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To cite this article: Allison M. Borden (2011) Relationships between Paraguayan principals’
characteristics, teachers’ perceptions of instructional leadership and school outcomes,
International Journal of Leadership in Education: Theory and Practice, 14:2, 203-227
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INT. J. LEADERSHIP IN EDUCATION,
APRIL–JUNE 2011, VOL. 14, NO. 2, 203–227
The purpose of this research was to test an indirect-effects model of the relation between the
Paraguayan principals’ characteristics and their instructional leadership activities (as
perceived by teachers) and school outcomes. Complete data were obtained from 256 of 300
schools in a random sample. Data were collected at the school level through self-adminis-
tered questionnaires. The Paraguayan Ministry of Education’s Department of Planning,
Information and Statistics provided data on enrolment, repetition and dropouts. Structural
equation modelling was used to test the hypothesized relations. The study finds that when
comparing two similar schools: (1) better prepared, more experienced principals are viewed
more favourably by teachers; (2) student achievement is higher at schools where principals
are available to take part in efforts to improve instruction, than at schools where principals
are not available, due to teaching responsibilities; and (3) higher levels of student achieve-
ment at schools where principals are available to improve instruction are associated with
lower student grade repetition rates. The findings’ implications are considered in relation to
policies to relieve principals of some or all of their teaching responsibilities and to prepare
them for and support them in instructional leadership roles.
The challenges to education systems across Latin America are significant and
have been well-documented (Navarro et al. 1999, Moura 2000, Reimers
2000, Carnoy 2002, OREALC/UNESCO 2004, UNESCO and ECLAC
2005, Schiefelbein and McGinn 2008). The number of primary school
students repeating grades remains high. Access to secondary education is still
limited or non-existent for many underserved groups. Generally, teachers are
poorly prepared, lack content-area knowledge and are underpaid. Principals
rarely have formal training beyond that of teachers. Student achievement, as
measured by national and international standards, is low. The school day and
the academic year may be shorter than those of more industrialized nations.
Young adults enter the workforce with fewer years of education than their
peers in other regions.
Education reforms designed to meet these challenges are as diverse as
the countries that are implementing them, yet they all have one important
element in common. To varying degrees, they are intended to decentralize
The year 1990 marked a turning point for the people of Paraguay, as the
country shifted from a nearly 40-year dictatorship towards democracy. The
transition forced the country to face two fundamental challenges: the consol-
idation of the newly created democratic institutions and the need to become
economically competitive (Reimers 1993). The dictatorship years had left
Paraguay unprepared to meet its new-found democratic, economic and
educational goals. In the early 1990s, compared to the other South Ameri-
can nations, Paraguay spent the smallest portion of its gross domestic prod-
uct on education (Reimers 1993: 148). Of the children who began first grade
in 1993, only 55% completed sixth grade six years later. In 1998, only 46%
of the school-aged population between 13 and 18 was enrolled in school. At
the close of the 1990s, nearly one quarter (24%) of primary teachers was still
unlicensed to teach (Dirección de Planificación 1999).
Paraguay, like many other countries in Latin America, is focusing its
education reform efforts on change at the school level, a focus that demands
a much clearer understanding of the principal’s role. It seems logical that this
type of reform, which is usually intended to increase student achievement,
cannot be implemented without the principal’s involvement (Chapman and
Burchfield 1993). And, while education reform in many countries often
includes decentralization of decision-making to the principal and the
community, such reforms are more likely to succeed if we better understand
what principals do (Chapman and Burchfield 1993).
PARAGUAYAN RELATIONSHIPS 205
Antecedent constructs
Figure 1. Hypothesized relationships among antecedent constructs, principal’s activities ‘outside’ and ‘inside’ in the classroom constructs, and school outcome constructs
I hypothesize that there are four antecedent, latent constructs that may
have an influence on a Paraguayan primary school principal’s instructional
leadership activities (i.e. roles ‘outside’ and ‘inside’ the classroom) and/or
the school’s instrumental activities: school socio-economic status (SES), the
principal’s teaching responsibilities, principal quality and the principal’s
gender.
It seems reasonable to examine personal factors (formal education,
teaching and administrative experience and gender) and organizational
factors (school type, size, location, SES, parental involvement) as potential
influences on the principal’s leadership. In a study of Bolman and Deal’s
four approaches to leadership, Bista and Glasman (1998: 130) found a
number of variables that influence the principal’s leadership approach. The
principal’s previous teaching experience, site experience as a principal,
school size, school SES and school location all have an impact on the
principal’s approach to leadership; suggesting that ‘different organizational
variables affect the behaviour of the principal differently’. Hernández et al.
(2000) found a positive effect between the length of time the principal has
held the position and the strength of the principal’s leadership.
PARAGUAYAN RELATIONSHIPS 207
In most public schools in the USA, for example, the principal does not teach.
Rather, the principal interacts with teachers, coordinates their activities and
influences the conditions in which students learn and teachers teach. As a
result, many researchers now agree that the principal has an indirect, but
important, impact on school climate and student and school outcomes
(Hallinger et al. 1990, Teddlie and Stringfield 1993, Hallinger and Heck
1996, Uline et al. 1998, Cotton 2003, Waters et al. 2003, Witzier et al. 2003,
Barnett and McCormick 2004, Somech 2005).
The contexts in which principals function differ from country to country;
for example, the presence (or absence) of required qualifications and selec-
tion processes for the job, the degree to which the educational system is
decentralized and how their work is evaluated (or not). Nevertheless, the
principal holds a formal position in a collective endeavour and, as such,
accepts myriad stated and unstated responsibilities, together with the oppor-
tunity to exert obvious and not so obvious influence on others. Consequently,
the principal is generally recognized as a key actor in school success (Harber
and Dadey 1993, Hallinger and Leithwood 1994, Peterson and Deal 1998,
Sallán 1998a, Morriss et al. 1999, Smylie and Hart 1999, Cotton 2003,
Leithwood et al. 2004, Uribe 2005).
Research has found that principals influence student achievement
through mediating variables such as school mission, teacher expectations
and behaviours, school culture and instructional organization (Leitner 1994,
Hallinger and Heck 1996, Morriss et al. 1999, Leithwood and Levin 2005).
Leithwood and Jantzi (1999) determined that leadership at the building
level, including both the principals’ leadership and the teachers’ leadership,
seems most likely to influence four school conditions: purposes and goals;
school structure and social networks; people; and, organizational culture.
208 A. M. BORDEN
leader. In the first, the principal and teachers function under the assump-
tions of the professional teacher model, where the teacher is the expert inside
the classroom and the principal is the manager outside the classroom. In the
second, the principal is the ‘principal teacher’ and assumes an active role
‘inside’ the classroom in schools where teachers and principals learn and
work together to improve the learning and teaching process (Barth 1980,
2001, Jamentz 1998, Elmore 2000). Jamentz (1998: 8) clarifies it thus:
‘principals who define themselves as instructional leaders do not abandon
management or disciplinary responsibilities, but consider how their actions
in those areas can best contribute to student learning.’
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Method
Sample
study that yielded sufficient data for analysis from 75% of the schools,
I selected a national sample of 300 schools (Borden 1999). With this sample
size and a response rate similar to that of the pilot study, I would have data
from 225 schools, thereby yielding sufficient cases for LISREL analysis
(Bentler and Chou 1987, Tanaka 1987). I used proportional allocation to
ensure that the strata reflected the target population and to avoid using
sampling weights (Light et al. 1990: 61–62).
In August of 2000, all 300 schools received a data collection packet that
consisted of Spanish language, self-administered questionnaires to be
completed by the principal, all the teachers at the school and the president of
the parents association (Asociación de Cooperación Escolar, ACE).
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Principals, teachers and parents were asked to provide factual data, but only
teachers, who also completed the School Principals’ Leadership Activities
Questionnaire (CALDES in Spanish), provided subjective data (Fowler
1995).
Across the 300 schools, I received 1317 of 1644 teachers’ questionnaires
(80%), 265 of 300 principals’ questionnaires (88%) and 265 of the ACE
questionnaires (88%). I received data from 277 of the 300 (92%) schools in
the sample; however, I did not receive complete data from these 277 schools.
In some cases, a number of teacher questionnaires were not returned. In
other cases, questionnaires for the principal, the ACE president or both were
not returned. As a consequence, 12 of the 277 schools (4%) were eliminated
from the analysis because they did not have complete data from one or more
of the categories of participants.
Although complete data were available from principals, teachers and
presidents of ACEs for 265 schools, nine schools were not included in the
final sample tested because the teachers’ questionnaires were missing more
than 90% of the responses on the CALDES. This is the same standard I
used to eliminate teachers’ questionnaires from analysis for the pilot study.
Data on the analytic sample of schools are presented in Table 1.
The ‘quality’ of the principal varies from school to school. On average,
principals are licensed to be teachers (2.88 on a scale from one to six, where
one is a high school diploma, two is a licensed primary school teacher at the
basic skills level and six is a master’s degree). Principals range from having
completed only a high school education (one on the scale) to holding a
master’s degree (six). At the same time, 180 of the 256 principals do not
have any training in school administration.
The average principal has nearly seven years of teaching experience and
just slightly more than that in administrative experience. There is a fair
amount of variation in teaching experience (std = 5.68), from principals with
no teaching experience at all to those who are very experienced, with 24
years of service. Similar variation can be seen in the principal’s experience as
school administrators (mean = 7.37 years).
There are more female than male principals in this sample of 256 prin-
cipals (55% vs. 45%), and principals are more likely to have teaching
responsibilities than not (56% vs. 44%). Of the 144 principals who have
teaching duties, 53 (37%) teach one grade level, 62 (43%) teach two grade
levels, 23 (16%) teach three grade levels and the remaining six principals
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teach four to six grade levels (4%). Principals, who teach more than one
grade level may either have one grade in each shift or they may be teaching
in multi-grade classrooms in either the morning or afternoon shift or both.
Nearly three quarters of the teachers in this study are female (814 of the
1163 teachers who reported their gender) and some 65% of the teachers,
regardless of gender, live in the community in which they teach (777 of the
1199 who reported this information). Teachers are three times more likely
to teach both shifts rather than just one shift (883 of the 1171 who reported
this information). Approximately 16% of the teachers are between the ages
of 19 and 24, 40% are between the ages of 25 and 30 and another 32% are
between the ages of 31 and 39, making 88% of the teachers between the ages
of 19 and 39. Categories rather than actual age were used to provide
anonymity for teachers in smaller schools; 1164 teachers reported their age.
The quality of teachers, as was the case with principals, varies from
school to school. On average, teachers at any given school are licensed to do
their jobs (2.34 on a scale from one to six, where one is a high school
diploma, two is a licensed primary school teacher at the basic skills level and
six a master’s degree). I assigned each teacher a combination of points for
in-service training based on their responses and then each teacher’s points
were averaged together to obtain the school average. I developed the points
system with the assistance of Paraguayan colleagues in the Ministerio de
Educación y Culto, who are familiar with the in-service training offered: one
point for completing basic primary school teacher training; two points for
each in-service workshop or course and four points each for obtaining a
certificate as an education specialist, a master’s degree and/or training as a
school administrator. Based on this points system, on average, teachers at
these schools receive relatively little in-service training (mean = 4.15).
However, given the standard deviation of 2.34 and the maximum value of
13.0, I concluded that there is a fair amount of variation in the amount of
in-service training received by teachers at the schools in this sample.
Based on the responses on the ACE questionnaire, I determined that
parent associations in Paraguayan public primary schools have an average of
15 board members, including a president, a vice-president, a recording
secretary, a corresponding secretary, a treasurer and numerous members-at-
large. The president of the association at each school reported the estimated
attendance at general assemblies. On average, approximately 50% of the
families are represented at these assemblies, but there is a fair amount of
variation in attendance.
212 A. M. BORDEN
Measures
The observed variables I created for each of the underlying constructs shown
in Figure 1 came from three sources: (1) the questionnaires completed by
the principals that asked for the principal’s demographic and background
information as well as detailed information about the school, (2) the ques-
tionnaires completed by the teachers that asked for their demographic and
background information as well as their perceptions of the principals’
instructional leadership activities (the CALDES), and (3) statistics provided
by the Paraguayan Ministry of Education.
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The greatest challenge to doing research on the principal’s impact is the lack
of agreement on what to measure and how to measure it. One useful
approach for addressing the difficulty of defining and measuring instruc-
tional leadership is to ask teachers about their perceptions of principals’
activities which directly affect the teaching and learning process (Watson
1985, Valentine and Bowman 1988, Bamburg 1990, Heck et al. 1990, Silins
1994, Leithwood and Jantzi 1999). This should not be surprising, since
teachers experience firsthand the impact of the principal’s behaviours and
‘work more closely with principals than any other professional group’
(Valentine and Bowman 1988: 6).
I developed the ‘Cuestionairo sobre las Actividades de Liderazgo de
Directores/as de Escuelas’ (CALDES) because I was unsuccessful in
locating any questionnaires used in countries considered ‘developing’ to
survey teachers about principals’ activities (Borden 1999). The CALDES
is a self-administered, Spanish-language instrument with 86 items asking
about teachers’ perceptions of primary school principals’ activities and
includes a section to collect demographic and other information about the
teachers. The items ask teachers if principals exhibit behaviours found to
be associated with school effectiveness and positive school outcomes. Such
behaviours include helping teachers improve their performance, recogniz-
ing a job well done, sharing expectations with teachers and enforcing
school rules (Ballou and Podgursky 1995: 245). The principal’s educa-
tional leadership activities, such as frequent evaluation and supervision of
teachers, establishing and enforcing clear educational policies and
encouragement of formal/informal discussion of instruction, have also
been shown to have positive effects on school outcomes (Heck et al. 1990,
Creemers and Scheerens 1994, Hallinger and Heck 1996, Hallinger et al.
1996). Goldring and Pasternack (1994: 250–251) found that effective
schools or less effective schools could be differentiated by whether or not
principals determine the school’s vision and develop clear goals for
organizational activities.
Using the concepts of ‘outside’ and ‘inside’ the classroom, I selected
subsets of items from the CALDES to create three observed variables for
two of the constructs in Figure 1: ‘outside the classroom’ (EXPECT and
SUPPORT) and ‘inside the classroom’ (TCHLN). A brief description of
PARAGUAYAN RELATIONSHIPS 213
each variable should make the distinction between ‘outside’ and ‘inside’ the
classroom clearer.
The EXPECT variable is a sub-score from 13 items that include whether
or not the principal (1) demonstrates a commitment to academic objectives,
(2) considers all students capable of learning, (3) has high expectations of
teachers, (4) has a long-term vision for the school, and (5) maintains high
standards of student behaviour.
The SUPPORT variable is a sub-score from 18 items such as whether or
not the principal (1) consults with others, (2) makes teachers proud to be a
part of the school, (3) recognizes the school’s problems, (4) creates an
orderly and disciplined environment, and (5) enjoys working with students.
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The school, the primary context in which principals act, has been found to
have an impact on how they act (Hallinger et al. 1996). Public schools in
Paraguay vary in the quality of their physical plant, the quantity and quality
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In the USA, when teachers rate the performance of principals, the prin-
cipal’s gender may or may not have an effect on how the principal is rated.
Ballou and Podursky (1995: 249–250) found that ‘male principals generally
receive lower evaluations than female principals’ and that ‘female teachers
consider male principals as significantly less helpful than female principals’.
In contrast, in a study to ‘determine the relationship between teacher
perceptions of the principal as an instructional leader’ and a number of
school characteristics, including student achievement, Andrews (1989: 217)
found that gender was not a statistically significant predictor of the teachers’
perceptions of the principal.
Some 70% of the teachers and 55% of the principals who completed the
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questionnaires for this study are female. Because I am not aware of any
research on the influence of principal’s gender in Latin American countries,
I included this construct in the model. It has only one observed measure, a
dichotomous variable (PSEX), where 1 the principal is female and 0 the prin-
cipal is male. Principals reported this information on their questionnaires.
Uline et al. (1998: 466) describe instrumental activities as ‘academic
achievement, resource acquisition and the teaching/learning function’.
Many researchers rely on standardized achievement test scores as the
measures of instrumental activities, particularly for academic achievement
and the teaching/learning functions. At the time of this study, standardized
achievement testing was in the pilot stage in Paraguay; therefore, I elected
to utilize students’ final grades for mathematics. Two observed measures
(M5 and M6) index the instrumental activities construct. The first variable,
M5, is the average of fifth-grade students’ year-end grades in mathematics.
Similarly, M6 is the average of sixth-grade students’ year-end grades in
mathematics. Principals calculated the overall average in mathematics for
fifth and sixth grades at their schools and reported this information on their
questionnaires.
Schiefelbein and Wolff (1993: 24) report that repetition of one or more
grades by students in Latin American public primary schools tells us
‘conclusively that something is wrong with the education system’. It appears
to be of little or no benefit to students in these schools; represents an enor-
mous drain on resources; and is an important measure of how efficient
schools are at moving a cohort of children from Grade 1 through Grade 6.
High repetition rates are especially problematic for children in marginal,
urban areas and the more remote rural regions often leading to increased
academic failure and eventual dropout.
Repetition rates at the school level should serve as a kind of warning
system that triggers closer investigation of the education process at a partic-
ular school. The school effectiveness literature (Sammons 1999: 209) points
to the benefits from active principal participation in monitoring student
achievement, school improvement programmes and the climate for learning
and teaching. While there are many reasons why students repeat one or more
grades and/or drop out of school (McGinn and Borden 1995: 128–132),
repetition is the largest single efficiency problem in Latin American schools.
It seems especially urgent that a public, primary school principal who faces
high repetition rates must determine the reasons for this problem and take
steps to address it.
216 A. M. BORDEN
Three observed measures index the school efficiency construct: the repe-
tition rates for fourth, fifth and sixth grades (GRADE4R, GRADE5R and
GRADE6R). The Ministerio de Educación y Culto provided the number
of students repeating by grade level and shift for each school in the sample.
I calculated the repetition rate for each grade for each school.
The LISREL output provides parameter estimates for the paths between
the observed measures and the latent variables they index. We examine the
completely standardized solution in the output because this allows us to
compare observed measures of the same construct that have been measured
using different metrics. For example, the school SES construct is indexed by
three observed measures (EQUIP, SCHINFRA and LIB), each one
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EQUIP 0.4168*** — — —
SCHINFRA 0.2942*** — — —
LIB 0.4058*** — — —
PRINTCH — 1.0000 — —
PEDUCLV — — 0.3278** —
PYRSTCH — — 0.4327*** —
YRSPRIN — — 0.2388** —
PSEX — — — 1.0000
SUPPORT 0.9556*** — — —
EXPECT 0.9352*** — — —
TCHLN — 1.0000 — —
M5 — — 0.9425*** —
M6 — — 0.7999*** —
GRADE4R — — — 0.6559**
GRADE5R — — — 0.6821**
GRADE6R — — — 0.2201*
Table 3. Squared multiple correlations for the observed measures of the latent
variables
EQUIP 0.1737 — — —
SCHINFRA 0.0865 — — —
LIB 0.1647 — — —
PRINTCH — 1.0000 — —
PEDUCLV — — 0.1075 —
PYRSTCH — — 0.1873 —
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YRSPRIN — — 0.0570 —
PSEX — — 1.0000
SUPPORT 0.9131 — — —
EXPECT 0.8747 — — —
TCHLN — 1.0000 — —
M5 — — 0.8884 —
M6 — — 0.6399 —
GRADE4R — — — 0.4302
GRADE5R — — — 0.4653
GRADE6R — — — 0.0484
(the school’s infrastructure) is the least valid measure of School SES. We can
draw similar inferences from the rest of the values in Table 2, taking note
that all of these standardized parameter estimates are statistically significant.
The LISREL output also provides squared multiple correlations for each
of the observed measures. These estimates function as a type of R-square
statistic and ‘show the proportion of variance in an indicator that is explained
by its underlying latent variable’ (Diamantopoulos and Siguaw 2000: 90).
The squared multiple correlations for the observed measures are
presented in Table 3. Some of these values are relatively small, suggesting
that there is ‘noise’ or measurement error; thus highlighting the difficulties
researchers encounter when attempting to measure such concepts as school
SES, principal quality and school efficiency.
Table 4 presents the descriptive statistics and the estimated correlation
matrix for the observed variables that underlie the constructs in Figure 1.
Results
Table 4. Descriptive statistics and estimated correlation matrix for the observed
variables (n = 256)
M SD 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
8 PSEX 0.55 0.5 0.06 0.16** 0.02 −0.24*** −0.02 0.21*** −0.01 1.00
9 SUPPORT 53.32 8.97 0.03 0.09 0.08 0.04 0.04 0.06 0.01 −0.02
10 EXPECT 37.83 6.05 0.07 0.14* 0.12∼ 0 0.07 0.07 0.03 −0.02
11 TCHLN 48.11 8.62 0.07 0.13* 0.13* −0.01 0.06 0.08 0.06 −0.01
12 M5 2.95 0.83 −0.06 0.04 −0.07 −0.04 −0.11∼ −0.07 −0.14* 0.14*
13 M6 3.10 0.88 −0.05 0.04 −0.05 −0.08 −0.05 −0.01 −0.11∼ 0.09
14 GRADE4R 6.29 8.62 −0.02 0.05 0.05 −0.04 −0.04 0.01 0.03 0.01
15 GRADE5R 4.69 8.98 −0.03 0.07 0.07 −0.05 −0.04 −0.05 0.11∼ 0.06
16 GRADE6R 1.69 5.15 0.04 0.01 0.00 −0.1 0.06 −0.07 0.07 −0.02
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16
1 EQUIP — — — — — — — —
2 SCHINFRA — — — — — — — —
3 LIB — — — — — — — —
4 PRINTCH — — — — — — — —
5 PEDUCLV — — — — — — — —
6 PYRSTCH — — — — — — — —
7 YRSPRIN — — — — — — — —
8 PSEX — — — — — — — —
9 SUPPORT 1.00 — — — — — — —
10 EXPECT 0.89*** 1.00 — — — — — —
11 TCHLN 0.93*** 0.91*** 1.00 — — — — —
12 M5 0.06 0.05 0.05 1.00 — — — —
13 M6 0.08 0.07 0.11∼ 0.75*** 1.00 — — —
14 GRADE4R 0 0 0.02 −0.08 −0.07 1.00 — —
15 GRADE5R −0.1 −0.11∼ −0.08 −0.10∼ −0.11∼ 0.45*** 1.00 —
16 GRADE6R 0.05 0.03 0.03 −0.17** −0.14* 0.14* 0.13* 1.00
∼p < 0.10, *p < 0.05, **p < 0.01, ***p < 0.001.
Figure 2. Hypothesized structural model for the eight latent constructs with stan-
dardized parameter estimates for the paths and the R-square statistics for the con-
structs ‘explained’ by the model. ∼ p < 0.10, *p < 0.05. Note: Goodness-of-fit indices: χ2
= 76.48 (df = 89, p = 0.83); RMSEA = 0.00; RMR = 0.043; GFI = 0.97; CFI = 1.00.
Hypothesized structural model for the eight latent constructs with standardized parameter estimates for the paths and the R-square statistics for the constructs ‘explained’ by the model. ∼ p < 0.10, *p < 0.05. Note: Goodness-of-fit indices: χ2 = 76.48 (df = 89, p = 0.83); RMSEA = 0.00; RMR = 0.043; GFI = 0.97; CFI = 1.00
‘outside’ (β = 0.44, p < 0.05) and ‘inside’ the classroom (β = 0.46, p <
0.05). This positive association between the Principal Teaches construct
and the Principal’s Activities ‘outside’ and ‘inside’ the classroom is not
surprising. Teachers may view more favourably principals who have teach-
ing responsibilities; teaching principals appear to be peers and not ‘the
boss’. Teaching principals are ‘in the trenches’, experiencing the same chal-
lenges, limitations and successes as peers who have no administrative
responsibilities.
The principal’s activities ‘outside’ and ‘inside’ the classroom do not have
a statistically significant impact on ‘instrumental activities’. Consequently,
it would not be prudent to generalize these findings to the population of
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et al. 1999, Elmore 2000, Hoachlander et al. 2001). Principals who teach
clearly have less time to devote to instructional improvement. Less attention
to instructional improvement at a school is not likely to lead to improve-
ments in student performance; hence, the negative effect of the Principal
Teaches construct on Instrumental Activities.
Discussion
I found that the answer to the first research question is yes; that better
prepared, more experienced principals (in both teaching and administra-
tion) are viewed more favourably by teachers in terms of their instructional
leadership activities ‘outside’ and ‘inside’ the classroom.
The answer to the second research question is also yes; that there is a
relation between principals’ instructional leadership activities and school
outcomes. When I compare schools of similar SES, student achievement is
higher at schools where principals are available to take part in efforts to
improve instruction (i.e. they do not have teaching responsibilities) than at
schools where the principals are not available. In turn, higher levels of
student achievement are associated with lower repetition rates.
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and are not implemented at the school level and the role the principal can
play in the implementation. In Paraguay, for example, it was only with the
education reform efforts in the mid-1990s that the principal was identified
as an important actor in school improvement. Officials at the Ministerio de
Educación y Culto recognize that even in a system that is still heavily central-
ized, schools are not the same in either appearance or performance and that
some of that variation can be attributed to differences in the actions of the
principals.
The findings from this study are encouraging for those interested in
redefining the principal’s role in public primary schools in Paraguay and in
similar countries across the region. They tell us that at schools where prin-
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Acknowledgements
The author appreciates the guidance and comments provided by the editor
and two anonymous reviewers; their insights make this a much stronger
paper. The author also wishes to thank Ira Bogotch for his comments on
earlier drafts of this paper and Kieran M. Killeen for his remarks as discus-
sant when an even earlier version of this paper was presented at AERA in
2005.
Notes
1. For instance, the 2009 school year in Paraguay was scheduled to run from February 25 through
November 30. On July 21, the Minister of Education announced that 20 instructional days had
already been lost (http://www.ultimahora.com/notas/238126-YA-SE-PIERDEN-20-DÍAS).
2. Model conceptualization, as explained by Diamantopoulos and Siguaw (2000: 6), ‘is concerned
with the development of theory-based hypotheses to serve as the guide for linking the latent variables
to each other and to their corresponding indicators … the conceptualized model should be your
educated perception of the way in which the latent variables are linked together based upon theories
and evidence provided by your discipline’s literature’. The model for this research was posited in
2000, based on the existing literature, and determined the kinds of data that were collected for this
study.
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