000 Beale-Rosano-Rivaya, Yasmine - Mozarabic Culture Contact and Diglossia 2016

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA
Los Angeles
Mozarabic: Culture Contact, Language and Diglossia
In
Medieval Toledo
A dissertation subm itted in partial satisfaction of the
requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy
in Hispanic Languages and Literatures
by
Yasmine Consuelo Beale-Rosano-Rivaya
2006
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© Copyright by
2006
The dissertation of Yasmine Consuelo Beale-Rosano-Rivaya is approved.
Michael Cooperson
Carroll Johnson
Susan Plann
Teofilo Ruiz
Edward Tuttle
J ^ \ - Q a ^ lr , f y )U s
A. Carlos Quicoli, Committee Chair
University of California, Los Angeles
2006
To my family
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
List of Abbreviations
The Arabic alphabet and its Phonetic Equivalencies
Acknowledgments
Chapter 1:
Introduction
Chapter 2:
On the Notion of Mozarab and the Mozarabic Language
Chapter 3:
The Process of Arabization in al-Andalus: Society and Language
Chapter 4:
Original Source Documentation for the Study of Historical
Hispanic Linguistics
Chapter 5:
The Mozarabic Documents of Toledo
Chapter 6:
The Phonological Evidence
Chapter 7:
Conclusion
Appendix A:
List of Names Included in the Documents
Appendix B:
Concerning Slavery in Toledo
Appendix C:
Arabic Sources
Works Cited
iv
List of Abbreviations
aa or ar. and.: arabe andalusf
Cast: Castilian
Gall: Galician
GL: Glosario de Leiden
It: Italian
Lat: Latin
Port: Portuguese
AHN: Archivo Historico Nacional, M adrid
The Arabic Alphabet and its Phonetic Equivalencies
Phonetic Free standing Word initial Word Word final
sym bol Arabic letter internal
Basic Arabic
b J j
m Jb
? f
w j J j j
f <_i i i
t di j j di
d J J j J
i Ja .L
t
n U j j U
1 J 1 1 J
r J J J J
9» & *
X O' Ml mi
0*
a j j j j
s o> Mi Mi
O*
z j j j j
s O3
S t Jk 6
X c c
h A A 4 4.
a
e
K £ £ .4
j i £ c3
q
K t JL
6
? t JL
t
d d* jJb jJa lP3
e Cj jj. j»
J
Extended
Arabic
g uS t
P H j«c j« •e
ts 5 jk
s. e
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank all those who contributed to making this doctoral
dissertation possible. In particular I would like to thank the members of my doctoral
committee: Professors Michael Cooperson, Carroll Johnson, Susan Plann, Teofilo Ruiz,
Edward Tuttle, and A. Carlos Quicoli. I am especially grateful to Professor Cooperson
who was of great service and advice and spent innumerable amounts of hours helping me
decipher and transcribe the documents. I would also like to thank those whose input
proved valuable to aiding my research and writing, including Dr. Maria Angeles Gallego,
Manuela Marin, and Federico Corriente.
I would like to show gratitude to my friends and colleagues Ahmed Alwisha,
Ossie Rawie who dedicated countless hours in helping me with my Arabic and with the
transcription of the manuscripts. I would like to express my appreciation in a special way
to the UCLA Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies for its support through
Graduate Student Research Assistantships. I am also grateful for the support provided by
following foundations: Center for European and Eurasian Studies, Near Eastern Studies
Center, and the Ben and Rue Pine Travel Fellowship. I would also like to thank the
following institutions for granting me access to their archives: Archivo Historico
Nacional and Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, and the Archivos Capitulares y
Catedralicios de la Catedral de Toledo, Spain. I would not have been able to complete
this dissertation without this access.
viii
Finally, this dissertation would not have been possible without the encouragement
and solidarity of my family: Peter, Francesca and Sean Beale, and my husband Joaquin
Rivaya-Martinez.
ix
VITA
October 20,1977 Born, London, England
1999 B. A., Spanish Linguistics

1999-2000 G raduate Student Representative

Linguistics Committee, UCLA
2000-2001 G raduate Student Association

Vice President, UCLA
2001 M.A
Spanish
1999-2005 Teaching Assistant,

UCLA Departm ent of Spanish and Portuguese
2001-2003 Teaching Assistant Representative

Lower Division Committee, UCLA
2003 C. Phil, Hispanic Linguistics

Pre-Dissertation Travel Fellowship

Center for European and Eurasian Studies
UCLA
2003-2004 Graduate Student Representative

Conferences and Symposium Committee
UCLA
2004 Title VI. Foreign Language Studies Grant
Near Eastern Studies Center
UCLA
2004-2006 Research Assistant,

Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies
UCLA
2005 Ben and Rue Pine Travel Fellowship
Departm ent of Spanish and Portuguese
UCLA
2005 Dissertation Travel Fellowship

Center for European and Eurasian Studies
UCLA
2003-2005 Assistant Editor

Mester
G raduate Student Journal of the UCLA
Departm ent of Spanish and Portuguese
PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS
-- (2003). Old Worlds. Book Review. Comitatus. Vol 32.
-- (2004). "The Definition of the Term Mozarab." Paper presented at the
conference: "Transformations: Re-imagining Identity": UCLA Spanish and
Portuguese Graduate Student Conference Los Angeles, California.
-- (2004). The Definition of the Term Mozarab. Abstract. Mester. Vol 33.
-- (2005). "The Linguistic Features of Mozarabic as a Result of Language Mixing and
Contact." Paper presented at: UCLA Motus Sodalis Lecture Series.
-- (2005). "M aking and Using WebPages for Use Classroom." Talk presented at:
UCLA Campus-wide Teaching Assistant Training Seminar.
XI
ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION
Mozarabic: Culture Contact, Language and Diglossia
In
Medieval Toledo
by
Doctor of Philosophy in Hispanic Languages and Literatures
University of California, Los Angeles, 2006
Professor A. Carlos Quicoli, Chair
This dissertation elucidates the language of the community of medieval
Toledo, traditionally known as Mozarabic, taking into account both the
sociolinguistic factors that contributed to language formation, and the
phonological development of the language in comparative perspective w ith
other contemporary languages of Medieval Iberia.
xii
I hypothesize that the necessity amongst the different groups (indigenous
Christians, Arabs, and Berbers) to successfully communicate and coexist on a
daily basis led to the gradual development of a lingua franca, Mozarabic, which
resulted from a period of bilingualism followed by a period of monolingualism
until well after the Reconquest of Toledo in 1085AD. I also dem onstrate that
even though Mozarabic was influenced by Romance it owed more to non-Indo-
European languages, particularly to Arabic, than previous scholarship has
acknowledged and that these facts alone require: 1) a revision of the concept of
Mozarabic; 2) a systematic linguistic study of the phonological features of
Mozarabic; 3) that these features be analyzed in the sociolinguistic and historical
context of al-Andalus.
The historical circumstances under which the Mozarabic language
evolved and its reported influence on Castilian makes the study of this language
particularly worthwhile. This thesis contributes to our knowledge of the
phonology of Mozarabic. Through the study of original Mozarabic m anuscripts
housed in Madrid, and Toledo, I examine the development of the Mozarabic
language and provide an outline of the phonological system of some of the main
phonological rules that are found in this language.
This dissertation discusses issues related to language contact and
language mixing, redressing two w idespread methodological problems that limit
the validity of current linguistic theories on those phenomena. Most studies rely
xiii
almost exclusively on data draw n from individual case studies in m odern
settings while this study takes into account a language which developed in
contact in the past.
Finally, this dissertation strives to redress the issue of w hat is 'M ozarabic'
and w hat are the linguistic features that make up this language while
contributing to theories of language contact and change.
xiv
Chapter 1
Introduction
The term Mozarab is often used to refer to native Iberian Christians, a
group who allegedly maintained a Latin-based culture, religion, and language
resistant to Islamic influences in al-Andalus- the Arab-controlled part of the
Iberian Peninsula- between 711 and 1492 A.D. This resistance is documented in
acts of defiance tow ards the Arab rulers, the supposed maintenance of a separate
identity, and the perpetuation of a Latin-based language throughout the
Andalusi period. The language of the Mozarabs is defined as being a Latin-
based language- a sort of Romance, whose w ritten form is in Arabic characters.
Evidence for the Mozarabic 'language' has been gleaned from the Kharjas, the
final verses of Arabic poetry, which are defined as having been w ritten in the
colloquial language of the community, in Arabic characters, contemporary
historical commentary and from the perpetuation of early scholarship on the
Mozarabs and reports by early archivists on documents housed in Toledo and
Madrid. Moreover, Mozarabic has come to be associated w ith a national
'Spanish identity' that traces its roots back to the Visigothic and the Roman
periods of Iberia. The concept of Mozarab and the supposed Mozarabic
language have therefore come to be associated w ith ideas of a Spanish identity
which are in fact historically anachronistic.
One of the first problems we encounter w hen studying the Mozarabs is
that they were supposed to have maintained the traditions, culture, identity, and
language of their ancestors- and therefore resisted the Arabic language, and
preserved for Spain a historical continuity w ith the Romans and Visigoths.
However, we know relatively little about the Mozarabs, their cultural aspects,
social, literary, religious, economic, and the linguistic characteristics of their
language (Barcelo, 1997: 253).
This dissertation strives to correct some of the historical inaccuracies
concerning the concepts of 'M ozarab' and 'Mozarabic', taking into account both
the sociolinguistic factors that contributed to language formation, and the
phonological development of the language of Medieval Toledo in comparative
perspective w ith other contemporary languages of Medieval Iberia (such as the
development of Romance and Castilian, amongst others).
Throughout the early scholarship (i.e.: Simonet, Pons Boigues), there is
persistence in the idea that the Mozarabs resisted Islamic rule, and w ere forced to
fight against persecution. They consisted of a separate 'race' and m aintained
their Christian religion. However, Gonz&lez Palencia (1926) points out, if it were
true that the Mozarabs were subject to persecution, how then can it be explained
that they were able to m aintain their religion and their individual identity?
Furthermore, w hy do they continue to maintain their Arab names and continue
to write their judicial documents, like their wills, deeds, and sales-purchases of
land, in Arabic characters well after the Reconquest of Toledo in 1085A.D
(Gonz&lez Palencia, 1926: 118)? W hat is clear is that the idea of 'M ozarab' that
has been constructed does not necessarily match the evidence and the
information attested in the historical documents we have about this population.
We cannot deny, however, that there were a few who w anted to resist
Islamic rule and vigorously complained about the changes that the territory was
undergoing in the first one hundred years of al-Andalus (the geographical area
under Islamic rule), but their ow n complaints reveal that the process of
Arabization was inevitable. Alvarus of Cordoba in 854 complained:
"W hat trained person, I ask, can be found today among our laity who
w ith a knowledge of Holy Scripture looks into the Latin volumes of
any of the doctors? [...] Do not all the Christian youths, handsom e in
appearance, fluent of tongue, conspicuous in their dress and action,
distinguished for the knowledge of Gentile lore, highly regarded for
their ability to speak Arabic, do they not all eagerly use the volumes of
the Chaldeans, read them w ith the greatest interest, discuss them
ardently, and, collecting them w ith great trouble, make them known
w ith every praise of their tongue, the while they are ignorant of the
beauty of the Church and look w ith disgust upon the Church's rivers
of paradise as something vile. Alas! Christians do not know their own
law, and Latins do not use their own tongue, so that in all the college
of Christ there will hardly be found one m an in a thousand who can
send correct letters of greeting to a brother. And a manifold crowd
w ithout num ber will be found who give out learnedly long sentences
of Chaldean rhetoric" (Gallego, 2003:127)1.
He w ent on to say "that the young Christians of Cordoba were
'intoxicated w ith Arab eloquence', and that while they could write grandiloquent
Arabic poetry and learnedly discuss rhetoric, 'the Latins pay so little attention to
their own language, that in the whole Christian flock there is hardly one m an in a
thousand who can write a letter to inquire after a friend's health intelligibly'2"
(Fairchild Ruggles, 1997: 84). Alvarus's complaints do not reveal that the native
Iberians maintained pre-Andalusf identity and intended to resist Islamic rule, as
is insisted upon by some twentieth Century scholars such as Simonet (1867) and
Francisco Pons Boigues (1897), but also that the native population was becoming
Arabized in culture and language.
Although Alvarus w anted to resist Arabic influences, the population at
large was undergoing fundam ental and lasting changes. His complaints about
the loss of the Latin culture, and the Latin language, therefore, do not reflect the
preoccupations of the general population but rather those of one person in
1 English translation by E.P. Colbert, They Martyrs of Cordoba (850-9): A Study of the Sources
(Washington: The Catholic University of America, 1962), 301. Latin text in Gil, Corpus, 1: 314-5.
2 See E. Levi-Provengal, Histoire de I'Espagne Musulmane, 3 vols. (Paris, 1953), III: 397-451.
particular or a small elite group. In fact, "[...] we learn from the Latin literature
produced by the Christians of al-Andalus that some of the so called 'm artyrs of
Cordoba' uttered their insults against Islam in vernacular Arabic, although their
instruction had been in Latin in most of the cases" (Gallego, 2003: 130). Even
those w ho did object to the process of Arabization and were opposed to Arabic
rules and regulations found themselves adopting the language and the customs
of w hat they m ost opposed. We also find that the documents produced in al-
Andalus are increasingly w ritten in Arabic and over time, evidence of the
maintenance or the existence of a Vulgar Latin or Romance diminishes to
restricted uses.
As far as the Mozarabic population is concerned, apart from a few
individuals who expressed negative attitudes towards the use of Arabic for
colloquial uses, there is no evidence that the Mozarabs held particular attitudes
w ith regards to language and their identity. This lack of evidence may reflect
either a lack of identification of language w ith personal identity, or it may be the
result of the bulk of the Mozarabic literary production having been lost. The
literary production by the Mozarabs of al-Andalus is particularly notable for its
limited quantity as compared w ith "that of the Jewish m inority or by comparison
w ith Christian communities of the Near East" (Gallego, 2003:136).
Besides, we also know that the Latin and native culture and language did
influence and transfer to the incoming population. During the first two centuries
of al-Andalus (ca. 711-950 AD), there is evidence of use of Romance amongst the
Andalusi Muslim population. There is also ample evidence of Arabo-Romance
bilingualism. This bilingualism was not limited to one or another ethnic group
but rather transcended them. This is evidenced in the high rate of exchange of
vocabulary between the two languages observed in the use of double names,
Romance and Arabic, by both communities; and the use of Romance expressions
by Muslim peoples in positions of authority (Levi della Vida, 1971: 58). The use
of Romance was not prohibited in official contexts and was also used by the
Muslim authorities. An illustrative example of this are tw o anecdotes from the
middle of the ninth Century Cordoba which, according to Gallego (2003: 132),
appear in al-Khusani's Book of the Judges of Cordoba:
"At the time there was in the city an old m an whose language
was Romance (acjami al-lisan), called Yenayr. He used to go
before the judges to declare, [since] he was well know n among
the people for his good conduct and orthodox belief. The
wazirs sent for him and asked him about this judge. He
answered in Romance: T do not know him, but I have heard
people saying that he is a bad m an / He said that ['bad man']
using a diminutive in Romance. W hen his words reached the
emir-May God have Mercy upon him- the emir adm ired his
w ords and said: 'N othing but truthfulness w ould have caused
this m an to utter such a w o rd / He then dismissed him as a
judge3.
One day a w om an came to the judge [Sulayman ibn
Aswad] and said to him in Romance (bi-l-cajamiyya): 'O h
judge, listen to this unlucky woman!' The judge answered in
Romance: 'You are not unlucky. The unlucky one is Ibn
'A m ar's mule which is gnawing its rein at the m osque's door
all day long'"4.
These anecdotes suggest that the use of the Romance language was not
limited to social or private contexts but also extended to more formal
environments. There is no evidence to indicate a prejudice for or against one or
another language. In the beginning of the Andalusi period, both the Romance
and the Arabic languages were used in the same contexts indiscriminately.
There is evidence that proves that the native Iberians knew and used
literary Arabic as early as in the eighth Century, just fifty years after the conquest
(Levi della Vida, 1971: 61). By the ninth Century, the use of Arabic was well
established. The Abat Speraindeo's treatise against Islam, which was w ritten in
3R ib e r a , J u liA n . 1914. Historia de los jueces de Cordoba, por Aljoxanl. Madrid: Impr. Iberica.
96/118.
4 Ibid. 139/179.
Arabic, demonstrates that he had an intimate and a thorough knowledge of the
Muslim practices as well as the Arabic language (Levi della Vida, 1971: 61).
Over time, the choice of one language over the other in particular contexts
solidified. This is especially true from the end of the eleventh Century w hen
tensions between the Christian Kingdoms to the North and al-Andalus, as well
as the problems al-Andalus faced w ith the N orth African dynasties, intensified
tensions between the religions. At this time, we see evidence of a stronger
Islamic orthodoxy which was m uch more intolerant of the Christian religion than
the previous ruling authorities. As a result, "there is no trace of Romance
language use in al-Andalus from the thirteenth Century onwards, the period of
highest tension between the two worlds" (Gallego, 2003: 137). The lack of
evidence of a Romance language in al-Andalus does not necessarily prove that it
did not exist. It may be the case that it existed only in informal and limited
contexts and therefore was not w ritten down. Furthermore, as Islamic orthodoxy
increased, and the association between Arabic and its link w ith Islam increased,
tolerance for alternative tongues w ithin the Islamic world decreased.
Despite there being ample evidence of bilingualism, sustained and
intimate contact between the native population and the incoming Arab and
Berber peoples, the history of al-Andalus and Medieval Spain is often presented
as the history of peoples living side-by-side w ith little or limited interaction
between groups (Levi della Vida, 1971: 64). As Levi della Vida points out, the
Mozarabs have been consistently described as a group that maintained its
individuality and therefore a connection w ith the Visigothic and Roman past of
Spain and are associated w ith the idea of an early 'Spanish national identity'5.
However, in the beginning of the Islamic conquest there was not a strong
identification w ith 'Christianity' and 'Spain' as has been suggested. This
association is in fact a simplification of the complex identity of the population of
al-Andalus and a construction of late twentieth and early twenty first Century
scholarship.
5 The idea of this Spanish National identity was a matter of great preoccupation during the
nineteenth Century when "agonizing questions such as 'What is Spain?' and 'What is
Spanishness?'" occupied the minds of writers at this time. This preoccupation also resurged
during the era of France "when men of letters made a living from analyzing the national
'inferiority complex'" LlNEHAN, PETER. 1993. History and the Historians of Medieval Spain.
Oxford: Clarendon Press. Page 4. In part, these questions also fueled the linguistic investigation
in both of these time periods (late nineteenth Century and during Franco's era) and the
interpretation of early scholars of the Mozarab documents of Toledo. These analyses have
marked all subsequent studies of these same documents. The questions of "What is Spain?" are
issues of intellectual preoccupation today. This is the main topic of books like: FANJUL, SERAFlN.
2000. Al-Andalus contra Espana: La forja del mito. Madrid: Siglo veintiuno de Espana editores.
And: BUENO, GUSTAVO. 2005. Espana no es un mito: Claves para una defensa razonada. Madrid:
Temas de hoy.
We know that m any Christians did convert to Islam. In fact, "[...] the rate
of conversion to Islam veered sharply upw ards in Cordoba in the tenth Century
so that for the first time Muslims outnum bered Christians. As the political,
economic, military, and demographic strength of Islam increased, a resurgence of
Christian identity among Andalusian Christians began in the m id-ninth Century
w ith the Cordoba m artyrdom movement and emigration of monks from al-
Andalus to the North, and continued into the next Century" (Fairchild Ruggles,
1997: 90-91). This conversion did not necessarily imply a complete disassociation
from an Ibero-Roman past. "Ibn H afsun, the religiously oscillating rebel w ho in
the end repudiated Islam, and Ibn Gharsiyah, the shuciibi writer who was able to
embrace w ith equal energy his Muslim faith and Iberian heritage, are but two
well-known examples" (Kassis, 1997:139-40). A few individuals did hold onto
their Ibero-Roman-Christian identity (as Alvarus and Saint Eulogious) but these
individuals then associated an importance to this Iberian identity that had
scarcely been there before (Kassis, 1997: 139-40). It is these authors, their
opinions and preoccupations which have been emphasized in the literature,
setting aside, negating or ignoring evidence that does not point tow ards an
obsession w ith the Visigothic past.
The evidence pointing tow ards contact between the groups has been
consistently downplayed in the literature, giving the idea that the Mozarabs, and
10
the native Iberian population, existed separately from the rest of society in al-
Andalus (cf: Sdnchez Albornoz; Olague) (Glick, 1979: 12-13). The desire to
associate Christianity and the identity of Spain w ith a pre-Islamic past has also
led to the negation of the possibility of the use of a language other than Romance
in colloquial use.
The fact that there is ample evidence pointing towards contact (i.e.:
intermarriages, independent reports of contact, cultural exchanges) between the
native and invading populations and that this contact implied both cultural and
language exchange has caused some recent scholars to revise assumptions about
the language in al-Andalus, the use of language amongst the native population
and w hat this implies about the level of Arabization amongst the Mozarabs as
well as the identification of Christianity and Romance w ith the construction of
national Spanish identity. In this context, although these works have considered
in detail the art and culture of the Mozarabs, the language spoken by the
Mozarabs has not been studied in detail using a formal linguistic framework.
The historical circumstances under which the Mozarabic language
evolved and its reported influence on Castilian makes the study of this language
particularly worthwhile. Scholars such as Ralph Penny (1991) and Ramon
Menendez Pidal (1976; 1999 [1904]) have referred to the 'Mozarabic language' to
explain some features in the development of the Castilian phonological system.
However, to date, there is no systematic study of this linguistic system. I
11
hypothesize based in part on the documents in question and in part on current
theories of language contact and the literature on the history of al-Andalus in
general and Toledo in particular about the phonology of Mozarabic.
To date, studies have focused mainly on glossaries and general
characteristics of the language (Galmes de Fuentes, 1983; Simonet, 1888). There
are some studies that specifically focus on the language of Toledo as> for
example, the w ork by Ferrando Frutos (1995). However, this w ork is mainly
descriptive, and does not analyze the evidence in terms of predictable rules. The
systematic study of the phonology and other linguistic properties of the language
of Toledo are still needed.
The focus of this dissertation is to present an outline of the phonological
system of the language of Toledo based on an analysis of original documents
which are housed in the Archivos Capitulares y Catedralicios in Toledo and in
the Archivo Historico Nacional in M adrid6, Spain. For purposes of this
dissertation, I have collected a total of 63 documents in these locations. Of these,
61 would Like to take this opportunity to thank both the Archivos Capitulares y Catedralicios de
Toledo and in the Archivo Historico Nacional in Madrid for allowing me access to these
documents and providing me with copies.
12
I have transcribed from copies of the originals 20 documents in their totality and
focused on the place names, dates and regions of another 157.
I hypothesize that the necessity amongst the different groups (indigenous
Christians, Arabs, and Berbers) to successfully communicate and coexist on a
daily basis led to the gradual development of a lingua franca in Toledo,
Mozarabic, which resulted from a period of bilingualism followed by a period of
monolingualism until well after the Reconquest of Toledo in 1085AD. I also
demonstrate that even though Mozarabic was strongly influenced by Romance it
owed more to non-Indo-European languages, particularly to Arabic and
Andalusi Arabic, than previous scholarship has acknowledged and that these
facts require: 1) a revision of the concept of 'Mozarabic language'; 2) a systematic
linguistic study of the phonological features of Mozarabic; and 3) that the
linguistic properties of Mozarabic be analyzed in the sociolinguistic and
7 My analysis was based on my own transcription of the documents and did not rely on
previously published versions of these to be found in: PONS BoiGUES, FRANCISCO. 1897. Apuntes
sobre las escrituras mozarabes toledanas que se conservan en el Archivo Historico Nacional.
Madrid: Viuda e Hijos de Tellos. and G o n z Al e z PALENCIA, A n g e l . 1926. Los mozarabes de
Toledo en los siglos XII y XIII.vol. Preliminar-Supplemento, 1-ffl. Madrid. In both of these cases
the spelling 'errors' were corrected and therefore these transcriptions cannot be used for anilisis.
This required going back to the original manuscripts and transcribing them for a more accurate
linguistic analysis.
13
historical context of al-Andalus. In the course of this dissertation I address the
various issues related to these questions. In particular, I examine the
developm ent of the Mozarabic language and provide an outline of the
phonological system and some of the main phonological rules that are found in
this language.
14
Chapter 2
O n the Notion of Mozarab and the Mozarabic Language
I. Introduction:
The question regarding the existence of a Mozarabic community stems
from a problem of identification of who exactly the Mozarabs were and w hat role
they played in the society of al-Andalus. Can one really speak of a Mozarabic
community that is distinct and separate from the rest of Andalusian community?
Were the Mozarabs of al-Andalus aware of this identity? And, finally, did this
identity affect their daily lives within al-Andalus, their interaction w ith the
Christian kingdoms to the North, their relationship w ith the Muslims of the
territory, and, finally, their language? If in fact the Mozarabs had a distinct
community and language, w hat evidences and traces of them do we have now?
In order to understand the greater social and historical context of the
Mozarabs, let us first define who the Mozarabs were, how they came to be a
recognizable community, the process of Arabization of al-Andalus, and the
contrast of the Christians of al-Andalus to those Christians in the kingdoms to
the N orth of the frontier.
II. Uses of the concept of Mozarab in the literature:
a. The concept:
15
The concept "Mozarabic," as defined by different scholars has been
diversely used to identify different national, ethnic, social, a n d /o r linguistic
phenomena. The choice to highlight certain aspects of the identity of particular
ethnic groups or speech communities has led scholars to contradictory
conceptualizations. The 'M ozarabs' are generally defined as Christians living
under Islamic rule in the Iberian Peninsula from the eighth to the fifteenth
Centuries8 (RAE, 2001; Simonet, 1867; W ard, 1978). No distinction is made
between those Christians who accepted Muslim rule and those who resisted it.
However, The Oxford Companion to Spanish Literature (Ward, 1978) defines the
Mozarabs as: "Hispano-Roman Christians of Andalusia who -preferred. Islamic
dom ination by the Arab-Berber invaders of 711-12 to the rule of the Visigoths,
and so accepted Islamic customs and the Arabic language [...]." On this end of
the spectrum, "Mozarab" is being used to differentiate between types of
Christians in al-Andalus; those who accepted Muslim rule and became "Arab-
like" and those who did not (Colbert, 1962). Thus the same term is being applied
8 Simonet. Francisco Tavier. 1867. Historia de los mozarabes de Esvana.vol. I-IV. Madrid: Turner. F.T
Simonet p 788 points out that in 1311 that of the 200.000 Muslims in Granada only 500 were of
A rabic o r B erber descen t. T he re s t w e re of C h ristia n descent. This su g g e sts th a t M o za ra b s w ere
not necessarily all Christian by the end of the Reconquest. Many had converted but still spoke the
Romance language.
16
to identify two types of Christians, creating confusion and inconsistency within
the scholarship.
None of the definitions of Mozarab is used consistently within the bodies
of work of the same scholars. In one instance Colbert9 (1962: 22-23) asserts that
the Mozarabs are Christians who lived outside of the Muslim empire but in
another he states exactly the opposite (Hitchcock, 1981: 575). In the works of
Simonet (1867) and Cagigas (1947-1948), the Mozarabs are those Christians in al-
Andalus who objected to Muslim rule. It has even been suggested (Colbert,
1962) that the Mozarabs were, in reality, the Christians from the non-Muslim
controlled parts of Iberia rather than of al-Andalus. "Mozarab" has been used to
describe both the anti-Arabists such as Saint Eulogious and Alvarus as well as
the clearly Arabized members of society such as the tenth Century bishop Rabib
Zayd (Hitchcock, 1981: 575).
b. The Etymology o f the term Mozarab:
As we analyze the term Mozarab more closely, it becomes apparent that
its origin is ambiguous (Kassis, 1994; Urvoy, 1991). The w ord "Mozarab" itself is
etymologically of Arabic origin and cannot be associated w ith a Latin or a
9C olbert, E d w a rd P. 1962. The M artyrs of Cordoba (850-859): A Study of the Sources.vol. XVII:
Studies in Mediaeval History. Washington, D.C: The Catholic University of America Press, pp 22-
23.
17
Germanic root (Hitchcock, 1981: 574). However, the fact that the w ord has
Arabic etymology does not resolve the issue of its exact meaning. This has
contributed in part to the variation and contradictory use of the term amongst
scholars (Hitchcock, 1981: 576). Due to the ambiguity existing in the literature
w ith regards to the m eaning of 'M ozarab/ especially w ith regards to the
language it refers to, it is not an ideal term but rather one of convenience until
another narrow er one can be agreed upon.
As Hanna Kassis explains, "A lthough the term clearly appears to be of
Arabic origin, mozarabe is Castilian, neither of the Arabic terms from which it
may be derived is employed in Arabic sources" (Kassis, 1994: 401). W hat Kassis
means is that the term first appeared and came into use in Castilian territories
(Le6n) and did so w hen N orthern Christians and Christians from Toledo who
were Arabized were faced for the first time w ith their cultural and in some cases
religious differences. However, the term cannot properly be said to be 'Castilian'
since the etymology of the w ord is clearly Arabic, and the 'Castilian language'
did not exist at this time. One could argue that it is of Romance usage but it is
clearly a borrowing from Arabic.
Two distinct meanings have been derived from Arabic depending on
whether one chooses the active or passive participle forms. The active participle
form mustcarib means "one who seeks to be Arabized" or more accurately it
means 'one who seeks to resemble Arabs'. According to Kassis, there exists a
18
passive form mustcarab which means "one who is involuntarily Arabized"
(Aguilar, 1994: 352; Kassis, 1994: page 401, note 1). However, the derivation of
the passive form presents a problem. The form X passive mustcarab does not
exist10 w ith this particular meaning since mustcarib is an intransitive verb.
However, mustcarab does exist and means 'someone who is considered or viewed
to be an Arab by x'. The Spanish w ord mozarabe does not have the implication of
someone being viewed as Arab by someone. It is unlikely, therefore, that the
w ord we now use in Spanish was derived from this form X form. The question
then becomes w hy in Spanish we have the w ord mozarabe and not *mozaribe for
example. I propose that this m ay be due to two reasons. The first is that in
Arabic an active participle may be colloquially pronounced as a passive w hen
there is no confusion in meaning and all w ould understand that the form in
question is intransitive and active. The second possibility is that the original
term was reinterpreted in Romance as being the particle [moz] + [arabe]; [moz]
being a prefix m eaning 'like'.
If the correct etymology of mozarabe is mustcarib, the implication is that a
Mozarab is one w ho seeks to be Arabized. One can imagine a person in al-
Andalus of non-Arab origin w anting to become more like his rulers. He will
then adopt the dress, demeanor, the customs, the language and maybe even the
10 Prof. Michael Cooperson personal communication: May 2006.
19
religion of the ruling or elite class. Conversion, however, is not necessary for
'Arabization' to take place.
In the case of al-Andalus, "The arrival and settling of the Arabs in the
Iberian Peninsula prom ptly resulted in association and contact of the occupying
force's Arabic w ith the Romance languages and speech of the occupied territory"
(Martinez Ruiz, 1994: 141). In turn, this contact caused Iberian Christians to
gradually adopt the Arabic customs, traditions, and language (Hitchcock, 1981:
578). The initial Arab population was not sufficient either to force or sustain the
native population in learning Arabic to the exclusion of other languages. From
the beginning of the invasion (711 AD), the Arabic language and the Romance
languages were used in particular contexts during an extended period.
It seems that the native population gradually adopted the Arabic customs,
traditions, and language of their new rulers. If acculturation had been complete
from the beginning of the Muslim occupation we w ould find that the language of
al-Andalus w ould have been either Romance or Arabic from the very beginning
and all vestiges of a pre-Islamic society, such as Visigothic traditions,
Catholicism etc... w ould have most likely died out within the first Century or
couple of centuries11.
11 This situation is analogous to the linguistic situation of migrating families today. Within a few
generations, the native language and traditions are lost only to be replaced by the predominant language
and culture of the geographical area they are in. See: K o u ritz in , SANDRA G. 1999. Face[t]s of first
20
It is im portant to note that none of the possible definitions of Mozarabs
nor it etymological root refer to the religion of the person who becomes Arabized
(Barcelo, 1997: 254). Hitchcock defines the Mozarabs as Arabized peoples of al-
Andalus, w ithout any particular religious loyalty (Hitchcock, 1981: 585). The
etymology of the term Mozarab and its original use was not limited to Christian
peoples but also referred any population or group who became Arab-like
regardless of religion. For example, the Arabic lexicographer Al-Azhari simply
defines the Mozarabs as a "group of non-Arabs" (Kassis, 1994: 401 note 1).
Despite the lack of religious implication in the original Arabic word, Mozarab
continues to be used today in close association w ith Christian peoples (RAE,
2001:1410).
W hen the term Mozarab has been used to refer to the Christians in al-
Andalus who have become acculturated by the Arabic, it has been traditionally
interpreted to refer to Iberian Christians and their descendents of pre-Islamic
origin (Epalza, 1992: 39). As Epalza has noted, it has been assum ed that the
Christians of al-Andalus were only of this type or that the only relevant Christian
population in al-Andalus was of Iberian origin. However, there is evidence that
language loss, and: Mahwah, N.J.: L. Erlbaum Associates, M cKa y , Sa n d r a and W o n g , S a u - lin g
C y n t h ia . 2000. New immigrants in the United States: readings for second language educators: Cambridge
language teaching library;. Cambridge, U.K.: New York.
21
indicates that some Christians were in fact from other areas of the Muslim
Empire, including as far away as Iran.
Based on the above discussion, we can identify several 'types' of
Christians in al-Andalus:
1) Those of Iberian origin (peninsular Christians) w ho remained
Christians after the Muslim conquest. These Christians actively m aintained their
knowledge of the Latin literature, held onto their Visigothic heritage, and were
associated w ith the "m artyrdom movements" such as the one in Cordoba
(Gonzalez Palencia, 1945: 29; Hitchcock, 1981: 574). The m ost famous writers of
this group are Saint Eulogious and Alvarus. The writings of both Eulogious and
Alvarus reflect distaste for the adoption of Arabic customs and language by
Christians in al-Andalus, and express a certain am ount of religious inflexibility
(Hitchcock, 1981: 574). Eulogious, in particular, came from a family in Cordoba
who hated the Muslims12. Both of these authors criticize the Christian
community of al-Andalus for adopting the Arabic language and customs. It is
implied that they do not adopt these customs but rather m aintain the Romance
language as their primary language.
12 Saint Eulogious studied in the school of the Abad Speraindeo where he also met Alvarus.
Alvarus was a young noble, also from Cdrdoba. He went on to become the 'preste' of San Zoilo
G o n z Al e z PALENCIA, A n g e l . 1 9 4 5 . Historia de la Espana Musulmana. Madrid: Editorial Labor.
22
2) Those who came to al-Andalus either from the Maghreb or other
European or origins, including the far Middle East (Epalza, 1992: 41). It seems
that m any Christians came from regions as diverse as the Near East, continental
Europe, and the Maghreb and that some m ay have even been Muslim converts to
Christianity (Epalza, 1998: 151). Known Christians who came from outside al-
Andalus to preach about Christianity include: Anastasius (in ca. 1074), a Cluniac
Monk; and Peter the Venerable, a Cluniac abbot (O'Callaghan, 2003:10).
This last group, however, often held an inferior status to those of
peninsular origin. This is often due to the fact that those from other areas often
did not rem ain in al-Andalus long enough to establish their rights (Epalza, 1992:
41).
3) Christians of Iberian origin that became fully acculturated into Arabic
culture and society. These Christians adopted the customs, traditions, and
language of the incoming Muslim population while maintaining, for the most
part, their religion. These Christians are the Mozarabs.
Given that some scholars have assum ed that the Christians of al-Andalus
were only peninsular in origin, linguistic and historical data referring to the
Mozarabs (Christians) have been analyzed w ith this loaded assum ption and
evidence pointing tow ards foreign influences may have been overlooked
(Epalza, 1992: 41). As a result, the term Mozarab was at first used by scholars
(such as Simonet and Francisco Pons Boigues) to refer to Christianity in general
23
under M uslim rule w ithout thought as to the diversity of peoples in the region.
It was later used to distinguish "Spanish culture" between the eighth and twelfth
centuries from other types of Christianity (Urvoy, 1991:259).
Imprecise use of the term and historical evidence along w ith varying
definitions w ithin the bodies of works of the same authors has also contributed
to the maintenance of particular associations w ith "Mozarabs" that are not
accurate. In some cases, this has led some scholars to advance a particular
nationalistic or political agenda (Barcelo, 1997: 253-54). As Barcelo points out,
scholars have used the term Mozarab and generated a history for particular areas
of al-Andalus by attributing to 'M ozarab' general historical tendencies that
occurred in the rest of the Peninsula but m ay not have necessarily be applicable
to that particular region (Barcelo, 1997: 253). In particular, Barcelo notes recent
scholarship in Valencia13.
13 Penarroja Torrejdn writes about the Mozarabic language in Valencia and the phonological
system of this language according to the documents he cites. This study, although written from a
philological and informal linguistic perspective, is valuable for future comparison with the data
found in Toledo. PENARROJA TORREJON, LEOPOLDO. 1990. El mozarabe de Valencia. Madrid:
Gredos. I argue, however, that the term Mozarabic, with regards to language, should be limited
to that dialect or linguistic system found in Toledo, and that other linguistic systems or dialects of
Andalusi Arabic should be differentiated from the language in Toledo through the assigning of
different names. I believe that this measure would greatly reduce confusion about the language
of al-Andalus.
24
The oldest document that is available to us today that w ould prove a
sustained Christian nucleus in Valencia is an agreement by a Muslim prince from
Denia, CAI! bn Mujahid, in the year 1057 AD allowing the Bishop of Barcelona to
execute his religious duties amongst the Christians of the Balearic islands, Denia
and Orihuela (Barcel6,1997: 259). There are a total of 8 Mozarabic documents for
Valencia between the years of 1167 and 1240, in the Monastery and Church of
San Vicente de la Roqueta, which have to do with royal donations, and Papal
confirmations (Barcelo, 1997: 260).
The Arabic sources m ention the Christians of Valencia on only two
occasions, between 1094 and 1101. An Arab author mentions that the local
Christians had a pact w ith the Arabs and served as m ediators for el Cid (Barcel6,
1997: 263). In the Primera Cronica General, the author uses the term Mozarab
directly rather than local Christians, identifying these as those Christians that had
grown up am ong the 'M oors' and spoke like them and know their customs and
manners (Barcelo, 1997: 263). In addition, w ith regards to Valencia, there is no
evidence of any Latin writings that can be associated w ith the local Christians
(Barcelo, 1997: 264). Despite this evidence, there is an insistence on behalf of
Valencian scholars on the existence of a Romance Mozarabic language and of a
distinct and separate Mozarabic community.
25
As for Toledo, Francisco Pons Boigues first delved into documents
contained w ithin the archives of the Cathedral of Toledo in 188814. For Boigues
the documents found in the Archives of the Cathedral of Toledo are "reliquias
venerables de aquella raza latino-visigotica, aunque rodeada durante los cuatro
siglos anteriores por los sectarios del Islam" (Pons Boigues, 1897: 4-5). For him,
the Mozarabs are a heroic group who, although confronted w ith and surrounded
by Islam, m anaged to preserve intact their belief system as well as a group he
calls the 'Latin-Visigothic race/ The fact that the documents are w ritten in
Andalusf-Arabic does not seem to be a problem for Boigues's assertion that the
Mozarabs are a homogenous group that resisted Islamic influence in culture,
language and customs. He argues that: "El idioma arabe que en ellas se emplea
no es instrumento de invectivas contra los discfpulos de Cristo y de su Iglesia, ni
escarnece y menosprecia el augusto misterio de la Trinidad cristiana" (Boigues
1897: 4). Boigues does not linger on the fact that the use of Andalusi-Arabic can
be an indication that Arab culture is an im portant part of this society at all levels.
He argues that the use of Arabic is representative of the most pure Catholic
Orthodoxy and is not an indication that the Mozarabs are in fact acquiring
"foreign" customs. Thus, Boigues states:
14 The resulting analysis was published as Apuntes sobre las escrituras mozarabes toledanas in
1897.
26
"el idioma arabe es alii elocuente expresion de la mas pura
ortodoxia catolica: en 61 se formulan explicitas y solemnes
profesiones de f6 « e n el Padre, en el Hijo y en el Espiritu Santo, un
solo D io s » ; se invoca la proteccion de Santa Maria y de los Santos,
y se confiesa y proclama el dogm a catdlico en su integridad, « t a l
como lo anunciaron los Apostoles y lo expusieron los Santos
P a d re s » . Bien pudieram os decir, por consiguiente, que el lenguaje
que aqui se emplea, fiel reflejo de las mas arraigadas creencias y de
los mas puros sentimientos cristianos, es un arabe especial, que
dista toto ccelo del que emplean los escritores musulmanes; es el
arabe, por decirlo asl, cristianizado y espanolizado" (Boigues 1897: 4-
5).
Although m ost scholarship no longer recognizes Boigues's assertions that
these documents represent an Orthodox-Catholic Hispano-Visigothic resistance
to the Islamic invasion, Boigues's original work has contributed the perpetuation
of the idea that the Mozarabs are intrinsically an early nationalistic group
defined by its Catholicism.
Simonet, a contemporary of Boigues's, also delved into the Mozarabic
documents of Toledo and produced an exemplary 4 volume set called Historia
de los Mozarabes de Espana (1867)15 as well as a glossary (1888)16 of Romance
terms included in these documents. Although both of his works are fundam ental
for understanding the history and language of Toledo, Simonet also
demonstrates a type of nationalist bias in his interpretations. This has led to the
popular concept of the Mozarabic being associated w ith a Romance language
spoken by the Toledan community (Barcelo, 1997: 257). In his interpretations of
the pronunciation of the words of Latin origin in the Mozarabic texts of Toledo,
he consistently uses the option that is closest to Old Castilian even w hen there is
evidence that m ay point tow ards more than one interpretation. Moreover, it is
im portant to note that Simonet has m ade a selection of the "voces ibericas y
latinas" and that the glosario is not representative of the complete linguistic
system used in the documents, which are w ritten in an Arabic-based language.
It is clear from the above, that both Francisco Pons Boigues, and Francisco
Javier de Simonet sought to highlight (whether or not in a prem editated manner)
all that was 'Christian' and related to a pre-Islamic and Roman tradition within
the Mozarabic community, at times setting aside evidence that m ight point to a
different solution, and at others, completely negating the fact that the
m anuscripts themselves demonstrate that the Mozarabic community was
15 Simonet, Francisco Javier. 1867. Historia de los mozarabes de Espana.voL I-IV. Madrid: Turner.
16 Simonet, Francisco Javier. 1888. Glosario de voces ibericas y latinas usadas entre los mozarabes.vol. I
& II. Madrid: Ediciones Atlas.
28
Arabized. This type of scholarship has contributed to confusion about historical
medieval terminology. Given that these scholars themselves claim that one m ust
be precise, define and analyze ones terms, this lack of precision is alarming
(Barcelo, 1997: 253). Francisco Pons Boigues, one of the first to delve into the
archives in Toledo, highlighted evidence in the m anuscripts of the Cathedral of
Toledo which represents Mozarabic as a Hispano-Visigothic race that m aintained
a true Catholic orthodoxy; while Simonet's works lead to the conclusion that the
Mozarabs and their language m aintained a strong Latin base and that
'M ozarabic' is in fact mainly a kind of Romance language w ritten in Arabic
characters, even w hen the very documents he was analyzing pointed in another
direction.
Subsequent work by Galmes de Fuentes (1983) offers a more
comprehensive view of the variety of evidence that can be used to decipher the
characteristics of the language spoken by the Mozarabs but he too tends to focus
on two types of documents only: the glosarios and the Libros de Repartimiento.
According to him, the Mozarabs maintained in their home or familial settings a
Romance that was archaic in its characteristics but still clearly Romance (Galmes
de Fuentes, 1983:14).
The problem created by the early scholarship of associating Mozarabic
w ith 'Christian-separate from Muslim' and 'Romance language' still persists in
some circles today. According to Barcelo (1997), some historians in Toledo have
29
used the term 'M ozarab' to identify: 1) the mass or the liturgy of Isidore of
Seville; 2) the music associated w ith this rite, which is set in contrast to the
Gregorian Chant; 3) the medieval characters that paleographers today called
Visigothic were not exclusively used by the Christians of al-Andalus, this style
was also used in other areas of Europe; 4) the manuscripts in Visigothic writing
that are conserved in the Cathedral of Toledo. These are identified as Mozarabic
because they contain marginal notes which are written in Arabic characters and
are assum ed to have been w ritten in al-Andalus (Barcelo, 1997: 256). However,
we cannot be sure that these were either w ritten in al-Andalus or w ritten by
Arabized Christians, in fact there is evidence that at least some documents
attributed to the Mozarabs were w ritten by Muslims17.
The term Mozarab also refers to art that is thought to have been produced
by those Christians who fled north from al-Andalus. These pieces of art include:
churches w ith elements of Arabic style, relics or liturgical objects, and
illuminations of beato m anuscripts which include Arabic artistic elements
(Barcelo, 1997: 256). Finally, the term Mozarab is also associated w ith a
particular lyric or poetry called Kharjas. These Romance 'Kharjas' are defined as
the final verses in Arabic or Hebrew poetry (Barcelo, 1997: 257). Again, these
verses have been associated w ith 'M ozarab' but, to date, we have no evidence
that they were produced by Christians. They may have been produced by
17 See Appendix B.
30
Muslims who also used the Romance language or had access to Romance songs
and expressions, and thus included these in their works. However, it is correct to
identify the language of the Kharjas as a Romance. It is not correct, however, to
associate the language of the Kharjas w ith the lingua franca of Toledo. Evidence
points to the fact that the use Romance was rather limited in al-Andalus and that
the common every day language of Toledo was an Arabic-based language.
In summary, w hat all of these elements that have been associated with
Mozarabic culture have in common is that they are Christian objects or traditions
which also contain some element associated w ith Arabic style or culture. Even
though all of these objects have an Arabic influence, there is, to date, no clear
evidence of the exclusive active participation in their m anufacturing by
Christians from al-Andalus (Barcelo, 1997: 255-56). An association has been
m ade w ith these particular artistic styles and the term Mozarab is useful in
identifying those items which have Arabic influence in a Christian context, but
the community which produced these items may or m ay not have been
Christian. Furthermore, traditional scholarship has taken for granted that the
Mozarabs are Christian people already living in the Iberian Peninsula during the
conquest in 711 AD who speak in Latin, and who are subm itted to a non-Latin
speaking government.
Recent scholarship, however, including work by Mikel de Epalza and
Joaquin Vallve Bermejo, suggests that the Mozarabic community includes
31
peoples from diverse regions throughout the M editerranean who lived in Al-
Andalus and converted to Christianity (Epalza, 1998:151; Vallve Bermejo, 1999).
W hat we come to understand is that although all the term Mozarab is
used in a variety of contexts to explain a variety of phenomena in the history and
the data of medieval Iberia each definition focuses on just one aspect and fails to
take into account all of the evidence. The difficulty in defining Mozarabic
becomes even m ore complicated given the broader definitions suggested by
Mikel de Epalza and Joaquin Vallve Bermejo which allow for non-Iberians to also
be defined as Mozarabs. The task, therefore, lies in defining the term
"Mozarabic."
For matters of clarity and precision, I shall adopt a definition that is a
cross between O'Callaghan and Livermore (Livermore, 1971: 376; O'Callaghan,
1975: 96). The Mozarabs are those Christians living in al-Andalus (whether or
not of Iberian origin) who have assimilated to Arabic culture, language, and
customs.
Identifying the Mozarabs as assimilated Christians does not imply that
they were particularly religious. In fact, it seems that there was very little
religious preoccupation in al-Andalus, to the point of apathy, until around 929
(the foundation of the Umayyad Caliphate) (Hitchcock, 1981: 578).
The term Mozarabic, as it concerns language, should also be limited to one
language type: either the Romance or the Arabic of al-Andalus. There is now
32
recognition amongst scholars that there was a Romance dialect in al-Andalus,
distinct from the other Romance languages of the Peninsula (Castilian, for
example) (Molenat, 1994: 481). However, the Mozarabs did not write the
Romance (Latin characters) very well and for this reason, it is very difficult to
discover the characteristics of the Romance spoken by the Mozarabs (Gonzalez
Palencia, 1926:136). There is also a lack of literary production by the Mozarabs
of Toledo, either in Arabic or in Romance. Menendez Pidal (1976) argues that the
reason that there is no great literary production is because the Mozarabs of
Toledo were opposed to such a production in Arabic. Why this should be so is
not clear. If the official language of Toledo was Andalusl-Arabic and this was an
accepted form both in the w ritten and oral tradition, why should they not
produce literature in the same language? So far as we are concerned this remains
a mystery which makes the study of Romance Mozarabic complicated.
However, since Mozarabic is closely associated w ith the idea of lingua franca of
Toledo, it w ould be helpful to limit this term to only the Arabic-based language
in Toledo. Another term should be used for the Romance found in the Kharjas,
maybe Romance Mozarabic.
III. Sources for linguistic data:
The data we have about the Mozarabic peoples and language come
mainly from medieval documentation archived in repositories throughout the
33
Iberian Peninsula. However, a "Mozarabic document" can be defined as: 1) a
docum ent w ritten in Latin by a Christian from al-Andalus; 2) a document written
in vulgar Romance using Arabic characters by a Christian from al-Andalus; 3)
any document w ritten in Andalusl-Arabic that makes reference to any Christian
resident of al-Andalus. The recurrent tendency among scholars (cf: Simonet,
Galmes de Fuentes) to concentrate only on one document type has contributed to
perpetuate an inaccurate portrait of the Mozarabic speech community.
Similarly, the absence of an unam biguous definition of w hat is m eant by
"Mozarabic text" has led scholars to m isleading generalizations.
One of the factors contributing to the problem of identification of an exemplary
Mozarabic text is the fact that the Mozarabs did not leave an exemplary literary
w ork such as a great epic adventure or anything resembling "Chansons de
Roland." Mozarabs created no Christian literature in the Arabic language (or at
least none has survived)" (Glick, 1979:176).
A Mozarabic (Andalusf Arabic) literary tradition, including popular songs
and folk stories, w ould supply scholars w ith concrete indications of how the
Mozarabic linguistic system was structured and how it functioned in society.
Despite the confusion caused by a lack of a clear body of literature left by
th e M o z a ra b s , w e d o h a v e s o m e d o c u m e n ts th a t c a n b e u s e d fo r th e s tu d y o f th e
linguistic system among the Mozarabs of Toledo. The content of the legal
documents includes the purchasing and selling of land or parcels, to the freeing
34
of slaves w ho have converted to Christianity, or the transaction of some
commercial and trade-able good such as units of olive oil.
IV. Mozarab in Documentary Evidence:
The term Mozarab itself does not appear in the documents until the
eleventh Century in Le6n in the monastery of San Cipriano de Valdesalce and in
another undated document from the eleventh Century, also in Leon (Barcelo,
1997: 254-55; Hitchcock, 1981: 579; Urvoy, 1991: 259). This could lead one to
question w hether a distinct Mozarab community existed at all in al-Andalus
(Hitchcock, 1981: 576). However, it is im portant to understand that just because
the w ord Mozarab does not appear in the documents does not m ean that the
community itself did not exist. The term Mozarab in reality came into use as a
contrastive term, differentiating those Christians to the N orth who have not
assimilated Arabic culture and those who are emigrating to areas such as Leon
w ho are clearly Arabized (Hitchcock, 1981: 577). Therefore, until those
Christians in the N orthern kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula and those
Christians of al-Andalus come into extended contact w ith each other, the
differences between them had not been clearly evident. The term is also clearly
a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h o s e A r a b i z e d C h r i s t i a n s o f T o l e d o , i.e .: t h o s e C h r i s t i a n s w h o
had lived w ith Muslims. By association, the term was extended to refer to all
Andalusi w ho were Arabized- musta'rabi (Barcelo, 1997: 255).
35
By the time the term Mozarab appears in the documents, Le6n was
already under Christian rule and was being repopulated under the
encouragement of the Asturian monarchy by Christians from both the N orth and
the South under the idea of "reconquista" (Urvoy, 1991: 259). The term Mozarab
also appears in Toledo after the Reconquest in 1085 as a family name and in
subsequent years in municipal documents as related to rights and privileges
(Hitchcock, 1981: 579).
V. The Mozarabs of Toledo:
There are two m ain 'types' of Mozarabs in Toledo: those w ho are of
Visigothic descent who by the eleventh Century are few in numbers, and those
who have emigrated N orth from the South of al-Andalus (Molenat, 1992: 144).
There are also Christians proceeding from the N orthern kingdoms such as
Castilians and Francs who also undergo a process of Arabization and become
Mozarabs in Toledo. They, at the very least, adopt the language and sign their
names in Arabic characters (Molenat, 1994:144).
Due to the variety of types of Christians in Toledo during the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, Molenat (1994) distinguishes the Mozarabs from other
C h ris tia n s . F irs t, a Mozarab is defined as a Christian who belongs to one of the
six officially designated Mozarabic parishes. Second, a Mozarab is one who
retained certain rights and privileges under a treaty accorded in 1101 called the
36
Fuero Juzgo. The final criterion has to do w ith linguistic aspects of the
community. A Mozarab may be defined as someone who has sufficient
command of the "Mozarabic language" to be able to appear before a notary and
sign a contract (Molenat, 1994:478).
There is importance placed on the understanding of contracts, which were
w ritten in some variety of Andalusi-Arabic and not in Romance. Evidence
suggests that the Mozarabs of Toledo imposed the use of the Arabic language
both in speech and in writing (Molenat, 1992: 144). Arabic was the tool for
everyday communication and was maintained during several centuries. Molenat
aptly points out that it is unclear w hy the Mozarabic community of Toledo
w ould need two languages: one used in writing and in oral speech (Arabic) and
the other only in oral speech (Romance) w hen Arabic was perfectly understood
by everyone in Toledo (Molenat, 1994: 482). However, this language was not
'purely' Arabic. It incorporated features of the local dialect as well as items from
the Romance lexicon (Molenat, 1992: note 15).
My linguistic analysis of the original documents of Toledo is in agreement
w ith M olenat's claim that one cannot call the language of the Mozarabs of Toledo
a Romance w ritten in Arabic characters (Molenat, 1992: 144). The reader can
already see why it is im portant to distinguish Romance from Mozarabic in this
community. The language is rather Arabic-like and includes some Romance
term s and others which are particularly Mozarabic. Molenat hypothesizes that
37
the oral and dialectal use of language in Toledo are reflected in the documents
(Molenat, 1992:144). It w ould not be correct to put the oral and w ritten language
of the texts in opposition (Molenat, 1994:481).
The original documents of Toledo which I have analyzed have certain
traits that prove that this was not only a w ritten language. One can find
comments about the language spoken by those entering into contract. The
documents state that they were read back to the parties in question either in the
language of the contract or in another language (Romance, for example). This
means that the language of the w ritten contracts was understandable to the
common person. One can also find dialectal traits, expressions that are not part
of Standard Arabic but that can be ascribed to local use of the language.
Over time, we can see that the language in the documents changes as
Castilian becomes more im portant in the region. Molenat points out that as time
goes on the writings of the notaries permits us to date the m om ent w hen
Castilian begins to have an influence and the Arabic (Molenat, 1994: 484). He
begins to notice subtle changes beginning in the thirteenth Century in the
spelling of the city of Huecas and in proper names such as Julian. The spelling of
both w ords undergoes changes that reflect the influence of Castilian over the
Arabic. In my own analysis of the documents, I also found this gradual change
to be evident. The w riting in the documents begins to reflect a Romance
influence. For example, w hen in the early periods of the documents one cannot
38
find evidence of palatalization of / n / , the latter documents begin to suggest a
process of palatalization. This change is probably due to increased contact
between the native population of Toledo and the incoming Romance speaking
population from the North.
As Romance influenced the language of Toledo, so did Arabic influence
Castillian. In the Castilian translation of the Arabic writings in the beginning of
the fourteenth Century, one can clearly see some Arabic formulas being
translated into Castilian, including the heading of the documents. Molenat notes
that these Arabic loan words are not m entioned in the Spanish dictionaries but
do exist in the documents translated into Castilian. In particular, words related
to clothing, furniture, construction, and agriculture have an Arabic origin
(Molenat, 1994: 487). Of particular importance is the fact that the first Arabic
lexical items to appear in Romance are found in Toledo (Molenat, 1994: 489).
Molenat argues that the use of Arabic does not diminish until Castilian is
imposed as the w ritten language during the period of Alfonso X (Molenat, 1994:
485). He suggests that the fact that one of the notary's use of Arabic is criticized
for having a 'mediocre level' points to the level of incorporation of Romance
words that begin to come into Arabic and also to the dialectal nature of the
writings (Molenat, 1994: 485). Such an informal style and a particularly dialectal
style, points even more strongly to the fact that the writings of the notaries do
not just reflect a w ritten language but also a spoken language. The notary is
39
incapable of distinguishing between w ritten and spoken language and therefore
blends both.
The use of Arabic in legal documents does not fade until the end of the
thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth centuries. The Jewish community of
Toledo also maintains the use of the Arabic language for their documents until
the year 1391 (Molenat, 1992:145).
VI. The Mozarabic Population:
The Mozarabic community kept decreasing through time. Clemente XI of
Aragon reports in 1311 that in Granada there is a population of 200,000. Most of
these were descendants of peninsular Christians (Simonet, 1889:188). Isidro de
las Cagigas (1947) states that the Mozarabic community, in Granada in particular,
ceases to exist in the middle of the thirteenth Century (Arie, 1992: 52). This
assertion does not seem to fit data proposed by other scholars. The Mozarabic
population had decreased but vestiges of it could still be found. In fact, it is
estimated that twenty percent of the population was still non-Muslim (Glick,
1979: 34; Rucquoi, 1993: 76).
Arie argues that although the Mozarabic population may have diminished
in Granada after 1232 AD, the Christian community was maintained through the
preservation of a captive population brought back from the battlefields or from
excursion to enemy lands on ever-changing borders between al-Andalus and the
40
reconquered territories (Arie, 1992: 52). Among the captured there were farmers,
gardeners, terrasseurs, and laborers (Arie, 1992: 52). It is estimated that at one
point there were seven thousand Christian captives in Granada alone. Only
1,500 survived the siege and reconquest of Granada by the Catholic monarchs
(Arie, 1992: 53).
VII. Other terms referring to Christians:
a. In addition to 'Mozarab':
Another term referring to non-Arabs of al-Andalus is cajam or cajami. This
term means 'foreigner7 or 7of a foreign group7. In a general Arabic context it is
often used to specifically refer to Persians. However, in al-Andalus, "cajam, came
to refer to the Christians living outside al-Andalus as well as to Mozarabs (living
under Muslim rule)77 (Barcelo, 1997: 254; Kassis, 1994: 40 note 15). We may also
find the terms: nasrani 'N azarene' and musrik polytheist - both of which refer to
the difference in religious belief of this community from the Muslim one. Those
Christians who were deported in the twelfth Century to the N orth of Africa were
known as farfan" (Barcelo, 1997: 254).
We therefore m ust contend w ith several terms which may refer to either
Christians in al-Andalus and any non-Arab in al-Andalus.
b. Other Christian o r 'European' groups:
41
Vocabulary related to other Christian or 'European' groups are: Rum
which referred to the Christians as Byzantines and was an "ethnic or political
term w ithout any pejorative connotations" (O'Callaghan, 2003: 14); Nasrani:
Nazarenes; Al-Ishban: which broadly means Spanish or Hispanic; Al-Franj- the
Franks; cilj: boor; kafir: infidel; musrik: polytheist; cabid al-asnam: idolater; 'aduw
Allah: enemy of God; and taghiys. tyrant (reserved for Christian rulers)
(O'Callaghan, 2003:15).
VIII. Muslim and non-Christian or European groups:
In turn, there are common vocabulary term s the Christian used that were
used to specifically refer the Muslims. These terms include: Saraceni, Agareni, and
Moabitis: used to refer to Almoravids (O'Callaghan, 2003: 15-16). The most
radical term to refer to Muslims is Inimici cruces Christi: enemies of the Cross of
Christ- which is the exact counterpart to cabduw Allah.
Mauri, which today has come to be used in colloquial speech as moro- a
general term referring to N orth African or Arabs in general- is believed to first
have been used in the Chronicle of 754, referring to the natives of Mauritania. The
term Mauri is "an ethnic description not implying any condemnation" even
though, today, it is usually associated w ith negative connotations (O'Callaghan,
42
2003:16). The term Mauri is not found in the Christian chronicles elsewhere until
the eleventh Century.
IX. Conclusion:
The term Mozarab has been used inconsistently and imprecisely within
the scholarship, leading to over-generalizations and incorrect assumptions. It
has been closely associated with: 1) the Christians living in al-Andalus- both
those who resisted Muslim rule and identification with Muslim traditions and
language and those who accepted Muslim rule and became Arab-like in tradition
and language. In addition, scholars have m anipulated and ignored evidence to
advance their own particular agendas.
As a result, Mozarab has been associated w ith a Hispano-Visigothic past,
nationalistic ideas of the notion of a Visigothic Spain and a resistance to Muslim
influence. This tendency is evidence in the realms of literature, art and language.
However, w hat is m ost notable is that there is little evidence to suggest that the
Mozarabs were in fact the authors of those works of art associated w ith them and
the term, therefore needs revising.
The problem arises w hen one tries to identify the Mozarabic language or
dialect. Which documents should be analyzed as the m ost representative of the
oral language? The issue of identity, theory of language use, and w hat we know
about the history of the Mozarabs come into play here. Three main
43
representations exist: 1) Mozarabic as representative of a Hispano-Visigothic race
who maintained a true Catholic Orthodoxy; 2) Mozarabic as mainly a kind of
Romance written in Arabic; 3) Mozarabic as an Iberian Christian who maintained
a Romance language in the home. In recent scholarship, this tendency has been
greatly reduced but early scholarship on the Mozarabs and the Mozarabic
documents of Toledo still has an influence on the ways in which the Mozarabs
and their language are perceived.
Based on the above discussion, I will use the term Mozarab to m ean the
Christian community in al-Andalus that became Arab-like in customs, traditions,
and language resulting from the process of Arabization which was initiated by
the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula by the Arabs in 711 A.D.
44
Chapter 3
The Process of Arabization in al-Andalus:
Society and Language
I. Introduction:
The conquest of the Iberian Peninsula can best be described as a process of
submission rather than a series of battles. This submission was gained through
military pressure, and political agreements (Chalmeta, 1994:112 & 210-11). This
process is recognized as having occurred in both the Arab and in the Christian
reports.
In the Christian documents, such as the Cronica profetica, Primera cronica,
Historia de cinco obispos, and Cronica de Alfonso III, Christians report peaceful
submission to Muslims. In fact, it seems that only the ruler of Cordoba was
captured. All others either subm itted to the Muslims or fled past the
m ountainous areas to Galicia, Asturias, and the Pyrenees (Chalmeta, 1994: 211).
If these reports are true and accurately reflect the reality of the situation, then one
can understand how the resistance to Arabization by the native peoples w ould
have been less than if the population had subm itted unwillingly. If the native
population had not been willing to submit to the new rulers, then there w ould
have been evidence of resistance. This evidence w ould have been exhibited
through mass revolts in the early periods of the Muslim rule and a resistance to
45
assimilation. This in turn w ould have translated into an active resistance to
learning the language of the new elite class and a refusal to adopt Arabic
customs. We find, however, that revolts were few. There were some
'sublevaciones' as in Orihuela after the signing of treaties but these were soon
suppressed (Chalmeta, 1994: 216). In the Valle del Cinca y termino de Lerida, the
population chose to hole up in their castles rather than surrender (Chalmeta,
1994: 217).
The first major reports of unrest occurred in Cordoba in 898A.D, during
the so-called period of Mozarabic martyrdom, some 187 years after the initial
arrival. Even though there were pockets of resistance to Arab rule, in general, it
seems that the transition was fairly smooth.
II. Factors contributing to successful Arabization:
There are several factors which may explain why the transition in control
from the Visigothic kingdom to the Muslim Empire was not traumatic: 1) the
Arab and Berber populations were initially not very dense; 2) Christians were
allowed to m aintain their customs and a separate legal system (Chalmeta, 1994:
219); 3) The Iberian peninsula had undergone several years of instability, in
fighting, and rapid succession of kings. Given these factors, the native Iberians
m ight have welcomed the promise of stability w ith a new set of rulers. At the
same time, they m ight not have felt threatened by the new population given that
46
Christians were allowed to m aintain their religious customs as well as their own
laws and judges to deal w ith internal Christian matters.
It is only after the Arab and Berber populations began to increase, and
there is a noticeable change am ongst the Christians towards Arabization that
some factions of the community begin to protest. The native communities begin
to not only adopt the Arabic language but also social customs in the home. For
example, we find that circumcision was practiced amongst Christians, including
bishops. Many abstained from foodstuffs not considered clean, like pork, and
their homes were decorated in the Arabic style (Goni Gaztambide, 1957: 9). In
the era of the Caliphates, we know that the Christians w ould Arabicize their
names, enlist in Muslim armies, and fight along w ith the Muslims against the
forces of the N orth (Goni Gaztambide, 1957:10).
Conversely, we find that the Arab population adopted native customs.
Wine became widely used and cultivated despite its prohibition in Islam
("...llegando a cultivar mucho la vina a pesar de estarles prohibido el vino")
(Gonzalez Palencia, 1945:136-37).
The conquest and Arabization of al-Andalus m ust be divided into two
main zones. The first, are those areas that were conquered through military
force; while the second are those lands that were submitted to Muslim rule
through treaties/sulhan (Chalmeta, 1994: 209-10). In the first zones there were
47
im portant Arab or Berber settlements while in the second, the Arab-Muslim
presence was minimal or completely lacking (Chalmeta, 1994: 210). However the
lack of initial Arab presence does not imply a lack of Arabization. Chalmeta
claims that these areas:
"Constituyen zonas residuales que, andando el tiempo y debido
a la continuidad del dominio arabo-musulman, term inaron
siendo asimiladas. Pero sin que esta asimilacion fuese
instantanea sino paulatina, y, en muchos casos, tampoco sera
absolutamente total y completa. Siempre quedaran algunos
rastros, de uno u otro tipo, que diferencien las zonas bereberes
de las arabes y estas ultimas de las muladles" (Chalmeta, 1994:
210).
The degree of Arabization may have varied somewhat from place
to place, and also depended on the dem ography of the immigrating
population (Arabs or Berbers) but eventually, all parts of al-Andalus did
become Arabized.
HI. Difficulties with Arabization:
Despite the transition not being traumatic, there is evidence that indicates
that the process of Arabization did not necessarily come about easily (Urvoy,
1991: 262). The Iberians are at the same time attracted to the Arabic language,
poetry, and art but also find themselves in conflict w ith Islam (Urvoy, 1991: 262).
The Iberian Christians adopt Islamic art forms but then freely develop
them into something characteristically their own [often called Mozarabic]
(Urvoy, 1991: 265). While criticism of the Muslim rulers by the Mozarab
community at large increases, the Bishops (whose appointm ent m ust be
approved by Muslim rulers) condem n these acts of revolt (Urvoy, 1991: 262).
The native population was caught between two worlds. Although in theory
Christians were allowed to practice their religion, if they did so in a too public
manner, they exposed themselves to accusations of blasphemy by the ruling
authorities (Urvoy, 1991: 266).
Although the Iberian Christians managed this careful balance for
centuries, in the beginning of the twelfth Century m any Mozarabs were deported
to the Maghreb under the order of the cadi Ibn Rushd resulting from
preoccupations w ith a Mozarabic alliance w ith the Christian kingdoms to the
N orth (Urvoy, 1991: 262). This expulsion, however, did not prove lasting. In
March of the year 1147, the descendants of Mozarabs who had been deported to
the Maghreb and who fought w ith the Almoravids against the Almohads were
liberated. These subsequently returned to the Iberian Peninsula to live in Toledo
(Molenat, 1994: 479).
49
IV. Transmission of Knowledge and Commerce:
We do not find in al-Andalus advanced formal institutions or universities.
The lack of these institutions means that knowledge of the sciences and
literatures was transm itted on a m ore private basis (Gonzalez Palencia, 1945:144;
Marin, 1987: 87-91). A Muslim child w ould first go to the maktab or kuttab for his
prim ary education. He w ould then study in the mosque and, if appropriate, go
on to have an apprenticeship w ith a m aster (Heath, 2000: 99).
A great deal of knowledge was transm itted through oral tradition rather
than through a written tradition. Learning focused on the Koran and the
"hadith"- M uham m ad's sayings and deeds not recorded in the Koran18 (Heath,
2000: 101). A student was expected to learn the books of his masters and was
considered to have learned them once he could recite them from memory19.
18 STRAYER, JOSEPH R. (ed.) 1988. Dictionary of the Middle Ages. vol. 11. N ew York: Charles
Scribner's Sons.
19 Manuela Marin M arin , MANUELA. 1987. La transmision del saber en al-Andalus (hasta
300/912). A1 Qantara, VII.87-98. looks at how many scholars in the early period (pre-912) of al-
Andalus had one or more disciples. She finds that there are 4 scholars with 3-10 disciples and 1
scholar with 1-2 disciples. However, this number does not include those who died after 912. If
we include those numbers there are 60 masters with 1-2 disciples and 9 masters with 3-10
disciples MARIN, MANUELA. 1987. La transmision del saber en al-Andalus (hasta 300/912). A1
Qantara, VII.87-98. Most of the Andalusi scholars of the early period resided and worked in
Cdrdoba M arin , M a n u e l a . 1987. La transmision del saber en al-Andalus (hasta 300/912). A1
50
Profane knowledge, non-classical Arabic knowledge, was centered on the
court. This type of knowledge "was characterized more by a reception of ideas,
genres, and fashions from the East than by the creation of an outstanding body of
indigenous writings" (Heath, 2000: 107). To become successful in the courts it
was necessary to be fluent in Arabic (Heath, 2000: 107). It was therefore
im portant for any Christian w anting to enjoy success in al-Andalus to learn the
Arabic language used in al-Andalus.
Even though the Muslims were privy to scientific and literary knowledge,
the Mozarabs showed great knowledge in agriculture (Glick, 1979: 222; Gonzalez
Palencia, 1945: 136-37). This produced a type of industrial market. Gonz&lez
Palencia (1945:139) argues that commerce developed principally via the sea. As
a result, Seville became a big center for exportation. Popular goods included
cotton, oils, and olives.
Transactions w ere completed either through the trade of goods or monies.
The m onetary currencies were Gold (the dinar, semi-dinar, and third-dinar),
Silver (dirhem), and copper coins (felus) (Gonzalez Palencia, 1945: 141). In my
Qantara, VII.87-98. The prestige of a master is based not only on his number of disciples but also
on the quality of his transmission of knowledge of oriental masters and not on his political
influence MARIN, MANUELA. 1987. La transmision del saber en al-Andalus (hasta 300/912). A1
Qantara, VII.87-98. A scholar becomes famous through the recognition by his peers as an
effective and knowledgeable scholar.
51
own study of the documents of Toledo, I have found that the Mizcal was also a
commonly used coin.
V. Society of orders:
Society in al-Andalus was highly structured and people were separated
and organized into particular groups.
a. Division of peoples
People in al-Andalus are basically categorized as either free, or slave.
There was a strict social hierarchy that was based on concepts of 'honor', 'rank',
and 'category' (Rucquoi, 1993: 103). In general the khassa was the ruling or
'aristocratic' class, while the camma or people held less power (Rucquoi, 1993:
103).
A type of bourgeoisie or m iddle class appeared w hen cAbd al-Rahman III
(912-961AD) almost completely eliminated the Arab aristocratic class (Gonz&lez
Palencia, 1945: 122). This new m iddle and working class grew and expanded
due to land concessions given by the Emirs. Thus, independent "senorfos" were
formed. Gradually these "senores" became the richest group in al-Andalus
( G o n z a le z P a le n c ia , 1 9 4 5 :1 2 3 ).
52
b. Christians:
Christians (and Jews) were treated as secondary citizens by the Muslim
rulers. They lived 'peacefully' in al-Andalus, m arked by periods of turmoil,
under the protection of two particular treaties. The first treaty was signed
during the peace that resulted right after the initial conquest. The second was
signed during the period of colonization, the period of expansion that occurred
right after the initial conquest20. The particular treaty an individual was subject
to depended on w hen a particular area entered under Muslim occupation.
The Mozarabs "formed substantial minorities in Cordoba, Toledo, and
other large cities, as well as in m any areas of the countryside" (Glick, 1979:176).
c. Jews:
In general, the Jews in al-Andalus prospered. They "ranked among the
most acculturated and politically complacent groups in the society." They
accepted Muslim political and cultural control (Brann, 2002:1). They held official
positions w ithin the government, and were physicians to the elite part of society.
They were invited to and actively participated in scientific and literary debates
w ith members of the elite (Brann, 2002: 7).
Despite their prestigious status, the Jewish population did suffer periods
of tension, and deteriorated relations (Brann, 2002: 1, 5). Jewish life is often
20 See section on Treaties in Chapter 4 for more detail.
53
depicted by scholars as being m arked by suffering and degradation ascribed to a
fundam ental hostility of Islam tow ards Jews and Judaism "going back to its
origins in the time of the Prophet" (Brann, 2002: 5-6). Although this topic is open
to debate, since there were periods of cooperation between the Muslim and the
Jewish population, there may have been other factors that contributed to periods
of tension, and one m ust therefore be careful in asserting that the tension was
only due to an intrinsic animosity on the part of Islam tow ards Judaism.
d. Slaves:
The slave population form ed the majority of the governm ent officials and
was often given high ranks in the military. This group of people was mostly
formed by Galicians, Franks, Germans, Lombards, Calabrese, and those from the
Black Sea or from Africa (Gonz&lez Palencia, 1945: 45; Rucquoi, 1993: 113). The
Mawali were Christians descendent from slaves and Visigothic serfs. One could
achieve freedom through conversion to the Muslim faith (Gonzalez Palencia,
1945:123-24).
e. Converts:
T h e m a jo rity o f th e M u s lim p o p u la tio n w a s c o m p o s e d o f re c e n t c o n v e rts
to Islam or descendants of converts to Islam- the muwwallads. The greatest
54
period of conversion occurred during the ninth Century. Despite this group
being an im portant of society, they were never integrated nor had the same
rights as 'p u re' Muslims (Rucquoi, 1993:104)
VI. Contact between people belonging to different religious groups:
Despite the separation of groups by religion, there was extended contact
between the different religious groups. Epalza argues that the Christians of al-
Andalus, even though they were a religious minority, were in fact an integrated
community- they were not separated nor marginalized from m ainstream society
(Epalza, 1992: 39). Some Christians may have chosen to rem ain distant from the
ruling or the elite Arabs and maintain their own traditions, as in the case of
Toledo where there was a portion of the Christian community which strove to
m aintain its independence. However, this does not mean that Christians did not
fully participate w ith the rest of society and eventually adopt Arab customs in
daily life and vice-versa. In fact, although "In some cities the Mozarabs
inhabited distinct Christian quarters of the town, in others they seem to have
lived intermingled w ith their Muslim neighbours. They were brought together
in the m undane affairs of daily life. Ib n ' Abdun urged that Muslims should not
empty the cesspits of Christians, nor take employment as their grooms and
muleteers. The fact that he had to make these prohibitions is a sure sign that
such things w ent on" (Fletcher, 1992: 94).
55
There is evidence that it was a popular practice for Muslims to illicitly
visit Christian churches, probably due to a fascination w ith Christian customs.
The custom was apparently "sufficiently w idespread among the Muslims of al-
Andalus" even though this brought strong criticism from the fuqaha (Kassis, 1994:
408). Al-Bakri, a Muslim scholar of al-Andalus w ho wrote Jughamfiyat al-Andalus
wa-Urubba min Kitab al-Masalik wl-Mamalik (edited by 'A bd al-Rahman 'Ali al-
Hajji (Beirut, 1968), 206-209), describes some aspects of the Christian community
[Kassis 1994: 408 note 19]. Of particular note, al-Bakri describes a mass and the
Christians living among Muslims. He speaks of "Those of them who live among
the Muslims...." (Kassis, 1994:410).
Further evidence of contact between Arabs and Christians lies in the
etymology of Christian names in al-Andalus. Many Christians held two names:
a Christian name and Arabic one (Koningsveld, 1994: 212). Therefore, an Arabic
name in the documentation does not imply Arabic origin or ancestry. This is
especially im portant w hen trying to decipher the religion of a person in a
document, especially in the initial periods. The Arabic population was a
minority amongst the indigenous populations (Charfi, 1994: 46). The abundance
of Arabic names does not imply an abundance of Muslims, but rather, only the
possibility of adopting a type of name.
It was also common for Christian clerics to have Arabic names. Victoria
Aguilar and Fernando Rodriguez Mediano show that Christian clerics clearly
56
had and used the names that were of Arabic origin (Kassis, 1994: 413). Therefore
one cannot assume that the presence of an Arabic name necessarily means that
the person was Arab of Arabic ancestry nor Muslim.
VII. The Initial Arab and Berber settlements:
N ot all the Arabs and Berbers who came over for the conquest remained
in al-Andalus. Upon the departure of Musa ibn Nasair (in 715 AD) (the general
w ho is credited w ith having invaded the Iberian Peninsula for the Muslim
Empire) from al-Andalus, those who wished returned to their homes, while
those w ho had established a new home in the territory remained. However, the
choice between staying or leaving was individual and not decided through
m andate (Chalmeta, 1994: 226). As a result, the Arab population in al-Andalus
dwindled in the years after the invasion. It is estimated that they only formed
one to two percent of the total population (Rucquoi, 1993: 78). Therefore, one
cannot rely on the num bers of soldiers w ho first entered al-Andalus as an
indication of the initial size of the Arab and Berber population that decided to
settle.
The pattern of settlement of the conquering population is im portant in
establishing w hat languages, customs, or cultures may be found in w hat area.
The Berbers played an im portant role in the initial period of the conquest. They
represented the initial thrust into al-Andalus and the initial conquest. They
57
tended to settle in the Meseta and Extremadura, as well as probably in the
Levante (Chalmeta, 1994: 231). According to Chalmeta, they came to al-Andalus
searching for land, and to form rural communities "com unidades de aldea".
They also brought w ith them their own models of organization and can be
defined as the 'm agribies' (Chalmeta, 1994: 231). Due to the lack of a central
organization, over time, these communities blend in or disappear into the Arab
and Christian communities (Chalmeta, 1994: 232).
The Arabs, as opposed to the Berbers, came to al-Andalus primarily to
attain riches and booty. They did not immediately establish themselves in
particular geographical regions as did the Berbers. Rather than forming rural
communities, they preferred the individual private dwellings format, the finca
(Chalmeta, 1994: 232). The m anner in which these fincas were established often
had an illegal aspect, making it impossible at times to establish the rightful
owner of the land (Chalmeta, 1994: 232). Lands may have been 'expropriated'
from native owners.
The land of the indigenous populations was divided either into fincas,
small parcels of land, or communal or collective lands (Chalmeta, 1994: 234). The
Arabs adopted the largest fincas w ith all of the cattle, food, and slaves. This
system of adoption m eant that the Arab and Christian land holdings were
essentially very similar. Thus 'great families' had an easier time assimilating and
understanding each other. This probably helped to speed up the process of the
58
formation of the m uwallad community (Christians descendants from Muslims)
(Chalmeta, 1994: 235-36).
VIII. Religious Conversion:
The rapidity w ith which the Muslim conquest occurred did not translate
into a rapid conversion to Islam by indigenous peoples (Charfi, 1994: 46). At the
same time, although the Christians in al-Andalus were not all native Iberian
Christians (some came from Christian kingdoms to the North, or as far East as
Iran), they did serve as a link between the Christians of al-Andalus and the
Christian kingdom s to the N orth (Epalza, 1992: 39). The first conversion spike
occurred in 913 AD, some 200 years after conquest.
Contrary to w hat one m ight believe, conversion was not encouraged, as
some governors looked dow n upon the practice of conversion to Islam because it
implied a loss in tax revenue (Charfi, 1994:46).
Some Christians did adopt Islam, helping to legitimate the establishment
of the Muslim powers in the territory (Epalza, 1992: 40). There are some
estimates as to conversion rates. Bulliet (1979) studied the patterns of conversion
in Iran and al-Andalus using genealogical information. For his study, Bulliet
assumes that converts to Islam gave their children Muslim names (Penelas, 2002:
194). In the genealogies that Bulliet studies, only Muslim members of families
appear, thus giving conversion curves (Penelas, 2002: 194). From his analysis,
59
Bulliet draw s the conclusion that there is an increase of conversion to Islam
before 913 and another spike between 961 and 1010 (Penelas, 2002: 195).
However, these rates have been criticized on several levels (Penelas, 2002:193).
During the Almohad period, this policy of discouraging conversion was
reversed. Al-Andalus was annexed to the Maghreb and a period of instability
and conflict arose (Brann, 2002: 2). "According to Lewis, minorities w ere 'far less
noticeable' in Muslim society- a society that is defined by its exceptionally
'diverse and pluralistic' character" (Brann, 2002:4).
Descendants of converts from Christianity to Islam were called
Muwallads (Chalmeta, 1994: 220). The muwallad nuclei are found in: Aragon.
The m ost im portant families in this region were the Banu Qasi, cAmrus, Banu
Sabrit, Banu Furtis. In Extremadura, the m ost notable person was Yunus-
ancestor of al-Gilliqi. In Hispanlense the most noted families were Banu
Angalino and Banu Sabariqo. In Malaga, the Hafsun were of particular
importance. Last but not least Toledo maintained a notable political activity
while not producing any notable or great families (Chalmeta, 1994: 220).
It is difficult to know w hether or not it was a habitual for converts to Islam
to change their names, and therefore excluding non-Muslim names could lead to
underestim ated rates (Penelas, 2002: 198). We know that it was, at least, not an
unusual custom to change one's name and one's father's name to 'ibn or bint
Fulan' or 'ibn or bint Abd Allah' but the extent is still not known (Penelas, 2002:
60
198). In any case, the study shows that there are conversions and that they came
in two different waves.
IX. Language
a. A l-Anda lus in genera I
The administrative language of al-Andalus was Classical Arabic.
However, evidence suggests that the native population was using both dialectal
Arabic and Romance in daily oral communication. Romance was m aintained, at
least as a second-language option, for a few centuries. The resulting language of
al-Andalus came about through the extended and sustained language contact
which took place as a result of the process of Arabization. The troops of the
conquering armies settled in al-Andalus, and it is assumed that they m arried the
native wom en (Gonzalez Palencia, 1945:142). Thus, the Romance language was
m aintained through the mother line and co-existed w ith the administrative
Arabic language which was transm itted through the fathers. A child exposed to
both languages w ould have naturally performed code-switching, lexical
borrowing, and shift. In addition, the process of Arabization in rural areas and
among marginalized groups took place at a slower pace than in urban areas.
This explains the sustaining of Romance along w ith colloquial Arabic, leading to
sustained bilingualism (Gallego, 2003:131). However, being of a 'm ixed' family
is not fundam ental for explaining the Arabization process. As Hitchcock asserts,
61
"Tampoco se estima necesario postular que eran hijos de matrimonios mixtos
para explicar su arabizacion" (Hitchcock, 1981: 578). The communities did have
enough interaction to create spaces for language exchange and mixing, and
mixed marriages are just one factor that contributed to this process.
The sustained language (Arabic and Romance) contact led to the creation
of an oral speech tradition which was initially distinct from the literary one.
Documents were registered in the administrative language while the language
used in the home varied. This is parallel to the situation of Latin in Iberia. In the
early medieval period in Iberia, Latin was the official language, but in the home,
speakers w ould use either a Vulgar Latin or a Romance (Gonzalez Palencia, 1945:
144).
b. Language exchange- shift or substratum?
There was a period of bilingualism where both the Iberian population and
the new Arab and Berber populations spoke some form of Romance (or more
accurately Vulgar Latin) and Arabic. We have limited evidence that proves that
this period of bilingualism existed but "Even though it is impossible to observe
these situations first hand today, they can be inferred from contemporary
documentary evidence" (Martinez Ruiz, 1994: 141). The resulting languages or
dialects that emerged from al-Andalus, combined w ith the sociolinguistic
evidence, provide enough proof that neither the Vulgar Latin nor the Arabic
62
language dominated. Therefore, the period of bilingualism and language
negotiation was necessary for the successful functioning of society. As a result,
an Andalusi language gradually emerged which was based on Arabic but also
shared some Romance features and lexical items.
The process of gradual cultural assimilation resulting in new languages
has been witnessed in other cases. The outcome of the language that results from
these extended contacts is determined by the "sociolinguistic history of the
speakers and not the structure of their language" (Thomason, 1988: 35). It does
not m atter w hether the languages are genetically related in order for language
mixing to occur. Given that one cannot study one of the languages of al-Andalus
w ithout encountering the other, it is im portant to take into consideration all
languages w hen coming to an analysis. Where language is developed in areas of
bilingualism an interdisciplinary analysis and approach is required.
In order for language mixing to occur all that is necessary is close contact
between the languages in question, resulting from an extended social history. In
the case of al-Andalus we have an extended social history spanning almost 800
years. However, the resulting language solution from extended social histories
can vary:
"It is well know n that in the case of A-B systems contact various
solutions are possible: 1. Language A. may be entirely abandoned
in benefit of language B. This w ould be a case of shifting. 2. The
63
alternating use of A and B in which case there w ould be a switch
from A to B or vice versa. 3. An A-B fusion into one single system"
(Martinez Ruiz, 1994:141).
In the case of al-Andalus, one can argue that all three cases of language
contact solution can be applied depending on the historical era to which we are
referring. In the initial conquest period, case #2, switch, seems to have been
relevant. There was a period in which the codes of Romance and Arabic were
both used in separate contexts giving way to their being used in the same
contexts. This process gave way to case #3, fusion. There was a period in which
it was difficult to identify and separate the features of each particular language.
Finally, due to the predominance of Arabic, the language of al-Andalus became
predom inantly Andalusi Arabic, w ith traces of Vulgar Latin lexical items as well
as local lexical items.
O n the other hand, it has been proposed that the language of al-Andalus
resulting from the extended cultural contact between a Romance (Vulgar Latin)
and an Arabic dialect is a substratum language (Craddock, 1969). The
substratum phenom enon is defined as having occurred w hen "Those features in
a language family which cannot be traced back to a common prototype are in all
likelihood due to contact w ith subjacent, disappearing languages-whose
existence m ust be inferred w hen no direct evidence for them is available"
(Craddock, 1969: 21-22). There are three ways to prove that an instance of
64
substratum has occurred: (1) the shift m ust have occurred within "ethnic
boundaries" and nowhere outside of those boundaries; (2) the shift m ust have
occurred not only in the m ain language but also in the substratum language; (3)
the language changes m ust have occurred to all the languages which have the
same substratum (Craddock, 1969: 23). Given these criteria, the language which
developed in al-Andalus does not fall into the case of development due to
substratum. The shift did occur w ithin 'ethnic boundaries'. We also know that
there w ere significant areas of language change in the rest of the Arabic speaking
world at the same time. The Arabic and the substratum languages were not
permanently affected. Arabic does still exist in the Middle East and m odern
Romance (Castilian, French, Italian etc...) also exists, and the development of
each can be described using formal linguistic methods, w ithout having recourse
to a second language for explanatory purposes for the languages in general.
We know that Mozarabs and Jews learned the Arabic language. This use
was not limited to public and official settings. Both Christians and "Jews used
Arabic for everyday w ritten communication of every sort-business documents,
personal letters, community records- as well as for literary works of an
expository nature" (L6pez-Morillas, 2000: 42). The Mozarabs wrote their texts in
an Arabic dialect, and adopted Islamic art incorporating in it their own Christian
texts. Arabic was used in the home, and in churches- going beyond religious
65
categories. Therefore, the Arabic language came to replace Romance in all
contexts: social and formal.
There is a variety of evidence that points to the general shift from
Romance (Vulgar Latin) to Arabic in al-Andalus. For example, there is a
question w ith regards to the origin of the Mozarabic codex called [Hispania]
Sistematica Mozdrabe. It seems that this codex was produced in an "Arabic
speaking church in the territories newly populated by m igrating Mozarabs"
(Kassis, 1994: 414). This evidence indicates that the Arabic language was not
only used in formal contexts, but it also extended to familial contexts, and most
importantly, was not limited to use by Muslim people or very educated people.
However, the language shift from Vulgar Latin to Arabic was slower amongst
the Mozarabic population than the Jewish population. This is due to the pattern
of settlement by the original invading population. Men "who were bilingual
Romance and Arab speaker" transm itted both languages while "wom en who
were monolingual Romance speakers" maintained but eventually lost the
Romance. However, by "the time Toledo was conquered in 1085 the indigenous
Christian population was composed wholly of monolingual Arabic-speakers"
(Glick, 1979:177).
The use of the Arabic language also extended beyond religious
boundaries. Kassis explains that the "first striking feature of the codex is the
degree of Arabization and Islamicization undergone by the Christian
66
community, not only among the laity.... but more particularly among the
educated clergy" (Kassis, 1994: 415). This is particularly im portant because of
the insistence by some scholars that the learned, usually the clergy and few
others, did not adopt the Arabic language. It is assum ed that the clergy
m aintained a good knowledge of Latin and that some even spoke a vulgar form
amongst themselves.
However, "glancing at the manuscript, one cannot but observe the
num ber of Latin words that were incorporated into the Arabic vocabulary of the
Mozarabs. Such terms, however, are entirely ecclesiastical and liturgical in
nature" (Kassis, 1994: 417). Common Romance words were not borrowed into
Andalusi-Arabic, at least in this particular text. In the case of this particular
m anuscript mainly "learned" words m arked by the Catholic tradition make it
into the Arabic language.
Arabic terms have been incorporated into Christian traditions. For
example, seven of the ten books of the [Hispania] Sistemdtica Mozdrabe (also called
the Vicentius Codex) begin w ith the phrase bism allaE al-rahman al-rahrm, a
standard phrase used at the beginning of letters and legal documents in Arabic
meaning "by the name of God the merciful and compassionate" (Kassis, 1994:
4 1 8 ). T h is p a rtic u la r p h ra se a p p e a rs at th e b e g in n in g of th e M o z a ra b ic
documents of the Cathedral of Toledo as well. One can also find some Koranic
67
expressions. Among the most common Koranic expression is wa-huwa hasbi wa-
nicm al-wakil, "he is sufficient for me; he is the fairest custodian" (Kassis, 1994:
418). Given the large am ount of Arabic vocabulary and the fact that the audience
for this m anuscript are the Mozarabs, "there is no doubt that we have in
Vincentius' codex a major source of information on the vocabulary of the
Mozarabs, at least in the eleventh Century, if not earlier as well" (Kassis, 1994:
419). The vocabulary and phraseology of the codex leaves little doubt that the
Christians of al-Andalus were Arab-like, at least w ith regards to language.
The very fact that Arabic was even spoken in parishes points to the
conclusion that the Arabization of the Mozarabs was generalized. The eventual
level of acquisition of vulgar Arabic as the first language is astounding.
Especially because "no conquered population adopts the language of its
conquerors overnight, and it was several centuries before Arabic became
dom inant in al-Andalus" (L6pez-Morillas, 2000: 46). We also know that the
native population eventually lost its fluent knowledge of Romance and became
virtually monolingual.
Having analyzed an Arabic-Latin glossary housed in the University of
Leiden, P.S. van Koningsveld (1994) has concluded that its use was not to help
missionaries learn Arabic but rather to allow the Mozarab readers access to the
Latin texts (Urvoy, 1991: 267). Urvoy argues that there is evidence that the
Mozarabs had to re-learn Latin. During and immediately after the Reconquest of
68
their lands, the Mozarabs struggled w ith the loss of their Arabic (Urvoy, 1991:
267). The use of the Arabic language did become part of the Mozarabic identity,
regardless of religion-and subsequent association by some scholars w ith a
Visigothic-Latin past.
In turn, the Andalusis learned Romance. In Cordoba, we have evidence
that the cadi and other functionaries spoke a vulgar Romance in the beginning of
the Islamic era (Gonzalez Palencia, 1945:142). We know that "Use of Romance
speech by Muslims is documented in the early centuries, although m uch of the
evidence is anecdotal" (Lopez-Morillas, 2000: 46). Eventually, we begin to get
testimony regarding the use of both Romance and Arabic in the same contexts.
Gonzalez Palencia status that: "en la vida diaria se hablaba el arabe con mucha
mezcla de elementos de los diversos dialectos latinos y romances del pueblo
dominado, form ando un dialecto vulgar del arabe que apenas si lo entendfan en
Oriente" (Gonzalez Palencia, 1945:142).
c. Language Diglossia:
Diglossia is a linguistic phenom enon which occurs w hen there is a
language which enjoys some degree of relative stability, as Arabic had until the
beginning of the expansion of Islam, which co-exists w ith a standard or highly
codified version. This codified version is mostly limited to w ritten or formal
uses of language, and is not used in informal spoken contexts (Gallego, 2003:
69
109). Diglossic languages are described as at least two language varieties
coexisting in the same speech community. Each variety is distributed in
complementary distribution and is relegated to a particular use and domain. The
domains usually do not intersect. The domains are also categorized in a
hierarchical structure. The High value (H) or High language and the Low value
(L) or Low Language.
Fishman further refined the definition of diglossia to incorporate non-
genetically related languages. This definition could apply to a case where one
language is used in informal situations and another, completely different
language- not just dialectal variant of the same language- can be used in formal
contexts (Gallego, 2003:110). The use and spread of a particular language rises
and falls as the status of the language rises and falls w ithin society. The H
language is usually the more conservative type and the type associated w ith
formal functions, such as writing, while the L language is reserved for more
informal spheres (Schiffman, 1996: 205). Diglossia can also describe cases of
multilingual language contact. In these cases, the H and the L varieties may not
be genetically related languages. This has been evidenced in situations such as
"Sanskrit (as H) and Kannada (as L) in India" (Fishman, 1967).
The type of diglossia where the H and L languages are not genetically
related is called extended diglossia (Schiffman, 1996: 206). In Medieval Europe,
we have examples of diglossia w ith regards to Latin. In the Near East, Standard
70
Arabic was used for literary and cultural purposes, while Middle Arabic was
used for everyday communication (Blau, 1988: 1). Gallego argues that in
medieval Iberia, Romance and Latin were also in a diglossic relationship until the
middle of the thirteenth Century (Gallego, 2003: 110-11). I w ould assert,
however, that this was the case north of al-Andalus in the Christian territories.
In al-Andalus, on the other hand, the diglossic relationship, at first was between
Vulgar Latin and Arabic but slowly m oved towards Andalusi Arabic w ith
pockets of Romance being maintained.
High Latin or Classical Latin w as used in writing, while Vulgar Latin was
used w ith more and more frequency in colloquial uses. In the medieval Arabic
documents we see that the notaries tried to adhere to the norm s of Classical
Arabic by using classical formulas. This is especially notable in the dated
Christian texts from the second half of the ninth Century from South Palestine.
'Substandard' Middle Arabic is seen freely interchanging w ith attem pts to write
in Classical Arabic (Blau, 1988: 1). Latin was used for "religion, education,
literacy, and other such prestigious domains, while another language (in the case
of medieval Europe, the vernacular languages of that era) is rarely used for such
purposes, being employed only for more informal, primarily spoken domains"
(Schiffman, 1996:208).
When the use of a particular language (be it a High Language or a Low
language) is no longer useful, that language will fall in status, and sometimes
71
will fall into disuse (Fishman, 1970: 3-4). In the case of al-Andalus, Vulgar Latin
fell into wide disuse w hen Arabic began to replace it. Arabic served a wider
functional purpose, leading to the more extended use of that language. In
Medieval Toledo, after the Reconquest, Romance did not initially serve the same
functions as Arabic, and Arabic was still adequate for m ost transactions. In the
Mozarabic community, especially the religious community, Latin was initially
the H language while, Romance and Arabic co-existed as the L language. Over
time, Arabic displaced Latin as the H language. The scribes/authors/notaries
can be presum ed to be trying to write in Classical Arabic21 [ac] which was the
High [H] language or language of prestige of the area. Classical Arabic was not
the language of choice in everyday transactions. There is evidence of a diglossic
situation: of a Low [L] language competing w ith the ideal of a High [H]
language. This is not an unusual circumstance since "Diglossia has often been
noted as a factor in language shift, especially in speech communities where a
minority language is in diglossic relationship w ith a majority language"
(Schiffman, 1996: 208). This social reality delayed the replacement of Arabic w ith
Romance.
21 W e know this because the documents do follow som e formulaic structures but the scribes do have
difficulty with the Arabic case system and evidence of the lingua franca does come through the formal
writing.
72
d. Diglossia and Bilingualism:
Diglossia does not necessarily imply bilingualism, nor does bilingualism
imply diglossia. The maintenance of a diglossic situation depends on the stable
maintenance of the status quo rather than displacement of one language by
another (Fishman, 1967: 29). Diglossia has been witnessed in the Arab w orld in
the case of classical Arabic being in complementary distribution w ith the
vernacular (Egyptian, Syrian, Palestinian, etc..), and also w ith a W estern
Language, such as French or English (Blanc, 1964; Fishman, 1967: 31).
One m ust not confuse the multiglossic state of Middle Arabic, and
therefore Andalusi Arabic, w ith the multiglossic state of the m odern Arabic
languages and dialects. While the m odern spoken Arabic languages are analytic,
while m aintaining their synthetic structure in w riting (due to the use of Standard
or Classical Arabic as the norm in writing), Middle Arabic was still synthetic
both in w riting and in speech (Hary, 1989: 33).
e. Middle Arabic
The term 'M iddle Arabic' has been used to denote several different
language varieties:
a. the spoken language, the Middle Arabic dialects (during the rise
of the Muslim Empire)
73
b. "New Arabic'- a language type that evolved in the time period
of Islamic expansion
c. Dialectal elements of the w ritten language
d. Middle Arabic writings which combine dialectal and classical
elements, as well as pseudo-corrections and attem pts at
standardization
Middle Arabic refers to both the spoken and written language of the time
(Hary, 1989: 20). It is im portant to note that m any of those who wrote and used
'M iddle Arabic' were not Muslims but rather Jews or Christians. This implies
that they were not bound by the principles and ideals of al-carabiyya and were
therefore not too concerned if colloquialisms entered into their writings if the
colloquial term s were a) more readily available to them; and b) if it served the
purpose of the writing just as well as a m ore Classical term. In addition, these
authors m ay have not always been aware that they are not writing in Classical
Arabic. They may, in fact, have been attem pting to write in the Classical norms
but may not have had sufficient education or preparation to do so. This accounts
for the m any hyper-corrections to be found in Middle Arabic documents (Hary,
1989: 21).
According to Blau, "M iddle Arabic is the linguistic result of the great Arab
conquests during the seventh Century AD" (1965). Blau argues that since the
74
Arabic dialects and Arabs had been quite insular until the period of expansion of
Islam, Arabic was more archaic than other Semitic languages. The lack of
exposure to other languages, and historical upheaval, contributed to the fact that
Arabic, had, until then, developed rather slowly in comparison to the rate of
change which occurred during the expansion of Islam and periods of sustained
contact w ith external communities (Blau, 1965: 1). In addition, Eastern and
W estern dialects had developed in relative isolation from each other. W hen
Islam began to expand, this status quo also changed. There is evidence that
Middle Arabic began to develop as early as the year 87 Hijra (705 AD). This has
been surmised from early Arabic papyri, written by scribes of Non-Arab origin,
whose Arabic was a second language, and whose documents exhibit non
standard uses of Classical Arabic. The peoples of various tribes began to settle in
military camps together. In these camps and other points of contact, the dialects
began to mix, in each area the predom inant local dialect w ould predom inate but
w ould be influenced by the mixture of vernaculars. The language created or
developed in these areas of contact spread from the lower, military classes to the
upper urban Arab society in a relatively short period of time (Blau, 1965: 7).
Therefore, we begin to see interference in the documents produced at the time of
the oral language in the orthographic representations. In addition, it is likely that
those who wrote dow n the language had not studied Islamic Arabic either.
75
The expansion and use of Middle Arabic was not limited to the conquered
territories on the southern coast of the Mediterranean. The Jewish, and Christian
communities in Hispania, also adopted Middle Arabic. Blau argues that "Being
much less attracted by the ideal of 'arabiyya, the veritable Arabic language, than
their Muslim fellow citizens, they generally attained only a limited mastery of
Classical Arabic" (Blau, 1965: 22-23). Being that the non-Muslim community was
less concerned w ith the 'purity' of language, the Middle Arabic- or as Corriente
calls it- the Andalusi Arabic, as it applied to al-Andalus, which developed in
these areas, reflected this lack of preoccupation w ith the Classical language.
Therefore, scribes w ould learn how to write in Arabic but traces of Middle
Arabic and the colloquial dialect w ould filter through the w riting (Blau, 1965:
23). However, Blau argues that the Arabic diglossia that arose came about
w ithout the intermediary of a koine, nor was there a common Bedouin language
that w ould form the basis of Standard Arabic (Blau, 1988:1).
There are no texts written in purely colloquial dialect in medieval Iberia.
We do not have any first hand data about speech, and therefore we cannot
accurately describe the phonological variation that m ust have been present in al-
Andalus (Gallego, 2003: 107-08). Despite their limited knowledge of Classical
Arabic, Christian and Jewish scribes strove to write in Classical Arabic. Their
style and knowledge was broken and irregular. This makes the study of their
writings invaluable in understanding the development of Middle Arabic in
76
general, and Andalusi Arabic in particular, as it serves as the link between
Classical Arabic-Middle Arabic- and M odern Arabic dialects (Blau, 1988: 61).
In addition, although the Jewish and Muslim communities were
integrated in the social, and cultural spheres, the Jewish community was isolated
enough for there to develop distinct Middle Arabic dialects which w ere different
from their Muslim and Christians neighbors (Blau, 1965: 54). It is through this
process of mixing of Arabic dialects and of the mixing on colloquial Arabic that
Middle Arabic appears; and through this very same process, that the Arabic
lexical items entered into Spanish. These lexical items do not generally come
from the [H] Classical set but rather from dialect or [L] vulgar language (Dozy,
1869:12).
The emergence of Middle Arabic affected both the phonological structures
of the Arabic dialects and, according to Blau, the intrinsic linguistic structure of
the language. There is evidence of pseudo corrections and of interferences caused
by substrates and the lack of a defined and homogeneous Arabic linguistic unit
(Frutos, 1995: 8-9). We know that there are no texts intentionally w ritten in
Middle Arabic (Blau, 1988: 255-69). We find evidence of Middle Arabic through
pseudo-corrections, and misspellings in the documentation across the Arabic
speaking world.
77
Characteristics of Middle Arabic:
a) The drop of flexional endings in declension and conjugations (Blau,
1965:2-4).
b) The disappearance of d due to its merge with z.
c) Interdental spirants shifted to the corresponding occlusives (Blau,
1988: 2).
d) There is a shift from being a more synthetic language to a more
analytic language, relying less on bound morphemes (Blau, 1988: 2).
e) The general disuse of the case system. It has been argued by Corriente
that there is a general pre-Islamic (sixth or seventh Century) shift from
a case language to a case-less [case]'fra b-less language. Only a pre-
Islamic shift w ould explain this generalized phenomenon (Blau, 1988:
9). Blau argues that this is due to the adoption of the case-less forms
by the native population, who, in turn, adapted the inflectional system
of their own language to Arabic (Blau, 1988: 9).
f) Middle Arabic texts are not vocalized. Those texts which are vocalized
are "'elegant' Biblical translation, w ritten in a very classical language
and, therefore, w ithout importance for the study of Neo-Arabic" (Blau,
1988:127).
/. Andalusi-Arabic:
1. Identification:
Andalusi Arabic is a dialect of w hat Blau has coined as 'M iddle Arabic'. It
is the type of Arabic that can be gleaned from the documents of al-Andalus.
"Like spoken Latin, Andalusi Arabic was in principle not to be accorded
w ritten status, yet a num ber of lucky factors have m ade it the best-recorded of
medieval Arabic colloquials" (L6pez-Morillas, 2000: 38). Because of this, we
have a variety of historical sources that may be used for a reasonably accurate
linguistic analysis. "Al-Andalus proved unique in the medieval Arab w orld in
cultivating its colloquial speech for literary purposes, particularly in zajal
poetry and in proverbs and aphorisms" (Lopez-Morillas, 2000: 38). By
analyzing them, we have the unique opportunity to understand the structure
and features of the oral language.
Andalusi Arabic has also been called Spanish Arabic or Hispano-Arabic.
However, these terminologies are no longer commonly used, since they are
considered misnomers deserving straightforward rejection on account of their
intimate connection to some people's misconception that Al-Andalus and its
population w ould have been just another phase in the history of Spain and the
Spanish people" (Corriente, 1994: 41). Al-Andalus did have a distinct history
from Spain and calling Andalusi Arabic either Spanish Arabic or Hispano-Arabic
m ay elicit ideas of the existence of a Spanish nationalism in al-Andalus w hen no
79
such thing existed. On "the contrary, Al-Andalus was a nation w ith Hispanic,
Arabic, Berber and still other constituents, w hether integrated or subsisting as
minorities, but at any rate w ith a distinct history and personality, underscored by
the fact that the inhabitants of this country called themselves /a n d a lu s / long
before the people of the diverse countries of N orth Africa and the Iberian
Peninsula began to call themselves Moroccans, Algerians, Tunisians, Spaniards
or Portuguese" (Corriente, 1994:42).
Andalusi-Arabic was not uniform throughout al-Andalus. As w ith other
languages, dialectal pockets emerged. However, the idea that Andalusi Arabic
can be described as a language set w ith sub-dialects is questioned. Forneas
Besteiro claims that one cannot speak of a common Andalusi Arabic dialect as
there was not one common geographic or historical identity: "N o hay una
entidad idiomatica geografica e historicamente comun" (Forneas Besteiro, 1994:
82). He contends that given the lack of fluidity between different regions,
transmission of language between each region was m uch more limited (Fdrneas
Besteiro, 1994: 83). The theory is that each region developed the language on its
own, irrespective of the other regions and that therefore, one cannot consider
Andalusi Arabic to be one language. We can therefore speak of the Andalusi-
Arabic dialect bundle. Forneas Bestiero calls this dialect bundle: "U n haz
dialectal" because it encircles different geographic areas which, in some cases,
are separated by wide distances. He goes on to argue:
80
"Si de lo geografico pasamos a lo meramente historico, habria
que preguntarse, en ficcion cronologica, si un cordobas del siglo
VIII habria entendido a un granadino del XV. Y tampoco aqui es
sostenible el paralelo con el castellano del siglo XIII y del XVIII.
La historia del arabe en Espana es demasiado larga y, en muchos
casos, "taifal" 'en el sentido, ya se entiende, de particularista,
cambiante y regional- para que permitiese, insistimos, poder
hablar de un arabe andalusi uniforme y relativamente igual a si
mismo. Estamos hablando del arabe coloquial, no del clasico: en
este si se da esa identidad, con todas las matizaciones,
evoluciones y distingos que se quiera" (F6meas Besteiro, 1994:
83).
Although this argum ent does have some validity, the Andalusi-Arabic
bundle does have features that are common to all of its dialects. We can identify
various regions where an Andalusi Arabic dialect existed: the different regions
of present day Andalucia such as Cordoba, Granada, Seville, as well as areas
which are geographically located outside Andalucia: Levante, Centro, Aragon
(Forneas Besteiro, 1994: 82). Forneas Besteiro himself ends up discussing general
features of Andalusi-Arabic saying that Andalusi preserved forms that the
Classical either avoided or rejected (Forneas Besteiro, 1994: 85).
Of all the Medieval Arabic dialects, the Andalusi Arabic bundle is,
perhaps the m ost known. This is due to the preservation of a good am ount of
sources which directly and indirectly attest to its characteristics (Diaz Garcia,
1994: 47). Forneas Besteiro does justly point out: "Nos faltan textos abundantes y
que registren diastrasias y diafasias fiables. Buscamos con lupa textos del Arabe
Andalusi, en encomiable labor de investigacion documental" (Forneas Besteiro,
1994: 83). The texts seem to lack orthographic variety over time that w ould allow
us to produce a historical reconstruction of phonological and syntactic changes.
2. Features o f Andalusi-Arabic:
The Arabic alphabet does not accurately represent the phonemes of a
foreign language, if the phonemes of that particular language are different from
those of Arabic (L6pez-Morillas, 2000: 47). Transcribing originally Latin words
into Arabic can prove problematic. The departure from the use of the Latin
alphabet for a Romance lexical item necessarily suggests that the transcriptional
standards chosen by scribes reflect the perceived sounds and patterns of the
word. By breaking away from the use of the Latin alphabet and substituting the
Arabic one, a linguistic analysis of the documents m ust assume that the scribes
had to come up w ith a reasonable way of transcribing. They had to be assured
that their transcription w ould be easily recognizable to its readers so that the
information in the documents m ight be of practical use.
82
3. Notable characteristics of the Andalusi-Arabic:
Andalusi Arabic can be described by the following general characteristics:
a) The confusion of the phonemes / d / and / d / which are often used
interchangeably
b) The appearance of geminates where none are expected.
c) The interference of Romance constructions in the use of the accusative
w ith prepositions, the generalized used of / k a n / and /la y s / as
imperfective prefixes.
d) The lexicon is basically composed of Classical Arabic words as well as
colloquial terms. There are Romance borrowings which are
particularly evident in vocabulary related to agriculture and
ecclesiastic environments. (Frutos, 1995: 9-10).
There are several features to Andalusi Arabic which prove to be
problematic. First "there is the m oot question of the eventually phonemic status
of / e / , / p / , / c / a n d /g / vis-a vis / a / , / b / , / ) / and / g / " In Sketch22, Corriente
proposes " / p / and, less definitely, / c / as such, while rejecting a phonemic
* /e /" (Corriente, 1994: 42). These phonemes, however, "m ight have existed or
22 C o r r ie n te , F e d e ric o . 1977. A Grammatical Sketch of the Spanish Arabic Dialect Bundle. Madrid:
Institute Hispano-Arabe de Cultura.
83
not depending on registers." Although they are commonly found in the dialects
of Andalusi Arabic, they may not necessarily be present in all of them. We can
also find "voiceless articulation of / 1/ and / q / , the possibility of an occlusive
reflex of / d / i n late cultured Andalusi registers (due to imitation of eastern urban
usage) and the almost certain opposition between emphatic / r J and non-
emphatic / r / . "
There has been a lot of debate regarding the existence of diphthongs. It is
not necessary to write all the vowels into a transcription, m aking the
identification of vowels, let alone diphthongs, extremely difficult. However,
there do seem to be dissimilatory diphthongs: in particular / i w / . Corriente
claims that there was "an aberrant dissimilatory sequence / y w / [iw] in
diminutives like / cujayw ala/ "little cart", / h oulayw a/ "little sweet meat",
/ du way w ar a / "little circle", /'u ja y w a z a / "little old woman", / pulayw at/ "little
porridge" and /tu b a y w a ra / "little jar". He attributes this paradigm to a "South-
Arabian substrate" (Corriente, 1994: 42).
Andalusi Arabic also contains some features usually associated with
Romance languages. The initial Latin F is preserved. Ce,i resulted in ch in
Granada (Martinez Ruiz, 1994:146, 48). There is no letter representing the sound
ch in Arabic. As a result, the scribes represented this sound by "the sound jim in
84
the majority of cases" (Martinez Ruiz, 1994: 148). In Valencia, Murcia and
Sevilla, the ST grouping was preserved (Martinez Ruiz, 1994: 149). "The
transform ation into u of the L followed by a consonant is another Mozarabic
characteristic" (Martinez Ruiz 1994: 150). Latin E and O did not undergo
diphthongization as was the case in the Romance dialects in the Christian
kingdoms to the N orth (Martinez Ruiz, 1994:145).
There are also Romance morphological features that are incorporated into
the Arabic. For example: Andalusi Arabic also has a threefold demonstrative:
"(/h a d a / ~ /haS&k/ ~ /d a k /)" near, intermediate, and far (Corriente, 1994: 43).
Standard Arabic only has near and far. There appears to be some syntactic
interference as well. The " case [...] of / a n n a /, used as causal conjunction... a
function quite unusual for Old Arabic /'a n (n a )/, but not surprising in a caique of
Romance que, which can be a nominalizer, a causal conjunction or even a relative
pronoun" is a perfect example (Corriente, 1994:45).
The interference in constructions by / l i / as an object m arker indicates that
this is a "syntactic Andalusi usage."
"A lthough restricted also to cases where the object was a proper
name or a substantive or pronoun overtly or inherently marked
as definite, rather reminiscent of the Iberian Romance m arker
/ a / before rational objects; one might, therefore, surmise that
Iberian Romance speakers, w hen shifting to i'rab-less Arabic,
translated as / l i / not only their dative marker / a / , but also its
hom ophonous accusative m arker of definite rational objects and
even dispensed w ith the constraint of rationality" (Corriente,
1994:43-44).
It appears that a characteristically Hispano-Romance syntactic feature
such as the 'a-personal' was m erged into the syntax of Andalusi Arabic. This
means that the Mozarabs of Iberian origin m anaged to "keep their habitual
syntax patterns, m ost particularly the free order of subject and object in the
sentence" (Corriente, 1994: 44). Given that usually only lexical items and
phonetic features are likely to be transferred to a new language this is an
amazing case of transfer. However, "new discoveries in the syntax of Andalusi
Arabic have been rare, unlike the case of morphology" (Corriente, 1994: 43). This
is not unusual. We know that at most, we come across the transfer of one or two
morphological items, not whole syntactic structures.
Transcriptional traditions are developed to point out phonological
'deviations' that may result from the incorporation of a Latin word. For
example: traditions in transcriptions that aid in identifying Latin-derived words.
"Arabic does not have bilabial, non-voiced p and for this reason w hen writing
M o z a ra b ic w o rd s w ith th is sound it p la c e s a b [...] w ith taSdid, i.e. bb"
86
Although the Andalusi-Arabic dialect bundle did develop freely at first, in
natural progression due to language mixing "...some, mostly phonemic but at
times also morphological, syntactical and lexical features of Andalusi Arabic give
the impression that the evolution of this dialect bundle, quite free and almost
unham pered at the beginning, was subsequently checked and even repressed"
(Corriente, 1994: 45).
e. Andalusi Arabic and its relationship to Mozarabic:
Mozarabic, the language spoken in medieval Toledo can be defined as the
type of Andalusi Arabic spoken in the city of and the region of Toledo. Some
scholars such as Pedro de Alcala and Galmes de Fuentes have claimed that
Mozarabic23 is a language that was spoken in all of al-Andalus through the
twelfth Century, using as evidence from botanical books such as the one by Ibn
BuklariS which contained abundant Romance terms. One cannot claim that the
language reflected in the documents of Toledo represents the language of all of
al-Andalus as we are talking about a wide geographical area. Corriente (1977)
has already identified the language of al-Andalus as a dialect bundle. The
implication is that the Andalusi Arabic of al-Andalus is composed by a variety of
dialects, of which, the lingua franca of Toledo is just one dialect.
23 These authors consider Mozarabic to be a Romance spoken in al-Andalus.
87
The fact that Romance term s appear in botanical books is not evidence
that a Romance language was m aintained in all of al-Andalus throughout the
Andalusi period since we know that botanicals were copied in a sort of chain
production. Therefore, it is likely that a particular botanical produced in the
twelfth Century reflects the language used in m uch earlier period of time. In
fact, w hen closely analyzed, the Romance term s in the botanicals account for
only five percent of the total text, and can be accounted for by the introduction of
Castilianisms (Corriente, 2000-2001: note 18, p99).
It w ould also be im proper to call Mozarabic24 or Andalusi Arabic a mixed
language. The lack of abundant Romance term s in the lexicon, the use of the
Arabic grammatical system, and the presence of general Middle Arabic
characteristics makes w hat we are dealing w ith in Toledo and the rest of al-
Andalus dialects of Andalusi Arabic and not a Romance language w ritten in
Arabic characters as sustained.
In Toledo, in addition to the properties of Middle Arabic, Ferrando Frutos
argues that we m ust also contend w ith various substrates: the Arabic Andalusi
dialect of the Marca Media [region of Toledo] plays an im portant role in these
documents. He argues that it was probably the mother tongue of the scribes.
24 Mozarabic is to be defined the dialect of Middle Arabic or Andalusi Arabic whos features can
be gleaned from the Mozarabic documents of Toledo.
88
The Romance which has influence in so-far-as some syntactic and morphological
structures are concerned also played a role in the production of the documents
(Frutos, 1995:9).
Another document where there is evidence of the use of the colloquial
dialect rather than a standard, or Classical Arabic, is the Glosario de Leiden. In the
Glosario [GL], w hen there is the choice of recording the Classical or colloquial
term for an item, the colloquial term s are consistently chosen. Corriente argues
that the Latin vocabulary in the glossary is more contrived and formal. This
phenomenon suggests that the GL was produced for Arabophones wishing to
use Latin rather than the other way around (Corriente, 1991: 7). The use of
colloquial term s in the documents of Toledo also suggests that they were
produced for an audience that knew the language being used and were satisfied
w ith colloquialisms as they reflected the internal knowledge of the language by
the speakers and the persons entering into contact.
/. Language Decorum:
There are unw ritten guidelines regarding language decorum in al-
Andalus (cf: complaints by Alvarus and the m artyrdom movements). Under al-
Andalus, Muslims are encouraged to be neighborly and do w hat is sufficient but
not to exceed in niceties, while Christians are expected to initiate the common
greeting "Peace be upon you" al-salamu calaykum. In response to this particular
89
greeting, the Muslim is to reply wa-calaykum "and upon you" only and not the
complete phrase "and upon you peace" wa-calaykum salam" (Kassis, 1994: 406).
Kassis goes on to explain that w hen a Christian or Jew sneezed, he was not to be
greeted w ith the statement "May God have mercy on you" but rather w ith "May
God guide you and m end your ways" (Kassis, 1994: 406-07). This statem ent was
chosen to subtly emphasize the ideology that only those who believed in the
Muslim way were truly saved.
Although these legal examples serve to illustrate that although respected,
the Christians and Jews were considered of secondary status to the Muslims,
they also serve as anecdotal references that Arabic was in common use among all
peoples. These laws specifically refer to the language that m ust be used w hen
responding to non-Muslims. They also show that non-Muslims w ould use
Arabic in spontaneous speech, at least in front of Arabs.
X. The identity of al-Andalus:
In al-Andalus, there never seems to have developed an attachm ent w ith
the geographical area w ith the sense of being part of the community of al-
Andalus. One reason for this may be because the ideological representations of
the self, of 'nation' do not usually develop until after the fact or w hen placed in
opposition to another competing identity (Chalmeta, 1994: 19). The medieval
Arabic authors do not describe al-Andalus w ith any nationalistic or idealistic
90
overtones. For them, al-Andalus represents only those conquered areas which
rem ain under Muslim control (Chalmeta, 1994: 22). The lack of an emotional
attachm ent to an identity means that as al-Andalus suffered geographical
changes there were not movements to try to regain "lo perdido" nor ideas of
"reconquista" properly said (Chalmeta, 1994: 24). The identity of al-Andalus was
rather connected to the idea of “ahl al-Andalus," the people of al-Andalus
(Chalmeta, 1994: 24).
XI. The Reconquest and its Consequences:
a. The concept:
The term 'Reconquista' is a term that suggests that those lands in al-
Andalus that were under Muslim rule were once owned by the ancestors of those
w ho were now repopulating- thus the process of 'Reconquest' is legitimated by
the idea that those participating in it are only recovering w hat was rightfully
theirs. Although it may have been true that some of those who participated in
w hat we now identify as the 'Reconquest' in Spain, the majority indeed had no
historical connection to these lands. How, then, did the concept of Reconquest
that we have all become so familiar w ith come into being and w hat is the role of
this concept w ith regards to Toledo and the analysis of language in Toledo?
The idea of Reconquest had im portant and lasting implications for the
eventual formation of the Spanish nation since it recalled and alluded to a pre-
91
Islamic legacy, the Visigothic kingdom (O'Callaghan, 2003: 4). It legitimized
processes of Christian expansion and unification which w ould eventually lead to
the unification of the various kingdoms to form w hat we now call Spain. Despite
the persistence of the idea of 'Reconquest', Spain was not unified until the
eighteenth Century, w hen the Bourbon royal family took control of Spain
(Rucquoi, 1993: 7).
The idea of 'Reconquest' first developed w ith the legislation passed by
Alfonso in 1086 soon after his taking of Toledo. After the conquest of Toledo in
1085, the Mosque was m ade to serve as the main Cathedral, the property of the
Mosque was transferred to the Cathedral, and the Archbishop of Toledo became
head of all the churches and parishes in the 'Em pire'" (Linehan, 1993: 216). Thus,
an association w ith a Visigothic past was 'reestablished' in Toledo. Although the
location of the Mosque had not been the location of the church of Santa Maria
under the Visigothic authorities25, the relocation of the Cathedral inside the
Mosque clearly served to create an association- and by extension- serve to
legitimize Alfonso's decisions and establish the idea of a link to a pre-Islamic
past. Thus, the idea of Reconquest served to legitimize political efforts and
power struggles during the period of Castilian expansion.
25 L in e h a n , P e t e r . 1993. History and the Historians of Medieval Spain. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Page 219.
92
In Castile and Toledo, during the reign of Alfonso, titles such as "totius
imperii Hispaniae et Toleti regni" came into regular use (Linehan, 1993: 214).
Alfonso also assum ed the imperial title in 1077, further asserting the idea of his
"claim to rule 'super omnes yspanie naciones"' (Linehan, 1993: 215).
However the chronicles of the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries did not
speak in term s of Reconquest (O'Callaghan, 2003: 18). The "earliest Christian
sources w ritten immediately after the Muslim invasion are surprisingly silent
concerning the nature of the religion professed by their conquerors"
(O'Callaghan, 2003:15).
It is clear that the so-called preoccupation w ith a Visigothic ancestry was
really a premise for geographical expansion of N orthern Christian kingdoms and
was not originally intended to be the precursor to their unification.
The kingdoms of Castile, Le6n and Aragon signed several treaties
agreeing to the partitioning of the conquered lands. Furthermore, "the kings of
Castile and Aragon concluded a treaty in 1291 providing for the partition of
N orth Africa, allotting to Castile Morocco—ancient M auritania—over which the
Visigoths reportedly had once held sway, and to Aragon Algeria and Tunis"
(O'Callaghan, 2003: 7).
In addition, in the eleventh Century we also see the Mozarabs beginning to
desire to be in Christian lands and not under Muslim rule (this is due to
93
increasing religious tension and intolerance on behalf of the Muslim authorities).
As Glick (1979) notes:
"Heightened intolerance, the result of increasing Christian
pressure on a now fully Islamized society, intensified the cultural
isolation of al-Andalus [...] Muslim intolerance was m atched by the
hardening of Christian attitudes, as the movement of conquest
gained force [...] At the same time as al-Andalus was m oving into a
m arkedly Moroccan cultural orbit, French influences m ade
themselves felt in the Christian kingdoms [...] As the Cluniac
reform spread to Christian Spain and the ecclesiastical hierarchy
became perm eated by French clerics, the cultural shift became
obvious" (Glick, 1979: 50-51).
After Alfonso I defeats the Almoravids and begins to take pieces of al-
Andalus between 1120-1126 (including Valencia, Denia, Jativa, and Murcia ca.
1125), some Mozarabs m oved N orth and settled in the Ebro valley (O'Callaghan,
2003: 37-38), thus further spurring on the idea of 'Reconquest' and providing
motivation for the continued pursuit of expansion.
The various Christian kingdoms maintained their independence but used
the term 'Reconquista' to help legitimize their actions and motivate and give
incentive for advance into the Muslim-controlled areas.
In Asturias (the location where the Reconquest was supposed to have
begun) "The notion of continuity existing between the new kingdom of Asturias
and the old Visigothic kingdom, w hether actual or imagined, had a major
influence on subsequent development of the idea of reconquest" (O'Callaghan,
2003: 6). A link was established between a Visigothic, pre-al-Andalus past and
the legitimate position of the Asturian monarchy and, later, the Castilian and
Leonese monarchies. However, it seems that the Visigothic stronghold in
Asturias, Cantabria, and the Basque country had been unstable at best. One
cannot really talk about a 'Reconquest' starting from Asturias if the Asturs had
really never had a relationship w ith the lands they are supposed to have been
'reconquering' (Linehan, 1993: 14). However, a link was established where
efforts of expansion from the N orth were clearly associated w ith the 're
conquest'.
The process of Reconquest is often presented as a "steady recovery of lost
territories over eight centuries," but it was rather "a series of border brawls and
opportunistic seizures, punctuated by radical conquest in the eleventh and
thirteenth centuries" (Bums, 1999: 3). Kingdoms to the N orth took advantage of
failures in the defenses of al-Andalus and the distractions caused by internal
problems to steadily gain territories. These territories had to be populated by
representatives of the new ruling class and therefore land and tax incentives
were offered.
95
In the province of Le6n, in particular, Christians, and especially clerics,
from the South of the Peninsula, like Cordoba, were encouraged to settle in the
area. Many Mozarabs who settled in Le6n came originally from the region of
Cordoba (Aguilar, 1994: 351)26. As a result, Leon retained vestiges from the
Arabic world. Christian clerics from the South brought w ith them their
knowledge. Many of first Latin manuscripts in the beginning of the tenth
Century had Arabic glosses (Urvoy, 1991: 259). The Mozarabs of Le6n, who
brought w ith them the architecture, sowers, carpenters etc... were not
preoccupied w ith the preservation of the Latino-Visigothic traditions as some
scholars w ith nationalistic tendencies w ould have us believe. They were
26 Aguilar 1994: references to the document collections related to Le6n:
Coleccion documental del Archivo de la Cathedral de Leon, aparecida en VI voliimenes: I
(775-952): Saez. E., Le6n, 1987; II (953-985): Saez, E. Y Saez Sdnchez, C„ Le6n, 990; III
(986-1031): Ruiz Asensio, J.M., Le6n, 1987; IV (1032-1109): Ruiz Asensio, J.M., Le6n,
1989; V (1109-1187): Fernandez Caton, J.M., Le6n, 1990; VI (1188-1230): Fernddez
Catdn, J.M., Ledn, 1991.
Coleccion diplomatica del monasterio de Sahun (857-1230), IV volumenes a cargo de: I
(857-1000): Minguez Fernandez, J.M., Le6n, 1976; II (100-1073): Herrero de la Fuente,
M„ Le6n, 1988; III (1073-1109): Herrero de la Fuente, M., Leon, 1988; IV (1110-1199):
Fernandez F16rez, J.A., Le6n, 1991.
Coleccion diplomatica del monasterio de Carrizo, en dos volumenes de Casdo Lobato,
M.C., Le6n, 1983
96
Christians who had assimilated Arabic culture and arts and brought these
customs into Le6n (Hitchcock, 1981: 581).
b. The Role of Religion in the Reconquest
The desire to acquire land was not the only motivating factor for the
establishment of an ideological link between the N orthern expansion and a
Visigothic past. Menendez Pidal rem arked that 'the w ar of Reconquest always
had a religious character'. Sanchez Albornoz emphasized that the struggle with
the Muslims "was not only a w ar of Reconquest, but also of religion"
(O'Callaghan, 2003: 9). The Christian Chronicles talk in term s of "Christian
armies and Christian soldiers, rather than Castilians, Leonese, Portuguese,
Navarrese, Aragones, or Catalans. In doing so they were highlighting the
religious differences between the combatants" (O'Callaghan, 2003: 17)27. From
the beginning, the idea of Reconquest placed the Christians in conflict against
'the other' (Muslims). Their "cultural points of view were at the root of the
conflict between the Christians and Muslims" (O'Callaghan, 2003: 11). As a
result, the reconquerors showed less tolerance towards Muslims than had been
afforded the Christians under al-Andalus (O'Callaghan, 2003: 27).
27 The idea o f ‘Christian’ armies and soldiers versus Castilian, Leonese, Portuguese ect... was first
discussed in: CASTRO, A m erico . 1948. Espafia en su historia: cristianos, moros y judios. Buenos Aires:
Editorial Losada.
97
In the late eleventh and twelfth centuries the Church actively encouraged
the fomenting of the idea of 'Reconquest' as a religious conflict by using such
words as: recuperarie, restituere, liberare, reparare, reddere, reuocare,
restaurare, and perdere (O'Callaghan, 2003: 9). The idea of a religious war,
defined as "a conflict between two societies, in each of which the spiritual and
the temporal, the sacred and the secular were wholly integrated" was associated
w ith this movement since it validated the Reconquest, and helped to give
purpose to several different armies under one flag and purpose. Eventually,
while this had not been the case before, in the Iberian peninsula: "By proclaiming
oneself a Christian, a Muslim, or a Jew, one espoused not only specific religious
doctrines such as the Christian dogm a of the Trinity... but one also accepted an
entire system of cultural values affecting one's daily life, habits, traditions, laws,
and even language" (O'Callaghan, 2003:10). Iberia had witnessed that language
and customs need not be defined only through religion. However, this w ould no
longer be the case. From then on:
"The concept of the Christian people transcended ethnic, racial or
linguistic barriers. As members of the church, of the one Body of
Christ, all Christians had responsibility for one another. The
defense of Christian values was tantam ount to the defense of
society itself. Eventually Christians acknowledged that the use of
98
force to achieve that purpose was justifiable" (O'Callaghan, 2003:
13).
The authorities of al-Andalus, such as the King of Granada 'A bd Allah
(1073-90) and the chronicler Ibn Tdhari, were also aware of the ambitions of the
kingdoms to the north (O'Callaghan, 2003: 9).
c. After the Reconquest:
After the Reconquest, there was a period of establishment of the authority
of the new monarchy and Catholic traditions. As a result, the use of Andalusi
Arabic in al-Andalus faded. As in the beginning of al-Andalus, this was not an
instant process. Andalusi-Arabic "continued as the language used by Mudejars
and later Moriscos." However, unlike in al-Andalus, bilingualism was not the
norm. The majority of the Moriscos and Mudejars "habitually used Hispano-
Arabic in the city as well as in removed zones. The same was true for Malaga
and Almeria which also belonged to the Kingdom of Granada" (Martinez Ruiz,
1994:142).
Upon the Reconquest of Granada in 1492, Fr. Pedro de Alcaic produces a
glossary. It is clear that Andalusi-Arabic is still spoken there, however, there
begin to be evidences of the incorporation of Castilian terms (Martinez Ruiz,
1994:143-44). In sixteenth-century Granada, one can find Arabic term s in deeds,
and notarial documents. At the same time we encounter the development of
99
"ceceo," "seseo," "yefsmo" and "consonantal relaxation" in Spanish (Martinez
Ruiz, 1994:154).
Christians and Muslims entered into treaties or pacts in order to establish
rights that allowed for coexistence (Burns, 1999; Epalza, 1998:195). As a result of
these pacts, Muslims under Christian rule sought to extend their rights, as
Christian rights had been extended under the Muslims (Burns, 1999; Epalza,
1998: 195). We even find evidences of bridges trying to be built between
Muslims and Christians. For example: "El renegado Ibn M arwan predico en
tierras de Badajoz una religion antitrinitaria, m itad sarracena, m itad cristiana,
susceptible de ser aceptada por cristianos, muladies, judios y musulmanes"
(Goni Gaztambide, 1957:11).
XI. Conclusion:
There was a Mozarabic community in al-Andalus. This community was
integrated into Andalusi life and its members were active participants in
commerce. They were aware of their secondary status in al-Andalus but not
necessarily conscious of a separate identity distinct from the whole. They
participated in the courts, and fought alongside the Muslims against the
kingdoms to the North.
There were periods of bilingualism in al-Andalus where Romance was
spoken at the same time as Arabic. As a result of extended contact, processes of
100
language mixing occurred creating a new dialect set called Andalusi-Arabic. The
Andalusi-Arabic language develops, like all languages, features characteristically
its own and independently from other Arabic dialect bundles.
One cannot really speak of a distinct Mozarabic language in contrast to the
Andalusi-Arabic language. We may, however, find that Mozarabic is one of the
dialects of Andalusi-Arabic and can be described through a particular set of
features.
101
Chapter 4
Original Source Documentation for
The Study of Historical Hispanic Linguistics
I. Introduction:
The identification of original documentary evidence that is appropriate for
the study of the language and history of al-Andalus is difficult. At times, the
m anuscripts only give anecdotal references to major historical events. There is
incomplete information in and about the documents, and some have been lost or
destroyed.
There are several types of documents that can be used for analysis and
development of history and languages of al-Andalus. Most are historical in
nature. Chronicles, letters, books of repartimiento, and translations of classical
texts are the most common but we may also use documents of: census, land
transactions, contracts, treaties, coins, literature etc... We also find legal
documents pertaining to exchanges of goods, and lands, donations to the Church
or some other figure of authority, or legal documents relating to the release of
slaves.
For historical investigation, it is preferred that the documents being used
for analysis not be historically oriented in and of themselves. In the case of the
Arabic history of al-Andalus, there is a lack of trustw orthy documentation since
102
"la historia arabe es ante todo una historiograffa" (Chalmeta, 1994: 29-30). The
documents are written from a particular point of view, probably omitting
negative events or facts that m ight be considered not im portant by their authors.
W ith regards to the Mozarabs in particular, most of the information we
know about them has been passed dow n to us through historical chronicles,
biographic dictionaries, a few literary sources, and w hat remains preserved in
Christian archives (Fierro, 2001: 205; Koningsveld, 1994: 205).
For documents to be useful for a linguistic analysis the language in the
documents m ust contain traces or evidence of colloquial or vulgar language,
including: non-standard grammatical structures, colloquial lexical items,
evidence of phonological lapses in the language, or directly m ention the
language used by the people.
II. Amount of documentary evidence:
The documentary evidence about and by the Mozarabs is scarce. In
addition, "W hat is said about the Mozarabs in the Arabic sources is brief and
insufficient for the writing of their history" (Kassis, 1994: 403). In fact, the lack of
documentary evidence is remarkable in and of itself.
Both Fierro (2001) and Urvoy (1991) contend that this lack of
documentation cannot be accidental. Urvoy argues that this is in part due to the
fact that the Christians of the N orth had an inherent m istrust of those of the
103
South who chose to live under Muslim rule (Urvoy, 1991: 260, 62). As a result of
this mistrust, m any m anuscripts were destroyed or used as covers for other
books, as was the case of the parchm ent found in Lisbon, which is a compilation
of the sacred canons probably used by the community of Tortosa in Catalonia
(Urvoy, 1991:263).
The Mozarabs who fled to the North eventually lost their own
A
independent cultural identity and "lost their knowledge of Arabic in the course
of the thirteenth Century" (Koningsveld, 1994: 205). Another reason we know
that there m ust have been more documents is the fact that they are cited in the
Muslim or Jewish sources (Koningsveld, 1994: 206).
Fierro (2001), on the other hand, suggests that here may be traditional and
historical reasons for this state of affairs. It seems that in the 'Latin Occident'
documents were mainly used to prove a series of privileges, honors, and
possessions (Fierro, 2001: 207). W ith regard to al-Andalus, m any legal
documents were kept during the Reconquest in archives due to their practical
relevance but documents that may not have been directly relevant to these rights
could have been discarded (Fierro, 2001: 205).
Due to the expulsion of Mozarabs to the Maghreb in the beginning of the
twelfth Century by Ibn Rushd, m any im portant Mozarabic documents were
104
transferred or copied in the Maghreb28 (Koningsveld, 1994: 205; Urvoy, 1991:
262). For Koningsveld, the flight of Christians to North Africa and to Christian
Spain m eant the "end of the Christian Arabic culture of al-Andalus."
Koningsveld assumes that the Mozarabs w ho fled to the N orth of Africa were
eventually islamicized29.
Literacy also played a role in the preservation of documents (Fierro, 2001:
208). If those in charge of cataloguing or preserving the documents could not
read them or determine their content, m any documents of interest to historians
and linguists today may have been destroyed or discarded.
III. The Mozarabic Document:
a. Definition:
A "Mozarabic document" can be defined as: 1) a document w ritten in
Latin by a Christian from al-Andalus; 2) a document w ritten in vulgar Romance
28 For a list of some relevant words: see Mercier, Influence des langues berbere et espagnole sur le
dialecte arabe marocain. Ibn Assuz Haquim Glosario de mil quinientas voces espanolas.
Benyahia, Laila & Aguade, Jorge. "Notas acerca de algunos hispanismos en el arabe dialectal
marroqui." A1 Oantara. Madrid. 1987. Vol VIII. 191-202. This article deals with hispanisms found
in the Morroccan dialect in Casablanca but it is more contemporary in nature rather than
historical.
29 A further point of study would be to investigate the Mozarabic communities in the Maghreb
and the development of their language.
105
using Arabic characters by a Christian from al-Andalus; 3) any docum ent w ritten
in Andalusi-Arabic that makes reference to any Christian resident of al-Andalus.
As noted before, the recurrent tendency among scholars to concentrate on only
one document type for analysis (i.e.: focusing only on the Kharjas or the libros de
repartimiento, for example), leaving aside other documents, has contributed to
perpetuate an inaccurate portrait of the Mozarabic speech community.
Similarly, the absence of an unam biguous definition of w hat is m eant by
"Mozarabic text" has led scholars to misleading generalizations. The problem
arises w hen scholars analyze a particular Mozarabic text as being representative
of the Mozarabic community and its linguistic system and use this to define the
term "Mozarabic." The Kharjas, for example, although abundant, cannot be
claimed to represent the lingua franca of the area, they are rather representative of
a Romance dialect spoken in al-Andalus.
b. Documents attributed to the Mozarabs:
The documents of the Mozarabs are limited in scope. The quantity of
documents that remains today that can be directly attributed to the Mozarabs
cannot compare to that of the early Castilian literature or to the Arabic literature
in the same period in al-Andalus. This is odd since there seems to be Christian
literary production in other parts of the Muslim world in the N ear East.
106
"The literary output among the Christians of the Near East
included secular literature (adab), a genre which was rather
limited in al-Andalus. We do not find in al-Andalus an Arabic
speaking Christian poet of the caliber of al-Akhtal, whose
occasionally abusive Arabic utterances in reference to Islam
preceded those of his counterpart in the Latin writings of
Eulogius" (Kassis, 1994:411).
Despite the lack of documentation, there exist some texts that we are
certain are of Mozarabic origin in al-Andalus. One is the Bible of Seville from the
end of the ninth Century that includes Islamic decoration and Arabic inscriptions
in addition to the Latin ones (Urvoy, 1991: 263). The decorations of this
document are borrowings from Islamic art that could be seen on the entrance to
the city of M edinat al-Zahra. These same motifs are later on found in the
manuscripts of the Mozarabs in Leon (Urvoy, 1991: 263).
The Archivos Capitulares of Toledo and the Archivo Historico Nacional
house legal documents produced in Toledo before and shortly after the
Reconquest30. The Vincentius Codex or Codex Mozarabicum of the Escorial can also
serve for the study of the Mozarabs.
30 These are the documents transcribed and analyzed for this dissertation.
107
The Codex Mozarabicum:
P.S. van Koningsveld deciphered the Codex Mozarabicum of the Escorial -
also know n as the Vincentius Codex. This parchm ent is a collection of "saint
canons" of 435 pages. It seems that this parchm ent could have been a translation
of an original in Latin called Instituta or Excertpa canonum (Urvoy, 1991: 268).
Although it is not dated, a few of the colophons mention the date October 16,
1049 and March 11, no year (Koningsveld, 1994: 221). According to Martinez
Diez, the m anuscript seems to have been produced over a three year period
between 1048 and 1050 (Martinez Diez, 1996: 597). However, in the manuscript
at the Escorial, several other copies of this work are mentioned and it seems that
by 1049 the text w as already widely distributed (Koningsveld, 1994: 221). It was
compiled by someone nam ed Vicente and therefore has come to be known as the
Vincentius Codex.
Casiri and P. Buriel produced a bilingual edition of the m anuscript found
in the Escorial in Latin and Arabic (Martinez Diez, 1996: 589). However, this
bilingual edition was not published and is found today in the Biblioteca Nacional
in M adrid under the call num ber 4.877 (ms. 144=Guillen Robles) (Martinez Diez,
1996: 590). There is another copy of the Arabic text housed in the Biblioteca
Nacional in the section of m anuscripts num bers 4.905 and 4.906 (Martinez Diez,
1996: 592).
108
There have been several hypotheses w ith regard to the origin of this
manuscript. The glosses on the sides of the manuscript, which range from
Visigothic style to letters of fifteenth and sixteenth-century style, indicate that
this m anuscript had some relevance or importance to its original library
(Fletcher, 1992: 93; Martinez Diez, 1996: 595). The document itself seems to be a
collection inspired from the Hispana Sistemdtica [Paris B.N. 1565, Paris B.N. 11.709
and Lyon 336] (Martinez Diez, 1996: 598).
Even though very little is know n about the Vincentius Codex, the fact that it
is written in Arabic is a further example and proof of the Arabization of the
Mozarabic community. The codex was w ritten for a particular audience (a
parish in Catalonia) that used Arabic rather than Romance. This is further
indication that the fact that the Mozarabic documents of Toledo are produced in
an Arabic-based language is not a random or an unusual choice. The production
of the Vincentius Codex in Arabic taken in consideration along w ith the
documents of Toledo suggests the language in these documents was chosen
because it reflected the lingua franca of the people of the community.
Just like the documents of Toledo, the content of the codex includes
"typically Islamic prayers" as well as Christian terms, such as Church names,
which are only transliterated into Arabic (Koningsveld, 1994: 222). At the head
of each page one can find the [bism allah al-rahman al-rahim]
109
"In the name of God most merciful and compassionate," as well as the phrase,
"he is the one who suffices and in w hom it is good to trust" (Urvoy, 1991: 268).
These are clearly Islamic formulas that have been incorporated into the text. This
is of particular note since the Codex in question is a collection of decisions and
councils by the Church and yet the scribe does not hesitate to use Islamic
formulas.
Lisbon
Marie-Therese Urvoy discusses at length tw o parchm ent pieces found in
the Archives of Lisbon in 1974. These tw o parchments turned out to correspond
to the documents found in the Escorial (n 1623) num bers 34b-35b and 39a
(Urvoy, 1989: 235). Urvoy argues they shed some more light on the issue of the
Arabization of the Mozarabs. Simonet's study of the docum ent of the Escorial
involved highlighting the technical terms used by the Mozarabs that rem ained
essentially Latin. In some cases, there were Arabic equivalents for these terms.
Simonet argues th a t: "I'usage de l'arabe n'etant qu'une concession aux
necessites du temps" (Urvoy, 1989: 235). In the case of the parchm ents in Lisbon
and of the codex of the Escorial, the Arabic found in the documents is attributed
only to a concession m ade by the Mozarabs. Urvoy notes that despite the
mistakes in the w riting the text from Lisbon, it m ust have been w ritten in a
context of high Arabization (Urvoy, 1989: 235). She finds that not only are there
110
purely Mozarabic term s but also when there is a choice between a Christian
(Latin-derived term) or an Arabic term, the latter is usually chosen. The scribe
may also write the Arabic term and explain it using a Latin term transcribed into
Arabic characters (Urvoy, 1989: 235-36).
The vocalization of the parchment, just like in the documents of Toledo, is
either lacking, capricious or, in areas where the vocalization is more complete, it
seems to have been added at a later date. Urvoy argues that this may have been
done w hen the custom of using Arabic was fading out against the backdrop of
increasing Romanization (Urvoy, 1989: 236).
The spelling of some Mozarabic terms, already known via the Glosario de
voces ibericas y latinas usadas entre los Mozdrabes (Simonet 1888: Madrid reed.
Amsterdam, Oriental press, 1967) is somewhat different. There is a tendency to use
the long alif rather than avoid it31. In the case of the Mozarabic documents, there
is a tendency to write a long vowel 'a'-the alif, regardless of the actual length of
the vowel. The vowels or semi-vowels j [wa] and [ya] are also often omitted.
In addition, in places where one w ould expect the Latin -s, the letter u5, which
represents the sound [sh], is found (Urvoy, 1989: 236).
31 In Arabic, one has the possibility of writing out a long vowel 'a' called alif or writing a supra-
script symbol to indicate the vocalic sound 'a'. The use of the supra-script is an indication of a
short vowel.
I ll
The parchm ents found in Lisbon are documents originally from the area
of Tortosa. The fact that there are different transcriptions for the same words
also found in the documents of Toledo demonstrates that not only is there a
system of language evolution but also that dialectal variation can be found.
Moreover, we know that Bishop Marino, the Bishop of Cataluna
conducted his masses in Arabic when speaking to the Mozarabic community of
that area (Martinez Dlez, 1996: 614). We therefore have both direct, the
Vincentius Codex and the Mozarabic documents of Toledo, the parchm ent from
Lisbon, and indirect evidence, such as the use of Arabic in the mass, that
confirms that the use of the Arabic-based language was not occasional but was
rather the lingua franca of these areas.
Leon
Leon is the place where the term Mozarab first appears. In my own
research at the Archivo Historico Diocesano in Leon, I have identified 17
documents which specifically include a variation of the w ord Mozarab. In
addition to these, there are at least 47 other documents which allude to or refer to
the Mozarabic community indirectly. Leon is also the place where the first
Castilian documents are produced.
Some of the problems that arise in studying the documentary evidence
found in the Cathedral of Le6n (775-1230), the Monastery of Sahagun (857-1300),
112
and the Monastery of Carrizo (967-1260) are: (1) the difficulty in establishing the
etymological origin of Arabic names- it is difficult to pinpoint w hether the
subject is Muslim, Jewish, or Christian; (2) the spelling variations; (3) and the
difficulty in ascribing Latin letters to the Arabic phonology; and finally (4) the
appearance of over-corrections in some of documents (Aguilar, 1994: 352-53).
Although these problems may cause a difficulty in the field of history, they are a
blessing to the linguist. The over-corrections can help us more fully understand
where the scribes may have been unsure of the formal use of the language and
therefore mixed colloquial w ith formal. However, since m any of the documents
housed in the archives of Leon have been published in catalogues by the Church,
access to copies of the original m anuscripts is limited32. The problem of
32 Catalogues related to the collections of Le6n include:
M inguez Fernandez , J ose M aria . 1977. Coleccidn diplomatica del monasterio de Sahagun (siglos IX-
X). Le6n: Archivo Historico Diocesano.
F ern Andez C aton , J ose M aria . 1979. Catalogo del Archivo Histdrico Diocesano de Le6n, vol I. Le6n:
Archivo Histdrico Diocesano.
H errero de la F uente , M arta . 1988. Coleccidn diplomatica del monasterio de Sahagun (857-1230).vol.
II. Leon: Archivo Diocesano Ledn.
F e r n An d e z C a t o n , J o s e M a r I a . 2002. "Index verborum" de la documentacidn medieval leonesa. Ledn:
Archivo de la catedral de Ledn, S A e z -C a rlo s SAez SAnchez, Em ilio. 1990. Coleccidn documental del
archivo de la catedral de Ledn (775-1230).vol. II. Ledn: Archivo Diocesano Ledn.
113
establishing the correct etymology for names cannot be surm ounted with
linguistic methods.
IV. Christian sources from outside of al-Andalus:
The Cronica de Silos from the twelfth Century describes the reconquest of
the N orth of Portugal (Coimbra) as an expulsion of the Moors who unjustly held
those lands (O'Callaghan, 2003: 24). The idea of 'reconquest' turns into a crusade
as the Hispanic kingdoms begin to open up to the French and Papal powers
(O'Callaghan, 2003: 24). The isolation that the Christian kingdoms lived in
becomes ever more evident as the pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela, the
introduction of the orders of Cluny, and intermarriages between royal houses
become more popular after the eleventh Century (O'Callaghan, 2003: 24).
One can also find official documentation of the Christian kingdoms
including: papal bulls; concession of rights and privileges, and charters
(O'Callaghan, 2003: xii).
V. Toponymic documents:
W ith regards to the toponymic information, the Libros de Apeo y
Repartimiento are the best source for reconstruction the topography of the area of
Granada since Moriscos, who knew the area, were asked to help the scribes and
judges compile this information just after the Reconquest (Diaz Garcia, 1994: 48).
114
Diaz Garcia claims that the Moriscos were the ideal candidates to inform on
these issues since they were illiterate and reported the information as they said it
in their Arabic dialect and therefore did not suffer from the need to overcorrect
(Diaz Garcia, 1994: 48-49). O n the other hand, one has to deal w ith this evidence
carefully since the Castilian scribes m ight have made transcription errors or
interpretative errors (Diaz Garcia, 1994:49).
The Citizen's Register and appraisal of property of the families of La
Calahorra (El empadronamiento y aprecio de los bienes de las familias de la Calahorra)
can be used as an example of 'languages in contact'. It was authorized by Juan
Rodriguez, royal scribe, and completed in M adrid in 1549, where it is conserved
in the National Historical Archives, Osuna Section, Legajo 2.281, num. 1"
VI. Treaties:
During the years of expansion into Iberia/H ispania, several treaties were
signed between the Muslims and the Christians that dictated the rights of the
native population and the capitulation to be given to the new rulers. In
chronological order they are: Ceuta 90/709, Ecija 92/711, Sevilla 93/712, Alaqant
(Fuente de Cantos) and Merida 94/713, Orihuela (also know n as the capitulacion
de Tudmir) 94/713, Gilliqiya 94/714, Huesca 719 (Chalmeta, 1994: 213-20). Most
of these treaties are bilingual, which may give the opportunity to compare how
115
the treaties are viewed by each of the parties involved. Although these are not
Mozarabic documents, they may help us to understand the different point of
view of w hat a treaty is or how a treaty is to be exercised by Christians and
Arabs.
In general, the native Iberians lived under two different laws. One was a
peace treaty know n as -ahl sulh- 'people of peace' and the other w as an accord of
conquest know n as -ahl cunwah- 'people under conquest' or 'people conquered
by force'. The law under which one lived depended on the time of entry of a
particular area into al-Andalus (Kassis, 1994: 405). The first group enjoyed
certain rights and privileges first accorded to them through a treaty w ith Aziz
ibn Musa. The earliest know n remaining version of which is that of Ahmad ibn
Umar ibn Anas al-Udhri (d. AH 478/ AD 1085) (Kassis, 1994:404 note 6).
The treaty of ahl sulh states that the Christians w ould not be killed, their
churches w ould not be burned, families should not be separated, and they
should not be forced to convert. In return, the Christians agree to a system of
indemnity that specifies a pay scale for each person identified as belonging to
this community. In addition, the Christians m ust agree to hand over control of
Orihuela, Baltana, Alicante, Mula, Villena, Lorca and Elio (Kassis, 1994: 404 note
6). The Christians, in general, were left to manage their own affairs but
obviously held a secondary status to the Muslims (Kassis, 1994:405).
116
There has not been to date an extensive investigation of the corpus of legal
documents of al-Andalus that could be analyzed for their historical and scholarly
content. Rather, there have been scattered works done on sample documents
taken as representative of the situation in general. Fierro (2001) provides three
examples of some of the documentary evidence that can be found: (1) a
document about a slave who was originally from the tow n of Oviedo33; (2) a
marriage contract of the sixth/ twelfth Century34; and (3) the nam ing of an alfaqui
in the sixth/tw elfth Century35. These examples serve to show the potential
variety of legal documents that could be further compiled and analyzed to create
a clearer picture of al-Andalus and its society.
Some of the m ain features of the Arabic writing in the treaties include: 1)
the fa' that is transcribed w ith a subscript dot and the qaf is transcribed w ith one
superscript dot (Burns & Chevedden 1999: 50); 2) The sukun appears sporadically
33 Discussion related to this document can be found in: Ajbar al-fuqaha wa'lmuhaditin, ed. Avila, M.
L., y Molina, L. Madrid 1992 (Fuentes Arabico-Hispanas, 3), n. 137, p 122 Vid. A1 respecto Fierro,
M.I., «Bazi', mawld de 'Abd al-Rahman I, y sus desendientes», Al Qantra, VIII (1987), 99-118.
- Vid. Crone. P., Roman, provincial and Islamic Law, Princeton, 1987,108-9. and Rapoport, Y.,
«Matrimonial gifts in early Islamic Egypt», Islamic Law and Society, 7 (2000), 1-36.
34 Marin, Manuela. Mujeres en al-Andalus, Madrid 2000
35 Carmona, A. "El saber y el poder: cuarenta biografias de ulemas levandnos en epoca de Ibn
Mardanis", Estudios Onomastico-Biogrdficos de al-Andalus, X, Madrid 2000, 57-129, pp 123-4.
117
and incorrectly in one place, the final short vowels are usually omitted (Burns,
1999: 50); 3) Vocalization vowels are also used sporadically (Burns, 1999: 51).
There are also some morphological and syntactical constructions w orthy of note.
For example, the use of the cases causes some confusion, and the article is
omitted before a num ber (Burns, 1999: 53). As we shall see, m any of these
characteristics are also typical of the writing in the Mozarabic documents of
Toledo.
The treaty of surrender of al-Azraq, in particular, is "strongly influenced
by the colloquial language" (Burns, 1999: 54). Although the Mozarabic
documents of Toledo are w ritten following the norm s of Classical Arabic, we also
find colloquialisms and non-standard forms. As w ith the documents of Toledo,
the Arabic in the treaty of al-Azraq is w ritten in Maghrebian script while the
Latin is w ritten in Aragonese Gothic or Catalan script (Burns, 1999:128).
VII. Literature:
The first w riter we know of in al-Andalus is Hafs ibn Albar al-Quti, the
"Judge of Christians," who translated the Psalms into Arabic in 889
(Koningsveld, 1994: 206,12). Contemporary to Hafs Ibn Albar Al-Quti were also
Samson and Leovigildus of Cordoba. Unlike Hafs Ibn Albar, Samson and
Leovigildus are not know n for the Arabic writings but rather for their Latin ones
(Koningsveld, 1994: 212). Samson was "know n for his knowledge of Arabic" and
118
was "often sent by the Court of Cordoba in order to translate im portant
documents from Arabic into Latin (Koningsveld, 1994: 212). The existence of two
literary languages at the same time suggests that there were enough readers in
both languages but that Arabic was already becoming prom inent in the ninth
Century.
In the tenth Century, the Bishop Recemundus, also know n as Rabic ibn
Zayd, was know n for both Latin and Arabic literature (Koningsveld, 1994: 213).
He wrote the Calendario de Cordoba (961) on behalf of the Caliph Al-Hakam
(Koningsveld, 1994: 213). The purpose of this book was to "convey an
impression of the life of the natives" of al-Andalus, which was "still largely
Christian" (Koningsveld, 1994: 216). In the eleventh Century, Christian poetry in
Arabic begins to appear (Koningsveld, 1994: 218).
In the twelfth Century, the center of Christian Arabic literature also shifts
from Cordoba to Toledo, as Toledo becomes the center of Mozarabic activity
(Koningsveld, 1994: 219). Among the m ost im portant works of the twelfth
Century is the Kitab al-Shuruh or Liber Glossarium which includes translations of
Latin texts into Arabic; including Isidorus of Seville's Etymologiarum
(Koningsveld, 1994: 219).
There are also works by Christian converts to Islam. The two most
notable ones are: 'Ali b./R abban al-Tabari (died after 855) and al-Hasan ibn
119
Ayyub (died around 988) (Charfi, 1994: 45). Both of these authors lived in al-
Andalus but their works were know n as far as Baghdad (the capital of Islamic
literary production at the time).
The Kharjas- Romance refrains found at the end of Hispano-Hebrew
MuwaSSahs- are assum ed to have their origins in the Mozarabic language- here
defined as Romance language spoken in al-Andalus- and are therefore of
Romance-Arabic descent (Rubiera, 1987: 320). It seems that in the Kharjas there
exist elements from Galo-Romance origins also. The diversity in the Kharjas has
traditionally been attributed to the different dialects of the Mozarabic language.
Julian Ribera y Tarrago hypothesized that the lexical variety of the Kharjas may
have been due to the presence of Galician slaves present in al-Andalus during
the ninth and tenth centuries (Rubiera, 1987: 320). It is also possible that the
Kharjas reflect a pre-trovadoresque tradition of popular songs. It has been
suggested that captured children (Saqaliba) remembered some songs from their
region of origin and that the authors of the muwaSSahs then adopted these and
incorporated them into the Kharjas (Rubiera, 1987: 321).
The Kharjas and the language in them have been studied by literary
scholars such as Monroe36, Armistead37, Stern38, and Sola-Sole39 and they reflect a
36 M onroe , J ames T. 1970a. The development of courtly love poetry in al-Andalus, —. 1970b. Islam and
the Arabs in Spanish scholarship (sixteenth century to the present): Medieval Iberian peninsula. Texts and
120
Romance language and a Romance tradition that remained in al-Andalus
throughout the Andalusi period. Although this Romance tradition is of great
importance in the understanding of language development and maintenance of
al-Andalus, the language in the Kharjas is not the language that is reflected in the
studies; v. 3. Leiden: Brill, M onroe , James T. COMP. 1974. Hispano-Arabic poetry : a student anthology.
Berkeley: University of California Press.
37 A rmistead , S am uel G., S ilverman , J oseph H. and M orley , S. G risw old . 1960. Hispanic balladry
among the Sephardic Jews of the West Coast. Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press United States
California Berkeley, —. 1965. Christian elements and de-Christianization in the Sephardic romancero.
Oxford: Lincombe Lodge Research Library Great Britain England Oxford, A rmistead , Samuel G., C id
and CA. 1981. A lost version of the Cantar de gesta de las mocedades de Rodrigo: reflected in the second
redaction of Rodriguez de Almela's Compendio historial: University of California publications in modem
philology: v. 38, no. 4. Berkeley: University of California Press.
38 Stern , S. M. 1950. The old Andalusian Muwashshah. 5, ii, 256 leaves; 26 cm, —. 1953. Les chansons
mozarabes: Variation: Universita di Palermo.; Istituto di filologia romanza.; Collezione di testi;; n. 1.
Palermo: U. Manffedi, —. 1964. Les chansons mozarabes: les vers fmaux (kharjas) en espagnol dans les
muwashshahs arabes et hebreux. Oxford: Bruno Cassirer.
39 S o la -S o le , Josep M. 1973. Corpus de poesia mozarabe; las harga-s andalusies: Coleccidn lacetania:
[Barcelona] Ediciones Hispam, —. 1983. Sobre arabes, judlos y marranos y su impacto en la lengua y
literatura espaflolas: Biblioteca universitaria Puvill. II, Ensayos; 8. Barcelona: Puvill, —. 1990. Las jarchas
romances y sus moaxajas: Persiles 201. Madrid: Taurus, S o la -S o le , Josep M., A rm iste a d , S a m u e l G.
and S i l v e r m a n , J o s e p h H. 1980. Hispania Judaica: studies on the history, language, and literature of the
Jews in the Hispanic world: Biblioteca universitaria Puvill. I, Estudios: 2-Variation: Biblioteca universitaria
Puvill; I; Estudios: 2, etc. Barcelona: Puvill.
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documents of Toledo studied in this dissertation, which reflect an Arab-based
and not Romance based language.
VIII. The inclusion of Koranic expressions in Christian Documents:
It should be of no surprise that Arabic translations by Christian scholars in
tenth Century al-Andalus contain Koranic references since the study of Arabic
(especially at the time) was closely linked to the Koran. Any Christian scholar
studying Arabic w ould have followed that tradition. There is no evidence that
there could have been a separate tradition that excluded the close study of the
Koran. It is for this reason that "Each Gospel in this [by Ishaq ibn Balshk in 946]
translation starts w ith the Arabic formula: 'In the name of God, the
Compassionate, the Merciful" (Koningsveld, 1994: 216). This tradition is also
found in Kitab Hurushiyush (Book of Orosius), and in Historiae adversus paganus
(Koningsveld, 1994: 217) as well as the documents of Toledo, and the Vincentius
Codex. The expression became disassociated from its Islamic origin and became
used as a universal term for all religions in Arabic.
IX. Lost materials:
Through secondary sources we have reports of materials that m ust have
existed but that to date have been lost. Through the writings of Hafs Ibn Albar al
Quti (889), we know that there was an early translation of a biblical text from
122
Latin to Arabic (L6pez-Morillas, 2000: 49). We also have reports that in the
twelfth Century, after the deportation of Christians to the Maghreb and the flight
of others to the North, some documents were produced in Arabic. These
documents included letters from Christian kings to Islamic rulers (Koningsveld,
1994: 219). As noted before, we also know that there m ust have been an earlier
version of the Codex Mozarabicum than the one available in the Escorial today.
X. Use of published manuscripts for linguistic analysis:
Printed manuscripts are not reliable sources for linguistic information.
They are often incomplete for an accurate linguistic analysis. They are more
useful to the historian who is not interested in the typographical details. The
reason for this is because those who originally transcribed these documents were
not concerned w ith their linguistic value. As a result, we encounter "precarious
editing [...] of extant Andalusl sources, either in Arabic or in Latin script"
(Corriente, 1994: 41). As a result, any linguistic study of the Mozarabic
documents of Toledo, the Christian documents written in Andalusi Arabic in
other areas of the peninsula, and Romance documents, m ust include a
contemporary transcription of the original manuscripts.
123
XI. Conclusion:
There is a variety of sources available for the general historical study of al-
Andalus ranging from letters, treaties, grammars, and works of literature.
However, m any of these are lacking in the rich linguistic information necessary
to analyze both the Andalusf Arabic dialect bundle in general and the Mozarabic
dialect of Toledo in particular.
Alvaro Galmes de Fuentes (1983) contended that there only are four types
of documents that m ay be used for the analysis of language in al-Andalus. Each
type is useful depending on w hat is being studied. The first group of documents
is the glosarios. From these linguistic characteristics of the different dialects can
be gleaned. The second are the Testimonios de los botanicos, medicos y farmacdlogos
hispano-drabes y los cancioneros de la Espana musulmana in which there are notes in
Arabic and glosses of the Romance equivalents. The third docum ent type is the
Onomdstica, the topography of place names, and proper names. Galmes de
Fuentes proposes that the fourth category may be defined as: el latin de los
mozarabes. This category is defined as documents or texts w ritten in Latin by a
Mozarabic (Arabized Christian) person.
Given the above discussion, I suggest that there are more possibilities than
just the four proposed by Galmes de Fuentes. There are several documents
produced for and by the Church, such as the Vincentius Codex that are rich in
linguistic information and can tell us m uch about the lingua franca of the
124
Andalusi people. This is especially true if we analyze this document in
comparison w ith other m anuscripts of similar dates and type. Linguistic
information can also be gleaned from the documents of the Mozarabs of Toledo.
In addition, the continuous emergence of documents w ritten substantially in
Arabic and evidence that even some Churches may have been Arabic-speaking
leads to the conclusion that Arabic was not just a concession of the time but
rather, it is a reflection of the linguistic reality of al-Andalus. Even though we
have evidence of the maintenance of a Romance through the Kharjas, the
predom inant language of al-Andalus seems to have been Arabic-based.
125
Chapter 5
The Mozarabic Documents of Toledo
I Introduction to the documents:
The documents analyzed in this dissertation are known as the Mozarabic
documents of Toledo. The originals are housed in the Archivo Historico
Nacional in M adrid and the Archivo y Biblioteca Capitulares of the Cathedral of
Toledo40. The documents are contractual in nature and are agreements for
cultivation, donations to the church, sales-purchases of land, inheritance, and the
manumission of slaves. These documents are particularly notable because they
were produced m ostly after the Reconquest of Toledo in 1085 and are evidence of
the maintenance of the Arabic language- or Andalusi Arabic language both in
spoken and w ritten form after Toledo had come under Christian control
(Gallego, 2003:113).
It has been attested in several cases that the transition from one language
to another in areas of conquest is gradual and usually involves a period of
transition and bilingualism (Lockhart, 1992: 261). However, official written
documentation is usually produced in the language of the peoples w ho are in
control; as in the case of Latin as it spread throughout the Roman Empire. We
have also witnessed cases were the conquering parties adopt, both in the w ritten
40 In the Archivo Histdrico Nacional the documents are housed under the Seccion Clero y Secular Regular.
126
and spoken language of the conquered peoples; as in the case of the Visigoths in
Hispania. W hen the Visigoths conquered the Iberian Peninsula they were
already quite 'Romanized' and adopted the Latin language (Rucquoi, 1993: 50-
51). In the case of medieval Toledo, the reconquering Christian authorities
neither adopt the language spoken in the area nor do they initially impose the
use of their own language and w riting system during the period of political
transition from Muslim to Christian control. The lack of imposition of the
preferred language (Romance) by the Christian authorities led to the sustained
use of Andalusi Arabic as the language of choice in judicial documents of Toledo.
Ferrando Frutos argues that several factors contributed to the
maintenance of Andalusi Arabic in official documents after the Reconquest of
Toledo: 1) "no Christian language that could clearly compete w ith Arabic in
fulfilling the functions of a High variety"; 2) "Latin [...] was losing ground vis-a-
vis Romance varieties, but no Romance variety could claim to be a language of
culture as yet"; 3) "the arrival by the m iddle of the twelfth Century of a
migratory flux of Arabic speaking Christians fleeing from the intolerant North
African Muslim rulers of al-Andalus"; and 4) "the wish of the Mozarabs to 'm ark
a clear difference between them and other Christian groups" (Gallego, 2003:114).
I personally disagree w ith the idea that the Mozarabs w anted to m ark a
clear difference between themselves and other Christians groups, on the grounds
that Mozarabs were supposed to have been in a conflictive relationship with
127
their Arab rulers and are the ones who m aintained a Visigothic line and tradition
in the Catholic Church of Toledo, and m ost importantly were in part the catalysts
for the Reconquest. It w ould seem logical, therefore, that the Mozarabs of Toledo
would w ant to do everything in their power to associate themselves more closely
w ith the Christian to the North, and therefore with a Roman and Visigothic
heritage. Most notably, there is no evidence in these documents of conflict
between 'types' of Christians, nor of a clear desire of maintenance of a different
identity. The argum ent that Andalusi Arabic w ould be maintained for purposes
of draw ing up contracts rather than Romance or Latin because Andalusi Arabic
was more sophisticated and therefore served the purposes better is reasonable to
a certain extent. It may be true that there was a lack of vocabulary available in
Romance for expressing or describing certain types of transactions or types of
land, m aking the use of Andalusi Arabic the obvious and more convenient choice
until such term s could be developed in Romance. O n the other hand, in the same
time period, in Zaragoza, judicial documents were draw n up using the Romance.
I argue that the maintenance of Andalusi Arabic as the language of choice
reflects a lack of preoccupation on the side of the reconquerors for how internal
contracts are drawn. As long as contracts were drawn, and their content was
clear, the governing authorities did not need to preoccupy themselves w ith the
m inutia of which language should be used. The lack of insistence of the use of
Romance demonstrates that the Reconquest of Toledo was really symbolic and
128
did not reflect a large change in existence for the local society. The Northern
Christian population that settled in the Marca Media [Medieval Toledo] was not
sufficient to necessitate a change in how judicial matters were drawn. In
addition, the continued immigration and influx of an Arabic-speaking
population from south of Toledo may have helped sustain the tradition of
writing legal documents in Andalusi Arabic for a longer period of time that
w ould have otherwise occurred. However, the Arabs or 'm oors' were in fact a
relegated to a secondary position or tier in the society of Toledo. In fact, there
are very few A rab/M oorish people cited or alluded to in the documents and
therefore, their influence on the form and language of the documents m ust have
been marginal (Gonz&lez Palencia, 1926:151).
II. Number and Types of Documents:
There are a total of 1,175 documents w ritten in Arabic characters in the
various archives of Toledo. Of these, 652, proceeding from the Cathedral, are
now housed in the Archivo Historico Nacional in M adrid under the section of
Clero secular y regular, Toledo, Catedral (Gonzalez Palencia, 1926: 9). There are
264 documents that proceed from the monastery of San Clemente and there are a
reported 14 documents still in the church of San Nicolas. There are 21 more
documents w ritten in Hebrew characters of which 20 can be found at the Archivo
Histdrico Nacional. The other document w ritten in Hebrew characters is in the
129
Archivo de la Catedral Primada, Z-8, num ber 6 (Gonz&lez Palencia, 1926:10). In
the Cathedral there are still 133 documents (Gonzalez Palencia, 1926: 9-10). The
earliest document dates from the year 1083 and we have evidence of their
production through April of 1391.
From the total of 1175 documents, 726 deal w ith purchase and sale, 57 are
donations to the Church, 10 are the emancipation of slaves, 34 deal w ith
exchanges, two census, 63 loans, one deposit, five personal guarantees, 10
plantations, one tutelage, 12 pledges, 15 leases, 26 law-suits, 27 treaties, seven
renouncing of rights, four obligations, five 'deslindes', two matrimonial letters,
24 wills, tw o agreements to improve a plot of land, 10 separation of goods, 19
declarations of possession, 26 receipts, 39 revisions of ownerships, and 21
Hebrew documents. Of these, only one document is w ritten before the
Reconquest and therefore under Islamic Law: document num ber 1. It is dated
1083 AD, two years before the Reconquest and it is dated in the Islamic years of
Hijri and in the m onth of Ramadan (Gonzalez Palencia, 1926:151-52).
Even though these documents exist, not all are legible. In fact, most of the
documents deteriorated to the point of m aking their study practically impossible.
W hen one goes to look at the documents at the Archivo Histdrico Nacional, their
deteriorated state makes it so that it is not convenient to look at m ost of the
originals. The documents have been placed on microfilm from which one can
make copies. However, most of the documents on microfilm are also categorized
130
as illegible. Also, the fact that these documents were copied onto microfilm is
also problematic because they were filmed in black and white and not in color.
One cannot easily detect if a supra or a subscript is contemporary to the
document or w ritten in at a later date. In particular, it is difficult to tell if the
inclusion of a vowel m arking is contemporary to the document. If one were able
to compare the original inks, it w ould be easier to determine w hether the vowel
markings are contemporary to the documents.
Ill Previous studies of the documents:
These documents have been previously commented upon by: Angel Gonzalez
Palencia, Francisco Pons Boigues, Jose Lerchundi, and Francisco Javier Simonet.
However, none of these scholars has studied the linguistic features of these
documents and w hat they imply about language in medieval Toledo. Ignacio
Ferrando41 did produce a philological study of the documents but does not
provide formal rules which w ould allow scholars of any language to discuss the
features of the language of Toledo.
The documents, which were produced shortly after Alfonso VI took Toledo in
1085, are well know n to historians, in particular to Arabists, those interested in
41 Frutos, Ignacio Ferrando. 1995. El dialecto andalusi de la marca media: Los documentos mozarabes
toledanos de los siglos XII y XIII: Area de Estudios Arabes e IsMmicos, 4. Zaragoza: Universidad de
Zaragoza.
131
cultural and socio-historical information of the time. They are particularly
worthy of study for their contribution to our knowledge of the history of
ecclesiastical properties, civil and religious institutions, the procedural facets of
rights and laws, and finally, the structure of legal contracts in Toledo and
Medieval Iberia during a time of intense change and transition (Frutos, 1995: 7).
Despite their historical contributions, the linguistic information that can be
gleaned from these documents has been mostly ignored.
The first indications in the scholarly literature of the existence of
Mozarabic documents of Toledo is in a work by don Juan Andres [Giovanni] in
the book called Origen, progresos y estado actual de toda la literatura (Italian edition,
1782-98; Spanish translation, 1784-1806) which deals w ith the influence that the
Muslims in Hispania m ust have had over the Christians. He was amongst the
first to note that in the Cathedral of Toledo there were housed many hundreds of
Arabic documents w ritten by the Christians (Gonzalez Palencia, 1926: 1).
Gonzalez Palencia argues that Giovanni m ust have known the w ork conducted
by P. Andres Burriel in the archives of the Cathedral. Burriel organized and
wrote an initial inventory of the documents and their relation to each village,
Tinea' or right as it related to the Cathedral. Burriel alludes to these documents
in Paleografia, beginning at page 307 (Gonzalez Palencia, 1926:1).
In the eighteenth Century, the documents housed in the Cathedral of Toledo
were mostly ignored except for the two works mentioned above. This is due to
132
two reasons: 1) a lack of interest in knowing w hat was contained in the
documents by the authorities of the Cathedral; and 2) the difficulty in finding
people able to read and translate the documents satisfactorily (Gonzhlez
Palencia, 1926: 1). However, renewed interest in the history of the Reconquest,
led to a renewed desire to catalog archival documents throughout Spain.
First, Francisco Javier Simonet produced two fundam ental works for the
study of the Mozarabs. The first w ork is Glosario de voces ibericas y latinas usadas
entre los mozarabes (1888). The Glosario (1888) is the first m odern w ork which
attem pts to compile Mozarabic words from various sources, define them,
compare them w ith their contemporary equivalents in other Romance languages,
and transcribe them phonemically. Simonet organizes this glossary by including
his own transcriptions of the Mozarabic item, and the original w ord in the Arabic
script. Some of the citations include conclusions about the phonemes of the
words, which at times seem inconsistent, w ithout offering any explanation as to
how he arrived at these. Simonet also offers, at times, the dialectal provenance of
the specific lexical item, the equivalent item in Classical Latin or Greek, and in
other Romance Languages, including Old Castilian. It is im portant to note that
Simonet interprets his findings w ithout offering evidence for his conclusions.
Galmes de Fuentes (1966) noted his frustration w ith this system:
"Los testimonios que nos proporciona Simonet en su Glosario de
voces ibericas y latinas usadas entre los mozarabes, no son generalmente
133
validos...pues por lo comun las transcripciones con caracteres
arabes de los mismos aparecen sin vocalizar, con lo que la lectura
que nos ofrece en caracteres latinos no sabemos si representa una
trasliteracion exacta u obedece simplemente a una acomodacion de
Simonet a lo que concuerda con el castellano" (54).
Although Simonet's w ork was revolutionary for its time and is in fact the
basis for the beginning of any study of the Mozarabs of Toledo, it is also tainted
by his need (whether conscious or unconscious) to make the Romance term s he
finds fit into his own preconceived notions of w hat the words 'should' sound
and look like. He ignored or put aside evidence that m ight have led in different
directions or may have suggested a more complicated linguistic model than he
was willing to admit. Simonet has been classified as an Arabist but whose
interpretations were dom inated or influenced by his Hispanic nationalism and
consequently his conclusions were not always objective. At times, he has even
been accused of being Castilian-centric. He associates the Romance based words
in the documents w ith a sort of 'Proto-Castilian' that was used by the Mozarabic
population as part of the structures of their rights. He goes on to argue that this
'Proto-Castilian' was un-contaminated by Arabic, except for a few lexical items
(Corriente, 2000-2001: 84). This attitude clearly contradicts the evidence in the
documents. One glance at the documents makes it clear that they are an 'Arabic
134
production' and the words that may be attributed to a Romance root were part of
the linguistic system of this language.
Even more grave than Simonet's pro-Romance prejudice, is the fact that due
in great part to his work, Mozarabic has consistently been associated w ith
Romance and w ith the birth of Castilian (Corriente, 2000-2001: 98). Imprecise
scholars have taken the information in the Glosario to be representative of the
language of the documents as a whole, not considering that there may be more
information in the documents that point to a more complex linguistic structure.
Simonet sustained that the Romance language spoken at the time of the initial
Arab conquest was maintained in al-Andalus by the Christian community until
the conquest of Granada in 1492. These claims were further reinforced by the
work of Ribera (1912,1915) w hen he affirmed that a Romance language was used
by all Andalusi peoples, irrespective of whether they were Christian or Muslim
(Barcelo, 1997: 265). Despite the possibility of proving to the contrary w ith a little
investigation, this thesis was maintained (and still is in some circles).
To further aggravate the situation, the work by Menendez Pidal on the
Glosario of Asm (1943) and on the Romance Kharjas helped to further the thesis of
a Hispanic linguistic unity based on the presence of a Romance language in al-
Andalus, called mozdrabe (Barcelo, 1997: 265). Menendez Pidal helped to
establish the idea of the substratum phenomenon to explain that in spite of the
influence of Arabic, a 'national' Romance language existed from the early period
135
of the Reconquest (Barcelo, 1997: 266). Yet, the documentary evidence in the
archives points to another story.
The second four-volume set of books produced by Simonet which is of great
significance for the history of the Mozarabs in al-Andalus is Historia de los
Mozarabes de Espana (1889)42. This work is of great consequence since it m arks the
beginning of the recognition of the importance of the Mozarabs for the history of
Spain, and the importance of their culture (Colbert, 1962: 11). Jose Lerchundi
wrote and equally valuable book called: Crestomatia arabigo-espanola o coleccion de
fragmentos historicos, geograficos y literarios relativos a Espana bajo el periodo de la
domination sarracenica (1881). Both Simonet's and Lerchundi's w ork (1881) go
over the history of al-Andalus in general and the history of the Mozarabs in
particular.
The book Apuntes sobre las escrituras mozarabes toledanas que se conservan en el
Archivo Historico National (1897)43 is the result of Francisco Pons Boigues's work
at the Archivo Historico Nacional, where he was assigned to catalogue and
organize the documents. This w ork contains short summaries of the documents
in chronological order. The documents are num bered and their content is briefly
discussed in Spanish w ith a few words in the original 'arabigo' (Arabic script)
42 Simonet, Francisco Javier. 1889. Historia de los mozarabes de Espana.vol. 1-4. Madrid: Turner.
43 This book is also known simply as Escrituras mozarabes toledanas.
136
w ithout any vowel or case markings. Since there are dates on the original
manuscripts, Pons Boigues does not include the date or the archive's catalogue
number, in the book. He includes a catalogue num ber that he himself w rote on
the original manuscripts. These catalogue num bers do not m atch those of the
later w ork by Gonz&lez Palencia. The lack of standardization w ith regard to
referencing each document complicates the study and the comparison of the
notes of the two authors. In order to determine w hether both authors are
speaking of the same document rather than two very similar documents, one
m ust have a copy of the original document w ith both researchers" markings. At
the end of Pons Boigues" book, a few documents are entirely transcribed and
translated. However, the transcriptions, as w ith those of Gonzalez Palencia, do
not lend themselves to linguistic analysis and description since they also include
linguistic "corrections".
Gonzalez Palencia44 provides a sum m ary of the documents of the Mozarabs
of Toledo in a four volume set called Los mozarabes de Toledo en los sighs XII y XIII
(1926). Each entry includes either an excerpt from the beginning of the
documents or sometimes the entire document, Gonzalez Palencia's ow n Spanish
summary of the general content of the document and the docum ent's date. This
44 Gonzalez Palencia, Angel. 1926. Los mozarabes de Toledo en los siglos XII y XIII. vol. Preliminar-
Supplemento, I-III. Madrid.
137
set is invaluable to the historian interested in establishing relationships among
the various groups who entered into contract in this period, and it may also be
useful for ascertaining the location of land parcels around Toledo. This
m onumental work has been essential to both Arabists and non-Arabists to
understand the wide history and richness of the Marca Media and has allowed
all those interested to delve into the history of the area in previously unimagined
ways and has at the same time broadened our understanding of the commercial
transactions and economy (Frutos, 1995: 7). Despite the indisputable value of
this work Gonzalez Palencia's sum m ary is not useful for a thorough linguistic
analysis. He does not transcribe the documents as they appear. He corrects
presum ed "misspellings" and omits vowel and case markings even w hen they
appear in the original documents. He himself admits to w riting very loose
translations of the documents:
"He hecho la traduccion castellana, libre, no literal, del texto
reproducido, pero en forma que el lector no arabista pueda
disponer de todos los datos esenciales y aun accidentales que el
documento contiene. Las listas de testigos que firman, no se han
traducido, cuando las firmas estaban en arabe" (Gonzalez Palencia,
1926: 43).
His purpose in producing this four volume set was not linguistic. Gonz&lez
Palencia w anted to make the general content available to historians and
138
geographers, not concerning himself w ith the potential contributions of a
thorough and accurate transcription of the documents to our knowledge of
language in al-Andalus in general and in the Marca Media, in particular. The
fact that the transcriptions are inexact and incomplete makes his work unusable
for a thorough linguistic analysis. All of the descriptions of the language to be
found in the documents has been, until now, very superficial and sporadic. As
Ferrando Frutos explains:
"Solamente disponemos de las indicaciones sucintas y
asistematicas de Gonzalez Palencia, cuando en el Volumen
Preliminar, pagina 130, nos dice: 'La lengua empleada en estos
documentos es siempre el arabe, aunque con notorios
vulgarismos, lo que nos prueba que era hablada a la vez que
escrita'" (Frutos, 1995: 7).
This brief description by Gonzalez Palencia can hardly be called a linguistic
study, but is rather a general note of the type of language that one can expect to
find in the documents. However, w hat is really fascinating about these
documents is the continued use of Arabic [Andalusi, or Mozarabic] in colloquial
use, as a standard course of action post the Reconquest of Toledo. The sustained
use of the Arabic characters in reconquered, and 'Latinized' lands, demonstrates
that:
1) The lingua franca of the area was an Arab-based language;
139
2) This language w as not imposed by Arab rulers, but had become part of the
native choice of language.
Ferrando Frutos argues that the fact that the Mozarabic community continued
to use the Arabic language was really a sign of the Arabic language being a part
of the Mozarabic identity and was a point of pride, as Arabic was considered a
prestige language. The use of this language, rather than the Romance language
of the new population, also demonstrates that it was chosen as a 'vehicle of
culture' and was part of their linguistic heritage (Frutos, 1995: note 1, page 7).
Over time, as one enters the thirteenth Century Romance begins to replace
Arabic, which becomes, relegated to official documents only (Frutos, 1995: 8);
3) A Romance or Vulgar Latin language did not persist in Toledo throughout
the Islamic rule as has been suggested by those historians who have m aintained
this point on the basis of the 'Mozarabic resistance';
4) The Reconquest of Toledo did not imply an immediate linguistic shift from
Arabic to Romance- the shift from one language to the other occurred slowly and
over time;
5) The Reconquering authorities were not too concerned about the language
used in the documents. O n the contrary, it seems that they allowed the
community to continue doing business as they had done before the Reconquest.
This implies that before the Reconquest, the Mozarabic community, and the
community of Toledo as a whole m ust have been mostly monolingual Arab
140
speakers, reducing Arabo-Romance bilingualism to a limited sphere (Frutos,
1995: Note 2, page 8).
It is only in the fourteenth Century that we find the Castilian and Romance
replacing the local Arabic language in all spheres, including the formal judicial
context (Frutos, 1995:8).
Other works of great importance for the general history and development of
the Spanish language and its dialects are those of Menendez Pidal45 (1976) and
Lapesa46 (1955). Their studies became the staple of all future studies of the
languages of the peninsula and were the models for future analyses. However,
in so far as Iberroromance (early Romance and Castilian) is concerned, their
descriptions were not systematic nor did they include m uch information about
the interference and influence of Arabic in the Castilian language. Corriente
argues that this is to be expected since they were both 'rom anistas' and were not
familiar w ith Arabic, its structure or its sociolinguistic role in Islamic culture
(Corriente, 2000-2001:84).
Early works on Romance, Mozarabic, and Andalusf Arabic were tainted by
methodological flaws and by ideological prejudices com pounded by the fact that
early scholar's knowledge of the graphemic system as well as Islamic culture was
45 Menendez Pidal, Ram6n. 1976. Origenes del espanol. Madrid.
46 Lapesa, Rafael. 1981 [1955]. Historia de la lengua espanola. Madrid: Editorial Gredos, S.A.
141
superficial (Corriente, 2000-2001: 93). As a result, vague and inaccurate data
have been used and perpetuated, necessitating a revision of all the transcriptions
of Romance and Andalusi documents (Corriente, 2000-2001: 95). The work done
by Simonet, Francisco Pons Boigues, and Gonzalez Palencia is impressive but
blinded by a nationalistic tendency which sought to find the 'roots' of m odern
Spanish culture and language in the documents they analyzed. Their
interpretations therefore were vague and left out information that w ould have
lead to more accurate analyses of the data. They were not the only authors to err
in this sense. In the 1947-1948, two-volume set, by Isidro de Cagigas which
focuses on the Christians of Toledo, his argum ent revolves around a Spanish
nationalism and sense of independence that stemmed from a feeling of religious
intolerance and discrimination felt by the Christians on behalf of the Moslem
governing forces (Colbert, 1962:13). He fails to distinguish between opinions of
other authors, the documents themselves, the general historical evidence, and his
own prejudices.
IV Current Study:
All of the previous studies of the documents of Toledo were revolutionary for
their time, but their m ain focus was either historical or lexical. None
concentrated on the formal linguistic aspects of the language of Toledo. The
transcriptions, therefore, did not need to reflect the precise spellings and
142
orthographic representations. As a result, until now, scholars have not really
been able to formally discuss the language of the Mozarabs of Toledo and
compare it w ith other languages around the world. For analysis in this
dissertation, I have transcribed in their totality 15 documents plus the names,
dates, and geographical information of another 2047. Amongst the 15 completely
transcribed documents there are: eight sales of real estate, three donations to the
church, a m anumission of a female slave, two letters of agreement, and one
testimony. The documents were random ly chosen so as to obtain a
representative and unprejudiced sample that reflects the Mozarabic language
used in the region of Toledo between 900 and 1200 AD.
Problems w ith the use of written documents for the study of language:
Using these documents for linguistic analysis presents two problems. The
first is that they are w ritten documents and, as such, they do not necessarily
represent the spoken language. We expect some degree of standardization and
editing w hen it comes to a w ritten language. Nevertheless, as we shall see, the
documents do reflect features of the spoken language.
47 See Appendix A for the transcriptions of the names and places of the documents. The
transcriptions of the complete documents will be made available in the future if permission to do
so by the archival institutions is granted.
143
The second shortcoming is that these are formulaic legal documents. This
is a valid objection; however the legal documents analyzed here are the only
sizeable Mozarabic material apart from the Kharjas available to us today. Unlike
the Kharjas and the MuwaSSahs which are a stylized48 language, the purpose of
the legal document of the Mozarabs of Toledo is completely utilitarian. As such,
the scribes were more concerned w ith the information being attainable and
understandable to all parties rather than w ith the aesthetic value of the language.
This means that the language used, rather than being artificial in the sense that it
was not constructed to please or entertain an audience, reflects more closely, in
spite of its formulaic structure, the lingua franca of the area- and therefore the
language used by everyday people in the city and surrounding areas of Toledo.
Furthermore, despite their formulaic structure, the documents provide enough
linguistic evidence for a description of the Mozarabic language of Toledo.
48 See: SOLA-SOLE, JOSEP M. 1990. Las jarchas romances y sus moaxajas: Persiles 201. Madrid: Taurus.
Pp. 11 & 31. Here Sola-Sold explains that although the Khaijas are written in colloquial Romance, the
Romance is limited by the reduced number of forms allowed by the structure of the Kharjas. In particular,
there is a limited number of metric combinations as well as rhymes that are allowed. Therefore, the
Kharjas, although indicators of the Romance language of al-Andalus, should not be interpreted as
representing the colloquial language as a whole.
and: Ru biera , M aria Je su s . 1987. La lengua romance de las jarchas (una jarcha en la lengua occitana). A1
Qantara, VIII.319-29. page 323.
144
V Writing in the documents:
Since the documents deal w ith judicial matters, the vocabulary is reduced
to lexical items dealing mostly w ith rights, identification of people and positions,
and geography. Once in a while one encounters an unexpected use of a
particular expression but the gram m ar is mostly correct (Urvoy, 1998:421).
The Arabic alphabet is used in the Mozarabic documents of Toledo. The
script is w hat is usually called the Maghrebi or Andalusi script, which has its
own graphemic conventions and peculiarities, which are distinct from those of
other areas of the Arabic-speaking world. The writing system mostly follows the
norms of the classical Arabic script. However, there are some notable deviations.
The m ost notable difference between the Standard script and the one
found in these documents is that rather than transcribing the 'faa' [f] ^ as a loop
w ith one dot on top, it is w ritten as a loop w ith one dot underneath. The 'qaaf'
[q] <i, which normally is transcribed as a loop w ith two dots on top, is w ritten as
a loop w ith one dot on top- as the 'faa' w ould have been in the classical script-
This peculiarity is standard in the M aghrebi script (Urvoy, 1998:419).
The 'alif' w ritten ' [a], the first letter of the Arabic alphabet, often connects
w ith the letter following it. In standard Arabic the 'alif' ' does not connect w ith
the following letter. As a result, the 'alif' ' and the 'lam ' J [1] can sometimes
appear to be very similar. For example, the proper name Michael is transcribed
145
in the documents as [miKail] but m ay sometimes seem to be [miqail]
where the 'alif' after the 'ghayn' £ [k] is connected to the following 'yaa' is.
In the scanned image below for the w ord [al-mubta?a] 'the purchaser,
the one making the purchase', it is clear that the 'alif' is connected w ith the
subsequent £ 'ein' [?].
S •; < . i « 49
However, the 'alif' does not always connect w ith the letter following it. In the
same document, the 'alif' in the name Michael is not connected w ith the
following letter.
One can say, therefore, that there is a general tendency to connect the 'alif'
but it is not a strict rule in this style.
In general, one can distinguish between the 'alif' and the 'lam ' since the
'lam ' dips slightly more below the line while the 'alif' does not. This
phenomenon is not standard in Arabic script. In fact it seems to be particular to
A n d a lu s f a n d M a g h r e b i s c rip ts .
49 Image taken from AHN: seccion clero, regular y secular, Toledo, Catedral: Legajo 3000 # 7.
146
Another notable peculiarity about this script is the use of the long vowel
for standard words that, although traditionally pronounced w ith a long vowel,
are not transcribed as such. For example the w ord meaning 'this' [hadihi]
normally w ritten as but is w ritten in these documents w ith a long alif after the
'h a' This pattern also appears in other standard words such as [hadan]
meaning 'these', [kadalik] 'therefore', and one of the terms for 'but' [walakin]. In
each of these cases, classical Arabic convention w ould lead one to not include the
long vowel [a] 'alif' in the transcription. However, in these documents, the long
vowel does appear50.
The final / o / or / u / may appear in three different forms. The first is
using the grapheme for / h / ®; this is the m ost common strategy. We can also
find the 'w aw ' j, representing the sounds / u / or / o / explicitly written. Finally,
the superscript 'd a m m a ',' representing the short / u / or / o / can also be found to
represent the same final sounds / o / or / u / (Frutos, 1995: 12). The tendency to
transcribe the semi-vowels is an indication of the level of education of the scribe
or of his lack of knowledge or interest in formal or Classical Arabic norm s of
50 This phenomenon is also discussed in: Frutos, Ignacio Ferrando. 1995. El dialecto andalusi de la
marca media: Los documentos mozarabes toledanos de los siglos XII y XIII: Area de Estudios Arabes e
IsMmicos, 4. Zaragoza: Universidad de Zaragoza. Page 12.
147
writing. However, texts that demonstrate a m uch higher degree of 'Arabization'
of the scribe are m uch less likely to follow this norm (Urvoy, 1998:420).
There is also confusion in the difference in the use of the final alif, alif
maqsura, and the alif alwiqaya. Each of these types of 'alif' sound the same at the
end of a w ord- in both Standard Arabic and dialectal but due to historical
reasons, they are w ritten differently and are not interchangeable for the spelling
of the same word. Where one appears, the other type of 'alif' cannot appear.
However, in the Mozarabic documents of Toledo, we find both ^ and [?la]
the preposition meaning 'to ' and tsj^ 'o r or even [ i j t a r a ] m eaning 'to
purchase' or 'he purchased'. Given that in each spelling, the w ords w ould be
pronounced in exactly the same manner, this type of error does not indicate a
phonological rule or alternation, but rather, it points tow ard confusion, and
maybe a lack of education in the scribe. This is also not an unusual mistake as
the alternation between the three types of final 'alif's had not been standardized
until recently.
Another graphemic error that may appear in the documents is related to
the final ta m arb u ta '»' [at]. In Arabic, the w ord final ta m arbuta is pronounced
[at]. In the documents, there is evidence that this final [at] is pronounced in the
same way since the scribes will often write out the word in question w ith a final
't'. For example, the w ord for one hundred w ould usually be w ritten as or
148
[ma?at] but in these documents it may sometimes appear as [mayat]. In
this case, instead of having a final ta m arbuta as expected, we see that the final
letter spelled is actually a [t].
The tanwin ' , a marker for the accusative case, is used inconsistently.
W hen it does appear, it seems to most often be paired with the alif as in: 1.
In the Glosario de Leiden, R. Dozy notes that there is confusion in
transcription w ith regards to phonemes that have the same point of articulation;
as in the case of [<3] and -k [5] (Urvoy, 1998: 420). Both phonemes are
[+continuant, +coronal] but the second is also [+tense]. j [z] and ^ [e] are also
confused. Both phonemes are [+continuant, +coronal, +anterior] but [z] is also
[+voiced]. Both o* [s] and o ° [s] are [-voiced, +continuant, +anterior] but the
second is [+tense]. This is not a generalized phenomenon in the Glosario de Leiden
but it implies that while [+tense] is a distinctive feature in Arabic, this
differentiation is at least beginning to be lost in the Andalusf dialects.
There are also some systematic substitutions for the Latin letters. For
example:
gim [cfe] is used for the Latin C [k]. dal [d] is used for the Latin D. sin [ J] is used
f o r S. t a ' [t] i s u s e d f o r t h e L a t i n T ( U r v o y , 1 9 9 8 : 4 2 2 ).
149
The tasdid ', a m arker to indicate the gemination of a consonant, is used
very infrequently. However, w hen it does appear, it is often in cases of hyper
corrections. This is characteristic of the Andalusi Arabic [aa] dialects. This
phenomenon also appears in the Glosario de Leiden. Corriente argues that given
that Iberroromance tends to suppress gemination, the ultra correct gemination of
a consonant in [aa] results from a necessity to correct this tendency in this
language in w riting and that [aa] inherited this trait from the Iberroromance
substrate- given that the Standard Arabic Language did have gemination in
certain cases (Corriente, 1991: 8). One m ust also keep in m ind the following:
1) The absence of the tasdid can be merely an oversight by the scribe.
2) Its presence m ay indicate stress or accentuation and not necessarily
gemination.
3) Its presence may just be due to an unintentional error by the scribe
(Corriente, 1991: 9-10).
Corriente (1991: 8) also notes the irregular use of the tanwin in the Glosario
de Leiden, w hether the w ord is of high or low registry. He also notes, however,
that the use of the tanwin, w hen it does appear, seems to indicate that the scribe
who inserted the vowel and tanwin was probably ignorant and inserted these at
a m uch later date than the original document was produced. In other words, the
original m anuscript w ould not have contained the vocalizations as the original
150
scribe w ould have automatically omitted them. The insertion of the vowels
w ould have occurred at a later date by a different scribe (Urvoy, 1998: 422).
Corriente notes:
" [...] no dejaremos de advertir que es bastante probable que
dichos signos procedan de la plum a de un celoso pero bastante
ignorante copista o mero vocalizador, seguramente posterior al
prim er autor, quien normalmente no vocalizaria su escritura, como
es lo habitual en ar estandar" (Corriente, 1991:8).
The fact that the vocalizations in the Glosario de Leiden were inserted at a
later date implies that this may also have been the case for the documents of
Toledo. Their irregular use and their often erroneous use- showing attem pts at
overcorrection- suggests that as in the Glosario de Leiden, the vocalizations found
in the documents of Toledo are also the result of the work of a later copista or
scribe. This scribe was also som ewhat limited in his knowledge of the
vocalization norms of Arabic and may not have been very proficient in Andalusi
Arabic, or Mozarabic- the dialect of Andalusi Arabic spoken in Toledo. One
m ust therefore be wary w hen using any data that involves vowels.
However, the fact that the vocalizations are most likely posterior additions
to the documents suggests: 1) that the documents were considered to be
im portant enough to be re-read, and re-filed; and 2) the vocalization done,
reflecting a non standard form, w ould therefore show the vocalization or the
151
perceived correct vocalization for the language at the time of its recording. This
w ould give us good insight into the vowel system in the Marca Media (Toledo).
On the other hand, if we cannot place an exact date on the insertion of the
vocalization of the documents, we can only describe the vowel system in general-
and not really compare it to other contemporary dialects.
VI Formulaic sentences or phrases to be found in the documents:
Being legal documents, it is evident that there are some formulaic
expressions that can be found repeatedly. All of the documents begin w ith the
formula [bism allah al-rahman al-rahim] m eaning "in the name
of God the merciful and compassionate." This is a standard phrase used in
Arabic used at the beginning of texts, letters, or im portant messages. One can
also find following this expression from time to time <1 [lahu alhamd
wahdahu] m eaning "to him alone is glory"; or [alhamdu li-llahi 1-
kaelr] m eaning "to God the greatest glory"; or ^ d j [wa lahu alhamd
dalman] "and he has glory always (eternally)" or other similar formulas that may
convey the same idea.
A fte r th e c ity o f T o le d o o n e a lw a y s f in d th e e x p re s s io n [h x a rsa h a
alah] "m ay God keep or preserve her] or [eammanaha alah] "m ay God
152
enrich her." After the name of a person w ho has passed away one will always
find: Al j [raximahu 1-lah] "m ay God forgive him." One may also find the
formula ?j£ 'j [rahima lahu m itahum wa akram ahum wa
akram hayyahum] m eaning "May God forgive and honor their dead and honor
the living." W hen speaking of the Cathedral of Toledo, one finds the expression
"God give us your intercession for her" l*3c.li*£ Al LSja. [harkana alah Jafa?taha],
All of the documents are w ritten on pergam in rather than on paper. They
are usually one page long, w ritten only on one side. There is no ornam entation
of any sort, nor fancy calligraphy, draw ings or pictures. It is clear that these
documents were written for a utilitarian use above anything else. All the
documents are dated in the year of [alsafar], which is a term for an Arabic
m onth but in this case describes the 'era' or Christian years and not the Muslim
years. The m onth of transcription is indicated using the m onths of the Christian
calendar: January jA [yanalr], F e b r u a r y [ f e b r a l r ] , March o*j* or [mars],
AprilJ jjj I [abrfl], MayS>l* [mayo], Ju n e^jJ [yuruo], July [yullo], August
<^=-l[aKoSt], September [Jetembir], October [oktobir], November jA *5
[nonbir], December jA?>J [didjinbir]. On occasion, rather than using the Christian
153
Calendar year, dates are referred to according to im portant fiestas or Christian
religious days as the fiesta of Carnival, Pentecost, and Santa Marfa51.
In the beginning of the thirteenth, and the end of the twelfth Century, it is
common to find: 'W ritten after explaining to all its meaning in the language that
all understood and claimed to understand' (Gonzalez Palencia, 1926:129). This
phrase demonstrates that those parties who entered into contract were able to
understand the language in the documents.
Repeated sentences or expressions:
• [bism alah arraxmin arraxlm]: a standard phrase used at
the beginning of letters and legal documents in Arabic m eaning "by the
name of God the most merciful and compassionate". This phrase appears
at the beginning of all of the documents.
• 4* <nj [yusta]: from the Latin IUSTA. This w ord is used in several
contracts to mean, "established under the law of..." For example we have
the case of [yustat al darb] intending to mean: established or contracted
under the law of m inting or coining. This terminology also appeared in
the document of m anum ission of a slave.
51 See Gonzdlez Palencia, Angel. 1926. Los mozarabes de Toledo en los siglos XII y XIII.vol.
Preliminar-Supplemento, I-IH. Madrid, pages 45-46 for more details.
154
• £— [albal?]: purchase
• [maeaqil]: Plural for Mizcal- a type of coin. This is an interesting use
of a plural since this w ord is being treated as a broken plural rather than
just a regular plural. "Muslim coins are of particular importance, since
they continued in use (and even w hen not actually, the names often did)
throughout m uch of the later Christian period in medieval Spain. These
include the rovallis (roballe), Ar. Rubc (in Hebrew transcription rabic) of the
eleventh Century, minted in Valencia but not in use in Barcelona (the
capital of the Christian kingdom); the Spanish mizcal, or mescal (Ar.
mithqal), in use in Christian Spain (e.g. Toledo; later, everywhere) at least
from 1083, a gold coin equal to 1 dinar (later there were also silver
mizcales); the dinar (gold, 4.25 grams), sometimes called by the names of
the rulers or the city of minting" (Roth 1994:150).
• - [bisahal] in the p lain / flat country, near- in the vicinity or in the
county of
• <J£1 j- [wa li kul lxaq] w ith every right
• iLill- [alqibla] N orth
• [aldjanub] South
• [alirarb] West
• [aljarq] East
• £Uaa1I- [almubta?a] seller
• tjlxuiV) <> i [ s a b a b mina lasbab] for any reason- this appears in the
context that a contract cannot be cancelled for any reason.
• [altarka] inheritance- this is not a commonly used w ord for
inheritance.
• JjjSII- [alktrl]52 another w ord m eaning Cathedral
• [altafiq ila] this literally means: 'the road t o 's
• 5JIj j or [dona] from [Latin] DONUM
• [albei? al tarn]: accomplished or completed sale
• <1a j 41 jA J a JS; [kul xaq huw a lahu wa minhu] every right that is his and
that other have of him (i.e.: he is his full right to sell a piece of land)
• [alm ujam ala] acquired
• JIJ&': [al qoral] Spanish 'Corral'- small yard attached to a house
• 4*jit (> 4a.jj: [biwacfeh mina lwuc^hu] 'by his face' meaning: for any reason
• [albel? altam alnacfeiz alsarix] a complete and
transacted sale (of whose term s are clear).
52 Since we cannot be sure about the vowels, I have not included them.
156
• Loull o^j': [ard albeida]: literally 'w hite' land- m eaning virgin,
uncultivated land. This expression should read 1*^' but it often
appears w ithout the initial 'al' in these documents.
VII General Structure:
The terms of the contract are outlined in the following section. In the first few
lines, usually the first two, the parties entering into contract are nam ed and the
type of contract is identified. The section that follows contains the contract, for
instance the sale or donation of a plot of land, including the description of the
plot. The limits of a plot of land are usually defined through a detailed
description of w hat is located at each limit using the cardinal points. Since these
plots of land are located within the region of Toledo, they are identified as such,
and if they are w ithin the city or within the district of a particular church these
are also identified.
In the fourth part of the document, the conditions, and the date of the
contract are outlined. Finally, the witnesses, the contracting parties, and the
scribe (or notary) sign the contract.
The texts themselves are mostly written in the Arabic script and not the
L a tin a lp h a b e t. T h e r e a r e a f e w e x c e p t i o n s w h e r e t h e m a i n b o d y is w r i t t e n i n
157
Latin characters w ith only the beginning (part 1) and the end (the date and
conditions) in the Arabic script.
VIII Signatures:
The signatures may be in either Arabic or Latin characters. There does not
seem to be a preference for either alphabet at the time of the signatures. Most
witnesses sign themselves but at times a representative of one the parties may
sign in his place. In this case, the signature is followed by L <ic. <_u£
[kutiba ?nhu biamrihi w a bixadratihi] m eaning 'It was written for him upon his
command and in his presence'. After the name, it is not uncomm on to find the
profession of the signor. For example, we often find PRESBITER after a
signature. At times a signature is followed by 5 ^ ' ^ ^ [?bd ?bld almasix]
'Servant of the Servants of Christ'. This is a rare signature but may be found.
One can also find the expression [Juhid ?ndi] 'w itnessed in my
presence'. According to Gonzalez Palencia (1926: 47), this is indication that the
document was authorized by the mayor.
There are some documents where there is no signature at the end. This
w ould indicate that the agreement did not go through for some reason. At times,
the signature seems to be delayed: the original document being produced on one
date and the signatures appearing a m onth or two later.
158
Some documents are copies of an earlier version. This too is indicated in
some way. W hen this is the case, and the document needs authorization, all
signatures are followed by ^ [maqlp ?lelhi Jahid ?ndi] m eaning
'm arked by me'.
One can also find references to other documents, either the originals from
which these documents were copied or other, non-related documents. Gonz&lez
Palencia points out that in document 900 the Repartimiento of Sevilla by Alfonso X
is referenced. Document 292 references a donation by Arcicolla y de Camarena
Alta by the emperor Alfonso VII (Gonz&lez Palencia, 1926:47).
IX Personal Names:
Most people have two names- a Latin one and an Arabic one. This fact is
also acknowledged in the documents themselves (Gonz&lez Palencia, 1926:123).
A person may be called by both his names in one document. This tradition is
m aintained throughout the twelfth Century, suggesting that the use of the
Christian names, an occurrence that appears more often as time progresses, was
really just a formality, since the name used in colloquial or familial settings was
the Arabic one (Gonz&lez Palencia, 1926:124). Gonz&lez Palencia argues that the
g r a d u a l s h if t f r o m A ra b ic n a m e s to C h r is tia n n a m e s d e m o n s tr a te s a g r a d u a l s h ift
from bilingualism in Arabic and Romance through the twelfth Century, to a
159
prevalence of Castilian in the thirteenth. However, there are still signs of use of
Arabic in the fourteenth Century (Gonzalez Palencia, 1926: 129). I w ould argue
that the use of both an Arabic and a Christian name does not necessarily
demonstrate bilingualism at the time of the Reconquest of Toledo but rather a
need to abide by changing conventions in so far as names are concerned. W hat
the use of both types of names does point towards is the complexity of the
society of the Marca Media just after 1085.
Most of the names are structured in the traditional Arab style: a first name
+ bin (meaning son of) + the father's first name. When 'bin' m eaning 'son of' is
excluded , the last name, w hat we w ould usually term as the family name, is
usually the first name of one's father: i.e.: Domenico Petriz is Domenico son of
Petriz (Petrus or Pedro). In some cases, the name may contain names of relatives
that are three or four generations back. In these cases, we sometimes find a
Christian last name- the original family name which has now fallen into disuse
(Gonzalez Palencia, 1926: 124). M arried wom en are referred to in reference to
their husbands- their own father's name is not included.
The fact that m ost names are structured after the Arabic style does not
imply that those entering into the contract are Muslims and not Christians.
W henever a person implicated in a contract is not a Christian, it is clearly m arked
and if the person is Muslim, this too is stated (Gonz&lez Palencia, 1926:152).
160
X Geographical Area:
The contracts are all based in Toledo and the surrounding areas under
Toledan jurisdiction: i> j ' cW-1> [min ?mala au min nadar] 'in the governate
or within sight'. If the contract is entered into in a surrounding village, one finds
the expression j'j*-' t> [min ahuaz] 'in its territory or area.
If the document specifically deals w ith a transaction w ith a piece of land,
then the exact location of the land is described. The barrio or neighborhood area
is identified [hauma]. If the land is within a parish, this too is identified:
[<âma?ia]. Each individual parish belongs to a larger Church or Cathedral
called [addjantfa]53. The area surrounding the Cathedral is referred to as
I s^c-lsll [alqa?da al?dima] 'the highest seat'- the sede. According to Gonzalez
Palencia, in the area surrounding the Cathedral there was also an albergue - jA\
[albndla] (Gonz&lez Palencia, 1926: 53). One can also find reference to a
bath called Cababell [xamam qabalal] (Gonzalez Palencia, 1926: 54).
Another know n area of Toledo is Pozo Amargo [albelr almr] which was
also know n as the Pozo Caxali [rahbat alqjali] in the eleventh Century.
53 Coincidentally this is the same term as Mosque. This reflects that Mosque in Arabic 'the place
where one gathers or comes together'. A church or cathedral serves the same function.
161
In this neighborhood there was a famous bath called Bath of Yaix f^ - 54
[hamam ya7T$]. There are several neighborhoods named after a particular saint
as in: San Juan, Santa Justa, San Gines, San Antolln, San Lorenzo, San Marcos,
San Andres, San Cebrian, San Sebastian, San Lucas, San Miguel, San Justo, Santa
Maria Magdalena, San Vicente, San Roman, San Martin, Santo Tome, San
Cristobal, San Isidro, San Pedro, Santa Leocadia. There are plenty of
neighborhoods surrounding Toledo that are also mentioned. One that is of
particular interest due to it contributions to our linguistic analysis is Aceituna
[alzeltuna]. According to Gonz&lez Palencia, on the dorso of the
documents, one finds the Latin transcription of "Aseytuna", "Dazaituna", or
"Aldee dazeitona" (Gonzalez Palencia, 1926: 83). The city of Talavera
[talablra], im portant for commercial reasons is often mentioned, as is Tolosa LijlL
[toloja].
XI. Conclusion:
The Mozarabic documents of Toledo, produced right after the Reconquest
of the city in 1085 AD, continue to be written in the Andalusl Arabic. This
54 See Gonz&lez Palencia, Angel. 1926. Los mozdrabes de Toledo en los siglos XII y XIII.vol.
Preliminar-Supplemento, I-III. Madrid. See pages 55-82 for details about each specific
neighborhood.
162
phenomenon demonstrates that the Andalusi Arabic language was pervasive in
Toledo at all levels and that the new authorities were not too concerned about
the language used in local legislation. The documents are all judicial in nature
and have a predictable structure, suggesting, therefore, that any 'lapses' in
orthography and syntax, reflect a colloquial use of language. This language,
therefore, is a dialect of Andalusi Arabic and is Mozarabic. Its use is not limited
to the Christian community but seems to be a shared language amongst the
whole population.
163
Chapter 6
The Phonological Evidence
I. Introduction:
In order to properly understand the phonological system of Mozarabic-
the Andalusi Arabic dialect of Medieval Toledo, we m ust first understand which
consonantal phonemes make up this language55. Based on m y analysis and
transcription of the documents of Toledo, the system of consonants of Mozarabic
is as show n on the chart below:
55 As previously discussed in chapter 5, the vowel markings were inserted into the texts at a later
date. I therefore will not deal with the vowels in this dissertation.
164
Consonants 56
Bi- Labio- Inter- Dental- Palato- Palatal Ve- Uvular Phay- Glottal
labi dental dental alveolar alveolar lar ryn-
al geal
Stop (P) t t k q
Voiceless
Voiced d d
Fricative s s x
Voiceless
Voiced Q K
Nasal m n
Lateral
Approximant
Central y w
Approximant
56 Phonetic symbols are taken from: Ladefoged, Peter. 2001. Vowels and Consonants: An
Introduction to the Sounds of Languages. Massachussets and Oxford: Blackwell Publishers,
and: H a lle , a n d G.N. C l e m e n t s . 1994. Problem Book in Phonology. Cambridge, Massachusetts
& London, England: Bradford.
and: Ladefoged, Peter. 1975. A Course in Phonetics. New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich.
165
Examples:
/ 1/ : YUSTA — uj [yusta]
N: TABERNA (bodegon) [taberna]
/k/: [altarkat] inheritance
/ q /: [domeniq+vowel] or Aiixui [domeniq+vowel]. We cannot know which
vowel is supposed to be represented at the end of the w ord but, I expect it to
represent the 'o ' from Domenico since this is a common Iberian name.
/ b / : TALAVERA Sjall- [talablra]
/ d/r ‘kljJ or [dona] from [Latin] DONNA
/ d /: [xudud] Frontier
/?/: [almubta?a] buyer
/ft: February [febrair] Cast: Febrero
lei: [maeaqil]: Plural for Mizcal
Is/: GARCIA ^ jf- [Karsia] Proper last
Is/: [arsobisb] Cast: arzobispo
w-. TOLOSA Lijlia [toloja]
/x/: Ja. JSI j- [wa li kul xaq] w ith every right
166
/a/: si* [hada] demonstrative 'this'
/z/: uSkj [zeitun] aceituna 'olive'
/<*/: t-ijidl _ [alcânub] North
hs!\ [alirarb] West
/?/: [du?ul] entry
/ml ^1\-. [albel?a al tarn]: accomplished or completed sale
Ini or [dona] from [Latin] DONNA
III: [alktrl] another w ord m eaning Cathedral
/r/: [al qoral] Spanish 'Corral'- small yard attached to a house
/y/: [yulian]
/w/ j [wa] ‘and’
/h/: - [bisahal] in the vicinity or in the county of
II. Dental Alveolar Stops:
a. Voiceless Dental-Alveolar.
In Arabic there are two voiceless dental-alveolar plosives [t] & [t]
represented by: ^ and Ja respectively. The difference between these two
167
phonemes is that [t] is: [-syl, +cons, -son, -voiced, -cont, + tense], while [t] is [-
tense]57.
These two voiceless dental plosives also appear in the Mozarabic
documents of Toledo. These are two distinct phonemes and not allophones since
they are not in complementary distribution and can appear in the same contexts.
For example:
1. Word initial H!
TABERNA: < i ( b o d e g o n ) [taberna] Cast, Port: taberna
It: taverna
Lat: TABERNIA
TAGAR: (type of fish) [tafar] Cast: escualo
Lat: SQUALUS
TAPON: ujf* (tapon, espita) [tabon] Cast: tapa
571 chose to use the symbol [ _] to depict +tense or fortis although some linguists do not believe
that this is a productive or accurate distinguishing feature. However in Arabic the phonemes
that can be described as [+tense] or [+fortis] are also known as [+advanced tongue root]. I.
Ferrando (1995) distinguishes these phonemes with the feature [+velar], I will continue to use the
tradition [+tense] to characterize the Arabic phonemes which hold this feature. However,
nothing crucial seems to hinge on these choices here.
168
Gall: zapon
Lat: TAPARE
Gothic: *TAPPA
Some words are can be found transcribed w ith both the f t / and f t / :
TARGA, TAUTXA, TABERNA, TOBA, TINNA, TORRE, TURRE
However, in certain contexts [t] is the only option:
2. Word medial ft/
[t] is found w ord medially as in:
CATEDRA [qatidra]
Cast: catedra it: c&ttedra
Port: cathedra
Lat: CATHEDRA
CATENA [qatina]
Cast: cadena Port: cadea
Lat: CATENARE
T h is d o e s n o t a p p ly , h o w e v e r to th e w o r d fin a l p o s itio n :
CHARROT jG- [cârot]
169
Fr: cham ie, chariot
Lat: CARRIOTUM
One of the interesting points of these examples is that they provide
evidence that in Mozarabic the intervocal / t / of Vulgar Latin was not voiced.
However, as we are going to see, the tensing of intervocal / t / does seem to be a
process of strengthening or emphasis in this position. However, let us first
address the issue of script.
One may argue that the use of the symbol -L rather than ^ is a way of
showing that the w ord Toledo is identified by the scribes- and, by extension, by
the community, as a w ord that was not originally Arabic. This does happen in
some cases of incorporation of foreign words into Arabic. For example, the
proper names Talavera [talablra], and Tolosa LijlL [toloja] both contain ^
[t] and were incorporated into the language w hen it was still in its early stages.
This phenom enon also occurs w ith the sibilants o 3 and lk / s/ and /s/ respectively.
This alternation can also denote that a w ord is of Hebrew origin has been
incorporated into Arabic58.
However, despite the tradition of transcribing 'foreign w ords' w ith a
written symbol indicating [+tense], I w ould argue that in Mozarabic, the
evidence reveals a more complex phonological system. I argue that the fact that
170
Toledo is w ritten -dkjlla and transcribed as [toleitola] is representative of an actual
phonologic phenomenon.
From the evidence presented above, it is clear that the selection of the
orthographic symbols cj or -1*does not depend on whether the w ord is of Latin or
of Arabic origin. A w ord originating from Latin may be w ritten w ith either ^ or
-k Therefore, none of the words transcribed w ould have been considered
'foreign' words or 'borrowings' in the Mozarabic linguistic system. Hence, I
argue that the selection of either letter m ust be purposeful and represents
denotes actual phonological rules in the Mozarabic system.
Let us look more closely at the w ords CATEDRA < [qatidra];
CATENA [qatina]; and Toledo, AikJL [toleitola]. In each case, [t] is found in
the intervocalic position. One may be inclined to argue that this may reflect the
voicing of intervocalic stops that occurred in Romance. We know that the Latin
/ 1/ became voiced [d] in Romance and subsequently the spirant [d] in Spanish in
essentially the following context:
/ t / ---- > / d / ---- > / S / / V V
For example:
L a t i n T O T U S - > C a s t i l i a n ' t o d o ' [ to d o ]
171
It seems, however, that in Mozarabic the intervocalic / 1/ is not voiced,
since the Mozarabs could have used an orthographic symbol to reflect this such
as / d / . If there had been voicing, we w ould expect to see the following
spellings:
CATEDRA [qadidra]
CATENA <s[qadina]
Toledo [toleldola]
This outcome is not found in Mozarabic in either the early documents or
the later documents of the thirteenth Century.
On the other hand, we cannot discard that there is some process of
'consonantal hardening' in Mozarabic that is well underw ay by the end of the
eleventh Century. The process of Mozarabic consonantal hardening only affects
intervocalic / t / and not word medial/t/. Let us take, for example the w ord to m ean
'just' from the Latin YUSTA ^ [yusta]. It is clear that the w ord medial / 1/
did not undergo Mozarabic consonantal hardening- and therefore, this rule m ust
be limited to the intervocalic context.
172
Rule 1: Mozarabic Consonantal Hardening
+cons
-Voiced
-cont -> [+tense] /V _V
+Coronal
Or:
This rule explains the appearance of [t] in the intervocalic position in
words such as CATEDRA 4-j-daE [qatidra]; CATENA *'4 ^ [qatina]; and Toledo,
-dkilL [toleitola].
However, a second rule m ust be considered: Mozarabic Consonantal
Harmony. This rule causes any other / t / in a w ord containing a [+tense] / 1/ to
become [+tense] as well.
Consider: Toledo, AlkJla [toleitola]. Here the 'tense' [t] appears both in the
intervocalic position and in the w ord initial position. I propose, therefore, the
following rule.
Rule 2 : M ozarabic Consonantal Harmony
+cons
-Voiced
-cont -> [+tense]/...X -cont
+coronal +Coronal
+tense
173
Or:
t->W / M
/ 1/ becomes [+tense] in the presence of another [+tense] 't' in the same word.
There is an intrinsic ordering in the rules, namely that Consonantal
H ardening m ust apply first to produce [t] and then harmony can take place. If
the opposite order were to occur, the derivation for Toledo w ould be:
M ozarabic Consonantal Harmony
/ toleitola/-> [no change]
M ozarabic Consonantal Hardening
/ toleitola/ -> /to leito la/
This type of ordering w ould produce the following impossible result in
Mozarabic: ** [toleitola]
Instead, the ordering of the rules m ust be as follows:
Rule 1: Mozarabic Consonantal Hardening
/to le ito la/ -> /to leito la/
174
Rule 2 : Mozarabic Consonantal Harmony
/ toleitola/-> [toleitola]
I. Ferrando 59 argues that even though, in some isolated cases there does
seem to be a free alternation between [t] and [t], it is also clear that these cases are
limited to a few words of Romance origin. However, the bulk of the facts that
we have considered provides evidence for the existence of both Mozarabic
Consonantal H ardening and Consonantal Harmony.
It appears that the rule of Mozarabic Consonantal Hardening reflects the
opposite tendency of voicing in Romance. In Mozarabic we have 'strengthening'
(i.e/ tensing) while in Romance / t / undergoes a process of 'weakening' (voicing
and spirantization). However, had Mozarabic survived, I w ould expect that over
time, [t] w ould have been replaced with some sort of / d / , either [d] ^ or [d] u*.
b. Voiced Dental Alveolar Plosives:
In the Mozarabic texts there are two voiced dental alveolar plosives [d]
and [d]. However, the distinction between the two sounds seems to have been
blurred in Mozarabic. One w ould expect the alternation between [d] and [d] to
toledanos de los siglos XII y XIII: Area de Estudios Arabes e Isldmicos, 4. Zaragoza: Universidad de
Zaragoza. Page 21
175
be the same or similar to that of [t] and [t] but this is not the case since one can
find both [d] and [d] in w ord medial position, and especially intervocalically
(Frutos, 1995: 21). This occurs w hether or not the w ord is of Arabic or of Latin
origin. Therefore, while in Arabic these two sounds are phonemes, they appear
to be in free variation in Mozarabic and are therefore allophones of / d / .
Consider for example words like:
[xudud]: border or frontier. This w ord appears in the documents as
either [xudud] or as [xudud] The proper name Domenico, can also appear
in the documents as either [domeniqo] or [domeniqo]. Therefore, in
Mozarabic, [d] and [d] are in free variation since we cannot specify a particular
context of use. They are not distinctive phonemes and their difference appears to
have been lost or at least difficult to perceive by the Mozarabic speaker, they
therefore appear to be allophones of the same phoneme / d / 60.
To further complicate matters, is seems that the 'daal' j [d] and the 'raa' j
[r] merge, as do 'dhaal' j [9] and 'zaa' j [z] in certain circumstances. This
merging occurs w hether the w ord is of Latin or Arabic origin. This phenomenon
60 As we have seen, this is characteristic of Andalusi-Arabic. The sounds /6J and /d/ are often used
interchangeably even though these are two separate phonemes in Arabic.
176
also occurs w ith proper names originating from Latin, such as the last name
Midis [midis]. Midis also appears as 'M iris', due to the m anner in which the
'd a a / and the 'raa' are transcribed.
Ferrando (1995) argues that this process of merging of [d] and [t] also occurs
w ord finally in words such as 'abad' which can appear as either abad or abat, or
the proper name Ahm ad which can appear as Ahmat or Ahmad (Frutos, 1995:
22). He calls this process 'Ensordecimiento de la cauda de / d / ' . For him [d] ->
[t]. This process also reflects the final devoicing that is also occurring in
Romance. However, the transcriptions in the documents seem to suggest that
this devoicing does not go directly from [d] to [t] but rather, there is a step in
between. I propose the following process took place:
Rule 3: Mozarabic Flapping and devoicing
a.
+cons
+voice
-> [+flap] V V
+cont #
+cor
61 From AHN: seccion clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo 3000 # 7.
177
or:
/ d / -> [r ] /V Vand #
/ d / becomes [r] intervocallically and w ord finally.
This rale produces the intervocalic flapping found in such w ords as 'M idis'->
'M iris'. However, in the later documents, there is evidence to suggest that this
flap becomes [-voice]- and therefore sounds like a / t / . Producing the following
result: 'M idis' -> 'M iris' -> 'Mitis'
Rule 4: Flap Devoicing
+cor
-> -cont
+flap -voice/ V V
#
or
[r]-> [t]/ V V and #
This is a gradual process that is reflected in the documents. If we compare
this phenom enon w ith w hat occurred in Romance, we find that Mozarabic is
fundamentally different. In Romance, intervocalic / 1/ voiced, while in
Mozarabic, we witness no such voicing. Consider, for example, the Latin
178
ABBATE, which developed into 'abad' [abaS] in Castilian Spanish. In
Mozarabic, we find that no voicing of /t/o c cu rred . Had there been intervocalic
voicing of / t / in Mozarabic, we w ould expect to find the flapping rule to apply
and produce the following derivation:
ABBATE-> [abade]-> [abare]-> **abar
This derivation is impossible in Mozarabic, thus providing further evidence of
the lack of intervocalic voicing in this linguistic system.
II. Sibilants:
In Mozarabic, it is clear that [s] and [J] are not distinctive phonemes but
rather appear to be in free variation. This applies whether the w ord is of Arabic
or of Latin origin.
For example:
CABBUSA [qabusa] (cesta redonda de esparto)
Cast: capacho Cat: capazo
Port: cab£z Lat: CAVUS
SENDAL J 'j [sandal] Cast: cendal A.Cat: cendat
179
L at: CENDALE, CENDALIM,
CENDALUM, SANDALE,
ZAND ALE, ZENDADUM
GARCIA jc- [irarsia] Proper last name
Or V sjc- [Karjia]
[i Star a] or [istara] verb: past tense: purchased
SANT or [sant] or [Sant]
Cast: Santo Lat: Santus
AUGUST [akojt] Cast: Agosto
SEPTEMBER [Jetembir] Cast: Septiembre
TOLOSA [toloja] Cast: Tolosa
ESTEBAN [ijtiban] Proper last name
SALMON [Salmon] Proper last name
It has been argued by Ferrando Frutos (Frutos, 1995: 27) that these
alternations between / s / and / S / are just graphemic slips of the w riter and do
not reflect an actual phonological process. I believe that this is unlikely. It does
180
seem that the evidence is just as consistent as it is for the alternation between
/ d / and / r / , which, according to Frutos do involve a phonological process.
Taking all of the evidence above into consideration, I propose that one can
discuss this process in term s of phonological rules. To begin w ith we witness a
process of sibilant m erging in Mozarabic.
Rule 5: Mozarabic sibilant merging (optional)
-voice
+cont
->/[-aant]
+cor
aant
Or:
/ l / - > [s] (optional) or / s / -> [J] optional
In order to understand the complete sibilant system in Mozarabic, and
how it differs from Romance and Arabic, consider consider the following data:
CÂBON [sabon ]62 Cast: jabon it: sapone
Lat: S A P O N IS
62 As with !tl, /s/ can also be [+tense], this [+tense] /s/ is transcribed as [s].
181
Germanic: *saipon
ARCX)BIXPO [arsobisb] Cast: arzobispo
In Old Spanish (early Romance), these words w ould have been w ritten
w ith the V or 'q' or 'z : as in decir, cena, or pozo63. These spellings reflect the
phonological development from Latin to Castilian:
/k t/_ > [ « ] / y
/ p t / -> [ts]/---------- y
/k /- > [ts]/ #— (e/i)
/ t / -> [dz]/(v)_y
/k /- > [dz]/ (v)_y
In some dialects, like Andalucian or Southern Spanish, the resulting [ts]
undergoes deafrication to become [s]64 while in others it becomes [e]. / e /
underw ent a further change and became / s / , leaving no differentiation between
63 See: Penny, Ralph. 1991. A History of the Spanish Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, pages 86-93 for a discussion of Spanish sibilants.
and: Harris, James W. 1980 [1969], Spanish Phonology: Research Monograph No. 54. Cambridge,
Massachusetts, and London, England: The M.I.T Press.
64 Penny argues that [ts] became [t9] to later become [e] and this [e] became [s] in Andalusian Spanish.
The point here is that the final result is [s]. Harris, on the other hand, argues that /ts/ - > /s/ in
Andalucian Spanish while Castilian underwent the following process: /ts/ - > /t0/- > /0/
182
the / e / and / s / as is found in Castilian Spanish. In the above examples, where
one w ould find Old Castilian / t s / , we find Mozarabic [+tense] [s]. This suggests
the following development in Mozarabic:
/ t s / (in Late Latin, Vulgar Latin) -> [ts] -> [s]
I theorize that [+tense] [s] developed rather than [s] due to a process of
compensatory lengthening. The resulting [s] results from the affricate [ts] and
was, initially a different phoneme than [s]. Thus we have [arsobisb] and not
[arjobisb].
However, a further development w ithin Mozarabic m ust be taken into
account.
Consider again:
SENDAL JVi'jui [sandal] Cast: cendal A.Cat: cendat
L a t: cendale, cendalim,
cendalum, sandale, zandale,
zendadum
GARCIA jf- [irarsia] Proper last name
Or [irarjia]
In these cases, the resulting [ts] did develop into [s] and [J]. The
difference between these examples and the previous ones can be attributed to the
183
differences between 'learned' and 'comm on' words. The w ord [arsobisb] w ould
not have been heavily used on a daily basis and may have become a lexical
exception. Therefore, the [s] in [arsobisb] w ould not necessarily have
experienced all of the phonological changes that a more commonly used w ord
w ould have. In the case of GARCIA, we know that this was a commonly used
proper name, and therefore, w ould have undergone all of the phonological
changes available in Mozarabic. We therefore have an additional rule of Sibilant
Weakening that applies perhaps to all common words.
M ozarabic Sibilant Weakening
+voice
+cont
+cor - > / [-tense]
+ant
+tense
Or:
[8] -> M
184
Once this process had taken place, then the rule of Mozarabic Sibilant Merging
was free to apply producing the alternation [irarsia] and
[Karjia].
We m ust now consider how w ords of Arabic origin entered the Castilian
language and w hat this implies about the phonological system of Mozarabic.
Consider:
OLIVE [alzeitun] Spanish65: aceituna
In Mozarabic the w ord for 'Olive' is oAO*' [alzeitun]. In Southern Spanish,
this w ord is pronounced today as [aseituna], but [aeeituna] in the Castilian
Spanish dialect. Following Penny's discussion of the development of the sibilant
system in Spanish, this outcome is unexpected since he argues that pre-sixteenth
Century / z / devoiced, eventually becoming / s / 66 and yet, in some places, the
w ord 'aceituna' may be pronounced w ith a [e] . How can we account for this
unexpected development?
65 This is originally an Arabic word, and not a Latin word.
66 Remember that /e/ developed from /ts/ and /dz/.
185
On the dorso of several documents analyzed where the w ord 'aceituna'
appears we also find "Aseytuna", "Dazaituna", or "Aldee dazeitona". This
suggests that the orthographic symbol j [z] was approaching the sound [(J3] in
Mozarabic and was not pronounced as [z]. W hen this w ord entered the Castilian
and other Spanish dialects from Mozarabic it m ust have sounded like [adjeituna].
The affricate [dj] in turn devoiced and became [ts] and eventually became / e / in
Castilian or / s / in other Spanish dialects. The process of devoicing [<£] is not
internal to Mozarabic but rather a process that happened in Spanish.
This hypothesis w ould account for the following data as well:
DECEMBER ^ [dicfeinbir] Lat: DECEMBER
LAND WITHIN A PARISH [<£ama?ia] [aa]
CATHEDRAL OR LARGER CHURCH c-M [ad<£am?a] [aa]
NORTH sjj M [aldjanub] [aa]
As we recall, the [ts] that came from the evolution of Vulgar Latin such as
AR£OBISPO became [+ tense]/s/. This process is internal to Mozarabic.
186
However the [ts] that resulted as a process of devoicing of [dj] is a process
internal to Spanish.
III. Mozarabic Stridency Rule:
The Arabic 'dhaal' [5] and 'zaal' [z] seem to merge in Mozarabic. Consider
the w ord m eaning 'the afore m entioned' jj£u3l [almadkur]. is usually
w ritten as jj* [almazkur] in these documents. This is a w ord that appears in
all of the documents several times. The consistency in the m anner in which this
w ord is w ritten suggests that either there is some form of standardization in the
formation of the documents, or, more likely, the phonemes represented by the
letters 'dhaal' and 'zaal' have merged. I reproduce here examples from three
different documents to show the consistency am ong the documents.
k&J.
In each of the above examples the j 'dhaal' dips below the line as w ould a j
'zaa'. In fact, if one were to reproduce a j 'zaa' in this writing system, it w ould
look exactly the same. If we take the w ord meaning olive, Spanish 'aceituna' and
Arabic 'zeitun' uAu, we can see that the 'zaa' is transcribed exactly as the 'dhaal'.
67 From AHN: secci6n clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo: 3000 # 7
68 From AHN: seccion clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo:3002 #18
69 From AHN: seccion clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo:3034 # 3
187
*5^ ~ V- 70 [alzeitun]
The fact that the Merging of the transcription of the 'dhaal' and the 'zaa'
occurs irrespective of the origin of the w ord (whether Latin or Arabic) suggests
that this phenom enon may not only be transcriptional but also phonological.
However, the processs of stridency seems to be optional.
Rule 6: M ozarabic Stridency (optional)
Although / d / and / z / are distinct phonemes, the auditory distinction
poses difficulty for the Mozarabic speaker. Mozarabic / 5 / becomes [z] at the
end of a w ord or segment.
+cont
+voice ->/[+strident] {C/#}
+cor
or
/a/-> [z ]/ _ {c/#}
IV. Non-velarization of the Yod
70 From AHN: seccidn clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo:3000 # 7
188
In Castilian, Latin / y / in words such as IUSTU 'just' sometimes became
[x] in Spanish.
IUSTU > yusto> xusto spelled 'justo'
IUNIUS> yunio> xunio spelled 'junio'
In other instances / y / was completely lost as in:
IANUS> yenero> enero
In yet other instances such as Yema or Yesso, the initial / y / was preserved
before a stressed vowel.
Mozarabic did not undergo the process of velarization of the yod. All traces of
the Latin / y / remain. Consider:
JUST ..... *jj [yusta] Lat: IUSTA Cast: Justa
JANUARY [yanair] Lat: IANUS
JUNE [yuruo] Lat: IUNIUS
JOHN [yuanis] Lat: IUANUS
JULIAN [yulian] Lat: IULANUS
JULIA [yulia]
In each case, the initial / y / is evident in the Mozarabic w ord, even in
cases w here it was lost in Castilian.
V. Bilabial Stop
In the Arabic alphabet there is no letter which represents the phoneme
/ p / . There is only a letter to represent the phoneme / b / . The result is that the
letter 'baa' is used to represent both words having a / b / and a / p /. For
example:
[bltira] Peter
[bilayo] Proper Name: Pelayo
Despite the appearance of the letter 'b ' in positions where the Latin 'p '
w ould have occurred, one should not assume that the Mozarabs did not
distinguish between / b / and the v oiceless/p/. In fact, w hen one looks at the
dorso of the documents where one can find some words transcribed in Latin
letters, we find that, m ost of the time, the original 'p' is restored. It seems,
therefore, that in Mozarabic the phoneme / p / did exist but the Arabic writing
system prevented it from been clearly represented.
In some cases, we may witness an attem pt to restore the phonological
difference of the sounds / b / and / p / through doubling the / b / using a ta$did
[ ' ]n whenever the phoneme / p / is expected72. This process, however, is by no
71 The Arabic symbol meaning: ‘double this letter’.
72 Frutos, Ignacio Ferrando. 1995. El dialecto andalusi de la marca media: Los documentos mozarahes
toledanos de los siglos X IIy XIII: Area de Estudios Arabes e Islamicos, 4. Zaragoza: Universidad de
Zaragoza. Page 20.
190
means standard since the ta jdid is often om itted even w hen its presence is
obligatory in Standard Arabic.
VI. Fricatives
a. Voiced Velar
In the Arabic alphabet, there is no symbol for the voiced velar stop / g /
found in Romance languages. Hence an alternate grapheme m ust be used to
represent this sound. This grapheme is the 'ghein' £ pronounced [tr]. This
symbol is used consistently in the documentation in places where a 'g ' once
existed in Latin words.
Consider the proper names:
4*00 [rodriiro] Rodrigo
[somis] Gomez
[sarsia] Garcia
In each case, the 'ghein' grapheme corresponding to the sound / k/ is
found in the position where one w ould expect to find / g / .
From this distance it is difficult to argue that Latin / g / became / k /
through a process of spirantization, and velar labialization 73 since we find
73 For a theoretical discussion of the general process of spirantization and velar labialization see:
191
evidence that the 'ghein' that appears in the Arabic portion of the documents is
written as 'g ' in the Latin portions of the documents74. We know this because
w hen Arabic words containing 'ghein' that came through Mozarabic is
incorporated into Spanish we find that this letter is consistently transcribed as
'g'. Consider the following examples: algaribia, algarrada (Dozy, 1869:13). This
may just be a case of scripta, orthographic convention, not representing an actual
phonological rule.
b. Labio-dental/f/
W ords from Latin that include the labio-dental / f / transferred into
Mozarabic w ithout any phonological change. For example:
February jjjjs [febralr] Cast: Febrero
FABA [faba] Cast: haba Lat: faba
Val: faba Vase: baba
FICOX u&ja [fiqS] Cast: higo Fr: figue
Bret: fiez Lat: ficus
Chomsky, Noam; Halle, Morris. 1991 [1968], The Sound Pattern o f English. Cambridge, Massachusetts:
MIT Press. Page 310.
74 As AHN: seccidn clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo: 3001 #13 and AHN: seccidn clero y
secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo: 3002 #10 for example.
192
FLORIN oL>k' [aflorin] Cast: florin It: fiorino
Lat: florenus and florinus
Unlike in Spanish, in Mozarabic, the labio-dental / f / did not become / h / .
As we know in Castilian / f / was maintained before [w] or / r / and became [h]
elsewhere. Therefore, in the Mozarabic example of FABA above, we find that the
Latin / f / was maintained, while in contrast in Castilian the Latin F was dropped
eventually producing [aba].
However, we do see evidence of the labio-dental / i f in unexpected
contexts such as: [oqtufar]75 instead of [oqtubar] for 'october'. This type of error
suggests that the bilabial plosive / b / was in fact becoming more of a spirant like
[PJ. The inclusion of [f] where one w ould expect [b] demonstrates this fact. To
account for this, I propose a rule like the following:
Rule 7: M ozarabic Spirantization:
toledanos de los siglos X IIy XIII: Area de Estudios Arabes e Isl&micos, 4. Zaragoza: Universidad de
Zaragoza. Page 20
193
-syl
->/[+cont] /V_V
-cont
+ant
+voice
Or / b / -> [p]/ V_V
There is further evidence that this phenomenon is w idespread in the
Andalusf Arabic dialect bundle. Take, for example, the Spanish river name
Guadalquivir [gwuadalkibir]. The river name is taken from the Arabic
'al-wadl al-kabir' m eaning 'the large bed or valley'. In Arabic the final letter 'b ' is
pronounced / b / but this transferred into Castilian writing from Mozarabic w ith
the letter V , reflecting that it m ust have been pronounced as a fricative and not a
full stop in Mozarabic. If it had been pronounced as a full stop in Mozarabic, we
w ould now see the Guadalquivir spelled as 'Guadalquibir'.
VII. Velar and Uvular Stops
W ords originating from Latin which contain the sound / k / are written
w ith either the symbol ^ [k] or the symbol i3 [q]. The difference between the two
sounds is only the point of articulation. It seems that [k] and [q] are in free
194
variation in Mozarabic. I propose the following rule to account for this
alternation:
Rule 8: Mozarabic Velar-Uvular Alternation:
-cont
-> /-a high
+back
a high
or:
1) M->[q]
and
[q]-> M
This rule, however, only applies to those words of Latin origin, and not to
those of Arabic origin.
VIII. Palatalization
There is no evidence that the liquid [1] undergoes a process of
palatalization in Mozarabic. Ferrando (1995) reports an alternation between / l /
and / r / . He cites examples such as:
• [afrayilin] alternating w ith [afrayirin] Tos frailes'- meaning the priests
195
• [brarj] alternating w ith [bralj] -m oraleja'- roughly m eaning
neighborhood.
There is also scant evidence for the palatalization of the palato-alveolar
nasal [n] in the early documentation. Take for example the w ord DONNA
or In Latin, this w ord has two -nn-s. In Spanish double -nn-s palatize to
form the phoneme n. In early Castilian manuscripts this phenom enon was
depicted by either w riting 'n n ' or an 'n ' w ith a straight line on top. In Mozarabic,
as has been previously discussed, the suprascript ' ta$did that signals a reader
that a letter is doubled is used inconsistently. Therefore, we cannot hypothesize
w hether or not the Latin -nn- had reduced to -n-, if there was palatalization, or if
the Mozarabs pronounced w ords such as DONNA w ith a 'strong' or
[+ tense]/n/. However, by the thirteenth Century we do see instances when
DONNA is transcribed w ith the ta jdid as in: The inclusion of this symbol
should lead us to understand that it is possible that Mozarabic [n] did palatalize
by the thirteenth Century. I hypothesize that this may have occurred as a
reflection of the increasing influence of the Romance-Castilian language in
Toledo.
196
IX. Conclusion:
The Mozarabic language can be described through a set of systematic rules
such as Spirantization, Consonantal Hardening, Consonantal Harmony,
Flapping, Devoicing, Sibilant Merging, and Sibilant Weakening. The
phonological system of Mozarabic is clearly different than the Classical Arabic or
from the Castilian one and therefore m ust be considered to be a distinct linguistic
system w ith its own set of rules. Finally, the rules discussed here also shed light
on the debate regarding the provenance of Andalusian seseo (the phonological
system in which the sounds / s / and / 0 / are not in complementary distribution
and in which only / s / appears in all positions. Given the facts provided here, it
seems likely that the Mozarabic influence on the language in Southern Spain may
have had an impact on its phonology including the development of seseo.
197
Chapter 7
Conclusion
This dissertation strives to redress some fundam ental assum ptions
regarding the Mozarabs and their language as they relate to both Medieval Iberia
and Romance languages in the Iberian Peninsula through: a revision of the
concept of Mozarabic; a systematic linguistic study of the phonological features
of Mozarabic as found in the documents of Toledo; and a discussion of the
process of Arabization in al-Andalus and its relationship to language in al-
Andalus in general, and medieval Toledo, in particular.
I have shown that the concept of Mozarab has been widely used in the
literature in a very inconsistent manner. In the beginning of the scholarship on
the Mozarabs, the concept was closely associated w ith those Christians who
resisted Muslim influence, in language and tradition. At times, the concept of
Mozarabic was even associated w ith Spain's Visigothic past, fomenting
nationalistic tendencies of Spanish identity. Over time, it came to be understood
that Mozarab does not in fact refer to those Christians who resisted Islamic rule,
but rather those who accepted it. The term Mozarabic, as it refers to language in
particular, has been used to refer to both the Arab-based language of Toledo and
the Romance language found in the Kharjas. This type of scholarship has led to
198
confusion about w ho the Mozarabs were and w hat their contribution to society
and language in al-Andalus really was.
Through an analysis of the original manuscripts of the documents of the
Mozarabs of Toledo, I have revealed that the linguistic and cultural situation of
al-Andalus was m uch more complex than at first believed. To begin with, the
Mozarabs were not a homogeneous group but were constituted from both
Iberian Christians and non-Iberian Christians. The Iberian Christians underw ent
a period of Arabization on the heels of the Arab conquest of 711 AD. This
process of Arabization affected not only the customs, traditions, and living habits
of the native population but also the language.
The language of al-Andalus came about as the result of the process of
mixing due to an extended cultural contact and bilingualism. We can also attest
to a period of language diglossia where the (H) language was Arabic and the (L)
language was Romance or Vulgar Latin. The resulting language that emerged
from the extended contact between the Iberian cultures and the Arab cultures
was Andalusi Arabic. Characteristics of Andalusi Arabic, which was w ritten
w ith the Arabic alphabet, can be deciphered through close analysis of documents
of al-Andalus. Although w ritten in Classical Arabic, traces of colloquial
elements, both lexical and phonological do come through the writing.
As a result of our analysis of the documents of Toledo, we have come to the
conclusion that 'M ozarabic' should be understood as the dialect of Andalusi
199
Arabic in Toledo, and that there are other dialects of Andalusi Arabic throughout
al-Andalus.
The evidence we have about Mozarabic comes mainly from the so-called
Mozarabic Documents which are housed in the Archivo Capitulares y
Catedralicios in Toledo and in the Archivo Historico Nacional in Madrid. The
most im portant and m ost interesting linguistic evidence that can be gleaned from
these documents is that Mozarabic, the lingua franca of the area, is not a
Romance language w ritten in Arabic characters. The evidence in the documents
shows that Mozarabic is Arab-based containing borrowing of lexical items from
Latin.
As contact w ith Romance increases in Toledo, we also find evidence of
some phonological assimilation, as in the case of the palatalization of the / n / . In
addition, this dialect has an internal phonological system that may not only be
generally described but systematic rules can be derived to explain its
phonological development. These phonological rules include: Spirantization,
Consonantal Hardening, Consonantal Harmony, Flapping, Devoicing, Sibilant
Merging, and Sibilant Weakening. The rules for Sibilant Merging and Sibilant
W eakening contribute to the w ider scope of Iberian language as well. It seems
likely that the Mozarabic influence on language in Southern Spain m ay have had
an impact on the development of seseo.
200
In addition, the fact that these documents were produced after the
Reconquest of Toledo goes further to prove not only that Mozarabic was not a
Romance language but also that Arabic was a fully integrated language in al-
Andalus, including in Toledo, until well after the Reconquest of that region. It is
also clear that the incoming Christian authorities were not too concerned about
the language used for internal judicial documents. The documents themselves
attest to the fact that those who entered into contracts understood the language
that was being used. This fact alone proves that Mozarabic was not immediately
replaced by Romance in Toledo but that the transition took a few centuries.
Lastly, while most case studies dealing w ith language contact and
language mixing rely on contemporary data, this study addresses the issues of
language in contact by providing a historical case study. This will be invaluable
to scholars wishing to expand the scope of their studies to areas of historical
linguistics, and especially to issues regarding genetics and language
development.
As a final thought, this dissertation is but an initial step tow ards a
description of the languages and dialects spoken in Al-Andalus and in medieval
Iberia. There is a variety of documentation that needs to be reviewed, using the
comparative model, and setting aside previous assumptions and nationalistic
tendencies which have obscured both the evidence and the analysis of the
201
documents. Doing so will allow dialects to be compared and a m ore thorough
dialectal m ap to be derived.
Among the further studies that may be and should be (in my opinion)
pursued are:
• Comparison of the structure of Mozarabic legal documents of
Toledo w ith those of other areas at the same time. These may
include documents in Zaragoza, Jaca and Huesca, but may also
extend to areas such as Italy and the South of France.
• A thorough discussion of the appearance of the term Mozarabic
and related terms in the documents of Le6 n and other neighboring
areas.
• A comparison of the linguistic characteristics of the documents of
Toledo w ith those of the Kharjas and MuwaSSahs- taking into
account dates of production and areas of origin.
• As Federico Corriente suggested in 1991(1991: 6 ) , a thorough
analysis of the Glosario de Leiden and its formal and informal
Arabic forms and how this information contributes to the larger
dialectal map.
202
Appendix A
List of Names Included in the Documents
AHN: seccion clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo: 3036 # 19
[# 89 in Gonzalez Palencia, # XXVII in Pons Boigues]
Date: November 1168
Cjh -i£X. jlij J c . Q i SjjV (jjJ j jSJl SjiaAJ (j
Ciij Ad*i] A
j^j j j jj (ja
A j.jj J *
1(JldiA
‘"'s 4-uUjSA*o
A^JLXoll^j*^. dlij ÛIAiTi (J■-»j' «
(Jj»Aut (jj j
;j a^ aI j A_ic. ^ d& L ui ^ uaI a J (J^
■^■j tjJ (jjA ij
Aluaro diez testis.
Dominico iulian, testis
203
AHN: seccion clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo: # 3036 # 15
[# 82 in Gonzalez Palencia, XXVI in Pons Boigues]
Date: May 1167
M e rtin .... Testis
AHN: seccion clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo:# 3035 #4
[# 47 in Gonzalez Palencia, # XX in Pons Boigues]
Date: April 1156
4jâ 4Tuti 4xUJ&4pqjI 4_xjl_Jo
Jjjj' J$-“
Ego Martin pbr sancta Marie, testis
Petrus Petri, filius, sancti andree prestibter, tesits
E g o d o m in ic u s p r e s ip te r , te s tis
Ego Petrus, cofirmo.
204
[# 926 in Gonzalez Palencia]
Date: December 1148
(jjliSI jUL
AlkilL
i—
luiLaJl
tjji
( jj t—lu ilaJl jjJ
Oi
Oi
Auil JAC* J* Aii-o.ij
j (jL aL i (jU ll U Ij
205
AHN: seccion clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo: 3034 #12
[# 32 in Gonzalez Palencia, # XV in Pons Boigues]76
Date: January 1146
U^j'
2\L.:\L
(jJJ Jl jill
1—
ju^yLc. (jj
j j j x l l JUC- ( j j (jjiAi
tjj (jiiljj
(J'-" (jj JXul
Ego gonzalbo presbiter testis.
[# 969 in Gonzalez Palencia, # XIII in Pons Boigues]
Date: December 1143
^LaJ jjLc^)J tlijj J
76 Published in Escrituras mozarabes toledanas, pages 43 & 253, by Francisco Pons Boigues.
206
(jj Aii-oJj
jUL-a (jJ -i^C.j
loan Petris, tstis,
Iolian, presbyter testis
Dona dnica auxor iben lam pader cofirma
Oilalia petriz cofirma.
AHN: seccidn clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo: 3001 # 13
Date: October 1160
dûUa AjjXftj ^9 Al
U J^ ^ J
ij-axjC-
J lW lW U > * 1 “
jjj (jliuil
L>y (3^°J j
lS^?J
207
Jjp* L>* <ltf C5^ lH <3^ J
At the foot of the page:
Hec este emezin de vinea dalende del ri
Talvuera filia
AHN: seccion clero y secular, Toledo, Catedral: legajo: 3002 #1
[# 78 in Gonzalez Palencia]77
Date: January 1166
( jj \ 'r- d u j 4 _ jj j s A lL a J A li« a
d Oi Oi 6
L>f Jjlfrjj
Oi
77 This document is very poorly preserved and is illegible in some places. There are also small
rips and some stains in the page which make it impossible to decipher some of the words. There
are more signers to this document but I was unable to read the names.
208
Date: July 1170
Front of page:
Donacion de dona Cecilia abderrajm an a favor del monsateria de S.
Clemente
Particion et iuditios cadimos entre herederos de Micael Midez.
Back of page:
Uja.1 tjjjA ij' J* ”.'1" Cluj Aj j J
Jbu 1flVll <CalJ AjjJ
jjaA
I**1*nl
2 j i * (jj U - j 'j j J j
Ego Don. ...Clement- abbatista cofirmo.
Martin eccte (ecclesie) fei romani p r e s b i t e r , te s tis
Pettrus ecclesie Sancti uiceci, presbiter, testis
209
Laure cuis diaconus confirmo
Petru micael testis
Ego Leocadia, cofirmo, Ego Eulalia, cofirmo
Ego Marta, cofirmo,
Ego Eugenia, cofirmo
Ego Sol, cofirmo
Ego Sarra, cofirmo
Date: November 1174
On the front of the page:
Carta de compra de huerta para el monsaterio
Carta del Ajunayna
On the back of the page:
J la A A ijJ A lllail <uJajV I
4 t> “ J f i j l ' L)i UJ"5
i \\.»i cLiiuj
210
A iiillla 4jjA<a qa
J j a . j C m l^ c . ( jj j j*L S
Nicouas eccle, sc luicecii sudbiaconus, testis
Stefano couo, testis
Dnis m arti couo, testis
Paris Petri, confirmo.
Et ego dnicus prebiter, supre nominatus, cofirmo,
Ego Petrus eccle, sancta Mcecii supra dictus presbiter, cofirmo.
Appendix B
Concerning Slavery in Toledo
1. Introduction
The information that can be found in the Mozarabic documents of Toledo
is not limited to linguistic data. As m entioned before, these documents have
been mainly looked at for their value in establishing rights, and the distribution
of parcels of land. However, there is information that goes beyond land,
inheritance rights, and language, for example: slavery.
Document legajo: 3036 # 6 from the Archivo Historico Nacional legajos of
the "clero," also cited as XXII by Francisco Pons Boigues, and 785 by Gonzalez
Palencia concerns the m anumission of a slave wom an called Maria Julianes by
Don Rom&n ben Salma due to her conversion to Christianity. The document
serves as proof that Maria Julianes has been set free. She is to show this
document to any person who wishes to enslave her. The document specifically
states that she may not be enslaved again.
212
II. The document
It is worthwhile to discuss some of graphemic and lexical choices in this
document.
I provide here a short excerpt from the document as an example of w hat a
Mozarabic document may look like:
ALa^J tga-s.ll j A j A qa (jiijlJj Alxuaual! Alju-iVLa A-oiui (jJ ^jLaj (jjA (jltl
j V j 4-?^. l$La M j l i . (3jj j jjll j j ^
liA ^Laxll o_J3C.J aill lilll (_j-° ' inn V j Aa.IaaLjxIuiI ^3 l ^l\h V j
A j^ tj La_y> J ^Jfr A jJ j JC. jl 1 g > \h j l j l j j * tg m il Aj ^SIJj jjjS jl lAJjJ L-lUSll
j AjlLloj eXliLAi A ia A i^piaSI A*J ( S i I p t^ LaAxJ tg_}3 aJS V A^jaj-o
(_5jL-ojlt A1 mj ( j l c - j A la 1 1 ^ (Jg ~sj t j l a l . ^ g ILa
Translation:
Don Roman ben Salma manum issioned from servitude Maria Iulianus and
restored her freedom and caused her to join the Christians (like them and upon
them) [so that she will join the free Christians ordinary people so that she had
their rights and duties] and cut her off from the rope of slavery and slavery
(servitude and slavery) and there is nothing left upon the noble nature of the
people of God (Allah) before her to dispute and claim or request to enslave her
213
for any reason. He did all this for the sake of rew ard from the mighty God and
to ask for his revealing forgiveness. He gave her this book [document] in her
hand so that she may defend herself from whoever may w ant to enslave her
again. And he put this in absolute term s by stating it three times w ithout the
possibility of w ithdraw ing from his decision. And he granted her this afor-
mentioned freedom after he fully understood the meaning of it and he is not
ignorant of anything. And he did all this under the law of the Christians.
III. Discussion
The docum ent is dated in the year 1201 in the m onth of June. Gonzalez
Palencia 78 re-dates the document to June of 1163. This difference is due to a 38
year difference in dates in the m iddle ages w ith dates now.
This purpose of this docum ent was both to set Maria Iulianes free from
servitude and to provide proof of this freedom whenever it was requested by a
person of authority.
The scribe of the document is not a Christian. He refers to the Christians
as Them' or 'th ey ' and not the self-inclusive 'us'. This could suggest that there
was still a strong Muslim population in Toledo well after 1085 (the date of the
78 Gonzalez Palencia, Angel. 1928. Los mozdrabes de Toledo en los siglos XII y XIII.vol. III. Madrid:
Instituto de Valencia de D. Juan.
214
city's Reconquest). In addition, a person of Muslim origin may have even felt
comfortable openly identifying him /herself w ith that community.
Like all of the documents of Toledo, the language of the documents is
Classical Arabic w ith instances of the colloquial language. This evidence can be
seen both in some of the orthographic choices as well as some of the vocabulary
choices.
The choice of the verbs to express that Maria has been set free is also
interesting. For example: the first verb referring to Maria's m anumission is
[?ataq] from the Arabic root [<j & meaning to m anum it or set free. We also
find the verb ^ [qata?a] from the Arabic root [£ j] m eaning to cut off. It is
not that the choice of these verbs is incorrect just that they are unusual.
Standard Arabic expressions are reduced to shorter form as in, For example, the
expression ^ [battatan] m eaning 'decidedly', 'definitely', 'absolutely'. The
extended form of this expression is: [bitan bitatan].
Unlike Gonzalez Palencia's (1926: 57, vol III) translation of the same
document where he states that Maria Iulianes converted to Christianity and was
set free due to her baptism, my own translation of this document does not
indicate that Maria was set free due to baptism. Gonzalez Palencia's translation
reads:
215
"Carta de emancipacion otorgada por don Rom&n ben Selma
a favor de la convertida al cristianismo, llamada Maria
Julianes, a quien saca de la esclavitud por el bautism o..."
The document clearly states that she was free to join the free Christians,
but the implication is not that she was not already a Christian, nor is there any
mention of baptism. In fact, the reason or motivation for the emancipation of this
wom an is not overtly stated.
This docum ent is also interesting because it is an example of the mergers
of two different cultures. Don Roman ben Selma repeats his m anumission of
Maria three times. The repetition of decisions (such as divorce or emancipation
from slavery) three times is a legally binding act under Islamic law. However,
this document clearly states that it was w ritten under Christian law. We have
here an example of how Muslim traditions have entered mainstream use in the
society of Toledo; further proof that the process of Arabization in Toledo w as not
a superficial one but rather fundamental.
IV. Slavery in Toledo
In Toledo, there is evidence that the slave business was not isolated to
particular instances, as the appearance of just two documents in the repertoire of
the Mozarabic documents w ould suggest. It seems, rather, that is was a thriving
business. As in the rest of the Iberian Peninsula, peoples of all religious
216
affiliations participated in the slave trade. According to Roth (1994), there was a
famous "auctioneer, or broker, of slaves (dallal al-asara; "agent of captives"), a
Jew, Abu Umar b. Isra'il (1286) (Roth, 1994:159). Roth goes on to claim that:
"Am ong the im portant Mozarabic (Arabic) documents which
shed light on slavery is a document of manumission, whereby a
Christian wom an freed her Muslim slave so she could m arry a
Muslim freeman. The price (280 mithqal at the rate of 15 silver
dinar to a gold mithqal) was guaranteed by contributions from
various Christians, Muslims and Jews!" (Brockopp, 2000)
As m entioned before, the document I handle does not explicitly say why
the wom an is freed. However, Roth's statement that the Christian m aster freed
his slave so that she could m arry a free Muslim indicates that there is a high level
of integration between religious groups. Cross-cultural marriages like these are
of the type that w ould have contributed to sustained language mixing in al-
Andalus. The native language of both parents is likely to be used in the home.
Therefore, both a Romance language (given that Toledo was reconquered at this
point and there m ust have been an im portant N orth Christian population), and
Mozarabic w ould have co-existed, just as Arabic and Vulgar Latin or early
Romance had co-existed post the Conquest of 711.
In addition, although m uch is known about military slaves and female
poets in this society, "very little is know n about the common household slave"
217
(Brockopp, 2000). The reason for the lack of information about household slaves
is due to the lack of historical legal sources that discuss this issue. They were not
im portant enough on the political spectrum to require w ritten laws. This is
probably because the tradition was established enough to preclude the necessity
of a w ritten law.
We know that in Islamic Law, masters are encouraged to free slaves who
genuinely convert to Islam.
Since we know that the Mozarabs of Toledo are Arabized in m any ways, it
may be that they have adopted this system and applied to Christian laws, it may
also point tow ards a belief that freeing of a Christian slave may allow one to gain
points w ithin the Church and in the eyes of God, or that the Christian Church
did not allow for Christian slaves. If the Church did not allow for Christian
slaves, then one w ould expect to find more documents related to the
emancipation of Christian slaves.
The document commented upon here confirms that it is possible for a
slave to become free in Toledo.
V Conclusion
This documents deals w ith the m anumission of a slave wom an owned by
a Christian man. The document is particularly interesting since it reveals and
confirms several facts about life in the Iberian Peninsula. We know that there
218
were slaves in Toledo and that the document produced to confirm m anumission
of slaves had legal weight, even if it was written in Arabic. This further implies
that Mozarabic was still a thriving language in Toledo well after the Reconquest
and the supposed substitution of Mozarabic w ith Romance. Finally, not all of the
Mozarabic documents of Toledo were produced by Christians. In this case, it is
very likely that the author was in fact a Muslim. This fact suggests that the
Muslim population was still thriving in Toledo and confirms my argum ent that
the Mozarabic language was not used by a reduced Christian community in
Toledo, but rather, it was the lingua franca of the city and w ould have been
spoken by all peoples in the community, irrespective of religion.
219
Appendix C
Arabic Sources for Historical and Linguistic Investigation
We can also look at Arabic sources for direct and indirect evidence of the
language of al-Andalus. Among the documentary evidence that we have at our
disposition for the study of the Andalusian dialect we find: treaties regarding
errors in pronunciation, popular poetry, technical and documental works, the
texts of the aljamiado, the Latin-Arabic glossaries, non-literary texts such as
letters w ritten in dialect, rather than in Classical or Standard Arabic, and
toponymic information ((Diaz Garcia, 1994:47-48))
The w ork of al-Qali called al-Amali or Dictations are a prim ary source for
language in al-Andalus ((Heath, 2000:109)) In so far as gram m ars are concerned,
Ibn al-Qutiyya "wrote the first treatise on verb conjugation, and al-Zubaydi, a
student of al-Qali, authored a biographical dictionary on grammarians" ((Heath,
2000:113))
The kutub fi lahn al cdmmah (books about the pronunciation of the people) are
also an invaluable source ((Lopez-Morillas, 2000: 38) However, these m ust be
managed carefully as at times the authors m ight have w anted to present an
idealized view of the Arabic language in al-Andalus rather than acknowledge
dialect variations which may have been perceived as 'incorrect' or non-prestige
items.
220
Ibn cAsim, from Granada, produced a collection of proverbs in the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries (Marugan, 1194: 157). This is im portant
because Granada was very isolated in those centuries and these collections
probably reflect the language of the region more accurately than they w ould
have done had they been influenced by outside tendencies. The population was
virtually monolingual.
cAdb Allah, the last Zirid king of Granada (1073-90) w rote his memoirs
while in exile in Morocco. Ibn Sahib w rote an account of the conquests between
the years of 1159-1184 AD. Al-Marrakushi, who had previously lived in the
Iberian Peninsula, wrote the history of the Almohads while residing in Baghdad.
Al-Himyari wrote a description of all the cities and towns in Islamic Spain,
including historical data, in alphabetical order. Ibn 'Abi Zar' wrote a late
thirteenth-early fourteenth century account of the Almoravids and the
Almohads. Ibn Tdhari wrote a history in 1036. Ibn Khaldun wrote a history of
the Berbers in the late fourteenth century which includes references to the Iberian
Peninsula. Al-Maqqari of the seventeenth also has a historical collection that
includes earlier writers (O'Callaghan, 2003: xiii).
Secondary sources available for the study of these texts are the thesis by A. Diaz
G a r c f a , ( G r a n a d a 1 9 7 3 ) , a n d t h e w o r k b y J. P e r e z L & z a ro (1 9 9 0 ) w h e r e h e s t u d i e s
Madjal de Ibn Hisam (Forneas Besteiro, 1994: 90).
221
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Archival Material:
From: the Archivo Historico Nacional, Madrid:
Section: Clero secular y regular, Toledo, Catedral
Legajo: 3000
Folio: # 2; # 5; # 7; # 9; # 15
Legajo: 30001
Folio: # 7; # 10; # 11; # 13
Legajo 3002
Folio: # 1; # 2; # 5; # 10; # 11; # 18
Legajo 3033
Folio: # 11
Legajo 3034
Folio: # 3; # 4; # 5; # 8 ; # 10; # 11; # 12; # 16; # 19
Legajo 3035
Folio: # 1; # 4; # 15
Legajo 3036
Folio # 6 ; # 15; # 19
Capeta 3037
Folio # 3
222
Legajo 3038
Folio # 2; # 11
Legajo 3039
Folio # 8
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

Mozarabic: Culture Contact, Language and Diglossia

A dissertation subm itted in partial satisfaction of the

requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy

in Hispanic Languages and Literatures

Yasmine Consuelo Beale-Rosano-Rivaya

ProQuest Information and Learning Company

Yasmine Consuelo Beale-Rosano-Rivaya

A. Carlos Quicoli, Committee Chair

University of California, Los Angeles

The Arabic alphabet and its Phonetic Equivalencies

aa or ar. and.: arabe andalusf

GL: Glosario de Leiden

AHN: Archivo Historico Nacional, M adrid

Phonetic Free standing Word initial Word Word final

sym bol Arabic letter internal

d d* jJb jJa lP3

dissertation possible. In particular I would like to thank the members of my doctoral

Edward Tuttle, and A. Carlos Quicoli. I am especially grateful to Professor Cooperson

Manuela Marin, and Federico Corriente.

I would like to show gratitude to my friends and colleagues Ahmed Alwisha,

transcription of the manuscripts. I would like to express my appreciation in a special way

following institutions for granting me access to their archives: Archivo Historico

Nacional and Biblioteca Nacional in Madrid, and the Archivos Capitulares y

this dissertation without this access.

October 20,1977 Born, London, England

1999 B. A., Spanish Linguistics

1999-2000 G raduate Student Representative

2000-2001 G raduate Student Association

1999-2005 Teaching Assistant,

2001-2003 Teaching Assistant Representative

2003 C. Phil, Hispanic Linguistics

Pre-Dissertation Travel Fellowship

2003-2004 Graduate Student Representative

2004-2006 Research Assistant,

2005 Dissertation Travel Fellowship

2003-2005 Assistant Editor

PUBLICATIONS AND PRESENTATIONS

-- (2003). Old Worlds. Book Review. Comitatus. Vol 32.

-- (2004). "The Definition of the Term Mozarab." Paper presented at the

conference: "Transformations: Re-imagining Identity": UCLA Spanish and

Portuguese Graduate Student Conference Los Angeles, California.

-- (2005). "The Linguistic Features of Mozarabic as a Result of Language Mixing and

Contact." Paper presented at: UCLA Motus Sodalis Lecture Series.

UCLA Campus-wide Teaching Assistant Training Seminar.

Mozarabic: Culture Contact, Language and Diglossia

Yasmine Consuelo Beale-Rosano-Rivaya

Doctor of Philosophy in Hispanic Languages and Literatures

University of California, Los Angeles, 2006

Professor A. Carlos Quicoli, Chair

This dissertation elucidates the language of the community of medieval

Toledo, traditionally known as Mozarabic, taking into account both the

sociolinguistic factors that contributed to language formation, and the

phonological development of the language in comparative perspective w ith

other contemporary languages of Medieval Iberia.

Christians, Arabs, and Berbers) to successfully communicate and coexist on a

resulted from a period of bilingualism followed by a period of monolingualism

even though Mozarabic was influenced by Romance it owed more to non-Indo-

European languages, particularly to Arabic, than previous scholarship has

Mozarabic; 2) a systematic linguistic study of the phonological features of

Mozarabic; 3) that these features be analyzed in the sociolinguistic and historical

The historical circumstances under which the Mozarabic language

particularly worthwhile. This thesis contributes to our knowledge of the