lockouts
1991 29.4 35.0 53.0
waged by the working classes to assert because it mostly relied on the limited data 1992 41.0 38.7 51.6
their voice and win a place in the industrial
published in the general statistical publi- 1993 34.4 29.6 72.3
relations arena, spectacularity of indus-cations of the Labour Bureau, viz, Indian 1994 32.7 26.0 68.4
1995 31.3 31.0 64.9
Labour Year Book, etc. The book under
trial and organisational actions of workers
1996 34.6 35.2 61.5
and unions, dominance by socialist mindedreview is Dutt's second significant study 1997 39.0 35.0 62.9
scholars, ethical considerations, arrogance
of lockouts. It is a result of a government 1998 39.4 37.9 57.6
1999 41.8 16.1 60.3
and indifference of employers and so on,of India project to study lockouts in West 2000 44.8 26.4 58.4
Bengal, a highly lockout prone state in 2001 44.8 29.0 76.6
are some of the factors contributing to the
imbalance in the literature. India. The reviewer has also attempted a 2002 49.1 16.6 63.7
2003 48.7 44.0 89.3
Lockout is a prominent form of indus-quantitative study of lockouts in India 2004
trial action of the employer. But quanti-
(2004), and thus was doubly happy to read (January-July) 56.9 12.8 62.5
tative studies of lockouts are few and a book on lockouts. The book is divided
Source: For 1990-01, Shyam Sundar (2004: Tabl
descriptive studies of them are even fewer. into five chapters, the last being recom-
p 4378), for 2002-04,
Considering the high and increasing mendations made by the author; the first http://labourbureau.nic.in/idtab.htm.

624 Economic and Political Weekly February 12. 2005

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dispute, i e, average volume or average i e, the former's estimate of workdays lostof the agreements to lift lockouts (which
magnitude of a dispute, respectively. I find are deposited with the labour department
due to lockouts was greater than the latter's
them not very innovative. It is Surprising for record) and initiation of more studies
to the extent of 247 per cent!. But then it
that a writer involved in a project associ- is disturbing that the author did not seek
of lockouts in the other four highly lock-
ated with the ministry of labour should be to find out the reasons for the same. Thoughout-prone states, viz, Maharashtra, Andhra
casual and unaware of the statistical base the 'quantity' of workdays lost differsPradesh, Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Finally,
of strikes and lockouts and mention that hugely, both figures show that the lockouthe suggests some measures to reduce
"no segregated data about the share of share in total workdays lost declined (96 lockout incidence. His recommendations
strikes and lockouts is available for theto 85 per cent, West Bengal estimate; 90 are worthy and as the author says, "the
public and private sector separately" andto 74 per cent, Labour Bureau estimate) basic purpose of the study would be served"
follow this by using a statistical publica-
between 1986-91 and 1992-97 (pp 123 andif these were considered by the govern-
tion of the Labour Bureau, Review of 47 respectively). ment. What finally matters is that cordial
Industrial Disputes in India for several It is difficult to talk to employers ofrelations prevail between labour and capi-
years (pp 17-18, 24)! locked out firms. So the author and his tal and social scientists be provided with
His basic point is that the state favoured
research team took 42 cases from previousclean and reliable data. He strongly feels
employers in the post-liberalisation period
years covering jute, textile, engineering,that the government in the era of liberali-
and this caused workers to be on the tea and other industries. Two queries are sation should play a proactive role in
defensive. Though the magnitude of of both
interest and the answers presented forsupporting the weaker bargaining party,
post,are worth reporting here briefly. Whatthat is workers and ensure a 'decent work'
strikes and lockouts declined in the them
as compared to the pre-liberalisation are the 'real' causes - as opposed to thedeal for labour. Oh! how long the 'labour
pe-
riod, the share of lockouts increased whileutterly unreliable official causes - of lock- is a weaker agent - hence the state should
that of strikes fell between 1986-91 and outs? What are the objectives of employerssupport it - argument has been put forth
1992-97. As workers were subdued, in imposing lockouts? The real causes forby labour friendly ideologues!
employers did not use lockouts frequently imposing lockouts are: to get rid of redun- The book is highly priced and though
in the post-liberalisation period. Conflictdant labour (downsizing), casualise thethis is a quantitative work, some editing
exists and is meaningful mostly when bothworkforce, increase the workload, avoidof the statistical tables could have been
parties are strong and in disagreement. production during lean and low demanddone. Some care could have been taken
Secondly, there is no perceptible change periods, the absence of long-term objec-by the publishers to edit the language
in the incidence of lockouts in the post astives by employers, inefficient manage-presentation (see 'Preface', p 31 for
compared to the pre-liberalisation period.ment and inter-family rivalry, indisciplineexample). However, this book is a useful
Let me quote Dutt here: "The predomi-and violence (even workers cited this aspublication and deals with the current
nance of the lockout phenomenon standsa reason), and inter-union rivalry. Other 'hot' issue of lockouts. It should interest
out clearly both in pre-liberalisation pe-objectives are: to force workers to acceptlabour researchers, social actors, and
riod and the post-liberalisation period"'no work, no pay' for the entire period ofgovernment agencies. li
(p 31, emphasis added). Thirdly, in seventhe lockout (is this an objective or a con-
states, strikes caused more workdays to besequence?), to reduce indiscipline and References
lost than lockouts, viz, Punjab, Madhyaviolence, to impose stringent norms of
Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Orissa,work even in violation of the Industrial Dutt, R (1991): 'Lockouts, Closures and the Role
Gujarat, and Assam (pp 31-35). This Disputes Act, to force agreement, prohibit of the State' in T S Papola et al (eds), Labour,
information should caution those advocat-labour from going on a wildcat strike and Employment, and industrial Relations in India:
Presidential Addresses at ISLE Annual
to tame militant trade unions. The basic
ing the view that liberalisation strength- Conferences, ISLE, Patna and BR Publishing
ened employer militancy. Other importantobjectives of the employers, viz, to subdue Corporation, Delhi.
results of Dutt's analysis are as follows.labour, create discipline among workers, Knowles, K G J C (1952): Strikes: A Study i
Industrial Conflict, Oxford, Blackwell.
and cultivate a work ethic seem to have
Lockout incidence was highly concentrated
Iyer, Radha (1989): 'Lessons of Hindustan Leve
in a few states; there exists a contagionbeen achieved by the aggressive use of Lockout', Economic and Political Weekly,
effect of lockouts in West Bengal andlockouts. July 22, pp 1627-30.
Maharashtra; there is no change in the Let me mention here the recommenda- Ramaswamy, E A (1984): Power and Justice: The
concentration ratio of strikes in India in the State in Industrial Relations, Oxford University
tions of this study, which should interest Press, Delhi.
two periods; strike incidence is less con- the reader. The author stresses on the need Sherlock, S (1989): 'Railway Workers and Thei
centrated than lockout incidence and both for unitisation of data by two sources, viz, Unions: Origins of 1974 Indian Railway Strike',
are stable in the two periods. He presents state labour department and the Labour Economic and Political Weekly, October 14,
pp 2311-22.
a detailed analysis of lockout incidence in Bureau. He rightly points out the 'dubi- Shyam Sundar, K R (2004): 'Lockouts in India,
the two periods in all the major states.ousness' of the data on 'causes' of lock- 1961-2001', Economic and Political Weekly,
Let me come to Part II of the book whichouts, especially the category 'indiscipline September 25, pp 4377-85.
is more interesting. Predictably, Dutt findsand violence' as demonstrated by his case Subramanian, D (1997): 'Bangalore Public Sector
Strikes, 1980-81: A Critical Appraisal - II -
tremendous divergence (for some years at studies. He recommends that the causes of
The Strike', Economic and Political Weekly,
least) between the two sources on lockout industrial disputes could be determined on April 12, pp 767-78.
data, viz, the labour department of Westthe basis of labour's as well as employer's Van Wersch, H (1992): Bombay Textile Strike,
Bengal and the Labour Bureau - the extent
perceptions as giving causes of lockouts 1982-83, Oxford University Press, Calcutta.
of divergence between the two sources isbased on employers' perception alone is Verma, P and K Kumar (1992): 'Industrial
Conflicts: A Statistical Analysis', Vikalpa,
as large as 247 per cent in 1991 (p 123),misleading. He recommends publication Vol 17, No 3, pp 11-26.

Economic and Political Weekly February 12, 2005 625

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