The Candombe, a Dramatic Dance from Afro-Uruguayan Folklore

Author(s): Paulo de Carvalho Neto

Source: Ethnomusicology , Sep., 1962, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Sep., 1962), pp. 164-174
Published by: University of Illinois Press on behalf of Society for Ethnomusicology

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/924459

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 THE CANDOMBE, A DRAMATIC DANCE FROM
AFRO-URUGUAYAN FOLKLORE
Paulo de Carvalho Neto

Introduction: Social Strata of the Uruguayan

Negro in our Time

y way of introduction, we should state that we divide the integral study

of the Uruguayan Negro into two large periods: A) Before the aboli-
tion; and B) From the abolition to the present. These periods, respectively,
give rise to separate study of: A) 1. Enslaved Negroes; 2. Freed Negroes;
3. the folklore common to both; and B) 1. Demographic, stratigraphic, eco-
logical and cultural problems in racial relations and contacts of the Negro
citizen; 2. Negro folklore.
With respect to the first part there are many works, some of them
good ones, although a general coordinating manual is lacking, a gap which
we intend to fill with a special book. However, on the Uruguayan Negro of
today the state of knowledge is deplorable. Above all, his demographic,
stratigraphic, ecological and cultural problems and his problems of racial
relations and contacts, etc., continue to be unknown.
In approaching and investigating the theme we had to recognize, from
the start, the existence of two social layers of Negroes which are well dif-
ferentiated. The first layer, that of the proletarian condition, is quite evi-
dent, it is the layer which lives in tenements and takes part in the carni-
vals, bringing to the latter folkloric dances which are exceedingly interesting.
The second, which is more difficult to see, enjoys a more elevated status,
frequenting cultural centers, writing and directing meetings, painting and ex-
pounding, displaying good clothes and forming social clubs among and for
themselves. It is a layer which manages periodicals, discusses ideals, pre-
sents claims and, in a certain manner, acts with the psychology of the lead-
er, attributing to itself the responsibilities of saving the present and the fu-
ture of the Uruguayan Negroes as a whole.
When we initiated in 1952 our field investigations about the Uruguayan
Negro, we selected first the proletarian layer mentioned. We still do not
know the demographic, stratigraphic, and ecological problems mentioned
above, but we have already obtained excellent data about its folklore, which
was explained in our monograph concerning the carnival in Montevideo.
We will not transcribe them in extenso in the present essay, but, re-
ferring to them, we shall discuss here the interpretation of these data and
demonstrate that a part of them constitutes an authentic dramatic survival-
ship.
Therefore, we begin this interpretation by analyzing the concept of the
dramatic dance in general.

The Concept of Dramatic Dance

This concept derives from that old classification which divides poetic
folklore into epic, lyric, satiric and dramatic folklore.
164

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 NETO: THE CANDOMBE 165

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Fig. 1. El Gramillero.

Epic folk poetry, like epic poetry generally, is objective; that is to say,
its contents preexist to the singer. As such, it generally treats historic and
heroic themes which really happened and which have been the object of ex-
clamative commentaries. Hence, epic poetry is narrative poetry, always
reviewing a sequence of events. Such are, for example, the romances.

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166 NETO: THE CANDOMBE

On the other hand, lyric poetry is subjective, that is, it lives as a

function of the internal world of the poet, foreign to the external events, and
only resorting to the latter for the emotions which they produce in him.
Therefore, it lacks narrative essence. Etymologically, it is poetry which
can be accompanied by music. The rondelet, for example.
In turn, satiric poetry is characterized by making criticism. It differs
from the others by its implicit social intent. With it, the poet subjects his
thematic object, whatever it be-society, man, etc.-to the sieve of his moral,
sharp and biting judgments. The end goal is to unmask, at times in order
to educate. It appears in various folkloric species, above all in the popular
songs and the "mnemonias."
Finally, dramatic poetry is "par excellence" performance. In fact, all
drama is acted out. Therefore, this poetry, named dramatic poetry, is bound
almost always to a play which frequently supports a mixture of dances. Con-
sequently, dramatic dances and "dramatis personae" are elements common to
the general poetic and dramatic folklore.
Mario de Andrade, 1946:49 who created the term, unites, "under the
generic name of dramatic dances, not only the dances which develop a dra-
matic action as such, but also the collective dances which observe the formal
principle of the Suite, that is to say, of a musical work composed of the se-
ries of various choreographic parts, besides obeying a traditional and char-
acterizing theme."
As examples, I cite the taieras, the cucumbis, the caiap6s, the
mo9ambique, the pastoris, the reisados, the cabocolinhos, the marcatu, the
quilombos, etc. of Brazilian folklore. In addition, according to Cdmara
Cascudo, the fandango or marujada, the cheganga, the congo or congada and
the bumba-meu-boi. (Camara Cascudo 1952:393-448.)
More details are discussed in my book on the general theory of poetic
folklore .1

The Candombe or dance of the Lubola masquerade

Now then, the Candombe-an old name--or dance of the Lubola mas-
querade-the new name-is a dramatic dance because it involves a collective
dance with its specific dramatis personae, which develop various choreo-
graphic styles, learned by folkloric transmission through the years. More-
over, in it there survive suggestive mimic dialogues.
Thus, the Candombe of today is not something which came out of nothing,
a creation ex-nihilo of the twentieth century. It is, I repeat, a dramatic
dance with well-defined characters, inherited by social transmission, across
generations and generations of Negroes, and which manifests itself especially
during the carnival.
We are even more convinced of its dramatic essence when going back
to its origins which, according to Arthur Ramos, are the same as those for
the dramatic dance "Congo" or "Congada" in Brazil, which also belongs to
yesterday and today. In other words, the Candombe is the "Congo" of Brazil.
(Ramos 1946:246.) It was called Candombe on the Rio de la Plata whereas
in Brazil it retained the same name as the ethnic group which danced it.
This is to say that the Uruguayan Candombe is an artistic manifestation of
the Congo Negroes living along the Rio de la Plata.
The difficulty in identifying the Candombe at first sight as a variant of
the Congo lies in the profound transformations which it underwent with the

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 NETO: THE CANDOMBE 167

passing of the years. While formerly one noted an intimate connection be-
tween the choreography and the characters of both plays-the Uruguayan play
and the Brazilian one-, at the present time, the Saint, the King and Queen
for example have disappeared from the Candombe whereas they live on in
the Congo.
This Candombe, transfigured by its cultural changes, is characterized
nowadays, as we have stated in our investigation of the Montevidean Carnival
to which we referred above, by presenting the following characters: 1) the
Gramillero; 2) the old Negro woman; 3) the Broom maker; 4) the Drummer
and 5) the Trophy Bearer.
Briefly the gramillero (see Fig. 1) is a young dancer, very agile, who
plays the role of an old man, a poor little old man, hump-backed by age,
leaning on his cane. He wears a traditional costume, consisting of a frock
coat, a "buzo," a hat, pants, hose and slippers. For adornment he wears a
beard, glasses and the walking cane already mentioned. He dances from the
feet to the head an entire movement of shakes, doing his "figures," which
are: the "shake," the "small runs" and the "gestures," gestures with the
cane ("rotating" or "pointing") and gestures with the hand or the hat ("salut-
ing"). 2
The old Negro woman, in turn, may also be young and somewhat fat.
She plays the role of companion to the old Negro, or gramillero, or "grand-
father." In noq way is she the companion of the broom maker as the latter
has no companion, but dances only with his broom. Her traditional costume
is the "pollera," the blouse, the skirt and the shawl.
The broom maker is a "malabar" dancer, who is necessarily young,
wearing a tight, unbuttoned jacket, baggy pants, a "cuero," a sash and black
slippers. His "broom" is small, with the straw covered with red cellophane
and the smooth stick is painted red with helicoidal white lines. With it the
"escobero" (see Fig. 3) or even "escobillero" makes equilibrium figures and
rotation figures. The equilibrium figures are: the ear, the nose, the fore-
head, the shoulder, the chest and the fingers. Among the figures of rotation
there is the famous "whirl."
As regards the Drummer and the Trophy Bearer their very names sug-
gest what they are. The former plays his Afro-American instruments-the
small drum, the bells, the piano and the big drum-and the latter carries
his war trophies, the "star," the "half moon," the "flags" and the "banners."

The Drama

Now then, we affirm that the Candombe is a dramatic dance because

these characters act out a story, in other words, a drama whose outlines
and meaning were lost in the night of time, its acting out being in the eyes
of the inexperienced, a dance, a simple dance. But no! Back of this dance
there is something more, which, now, we intend to reconstruct.
Among other things the folkloric song has been lost. And without it,
of course, the dialogue, i.e., the principal key to the plot. De Maria,
Granada, Rossi, etc., although precursors, collected hardly any songs with
the exception of one or another verse, like this one-recorded in passing-
and which is repeated laboriously in the Afro-Uruguayan bibliography:
"calunga, cangue
eee llumbi
eee llumbi" (Maria 1938:82)

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168 NETO: THE CANDOMBE

Ayestaran, searching for them in the memory of old Negro informants,

confirmed De Maria's version and obtained this other piece which was being
sung in the "Court of the Congos," about 1870 (Ayesteran 1953:88):
M LM. L72

Lo an-da Lo an-da Lo an-da ye !

Fig. 2.

With the folkloric song gone-which was the process of magic rein-
forcement and the oral substance of the drama-there remained the dance,
with residues of mimic dialogue.
It continues to be a smooth and free dance which can be danced to the
sound of the drums, high-sounding, insistent and monotonous.
All of the dramatis personae appear at the same time, and what ap-
pears to be a disorderly dance is, in its internal mechanism, an extremely
complex and coordinated dance. A single rhythm with an extraordinary
richness of "passes" or "figures."
The Gramillero does a "shaking movement with the left leg" while the
old Negro woman turns about him at the same time that the Broom maker
exhibits a "whirl" and then does a "nose," at the side of the Gramillero who
"salutes," etc. All this in the lapse of a second, which hardly gives time
for the spectator to orient himself, leaving him dizzy with so much chore-
ographie variety and stirred by the nervousness of the drummers. It is as
if they were all possessed, possessed in a disciplined manner.
I ask myself what mysterious tongue they spoke, what they wanted to
say to each other, without articulated words and ignoring completely the
essence of the motives which led them to these representations.
Today, the gramillero "salutes" addressing himself to the public. But,
formerly, to whom did he address himself? Would this "salute" not be a
fragment of a passage of dialogue with the King or the Queen? Moreover,
he "points" with the cane. To what or to whom does he point? We know
this is not a pantomime which is done in vain. The speech was lost because
its memory stopped talking. But this salute, nevertheless, can indeed be in-
terpreted as a ceremonial permission, also as a signalling gesture, like an
accusation, to the King, of some traitor being present.
On the other hand, to what is due the respect the other characters
lavish on him? Only because he is "old"? Would we not have here an un-
conscious psychological displacement of all of them, which came to consider
him, because he is "old," as a substitute of the King who vanished from the
masquerade? I venture to think so because, almost always, the old men in
the popular plays are the object of satires and criticisms, and this does not
happen to the "old" gramillero of the Afro-Uruguayan play.
In contrast, the broom maker only inspires fear. Nobody comes close
to him during his circumvolutions, brandishing the broom as if it were a
weapon. This fear is now somewhat ambivalent, edged with a mixture of
admiration for his skill and his bravery. Many pay attention to the "cuero"
which he wears around the waist, in front and in back, covering his legs,
as his characteristic costume. And he turns and turns as if to show it off,
making its small broken mirrors--whose significance he himself does not
know--glitter. However, small mirrors of this type, aren't they authentic

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 NETO: THE CANDOMBE 169

amulets-in world folklore-of primitive magic, protectors against the enemy,

the evil eye, etc? What then does the broom maker pretend to say with his
agile and dangerous circumvolutions, brandishing a broom as if it was the
"tacape" of the "Caboclo" of the Brazilian "Congada" and protected by a
"cuero" which makes him brave? He can not dance without the "cuero."
One of the broom makers, whom we questioned, frankly confessed that with-
out the "cuero" it is impossible, he does not like it.

.... ....

Fig. 3. El Escobero.

Nowadays the "cuero" is made of fox skin, an animal which incarnates

cunning in various folklores. We are led to think, inclusively, of a totemic
hypothesis under which the psychic identification takes place of the broom
maker with some furry animal whose presence he announces by shaking
large and small bells which are purposely fastened to the "cuero," inter-
mingled with the "small mirrors."
Moreover, the idea of the "cuero" is so powerful that it subsists in
its entirety in those cases in which the broom maker substitutes cloth for
the fox skin or other skins for economic reasons. We saw broom makers

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 170 NETO: THE CANDOMBE

with fox skin and others with cloth. But both, without distinction, said they
wore the "cuero." And a few, to show the difference, told us "cuero" and
"cuero of cloth," they never said simply cloth.
If, the gramillero is grossly respected and the broom maker feared,
the trophy bearer, again grossly, is exalted in glory. The Star, the Half
Moon, the Flags and the Banners are like the live torch of a marathonic
crusade across the centuries. They attest to a past of struggles, as in the
Brazilian "Congada." They are, undoubtedly, a survival of historical disputes
for the hegemony of power among the Negro "nations" or tribes, struggles
which took place in Africa and which were transported to the New World
with the slave traffic. Notwithstanding their general condition of being
slaves, they among themselves, pursued here the historic process started
overseas. Hence many Negroes killed each other, above all in Brazil, with-
out anybody being able to understand the phenomenon. One could not under-
stand the reasons for the self-annihilation of Negroes which occurred in
Brazil in the years 1807, 1809, 1813, 1816, 1826, 1827, 1828, 1830 and 1835.
Today, the studies of Nina Rodriguez and Arthur Ramos have revealed the
causes (Ramos 1946:316; 1948:168-74). These rebellions were, in substance,
"holy wars," provoked by the Islamized Negroes of the Sudan against the
whites, i.e., the Masters, but "also against all the Negroes who did not want
to join the movement." What is certain is that, whether as religious wars
or as political wars, there were left from them the usual trophies.3
Thus, the Star, Flags, Banners, etc., were the very trophies of that
epoch, though they now have a medieval flavor. In mute language, symbolic
and expressive, they testify, in Montevideo, about the struggles, even though
latent ones, entered into by the "nations" of the Congos, Benguelas, Luandas,
Minas and other existing along the Rio de la Plata.
Proofs of these rivalries, perhaps ignored as such, were the "Courts"
existing in Montevideo about the middle and the end of the 19th century.
Documents in the Afro-Uruguayan bibliography reveal that distrusts hung
above them and that they were accused of being "secret" (Pereda Valdds
1941:157). They necessarily had to be secret associations of racial and cul-
tural protectionism against the whites, yes, but also against the other
"Courts" directed by Negroes of other cultures.
This is, at least, the essence of the testimony of the Negro writer
Lino Suarez Peiia in his recollections of the court of the "African Congos,"
located on Ibicui street, corner Soriano, with its King Jose G6mez and Queen
Catalina G6mez; of the "Minas Magis" court, the "Minas Nag6" court, of the
"Banguela," "Lubolos," "Murema," "Angunga" and "Minas Carabori" courts,
all of them with their different locations and different kings (Suarez Pefia
1924).
Even now there survive those trophies which represent in their mute
language the last historic vestiges of remote epochs in which old Africa
possessed ostentatious reigns. One by one, however, the historical elements,
whatever they may be, continue to fall under the action of time, the princi-
pal ally of social dynamics, implacable in the destruction of values which
seemed to be eternal. In Montevideo, there are no longer any Kings, nor
Courts, nor Cults, nor an African language. . . . The epic past of its Negroes
is in agony. We witness it with vivid emotion in the stertors of its defini-
tive disappearance. A few more generations and the crossing of the races
and death will take away the last representative of the race, leaving only the
Afro-Uruguayan studies, i.e., the studies and monographs of those who

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 NETO: THE CANDOMBE 171

investigate the truth about the th

terity faithful records of these important moments.
We convinced ourselves even more about this hypothesis concerning the
Afro-Uruguayan dramatic folklore when we considered the recollections of
old Negro informants which we recorded in personal interviews.
It is attested, for example, that although the "courts" disappeared and
were replaced by the "masquerades," that is to say, changed from fixed as-
sociations into mobile associations on the streets, the tensions of hatred
reigning among them survived. Thus, not many years ago, the broom maker
even danced "a la buena" in addition to "al lujo." In dancing "a la buena"
he defended the honor of his masquerade, with an original symbolism which
degenerated into a serious and mortal struggle during the encounter of the
masquerades in the Palermo precinct. These broom makers began with a
"dance counterpoint" doing "tripping tricks" to each other, by means of which
each one of them, dancing on one leg, proceeded to pull the other one to the
ground. And since the loser never resigned himself to defeat, "battle" was
declared between the two entire masquerades, each mortally wounding the
other. One thing they defended with the maximum determination: the "flag,"
that is to say, the standard of the association. For this purpose, it was
surrounded by the "lancers" and the "axemen." The former were on horse-
back carrying their lances, which, even though they were made of brass,
were reinforced with bronze and steel, resembling authentic war lances. In
view of this, when it was possible, the hostile masquerades always managed
mutually to avoid actual struggle, passing by without stopping and without
saluting, that is, with the flags carried back and forth and the drums silent.
They gave their "salutes" only to other friendly masquerades, waving the
flags and the other trophies.

Integration into the Carnival, and Cultural Change

Surely, nowadays it is very difficult to read the dramatic significance

of the candombe, as we did, due to the integration of the latter into the
carnival and its resulting cultural change.
The candombe passed from the "courts" to the "masquerade," i.e.,
from its celebrations on Epiphany it passed to its celebrations on the days
of carnival. In so doing, there was an admixing with cultural groups which
had no African origins but Spanish roots, such as the band of street musi-
cians. On the other hand, it ceased to be an independent entity, forming
part of the "Lubola masquerade" mentioned above, which now comprises
about 70 varied components. We could say that a Lubola masquerade is not
made up of one candombe, but of more than one, since, generally, it is com-
posed of 3 gramilleros, 3 broom makers, 4 or 5 bearers, 5 women dancers,
1 or 2 men dancers, 20 to 25 drummers and chorus singers.
Moreover, the general orientation of the Montevidean carnival is to-
wards the revue types, i.e., theatrical phantasies. This, undoubtedly, also
contributes to obliterating the last vestiges of a popular performance of the
old candombe. This is true to the point that the word candombe has come
to mean also a musical genre, of the kind that any composer can exploit,
composing "candombes" which are recorded, sold and popularized by radio.
Therefore, I repeat, much care is necessary for distinguishing that
which is historic Afro-Uruguayan survival and that which only lives next to

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172 NETO: THE CANDOMBE

it as a parasite, causing confusion, assimilating the true candombe and al-

lowing itself to be assimilated, with constant interaction which results in a
picturesque and exotic syncretism.
Exploring this syncretism, we would say that the following elements
are now mixed with that initial nucleus of the candombe, deforming it: new
characters, transculturations between whites and Negroes, economic pres-
sures and the revue orientation of the Montevidean carnival.
In fact, at the side of the folkloric nucleus of the masquerade, there
appear also "the female dancer," the "candombera," the "chorus girl" and
the "chorus leader," entirely new characters. The woman dancer in brief
tights and "bandeau" shows her increasing nudity, although at times she ap-
pears in a large costume in showy colors (green, red, yellow, etc.) and
large spangles, arranged here and there. Her shoes are gilt or yellow, var-
ying in color according to the costume. On the head are placed feathers,
which are also colored and, in the hand, a small parasol.
The candombera is also a woman dancer although she is different. She
shows off a costume which may be white in color with green piping and yel-
low embroidery; red belt, sleeveless bodice and a part of the shoulder bare.
Why not recognize that the very presence of these new characters is a
product of white-Negro transculturations? The figure of the naked woman
dancer is a contribution of the whites, imposed against all the resistances
of the "Old Negro women" who consider her an attack upon their large cos-
tumes, adorned with stars, and an argument for the deformed prenotions of
the public about the "sexual disposition" of the Negro race. Vice versa, if
the nudity of the Negro woman referred to is a product of the influences of
the white woman, the love which the white man now demonstrates for the
drum is the product of Negro influences. There were never any white drum-
mers in the past, but there are now. Neither were there whites painted as
Negroes or "lubolos," another example of the "blackening" of the whites.
Now then, "blackening" of the whites and "whitening" of the Negro, in
my opinion, are transculturations which obey economic factors. I disagree
with some national authors who pretend to see them as products of spiritual
effusions, resulting from mysterious appeals of the "tan-tan" of the Africans,
in other words, a product of psychological identification, rhythmic and con-
fraternalizing vibrations. In Brazil, yes, this phenomenon does occur. In-
deed, few Brazilians resist the Negro masses descending from the "hills" to
the street with the samba of their "cuicas" (comic singers), challengers,
drums, chorus, "tamancos" (clogs), flags and general semi-madness. But in
Uruguay, never! The whites who "blacken" themselves in Montevideo are
those who share with the Negroes the same economic situation, living with
them in the tenements and vicinity. To the "offer" which the carnival makes
to them they respond with their "demand." And all of them jointly make
their good money "working" in the most popular festival of the Banda Ori-
ental of our times.
Said transculturations, therefore, are, I repeat, economic products.
They can and must be understood only after the study of the binomial area
versus folklore, in other words, tenement versus candombe.
The tenement is a point of reunion in mass and a natural school for
drummers, broom makers, gramilleros, old Negro women and trophy bearers.
Why do the Negroes of improved social status not "lower" themselves to
enter a masquerade? Because they are removed from it geographically.
And why are they? Because they can afford to be, thanks to the economic

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 NETO: THE CANDOMBE 173

factors. Hence, only by exploring more deeply the social life of the tene-
ment will we understand better the cultural change of the candombe. But I
hasten to conclude, unequivocally, that the candombe is an expression of the
productive forces of today's Montevidean society as well as a folkloric sur-
vival.

There should be pointed out right now, however, the contradiction en-
closed by the tenement. That is to say, if it is, to be sure, a factor in the
survivalship of the candombe, it is, at the same time, a factor in its disap-
pearance or death. It defends it and transmits it from generation to gener-
ation, by virtue of the Negroes who live inside its walls, but also transforms
it by virtue of the whites who proceeded to live there, in these last decades,
driven by a growing proletarization.
Finally, the carnival repertory-another consequence of the revue ori-
entation of the Montevidean carnival-is also exerting pressure on the cul-
tural change of the candombe. In fact, just as the actual carnival characters
should not be confused with the dramatis personae of the candombe, the folk-
loric drama should not be confused with the so-called "repertory" of the
Lubola masquerade.
In the repertory of a Lubola masquerade there are, in the order of
their appearance, the Entry, the Animator, the Spectacle, and the Retreat.
As a consequence, under such an obligatory sequence, the nucleus of the
dramatis personae of the drama undergoes a considerable change in function,
losing the spontaneity of its representation in order to subject itself to the
masquerade. It loses its spontaneity altogether during the parade along the
avenues.

In the actual carnival of 1954, the Lubola masquerade marched in re-

view in the following form: Ahead of all of them, the broom makers; then
the bearers with the women dancers in the middle; then the gramilleros and
their old Negro women; behind them the chorus singers, and last, the line
of drummers. They were all "spread apart" from one sidewalk of the street
to the other. It was not so, formerly. According to our informants, the
candombe proper paraded freely. It was common to see the Negroes seated
on the edges of the sidewalks, drinking wine and eating. The old Negro
woman walked together with the gramillero and carried a large basket to
gather fruits from the market and the houses. She said simply "excuse me"
and carried away the fruit.

Conclusions

The candombe is the survival of a dramatic dance with a few of its

dramatis personae still perfectly recognizable but with the drama already
almost imperceptible by virtue of the transformations experienced throughout
the times. Only under the efforts of cultural anthropology can we capture
the silenced language of this drama. The candombe survives by non-
institutionalized and anonymous transmissions and is, at the same time, an
expression of the productive forces of Uruguayan society, which confine it to
the poor area of the tenements. At a certain point, it abandoned its cele-
bration of Epiphany and tied onto the carnival. From then on, its process
of deformation became accentuated with the continuous transculturations
which it experiences, both influencing and being influenced. Nothing can hold
back its social dynamics. We are fortunate in being able to be present at

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174 NETO: THE CANDOMBE

its final agony, as witnesses to the death of one of the most expressive cul-
tural features of the Uruguayan Negro people.

FOOTNOTES

1. Unpublished. Regarding the characteristics of dramatic dance, see also

Neto 1958.

2. In the drama "Boi dos Reis" in Ceara, Brazil, there are also a velho and
a velha, besides other characters. And the old man in the Ceara version, like the
one in Uruguay, also dances a trembling dance. See Azevedo 1953:47.

3. According to my informants, the "pino" or "chico" drum once had the name
"congo." If that is so, it is more evidence that the candombe is in fact a play of the
Congo Negroes.

REFERENCES CITED

Andrade, Mario de
1946 "As danqas dramaticas do Brasil," Boletin Latino-Americano de Musica
(Rio de Janeiro) 6:49-97.
Ayesteran, Lauro
1953 La misica en el Uruguay, vol. 1. Montevideo: Servicio Oficial de Difusion
Electrica.
Azevedo, Luis Heiror Correa de
1953 Autos tradiconais no Ceara. Rio de Janeiro: Universidade do Brasil, Escola
Nacional de Misica. Publicaq5es do Centro de Pesquisas Folkl6ricas no. 3,
p. 44-51.
Camara Cascudo, Luis da
1952' Literatura oral. Rio de Janeiro: Livraria Jose Olympio Edit6ra (vol. 6 in
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Maria, Isidoro de
1938 Montevideo antiguo, 2d edition. Montevideo: Edici6n de la Sociedad Amigos
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Neto, Paulo de Carvalho
1958 "La Rua; una danza dramrtica de moros y cristianos en el folklore para-
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Suarez Pefia, Lino
1924 Apuntes y datos referentes a la raza negra. Montevideo, June 19. Manu-
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Quito, Ecuador

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