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Andrew Ground

Fall, 2020

Dr. Jonathen Markley

History 461, Ancient China

Question of exploring the difficult nature of creating an academic biography of Confucius in

MacArthur’s Confucius: A Throneless King

Word Count: 1482


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“It is impossible to write a biography of Confucius”1, so was said by Meher MacArthur in

the preface of her book, “Confucius, a Throneless King”. She strived to write an account of his

life based on facts, comparing her own work to that of Chin Annping’s Authentic Confucius: a

Life of Thought and Politics and Confucius: A Biography by Jonathen Clements, one a more

grounded work that rejects traditional narratives, and the other which accepts those narratives.

Seemingly as a middle ground, MacArthur merely points out inaccuracies and implausibilities

based on what is known in the historical record. The evaluation of her book eventually becomes

a matter of how well she accomplished her goals with the given limitations. By breaking down

and evaluating how MacArthur discusses each topic of her narrative and analyzing her sources, it

is the ultimate goal of this research essay to prove that MacArthur has largely succeeded in

providing a working2 biography of China's greatest sage.

At the very onset of very narrative she addresses the “Lack of factual details”3 around

Confucius. This is the introduction to mayhaps the largest inhibitor to creating an academic

biography of the man who is often revered as a deity of education. What MacArthur means by

this lack is that most if not all writings regardings Confucius are easily in dispute as being

unreliable at best. The Analects are are a compilation of sayings that are commonly attributed to

have been written by Confucius4, but they were only written down long after he had passed. It is

said the Zuo Commentary of the Spring and Autumn Annals is said to have to have been written

over an argument over the different oral interpretations of the Analects 5. Oral traditions,

1
MacArthur xi
2
Sun, Shunyun
3
MacArthur 2
4
The Analects
5
The Zuo Commentary, Durrant, Stephen, Li, Wai-yee, Schaberg, David, Plaks, Andrew H, and
Nylan, Michael , (xx) “The text we today call Zuozhuan might have been derived from a text
originally known as Zuo’s Annals (Zuoshi chunqiu 左氏春秋 ). The earliest reference to this title is

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regardless of the skill and ability of its transmitters, have issues with the reliability of their

account over long periods of time6. While this time of transmission is one issue, the instability of

Eastern Zhou and Warring States is another factor that can corrode and disturb attempts to

maintain the integrity of oral tradition7. The turmoil of Confucius’ day would only escalate as the

Qin conquered(or destroyed) its rivals, the Legalist state forcibly migrated entire populations or

slaughtered other8. Adding to this was the active suppression and limitation of knowledge by the

infamous means of “kill the scholars, burn the books”9. Adding only to these issues, was the

destruction of the confiscated materials kept in the Qin Imperial Library while it burned down

during the collapse of the dynasty. With all these things in mind, it is no wonder about the lack of

sources, and why anyone who writes about ancient China may inevitably have to draw from

Sima Qian.

Because of all these factors, the issue then becomes a matter of how MacArthur gets

around these issues, she does this in three ways. MacArthur spends much of her narrative on a

route of circumnavigation around the little evidence about Confucius' life. Suggestions are used

in many of these parts, words such as "Probably" and "May" when discussing his reactions to

certain events of his life. The many areas of obscurity around his personal life such as his early

found in Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 (145?–86?) Records of the Historian (Shiji 史記 ). According to that
account, after Confucius (551– 479) died, his disciples began to disagree about the oral
interpretation of the Annals , which the Master had supposedly transmitted to them ”.
6
Crone, Patricia , Slaves on Horses: Evolution of the Islamic Polity, 4 ; Crone discusses the Sira and the
character of the earliest Islamic written traditions in correlation to generational gaps between the original
foundation and any written account.
7
Crone, 5; In her mention of Rabbinical tradition of oral transmission, “The transmitters memorized, not
coherent narratives, or the components of one, but isolated sayings, short accounts of people’s acts, brief
references to historical events and the like...Being short and disparate, the components of the tradition
were easily detached from context, forgotten or given a new meaning by the addition of a single word or
two”.
8
Gernet, Jacques. 1982. A History of Chinese Civilization. 114
9
Gernet 109

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life, relationship with son, daughters, and wife. From passages around his childhood to the death

of his son10. Because what few primary sources remain, her discussion around his reaction to the

deaths of his mother11, favorite students and followers appear more concrete. But in his

conversations, she does not tiptoe around discrediting questionable parts of traditional stories

around Confucius. Particular episodes of his life such as his conversation with Laozi while in

Luoyang, where MacArthur brings in debate among modern historians to weigh into the

narrative12.

The second way she talks around this issue is in her discussion of Confucius as a product

of the period. Examples of this can found in matters such as Confucius’13 parentage, where

MacArthur begins the discussion in terms of how common it was to have concubines in Chinese

society at the time. In this evaluation she notes the issue of of the phrase, yehe14 in Sim Qian’s

works. Otherwise, MacArthur interweaves portions of Chinese history, such as the importance of

the Yellow River or the founding of certain cities 15. By establishing the periodic situation of the

Eastern and Western Zhou, MacArthur creates a context in which Confucius fits as a man who is

a product of his time. In this passage, MacArthur’s discussion cites archaeological sources like

von Falkenhausen. Sourcing his periodic narrative around China around the time of Confucius16,

Falkenhausen discusses the sage as part of a wider movement regarding the rituals of bronze age

China, especially in relation to ancestor worship. The era as a whole is largely discussed in how

10
MacArthur 56
11
MacArthur 62
12
MarArthur 77
13
MacArthur 50
14
MacArthur 200

15
MacArthur 74
16
Chinese Society at the Age of Confucius

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it contributes to the perspective of Confucius17, who elevates the time of Western Zhou as being

the Golden Age. This is drawn in contrast as MacArthur emphasizes the turmoil of the Eastern

Zhou as being one of the most important times in Chinese history, due to its importance in the

spiritual and intellectual developments that date to this age of which Confucius would be a part

of18. Following this is an emphasis that the last three centuries before the Common Era as not

only important to China, but to the rest of Asia and Europe in terms of spiritual and intellectual

developments19. This level of comparison, that of the biographical subject, the greater area, and

larger parallels with intermingling fact checking that defines MacArthur’s general narrative.

The legacy an individual leaves behind is an important part of biography, not only does it

communicate why others should care, but also to measure the impact they have had. Finally, the

last way she goes about her biography is in her discussion of Confucius legacy. MacArthur

begins her description of Confucius by addressing the standing of Confucian thought in the

societies of East Asia and around the world. Since the incorporation of Confucian thought within

Chinese society has been implemented by every dynasty following the collapse of the Qin20, his

influence in those nations and their communities, they bring Confucius with them in some

capacity. Because of this, it would not be considered an overly dramatic statement when

MacArthur asserts Confucius to be, “Most influential person in Chinese history”21. But as she

brings up his lamentation regarding tombs not being built as they once were, she reinforces her

point about Confucius belief about the past22. Much of the work Confucius has done has been

17
MacArthur 35
18
Tain and Bailey , This point is also emphasized in their narrative as well, though much briefer.
19
MacArthur 26
20
MacArthur 4
21
MacArthur 1
22
MacArthur 70

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posthumously, it may be of importance to detail how they are regarded by the world after their

death. Schuman carries a staunchly western bias in his discussion of Confucius, as he makes

evidently clear in his preface23. Because of this, emphasis is stressed on a man who is

remembered as a god of learning24 on how his teachings have been implemented. MacArthur’s

discussion of his greater bearing on the world is confined to the very beginning and very end of

the biography, but she does not go into extensive depth into the causes and results of strong

Confuciun emphasis practiced by modern day. It is here the work may be considered at its

weakest, as the inclusion of Confucius' legacy25 is not extensive. Things are shallow and absent

such as modern confucian movements26, such as how Confucianism is used by the modern

government of China, why China is having a resurgence in affirmations to Confucism, the effects

of the Cultural Revolution on Confucius thought, and the way Confucianism has shaped societies

around the world, let alone East Asia. However, extensive levels of depth absolutely required in

her attempt at a biography? In Tan and Bailey, they specify a fundamental separation between

Confucius and Confucism27. One is the man as presented in the Analects with greater contextual

23
Schuman xx, “The inflexibility of Confucian-influenced governments has often forced the downtrodden
to turn to violence as the only way to compel political change. Women, made subordinate in
Confucianism’s ideal social structure, have had an awful time breaking into public life. Many women in
East Asia have been denied an education or a career; too many have been snuffed out at birth or while
still in the womb by their own parents.”
24
MacArthur 5
25
Sun, Shunyun
26
Tan and Bailey 25, “The twentieth century also witnessed the rise of New-Confucianism or ‘Modern
New Confucianism’. The focus of this ideology is on ‘modernizing’ Confucianism so that it might be a
living tradition and factor for economic success in modern East Asia (Yao, 2000, p. 247; also see Tu,
1996a). Another interesting development since the 1990s is the rise of Post-Confucianism and its
variants such as ‘Postmodern Neo-Confucianism’, ‘Post-Neo Confucianism’, and ‘New
Neo-Confucianism’. Despite their different names, they share a common critique of modernity,
coupled with a realization that Confucianism must embrace modernization in order to survive and
thrive (Tian, 2009).”
27
Tan and Bailey 6 ; As a whole, Tan and Bailey in their work analyze the Analects as a work in
philosophy. Quoting Slitherland, they find chapters 15-20 of the Analects being distinct from the
rest. Despite this, they determine the work as a whole if not a representative of Confucius

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meaning behind his advice. Meanwhile, the latter deals not only with his immediate followers of

Mencius and Xunzi, but also Neo-Confucism28. Keeping in mind that the ideologies expanded

well beyond what may have been Confuscius’ initial views, then expanded into the realms of

metaphysical belief and political justification when it was clear the man himself largely

maintained philosophy in relation to only the physical world.

It is the final conclusion of this paper that she largely succeeded in her endeavor.

Because MacArthur had to construct a biography around these difficulties and by providing a

focus on the history of the period in addition to including a broad outline of his lasting

conclusion of not only to the societies of birthplace, but also the world. While elements could be

improved upon in the relation of his legacy, it would be an exhaustive approach that may have

reached well beyond the scope of her endeavor in this piece.

himself, then represent the School of Confucius as before the innovations of Mencius and
Xunzi#.
28
Tan and Bailey 7

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Bibliography

Primary Sources

Durrant, Li, Schaberg, Durrant, Stephen W., Li, Wai-yee, and Schaberg, David. 2016. Zuo

Tradition: Zuozhuan : Commentary on the "Spring and Autumn Annals" Seattle: commentary on

the "Spring and autumn annals"

The Analects. 2016. Newburyport: Open Road Media.

Secondary Sources

McArthur, Meher. 2011. Confucius: a Throneless King. 1st Pegasus Books cloth ed. New York:

Pegasus Books : Distributed by W.W. Norton.

Huang, Yong. 2013. Confucius: a Guide for the Perplexed. London ; New York: Bloomsbury.

Schuman, Michael. 2015. Confucius: And the World He Created. New York: Basic Books.

Tan, Charlene. Confucius. London: Bloomsbury Publishing Plc, 2014. Accessed October 12,

2020. ProQuest Ebook Central.

Crone, Patricia. 1980. Slaves on Horses: The Evolution of the Islamic Polity. Cambridge

[England] ; New York: Cambridge University Press.

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Gernet, Jacques. 1982. A History of Chinese Civilization. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire] ; New

York: Cambridge University Press.

Articles

Fiskesjo, Magnus. 2008. “Chinese Society in the Age of Confucius (1000250 B.C.): The

Archaeological Evidence by Lothar von Falkenhausen.” American Anthropologist 110 (1):

150–51. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1433.2008.00018_78.x.

Review

Sun, Shuyun. "Review: Books: PHILOSOPHY: Proof that You can't Keep a Good Man

Down: A Guide to China's most Influential Thinker is Workmanlike but Timely, Says

Sun Shuyun: Confucius Meher McArthur Quercus Pounds 20, pp234." The Observer,

Jul 18, 2010.

https://www-proquest-com.lib-proxy.fullerton.edu/docview/613414502?accountid=984

0.

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