WP

The Papers
1993-1994

MR
8

Reading iraqi Houses in the Colonial

Context: Unveiling Classical Language

Raya Ani

Chadini, p.320
i9. 1. Balconies in the European Style, Baghdad. (From R.
As our administration exhibits European justice, order, law, energy and honour-and that in no hesitating or feeble way-so our
buildings ought to hold up a high standard of European at. They ought to be European both as a rallying point for ourselives, and
as raising a distinctive symbol of our presence to be beheld with respect and even with admiration by the natives of thecountry
This paper intends to develop a critical perspective on the culture and politics of the Iraqi house during the Brtish Colonialism. In
the period of colonial intervention and domination, British achitects introduced the classical style of their colonial architecture to
Iraq, Although the Brtish architects used local Islamic motis in public buildings and villas in order to pacity the nationalist resent-
ment, in Gwendolyn Wright's words this came to "represent only the most obvioushy poitical aspect of architecture and urban
design in colonial cities."The colonial style was propagated by upper-middle families who aspired to colonial power and prosper
the
ity. They manifested their preference for the Classical architecture of the colonizers and for European lifestyles; however,
selective process and adaptation of the influences of Colonial architecture into house design made the logic behind the design

principles inconsistent. The inflexibility of these principles with respect to accommodating concepts
of wormen's privacy, such as
of this style to work within the cultural conventions. Thus, these
principles of axis and symmetry, reveals the inappropriateness
houses were concerned primarily with the exterior classical facade while the programmatic application in the plan was a compro
mise between the traditional use of space and the logic of the symmetrical plan.

THE FORMATION OF IDEOLOGICAL CONFLICTS

The British rule of in 1920-1932 achieved Britain's objectives of protecting its interests in the region, and particularly its
Iraq
the impact of the brief British rule far-reaching. With their
colony in India. Coinciding with the initial steps of modernization, was

role of the savior, claiming Iraq was incapable of sel-govemment and was taking only
posture of superiority, the British took the
modernization.
inconclusive steps towards progress and
in their opposition to the Ottoman rule. With these reassurances, the nation-
The British applauded the nationalist groups in Iraq
 WORK IN PROGRESS THE PAPERS
10

2. Baghdad Railway Slation. (From K. Sultani, UA

Fig.
magazine 2/3-1982, p.105)

the En- overthrown and the era of the Arab Baath socialist party he.
alists aspired to rule their country with the support of
glish. However, they felt betrayed by the mandate status given gan. The nationalists struggled for power and control over their

to Iraq, which was perceived as a disguise for colonialization. social life; however, they emulated the power and prestige of

In tact, the Iraqis enjoyed even less independence under the the British in their rule and architecture.

British. The exclusion of the Iraqis, and the inclusion of the

Indians in administrative positions, in the amy and police force, THE IMITATION OF THE COLONIZER IMAGE
raised anger among the nationalists in Iraq.
The British architects in Iraq, from 1920 to the beginning of
The opposition to British rule, which united offensive conflict
World War I, influenced the architectural style of the natives.
ing cultural and ideological groups, demanded independence
With the emergence of patriotism and national awarenes,
from British rule and the right to govern Iraq. This resistance
was accelerated in the however, the period of

so-called "The Great colonization known as

Iraqi Revolution. These the "contaminated his-

events led Britain to re- tory of Iraq, was dis-

place its military regime carded in a revulsion

with a provisional Arab against any indication of

govemment, largelycon grandeur or superiority

trolled by British advi-
sors. In 1921, the British
set parameters for politi
T associated with the colo-

nizer. However, archi

tects such as Khalid

cal life in Iraq that re- Sultani and Rifat Chadir

mained in effect up to appreciated the aes

thetic values of the colonizers' classical style in spite of its po
1958. They chose King Faisal as the first king of iraq. How
ever, the Iraqis refused the concept of monarchy and consid- litical connotations.
ered Faisal merely the supporter of the British rule in Iraq. In A parallel could be drawn with the British colonization of India
their opposition to the Anglo-Iraqi Treaty, the nationalists de Not only was the structure of the British administration iin Iraq

manded unconditional political independence. Thus a new largely modeled on Britain's imperial structure in India" Dur
Anglo-Iraqi treaty was signed in June, 1930, to admit Iraq to the architectural presence of the European classical style was

the League of Nations with the promise of full interaction be- a distinctive symbol of the British presence. In New Delhi, ue

tween Britain and Iraq in all matters of foreign policy; the treaty British had idealized their monuments, emblemizing their powe
came into effect in October 1932. Nevertheless, continuous in stone, marble, or brick. The British in iraq were no diferent
conflicts ideological, ethnic, and religious continued to charac- they aspired to the glory and to the stylish architecture of ther
terize the situation until July, 1958, when the monarchy was colony in India. One of the most influerntial igures in India was
 1993-1994 Iraqi Houses in Colonial Context 11

Sir Edwin Lutyens (1869-1944) who cooperated with his friend cades and plans.
Baker and in 1931 completed the biggest and most remark G. M.Wilson designed many projects that manifested the Brit-

able imperial city of the British. Sir Edwin, famous for his Brit- ish preference for classical style. He was part of the British
ish country houses and gardens, had a taste for the Romantic. military engineers. He enjoyed his prosperous authoritarian
He was fascinated with the 19th century classical style of En position as a British employee in the govemment and a friend
gland and believed in its capability to meet India's new needs. of King Faisal. In 1947, he designed Baghdad Railway station

He yeamed to create an image similar to the Acropolis in Ath
ens. Moreover, he was intolerant of mixing other non-classical
styles such as Mughal or lslamic into his grandiose architec
ture. Sir Edwin and other British traditionalists criticized and
resented the modem architecture. They associatedit with fas-
cism and other socialist movements, focusing especially on
the Bauhaus and its association with the socialist movement
in Germany in the 1920s and 1930s. They aspired to the aes-
that expressed through its classical style the British dignified
rule, creating a striking contrast with the local buildings
Since Iraq was the major link to Britain's biggest and most glo-
rious colony, India, the British tried to further their style in Iraq.
Khalid Sultan" expressed the same belief when he stated that
the "English buildings in India were reinterpreted in Iraq' In
addition, most of the architects who worked in Iraq were mili
tary engineers who either had been in India or had participated

thetic and artistic values of architecture over political values, in the building of it.

ignoring the earty modemists' interest in free plan designs, func The British in India were forced to consider the style of the

tionalism and technological symbolism. context. Sir Edwin was uncomfortable with the political impli-

The British architects in Iraq, like G. M. Wilson, H. C. Mason cations of style; he explained his atitude saying, "The British
and G. B. Cooper had similar preferences and were largely architects in India should design the way they dress there."0

influenced by the British architects of India, especialy Lutyens. He was highly critical of the need to use Isiamic or Indian mo
Although they had modest aspirations, they also designed tifs in his buildings. Other British architects, like Baker looked

The of the classical into Mughal and Buddhist architecture for oriental decorations
buildings in the British classical style. use

conservative aesthetic classical prefer to be mixed with classical forms."

style was not only a

identity, promoting the clas- In Iraq, there was similar pressure to consider the local style
ence, but an assertion of national
It had a under British rule, particularly the Arab-Islamic style. The Iraqi
sical style as the predominant style of their colonies.
nationalists were conscious of asserting their identity. With the
political significance distinctly different frorm other styles in the
architectural adaptation to nationalist movement in Iraq and the 1920 revolt against using
European context. As part of their
traditional Turkish and English in the schools, enthusiasm grew about
Iraq, the British architects tried to incorporate the
architecture of iraq into their new style. The result was a politi- local architectural style.2 As in India, the British architects in

cal facade with few Islamic features. These infiluences

of the Iraq tried to compronise the politics by adding so-called "ls-

classical and neo-classical styles led to an eclectic style of lanic features," ie., native motiís. One example, is the interior

with ormaments and of the Port Directorate offices in Basra, drawn by J. M. Wilson
architecture in iraq: a style preoccupied
various Palladian, classical, and French pastiches in the fa- that incorporated Islamic patterns into the classical expression
 WORK IN PROGRESS THE PAPERS
12

Fig. 3. Hafez Jamil House. (Photograph by the author)

of the interior3, Moreover, the critical climatic differences be- War I. The glorious period ended with the decline
of British
tween Britain and both India and Iraq allowed for many ac- power and their own loss of belief in classical architecture. This
commodations and raised many concems.Wilson believed in coincided with the influence of the modern style in England
evolving what he called "an Arab Renaissance Art4, He em- The British architects in Iraq were cut off from this
develop-
phasized the relationship between the building and the gar- ment and lacked confidence in the modem style. Riat
using
den, as well as the axis, symmetry and the grandness of the stated that their architecture became confused after World War
Brtish classical style. In the design of Aal Albait University, he I1.18
expressed his opinion: After the decline of British rule, the impact of their style on Irag
As can be seen from the plans the project includes building a resulted ina hybrid architecture using both eastem and west
central edifice with two fronts overlooking gardens, one of which ern vocabularies. This architecture suffered from a lack of bak
is to face the road from ance between the clas
a-Muatham to Baghdad, sical superiority of the
the other the river."5 colonizer and the tradi
His designs were largely tional Islamic style. This
inftuenced by the workkof architecture lived under
Lutyens; however, he the sway of its confusion,
was more tolerant in in-
. uncomfortable in its in-
corporating the tradition
consistent ideological
in his buildings.
:
expression. Its random
Iraq has been the home di
ness coincided with
of a certain style of archi-

tecture which has influ-

lerent ferent factors, such as
the practice of local ar
enced the rest of the civilized world, but
present circumstances chitects and builders.
need a new style of building which, it is hoped, will integrate This has not been well documented, in terms of
the best of traditional decorative
features.1
period ou
ings and customs. However, some writers provide clues avou
Rifat Chadiriji, "
one of the pioneer Iraqi architects, has classi- life in
fied the period of British rule into two phases. The first is
Iraq between the two world wars. Baghdadskelches in
the Freya Stark, tried to illuminate the ype of lite in Baghdad
period of classical and neo-classical style of British architec- The
the 1930s; it was directed to both foreigners and natives.
ture. He dates the beginning of this period to their glorious othes
SOciety was confused by the new influences, even theirCiou
buildings with the design of the Palace for the King by Maison most o
Were a mixture of western and traditional.
in 1922, and believes it ended with the design of the Ironicauy
al-Zuhoor the people vestern

Palace in 1933. The second

were anti-British and their imitation of We
period began with the
design of conflict.
al-Basra
clothes, architectural styles and manners created a con
airport in 1931 and ended with the beginning of World
 1993-1994 Iraqi Houses in Colonial Context 13

Fig. 4. The ground floor plan-Hafez Jamil House. (From

Sultani, University of Baghdad)

Fig. 5. Diagram of the spatial relationship. (Drawing by the

author)

"When the British took over the coun- status of ladies in Baghdad.
try, Nasir became a schoolmaster at "To the Editor.
Klchen
Ba'quba, and adopted European Sir, In your paper of Oct. 18th you give
clothes. He did not think much of them. a detailed though possibly not a com-
UMg ro0m Aning

There is not an Arab, said he one prehensive list (for that would be be-
wam day, who does not take refuge yond any human ingenuity) of things
Mostict

with Allah from the discomfort of your that ladies in Iraq are not supposed to
socks.' But it was a symbol of the new do.
order. He tried to compromise by wear As an eamest and interested engineer,
ing a collar and no tie, observing with may I ask for a few further details?

some truth that he could see no use- What, exactly is meant by a "similar
fulness in the latter garment: the political officer, however, said social status"?

that it was better to be either European or all Asiatic in the
matter of clothes: Nasir submitted to our peculiar views on
masculine adomment as part of the new civilization.
Stark continued to describe the life of the Arabic teacher, Nasir
and his wife: "In his own house he returned to the long white
gown. I called there one day on his wife, a frightened wild crea
ture with long plaits who sat timidly on one corner of the red
velvet divan, evidently unused to chairs, and too shy to utter a
Word 20
It is quite dificult enough, in these days, to define a Lady," but
when she has to have a Similar Social Status as well, it be-
come impossible without the help of some lucid official defini-
tion.
It is rather important, for I gather from the above-mentioned
document that if she is neither a Lady, nor possessed of any
Social Status in particular, the authorities do not really mind
what becomes of her, and she may pic-nic off the main road
without notifying the Ministry of the Interior.

The image of a submissive wife mostly I take it that before accepting any invi-
uneducated, was prevalent. It fit the tation that may be made, she must also

stereotypical "feminine behavior. She be very careful to look into the ad-

and her husband accept her subver- equate Social Status of the European

sion as part of her identity distinct from and American who is to accompany

that of the Westem woman. her. This is always judicious, especially

Cautious of European and American when traveling abroad, and cannot be

Women's influences, exclusive rules too carefully recommended. But a few

and restrictions were set for Iraqi hints as to how to decide on such a
matter at short notice, would be very
Women on their residences, move
ment, and escorts.21 A letter to the useful. Socks and ties and an Oxford
manner are apt to be misleading, and
Baghdad Times explained the social
 WORK IN PROGRESS THE PAPERS

Fig. 6. Kamal Sinawi House. (Photograph by the author)

a short test that could be applied rapidly whenever any excur- cated into a submissive role. The
sion
upper-class women livedi in
or expedition is under discussion, appears to be highly a luxurious villa which was privatized in reflection of
the sociehie
advisable. convention. Her position was in conflict since the
As to main roads-they are not always recognizable in this
long tradition
of belief could not be unreservedly discarded. Beliefs and as
country..They suddenly turm into a flat desert and one finds
pirations were not in confiuence and women were faced with
a
that one is off them. Under such circumstances, is a real lady, paradox between their own experiences and the new
with Social Status and all, liable to have her visa canceled? aspira
tions of the colonial image.
Yours, The British influences lasted a long time. They left traces of
ENQUIRER their manners, customs, beliefs, and classical buildings, as well
as their westem clothes, in a society which struggled to prove
Under British rule, the
its independence from
Iraqi woman was ex
A colonial domination.
posed to a new life style,
Their architecture could
that of the European be neither Iraqi nor En
woman, which led to a
glish, but inhabited the
new kind of uneasi space between the
ness.2 Her status was
two-a remaining ex
clearly distinguished
pression of Britishknow
from the "other," thee
edge and power.
western women, and
thus her inferior status in
"difference" was intens
fied. These distinctions were explicitly and implicitly
amplified
in rules and restrictions on her movement outside the house.
THE COLONIAL HOUSE
The European woman continued a middle-class style of
living,
not necessarily engaged in a
middle-class occupation, but seek
Indomestic architecture, Iraqi houses were greatly iniuen
ing a middle-class domesticity in a middle-class home. oy the classical style. These houses caried so many
The clas
upper-class woman aimed to identify herself with the ca, Italian, French, and Palladian influences, that one cann not
Euro
pean woman in lifestyle and fashion. Her ses
prestigious status, accurately name their style or identity their onigin. These
above other lower class women was might contain glimpses of various classical styles, thougn he
evidenced through her
clothes, her house, her television set, her with
husband's car and dilmerent influences and mixtures would make iderntitication
her maids. However, she fell within the same one 1930s
construct of iden- style more expedient. Moreover, the trend in the
tity and was mostly uneducated, married young, and domesti- and e these
1940s of using ltalian and French catalogues mau
 1993-1994
Fig.7. The ground floor plan-Kamal Sinawi House. (Drawing by the author)
Fig.8. Diagram of the spatial relationship. (Drawing by the author)
house styles even more eclectic, es-
pecially the upper-middle-class villas.
These plans inherited the classical hi- ti
erarchy and composition of western
Dinng Kcos
models, yet were appropriated to suit
the conventions of Iraqi society.
The palatial architecture of Palladian Cntroo
villas had a clear influence, especialy
in the logic of the plans. It is interest-
ing to see this in relation to the great
Palladian revivals in ltaly and England
in the early eighteenth century. While the influence in Italy was
on the religious buildings, in England it affected domestic ar-
chitecture. In Egypt, in the second half of the nineteenth cen-
tury, this style has been considered a symbol of aspiration to a
higher social status. Khalid Asfour clarified the same belief,
arguing for the continued Cairene tradition inside the Palla-
dian style, which was prevalent mostly in Europe for upper
middle-class villas. Sir Edwin Lutyens also had experimented
with the Palladian style in India and built villas in that style.
Similarly, in Iraq it attracted the attention of the upper-middle
class mostly politicians, merchants and
lawyers who aspired to the power and
prosperity of the colonizers. These vil
las emphasized simplicity and calm
grandeur in their spatial and formal
qualities. They appear to be solid and
severe, a picturesque vista of the Brit
ish influence.
In reaction to the critique of the mod
en Arab house being westenized in
form, a counteractive argument ex
plained the continuity of tradition in the
raqi HouSes in Colonial Context 1
modern house.24 This was mostly
based on the continuity of social and
cultural conventions shown through the
adaptation of the westem style. Thus,
the discontinuity was in the formal aes
E
Uving T thetic language and technological func
Master 3R tional aspects.25 The villas that had
been built in the 1930s were reinter
preted by others as a continuation of
the traditional courtyard house-the
central hal considered to be the cen-
tral yard of the courtyard house, now being covered for cli-
matic reasons. Layth Raouf argues that the modern Iraqi House
is a continuation of the traditional Iraqi house. However, his
reference to these villas as covered courtyard houses is inac
curate in its suggestion of formal continuation.24 Moreover a
distinction is necessary between those villas and the earlier
modified courtyard houses that caried the same logic as the
courtyard house. The latter were subjected to new regulations,
such as the setback and the straightening requirements which
gave thema greater exposure to the outside. Moreover, rules
limited the use of the shanashill as a
covered projection beyond the plot
boundary. Thus, uncovered balconies
called "tarmas" started to appear in the
facades2
While the balconies in the colonial
houses were a result of stylistic influ-
****
ences, in the other case, they were the
outcome of rules. The conceptual im-
plication and the ideological context of
the colonial house in the 1930s con-
veyed different meanings from those
 WOKA IN rNo
16

Fig.9. The ground floor plan-Tawfik al-Suwaydi House.

(From K. Sultani, University of Baghdad, unpublished work)

of both the courtyard house and the the school is the threshold of
the un.
modified courtyard house, yet it re- veiling process, where women
take the
sembled them in the undertying cultural abaya off. Generally, the
margin of in-
and social practices. The villa was a side and outside is quite
explict in the
Kitchen i
symbol of power and prestige; it be- design of spaces. The balconies and
came an object on the site and within tamas that are quite inviting to the in
the garden, exposing its wealth to the ner world turned out to be an
Dining Living
inapro
outside. Ironically, the natives popular- prate space for women to sit in or do
ized the style of the colonizer, creating chores. The woman was conscious of
and magnitying the distance between being recognized and seen in an inap-
the general public and the upper-class propriate situation by passers-by nhe
families. In contrast, the courtyard street.7
Entrance
house, though decorative in its way,
Cues
Master BR
The plans of these villas shared the
was less distinctive in comparison with same logic of the Palladan villas, ie.
the lower-class houses that took the the symmetrical plan and axial deler

same form with less decoration. mination. They were also composed ol

The extroveted nature of these villas

a central plan and had an elevated
contradicted the generally private style of lraqi life. As a result, entrance. While the traditional house was modestly integrale
the new classical style had to be adjusted so it would corre- With other houses, the colonial house stood out as an object
im

spond to the traditional values of the society. However, the Par

the site surrounded by the garden. However, it resembled
generic use of the temm "traditional values" refers here to the uie
ladian villas in that the front facade was more eminent than
sti-
prevalent inheritance, which includes values related to privacy, rest. The plans of these houses lend themselves to an inve
plesof
women's status and identity. Ironically, the quest for superior- gation for their similarities with the classical style princIples
ity is antagonistic to the so-called fixed" values. The double order, geometry and symmetry. Despitethe diferences b
etween

perspective scenes in the city of Baghdad illustrate how het one family and another in terms of privacy and social cus
stoms,

erogeneous these concepts were. One persepective is the the plans of these villas clearly inherited the logic of l assical

balconies and tamas in these villas. They are extended and

and neo-classical architecture.
stretched spaces to the outside, revealing part of the life to the a-s adoon,.
Hafez Jamil's House, which was built in 1932 in
anthis
public. Its connotation is unveiling, exposure
and openness; one of many examples known aas the "1930s houses.
onwith

however, it contrasts with other spaces that women inhabited

house, the logic of the plan is quite explicit. In coe
ried
to
psychologicaly and physiclly this
house

the other houses examined in this study 1

The other perspective is the unisex schools atended by women. less
adaptation
follow the logic of the form clearly with ea n dthe

These are mostly surrounded by high walls where the gate of achieved an absolute in the
symmetry both
 1993-1994 Iraqi Houses in Colonial Context 17

Fig. 10. Diagram of the spatial relationship. (Drawing by

the author)

back of the house. The hall was situated on the central axis the early 1930s in al-Sadoon is another example of this type of
with equal sized rooms on both sides. The staircase was posi- house; however, it retains its symmetrical facade while it is
tioned in the central axis, integrated into the design of the house. asymmetrical behind the first layer of the plan.
Thus, it differed largely from the conventional way of
locating The spaces in the back- the bedrooms and the toilets- do
the stairs in the courtyard house as a mere functional and seg- not follow the symmetrical logic. The entrance is different from
regative device. In this house, its meaning is stretched until it Jamil's house in that it opens immediately to the central hall.
nearly becomes a theatrical device. This made one entrance to the guest room inconvenient for
Since following the logical principles of axis and symmetry are privacy. In that respect, another door to the guest room from
of prime concen in this house, the rooms are restricted to a the outside was provided to separate the guests from women.
certain size that is sometimes not sufficient for its activity. In The master bedroom had three doors, two of which
correspond
addition, this concern made other
symmetrically to the other two facing
changes impossible in order to be able it, thus making its use inefficient. The
to retain the symmetrical plan. How more private door in the back of the
ever, within the logical constraintsof room was mostly used by the woman.29
the plan, certain adaptations were con-
The staircase in this example has been
sidered to achieve privacy. The en-
transferred to the inside to serve the
trance hall used the same mechanisms
more private wings; thus it interrupted
for privacy as the courtyard house. It
the symmetrical layout of space. The
still served as the demarcation line
kitchen is secluded and situated in the
between public and private, providing back garden, thus adding to the dis
two separate entrances, one public and
tance the maids or the housewife had
one private.
to carry the food.
It was highly enclosed and had three double doors to the in- The house of Tawfik al-Suwaydi, designed by the local archi
side; one leading to the central hall used mostly by women, tect Abbas Hasan is similar to al-Sinawi house in
incorporating
while men used the guest However, the door from the
room. the symmetrical plan with the functional conventional use of
entrance to the master bedroom was insufficient for secluding space. It embodied symmetry in the first layer of the plan, but
t from the other spaces of the house. Moreover it faced is
a more non-symmetrical at the back, allowing more freedom in the
public space, the guest room. Thus, the door was located only spatial mapping. The kitchen is still independent from other
to achieve symmetry with the guest room's door. The central activities, having a separate door and corridor at the back that
hall became a
space of circulation in this house, for there were connects it to the dining room. It has the entrance device that
seven double-doors opening to the hall. separates guests from the private space in the hall.
Other examples are
generated from the same principle but are In his piece on the Modern Iraqi house, Layth Raouf had in-
more tolerant in their adaptation. Kamal Sinawi's house builtin cluded of this ideal of house ". It showed the
a plan type sym
 WORK IN PROGRESS THE TArERD
8

Fig. 11. The ground floor plan-Rauof Saad House. (From

Sultani, University of Baghdad)

tral hall and the restriction of

metrical plan in the front with an asym the sym
metrical plan in the back. The staircase metrical plan. More adaptation
was
is hidden behind one of the central hall
Kitchen applied, changing the logic of the plan
walls. The central axis is shifted to one however, it
showed a clear
departure
of the sides to prevent anyone from from the classical. One of these
ex
having an immediate direct look inside. amples is the Rauof Saad house
buit
The guest room has two doors; one in 1963 in Taha Street. The front
ta-
opens to the outside, and the other Living cade had the classical style yet it was
Dining
opens to the front terrace. However, the asymmetrical in plan.
door to the bedroom on the other side While the logic behind the fom in the
Guest
does not correspond to the opening of Palladian villa was constant in the sym
Ent Master
the guest room, showing a departure
room
metrically juxtaposed spaces and axial
from classical plan restrictions.
determination, it was ambiguous inthe
As shown in the above examples, the
Iraqi house. The incompatibility of the
central space of the Palladian villas axis and symmetrical plan with the
was passed down to the Iraqi house function and use of the space led to
and used as a living room. It became a
the neglect of axis and symmetry. The
circulation space ditfferent from the yard in the traditional court-
axis was shifted to hide and seclude the space from the viewer
yard house. While the yard in the courtyard house acted as Similarly, the location of the guest room door, opening into ne
the visual connector, and a source for
sunlight andventilation, central living hall, makes it quite interactive with the private e
in the colonial house the central hal retained
itsactivity as a of the women inside; hence, an outside door to the guest ou
central functional device connecting other
spaces. However, it was usually provided.
is inconvenient to the life
style Iraqi society. Moreover, its
of
As such, the design of the house is subordinate to anintellec
una

ventilation and lighting is inefficient. The does

many doors used in tual
this house to retain privacy for the
construct, ie. an idea of symmetry and axis wl
bedrooms made it hard to
control heat in cold winters.
not reflect the experiential reality of domestic lie. in
overall logic of the plan was of havnga
bypassed in favor
The ceiling height of the central space is doubled giving a
grand- mmetrical plan
ness to the
symmetrical plan in the front and a less
space that resembled the central space of Palla- emined

the back of the house. Thus the plan came to be

dian villas. The central hall in the Palladian
villa might have
by other functional criteria of privacy and inaccessiou
satisfied the need of ltalian society or
European society. In The other layer
Iraq, however, it was incapable of fitting with the usual practice of ensuring privacy by introducing
practice usually in the entrance, did prevent immediate open enness D
of society because of its symmetrical plan restrictions.
tween the street and the Oom.
The
entrand

Other later solutions inner private living

responded to the inefficiency of the cen- with
doors

lobby acted as an mediate semi-public space

s
 1993-1994 iraqi Houses in Colonial Contex 19

Fig. 12. The front elevation-Rauof Saad House. (From

Sultani, University of Baghdad)

on each end. The degree of adaptation ifered from one fam-
ily to another, however, most of these examples reflect similar
attudes. These houses lacked the unity achieved by the logi-
cal groupings of the parts. That logic is further manipulated in
the use of stairs, rooms and entrances.
In these types of houses, the service wings, kitchen and stor
age areas, used by either the woman of the house or the ser-
vants, were mostiy secluded. There was a distinction between
activities that are considered unclean, such as the 'smel of
work, balusters, parapets of balconies, terraces and stairs. The
form was compromised in its context through the use of brick
and some other traditional features that render the house eclec-
tic in style.
These villas are surrounded with well-crafted and ornamented
fences with piers and balustrades in iron and stone. The gate
is articulated by two piers on each side, marking the outside
entrance to a luxurious prestigeous house, one that veils,
through the pretentious formal expression of its facade, e

cooking", and the clean spaces of the house. The kitchen is hidden conflicts of the society.
usually located either in the back garden or within the house
but with an entrance separate from other spaces of the house.
The location was impractical for the woman and was made
even worse by her seciusion from other activities of the house.

Moreover, it forced her to move in and out of the house, which

is inconvenient in both summer and winter. The garage is an-

other space added in the plan of these houses as a separate

enclosed space at the far end of the front garden. Since the

car was introduced much later to the Iraqi life style, it was less
integrated with the overall desgin of the house.
In these houses, the house's relationship to the garden is simi
lar to that of the Palladian style, where the house

This
opens to the garden space behind the house.
opening to the back yard is often elevated with co
umns in a classical style supporting the ceiling. This

kind of treatment with columns is more exaggerated

in the entrance where the theatrical elevation of the

entrance adds to its sense of permanence.

The designers of these houses were conscious

the political uses of certain styles that were distinc

tively westem. They avoided the use of pediments,

pitched roofs or statues in spite of using the same

principles of openings with classical ormaments, iron

 25 It difers from the bst-modern era
ness of use of certain forms and
where conscious
ENDNOTES historical references
was
was ex
plicit to achieve its linkage to the past.
art in India
T. Roger Smith, speaking on architectural 26 Raouf, p.20.
in 1873. Quoted from Thomas R. Metcalf,
An Imperial Vision: 27 I recall mygrandmother siting in the veranda or h

Indian Architecture and Britain's Raj p.1. balcony in her house enjoying the sun while conscious al
French
2 Gwendolyn Wright, The Politics of Design in time of being recognized by a passer-by in the street the
Colonial Urbanism, p.1. 28 This type of house is also called al-Bataween
Perceived by the British as a tribal rebellion fomented in reference to the peniod and the district where this tn
housee
3
rebel-
by Syrian Nationalists, this was also known as the 1920 house was developed. Source: Khalid al-Sultani, assistant nr
lion. The Iraqis perceived it as a genuine nationalist revolution fessor, University of Baghdad. sultani specializes in the mo.
that discredited certain practiced policies although it did not em history of Iraq.
achieve independence. See The Modern History of Iraq, 29 These observations of the behavior of women in this
Phoebe Marr, p.33. type of the house are derived both from my earlier
Pheobe Marr, The Modem Historyof Iraq, p.31 reporton
4 these houses in Iraq and from my personal experience, having
5 For example, he refused to use the pointed arch, preferming lived in this house with my grandmother.
the Roman rounded arch. 30 Layth Raouf, Tradition and continuity in the Modem
6 For more details on Sir Edwin Lutyens work, see Iragi House, Ur 1-1985, p.22. This house is called "the cOV
Robert Grant Irving, Indian Summer, Lutyens, Baker, and Im- ered courtyard house" by Layth Raouf.
penial India.
Khalid Sultani, Architecture in Iraq between the Two
World Wars 1920-1940, Urmagazine, p. 94
8 Khalid Sultani, The Thirties Architecture of Baghdad
Unpublished article, College of Engineering, University of
Baghdad.
9 Sutani, p. 99.
10 Video: Imperial City: The use and influence of British
architectural Style in India. Arts Council of Great Britain, 1980.
Available at Rotch library video collection, MIT Cambridge.
11 Metcalf, p.28.
12 Sultani, p.99.
13 lbid, p.96.
14 bid, p.101.
15 Ibid, p.100.
16 lbid, p.101.
17 Rifat Chadirji's book, A-Ukhaydir wa-al-Qasral-Billuri
included a lengthy description of Chadirj's formative years and
a description of the modern architecture and architects of the
same period in Iraq. It is a further description of his earlier
book Shari Taha wa Hamerpublished in 1985.
18 Ibid, p. 515.
19 Freya Stark, Baghdad Sketches, p. 46.
20 Ibid, p.47.
21 Ibid. For details on these restrictions, see p. 79.
22 These were mostly the wives of the privileged
ity of civil and military officers. minor
23 Khalid Asfour, Cairene Traditions Inside Palladian Vil
las, Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review. Vol. IV No.
11, 1993, p.40.
24 See Layth Raouf, Tradition and
em Iraqi House, Ur 1-1985.
Continuity in the Mod
See Khalid Asfour, Cairene Traditions Inside Palla-
dian Villas, Traditional Dwellings and Settlement Review.
V. No. 11, 1993, p. 40. Vol
 1993-1994 iraqi Houses in Colonial Context 21

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