Sports, Gambling, and Government: America's First Social Compact?

Author(s): Warren D. Hill and John E. Clark

Source: American Anthropologist, Vol. 103, No. 2 (Jun., 2001), pp. 331-345
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the American Anthropological Association
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/683469
Accessed: 11-08-2016 16:49 UTC

REFERENCES
Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article:
http://www.jstor.org/stable/683469?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents
You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
http://about.jstor.org/terms

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted
digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about
JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

American Anthropological Association, Wiley are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and
extend access to American Anthropologist

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
WARREN D. HILL'
JOHN E. CLARK
New World Archaeological Foundation
Department of Anthropology
Brigham Young University
Provo, UT 84602

Sports, Gambling, and Government:

America's First Social Compact?

The presence of a 3,600-year-old ballcourt in the Mazatan region of Southern Mexico implies that a significant connection
existed between ballcourts, competitive sport, and the emergence of the first ascriptive societies in Mesoamerica. We ex-
plore four likely connections between the Mesoamerican ballgame, rank society, and early government. These include
gambling, playing the game, sponsorship of the game and its associated activities, and the effects of team sports on com-
munity identity. Ethnographic information from tribal societies is reviewed with respect to the social roles of competitive
games and their effects on egalitarian society. We consider the idea that community identity, or communitas, can become
embodied in a small group of people or individuals who sponsor sport, its associated rituals, and the construction of sport-
ing facilities. These individuals may subsequently gain higher status within both their communities and their regions. This
finding adds sport and competitive gaming to the growing list of processes that anthropologists should consider in explor-
ing social transformations. [Mesoamerica, social complexity, ballgames, community identity]

In the following discussion we address possible signifi-

nlightenment philosophers got it wrong; pleasure
rather than hardship was the downhill slope leading cant associations between competitive games and the
to primitive government. The earliest, clear evi- emergence of ascribed leadership positions and social
dence for government in the Americas, for example, impli- ranks. We still do not have many answers, but we hope to
cates ritual drinking, feasting, gambling, competitive team raise important questions and provide some plausible pos-
sports, and other proffered entertainments in the primary sibilities for connections between the two. We first outline
governmental process, with war and her sister deprivations the circumstantial case for a connection between the
nowhere to be seen. We have discussed some of this evi-
Mesoamerican ballgame and the emergence of simple
dence from southern Mexico elsewhere (Blake and Clark chiefdoms in the Mazatan region of southern Mexico. Af-
1999; Clark 1994, 1997; Clark and Blake 1994) and so will
ter a brief description of the archaeological evidence of
restrict attention here to possible connections between
principal interest, and an overview of the Mesoamerican
sports and government-an improbable possibility only
ballgame as understood in late time periods, we explore
recently suggested by discovery of a 3,600-year-old ball-
four likely connections between the game and early gov-
court. Both the ballcourt's location and date constitute
ernment. We consider a range of ethnographic information
strong circumstantial evidence that its construction and/or
from American tribal societies in trying to understand the
use was important in and for the development of hereditary
social roles of competitive games and their possible delete-
inequality and formal ascribed leadership. Data from later
Mesoamerican civilizations further add to the circumstan- rious effects on egalitarian social structures. If there was
tial case that the ballgame played a notable role in the ori- indeed a significant relationship between playing the ball-

gins and perpetuation of the first formal community gov- game and the emergence of heritable political power and
ernments in Mesoamerica and, hence, the Americas. We government in early Mesoamerica, the logical possibilities
explore here connections between this competitive sport, are that it concerned either the primary activity of the game
its collateral competitive activities such as gambling, and itself or the activities surrounding the game. We examine
the origins of government. By government we mean for- each in turn. In the final section we consider the contribu-
mal, community leadership recruited by ascription or, in tion of team sports in the forging of community identity, or
short, the type of hereditary rulership typical of chiefdom communitas, and the coalescence of community leadership
societies. around individual leaders.

American Anthropologist 103(2):331-345. Copyright ? 2001, American Anthropological Association

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
332 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 103, No. 2 * JUNE 2001

The Ballgame and Mesoamerica's

First Governments

By all accounts, the transition from egalitarian to com-

plex societies in Mesoamerica was a torrid affair. After
millennia of hunting, fishing, and gathering, by the second
millennium B.C. people started to settle down and devote
more time to horticulture and agriculture. Shortly thereaf-
ter, the first simple chiefdom societies arose (about 1600
B.C. in calibrated radiocarbon years) in the Pacific coastal
lowlands of southern Mexico, and just three or four centu-
ries later, there were state societies in the Gulf Coast low-
lands (see Clark 1997 for summary). Fine points of the de-
velopmental sequence are arguable but not the overall
sequence. Chiefdom and state societies first emerged in the
lowland tropics of southern Mexico among cultures known
as the Mokaya and the Olmec and later spread to the Mexi-
can highlands and the Maya lowlands. Although there ap-
pears to be a clear link between early Mokaya and later 01-
mec developments, extant evidence is insufficient to trace
its lineaments. For present purposes, however, it is suffi-
cient to note that the Olmec developed the first state soci-
ety in Mesoamerica (Cyphers 1996), and presumably in the
Americas, and that the Mokaya were an earlier and less
complex culture (Clark and Blake 1994). The Olmecs are
best known for their monumental and dynamic stone
sculptures of paramount chiefs and/or kings, a point that Figure 1. "El Rey" or "The King," the largest of the colossal stone
heads carved by the San Lorenzo Olmec.
will become relevant below (Figure 1).
The emphasis of our joint research over the past decade
has been on the development of what may have been thehave occurred because several aggrandizers were able to
first simple chiefdom societies in Mesoamerica, and possi- sustain their prestige over the long run and to pass on bene-
bly America, first evident among the Mokaya of coastalfits to heirs. The social circumstance of habitual privilege
Chiapas (Clark 1994). The archaeological record of this accorded to the same household or lineage heads was the
coastal zone brackets the transition from egalitarian to rankbasis for the institutionalization of hereditary rank distinc-
society and provides the best evidence of this critical proc- tions.
ess currently available for Mesoamerica. Clark and Blake Archaeologically, we place the transition to simple chief-
(1994) argue that the emergence of hereditary social dis-doms at about 1600 B.C. (see Blake et al. 1995 for details
tinctions resulted from the favorable combination of spe- of chronology). The best evidence for its emergence is the
cial social circumstances in a productive environment that coordinated construction history of special house plat-
could sustain social competition. They argue that the natu- forms at the large village of Paso de la Amada (Figure 2).
ral abundance of the Mazatan region allowed some indi-There is good evidence that prior to 1600 B.C. each ward
viduals, denoted as "aggrandizers," to accumulate socialof this extensive village had at least one big house, presum-
surpluses and to compete for local renown and followers,ably of a lineage leader or headman (Clark 1994). But only
principally by sponsoring feasts, local exchanges, and craft one of these houses (Mound 6) was subsequently rebuilt
activities, which set up a system of social debts betweenand expanded over the course of many generations (Figure
aggrandizers and their obligated clients (Clark and Blake3); the others were abandoned. This suggests that the line-
1994; see also Hayden and Gargett 1990 for a discussion of age head of one household was successful in bringing the
"accumulators"). This competitive social milieu promotedentire village under his leadership and that this centralizing
individual searches for innovations that could serve in out- leadership continued to be passed down within the same
shining one's rivals in social displays. Some innovationshousehold and lineage afterwards. The chiefly residence at
included bringing in cultigens (corn and beans) from theMound 6 was rebuilt and elevated at least seven times over
highlands and ceramic technology from regions to thethe next three centuries and appears to have been the prin-
south (Clark and Blake 1994; Clark and Gosser 1995). Thecipal residence in the community during all that time
ballgame may have been another such borrowed innova-(Blake 1991; Clark 1994). The history of this household,
tion. The transition to hereditary inequality is thought to and its supposed lineage of petty chiefs, is of particular

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 HILL AND CLARK / SPORTS, GAMBLING, AND GOVERNMENT 333

Guff of
20 Mexico 2
STR 2
MEXICO
'Osan Lorenzo

%c~c la
5 c Ocean Paso de I
Amada
P ~4~V

STR 3 00

STR 4

20 hm

100~ii

STR 5

STR 6 .

O 5 lOm 0 5 10m

Figure 3. Construction sequence

administrating its use. The b

Figure 2. Map of the archaeological
gated, compacted surface tha
Chiapas, Mexico.
playing field prior to const
court. Although rather mode
interest because the fine chrono
de la Amada ballcourt is the l
modifications allows us to narrow
its time in Mesoamerica (Hill
origins of hereditary
parallel, village leader
linear mounds brack
As it turns out, the
The alley ballcourt
is 80 m long, and d
chiefly residence
1.5was
m high,constructed
30 m wide, and
gence of rank (Hill et al.
calculations, 1998).
at least 1,375 T
p
ries lead to our primary and stro
making this earthen structur
between the ballcourt/ballgame and
arise from our reconstructio
reditary leadership.
mestic and public structure
At the time of the construction
household of
at Mound 6 sponso
to-be-chiefly residence at
the ballcourt? If so,Moun
was this
thatch structure built among
petition at ground lev
lineage leader
been similar to other
gence big leadersh
of hereditary hous
sequently, the Mound 6 household
the construction or use of th
form and elevated their
tant? residence
We explore these questi
first clear indication of social distinctions at Paso de la The second piece of circum
Amada (Figure 4). The proximity of the ballcourt to necting formal games and g
Mound 6 suggests to us that the residents there may have developments in Mesoameri
played a major role in constructing the ballcourt and in that the earliest representatio

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
334 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 103, No. 2 * JUNE 2001

Eii17

Figure 4. Aerial v

about 1200 has B.C. dep

requir
mous associated activities.
multi-ton ston
sporting leather he
clay figurines
The Mesoamerican of
Ballgame eli
in the Mexican hig
as well At least five different games involving competitive
(Figure 7). play T
with a hard rubber ball are recorded for ancient Meso-
and padding were ne
ber ballsamerica.
usedArchaeological evidence traces
insome of these t
leaders back at
portrayed least to Late Archaic times (around 2000 B.C.).
as
ballgame Variants
hadof the game included versions of (1) handball, (2)
clear
and was astickball,
key (3) hipball, (4) kickball, and
eleme (5) "trick" games
similar to the "keep-away" games
Scarborough and played by children today
W
interest (see
that Borhegyi 1980 and Stem
the 1950 for descriptions).
pr As
corded with today'sthe
in sports, the different games were probably eas-
Popu
sports ily identified
contests by the type of ball, bat or other equipment,
bet
and
Civilization arena used. Some
was of the Mesoamerican
beli games re-
rived quired different sized balls,
from mortal with the hipgame requiring the
gods in alargest and heaviest ones. We do not know whether all t
contest
means ofvariants unifying
of the ballgame were played in ancient Mazatan,
complex the society"
region of our principal interest, but we are confident (
clear thatthat hipball
the was played because itballga
is the only one of the five
later societies, it
requiring a formal court such as that constructed d
at Paso de
critical inla Amada.
theEthnohistoric sources first
further suggest that the
ernment, hipgame
but it
was the most important, frequent,may
and competi-
have tive of theinvestiga
been five ballgames (Leyenaar 1978:42). We focus

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 HILL AND CLARK / SPORTS, GAMBLING, AND GOVERNMENT 335

Paso de la Amada, Mound 7, Ballcourt

78m

b h2.5m

22m alley .7m

22m

benches

alley I I I I I
0 25m
initial mounds
expanded mounds

Figure 5. Ballcourt features and measurements, Mound 7, Paso de la Amada.

on this variant here because it qualifies as a true sport and The ballgame was scored using different point systems.
not just as play. We follow Edwards (1973:55) in distin-
Early post-Spanish Conquest documents recount that the
number of points needed to win a particular game was ne-
guishing sports from play; by sport we mean a competitive
activity with formal rules where the outcome extends be-gotiated beforehand, and it is clear from these documents
that the objective of the ballgame was to score points. In
yond the players to individuals and groups who do not par-
ticipate directly in the activity. the case of the Aztec hipball game known as ulama, there
The hipgame (hereafter the "ballgame") was played onwere a three ways to win a point: (1) by driving the ball past
formal court consisting of a long, narrow playing alley that
the opposing team's goal line, located at the beginning of
opened up at each end into an end zone. Anciently, ball- their end zone, (2) by forcing an opponent to commit a
courts varied in length and width, but all possessed the body fault, or (3) by hitting the ball into one of the side-
arms of the end zone so it could not be returned (Stem
same essential features: two lateral walls or platforms, gen-
tle sloping "benches," and a central alley (Figure 8). The 1950:59).
walls and benches figured prominently in keeping the ball As sporting arenas, Mesoamerican ballcourts varied
in play and were used much like walls of a modem squash widely. The largest of these was the great ballcourt at
court. The game was played with two opposing teams, Chich6n Itzai, Yucatan, measuring 150 by 50 m. The best
each of which defended an end zone. The number of play-measure of ballcourt variation is alley width, which ranged
from 3.6 to 12.4 m for Aztec ballcourts of Central Mexico.
ers per team varied according to the game and its purpose.
Much like modem soccer or football, the objective of the Alley width and length determined the number of players
ballgame was to drive the ball past one's opponent into that could be accommodated in the court. In ulama, teams
of two to three players were common (Stem 1950:58). Oc-
their end zone. This required great skill and physical condi-
tioning because the players had to do this without using casionally, games of one-on-one also took place; nobles
are the only ones recorded as having engaged in these spe-
their hands or feet; the ball was kept in play by hitting it
with one's hips, thus the designation for this game. cial contests.

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
336 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 103, No. 2 * JUNE 2001

a b c

Figure 6

Ethnohis
1975:250). In another contest, nominal stakes were used to
emphasize the athletic prowess of an aging noble.
courts al He wa-
gered his entire kingdom but only asked a counter bet of
together
three turkeys from his challenger. This
watch th match was played
for to elite
test the veracity of a prophesy, the outcome of which
was validated by a victory (Torquemada
Sweat ba 1975:291-292).
In terms of material gain, winning players were entitled
ballcourts
to
selves.the cloaks and jewels of spectators, but Moonly if they won
outright
trally by putting the ball through a vertically
pl mounted
hoop
thereby on the side of the court (Stem 1950:60). Opinions dif- u
All fer on this
lines entitlement; one famous account states that win-

lentners were only and

due the capes of spectators who backed the
losing team (Motolinia 1903:339). There
cluded he is ample evi-
dence to suggest that "professional" or full-time ballplay-
protector
ers were of noble rank but were not necessarily wealthy,
balls wei
and they often lost wealth gained in previous contests. In
injury; in
short, the consequences of winning were proportional to
incurred
the stakes wagered, astute betting, and luck. The prestige
sively jo
value of winning was great but, unless parlayed into a
teammate
larger fortune, was soon lost the same way it was gained. It
As with
is noteworthy that none of the ethnohistoric documents or
regard,
pre-Columbian codices records any famous ballplayers.
ous--con
More is known about losing than winning. As with win-
profit fr
ning, consequences of losing were tied to the stakes wa-
rated the
gered. In extreme cases, losers forfeited their lives. The
ings as at
losers described in ethnohistoric accounts appear to be
ning. In
gamblers and not the players themselves. A passage from
taunted i
one of the first generation priests in the New World, Diego
catl. Both
Durdin (1971:318), illustrates how much was at stake in
communities on the outcome of the match. Xihuitlemoc
some wagers.
defeated his upstart rival and remarked that he was both-
ered "not so much [by] the income but the credit and stand- These wretches played for stakes of little value or worth, and
ing as a player, on which he prided himself' (Torquemada since the pauper loses quickly what he has, they were forced

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 HILL AND CLARK / SPORTS, GAMBLING, AND GOVERNMENT 337

lateral wall back wall

bench

....
,P? ~t~r, ;L ;. ,, " ; ',, ' ;

,.', . , end zone

.., ? SIIS9

Figure 8. Features of ballcourts from ancient Mesoamerica.

.. \~4? C~ k

for which he was enslaved, he lost [his liberty] if someon

else could pay more. The same was applied to all the othe
games. This created fear and held back many who took warn
ing in the example of others and did not bet that which the
did not possess, in case the opponent took advantage of th
and won [him]. As I have said, these were always people o
the lower orders, because illustrious, noble people never
lacked that with which to gamble. [The latter], however,
played more for recreation and relief from their constant wa
fare and toil-not for profit.
-This is an advantage of the rich: if they lose today, wit
what they have left they can win tomorrow. It is importan
that one who takes part in this sort of game have large wealt
behind him.

Significantly, carved ballcourt panels and sculpture de

pict human sacrifice and decapitation, although it is n
clear whether the losers were dispatched (but this is ou
Figure 7. Ballplayer figurine from West Mexico in protective gear. Whichever the case, human sacrifice was in-
presumption).
tegral to the ballgame in Classic times. While the antiquity
of ballgame
to gamble their homes, their fields, their corn granaries, theirsacrifice remains unknown, such practice
maguey plants. They sold their children in order
mayto well
bet and
date back to the Early Formative Olmec abou
even staked themselves and became slaves, to be sacrificed
1100 B.C. (see Taube 1996). Human sacrifice demonstrat
later if they were not ransomed in the manner which
somehas been
immediate, tangible benefits from winning ball
explained. games and that stakes for some contests could not be
-Their way of using themselves as stakes was this. Once higher.
they had lost their valuable articles such as pieces of cloth,
Tangential to the ballgame, but equally important, was
beads, feathers, they would give their word saying that at
the gambling and feasting accompanying each match.
home they had certain valuable articles. If this was believed, it
These more informal competitions co-occurred alongside
was well, but if not, the winner would accompany [the loser]
to his house and take the articles which [the loser] had offered games and provided numerous opportunities for forcing
upon his word. But if he did not possess them or find a way to one's competitors into debt. Sixteenth-century sources re-
make payment, he was sent to jail; and if his wife or children late that fortunes were won and squandered at the ballcourt
did not ransom him, he became a slave of the creditor. The (Durdin 1971; Torquemada 1975), the ancient equivalent to
laws of the republic permitted that he could be sold for the craps tables. The same accounts record that some individuals
sum he owed and not for more. In case he wished to become wagered on credit, offering their wives, children, property,
free and if he discovered that he was unable to gather the sum or even personal servitude as collateral. The exploitation of

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
338 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 103, No. 2 * JUNE 2001

such situations by self-aggrandizing individuals is not dif- We do not know, and cannot know for certain, of course,
ficult to imagine. the details of the historic circumstances that led to the first
formalized governments in early Mesoamerica. Discussion
Feasting was also an activity associated with ballgames,
with the ballcourts doubling as feasting facilities (Foxof these critical matters must necessarily be speculative. In
the remainder of this essay we explore the possibility that
1994). Extant archaeological evidence for ballcourt feasts,
however, remains equivocal because the messes generated the ballgame was integral to the origins of government in
during such events were cleaned up, thereby leaving be- Mesoamerica, and we explore four possible ways in which
hind few material traces. The combination of ballgames, it might have had a catalytic impact in the competitive
ballcourts, gambling, and feasts provided an easy means egalitarian setting imagined. These include considerations
for creating debtors by the dozen. Such a combination of gambling, participation in the game, sponsorship of the
game
would have, in our estimation, permitted creditors and oth- and its associated activities, and the effects of team
sports on community identities.
ers to forge debt alliances and to promote their own greater
renown. In Early Formative Mazatan, such debt creationGiven the archaeological problem at hand, there are
and manipulation by aggrandizers may have been one clear
of logical parameters for the activities and agents that
may
the principal means by which egalitarian social structures have made a difference. By definition, we are dealing
succumbed to a system of rank about 1600 B.C.
with egalitarian society and a transition to hereditary in-
equality and government. Activities of primary interest,
therefore, should meet at least three requirements that such
Aggrandizers, Ballgames, and
a process implies. First, the activities in question must have
Heritable Privilege the ability to confer some substantive benefits or advantage
The origin of hereditary village leadership in southern on a select segment of the population; differential heredi-
Mexico is described by Clark and Blake (1994) as an acci- privilege arises from prior achieved privileges of some
tary
dental consequence of self-aggrandizing individuals pursu-sort. Second, the unequal distribution of benefits must not
be socially divisive in the egalitarian setting; the ideal
ing personal fame through competitive acts designed to en-
benefits would be those that could be shared with others of
tice followers, clients, and other hangers-on to their
groups. As framed, the aggrandizer model of competitivethe community, at least in part, thereby fostering social be-
liefs of a win-win situation. Third, the benefits and privi-
generosity is economic and political; it assumes that ag-
leges derived from such activities must have the potential
grandizers and their activities were focal points of social
to become chronic and, indeed, must become so over time,
and political change and that material concerns were cen-
perhaps a generation or two. Social habituation of persist-
tral to the process. Aggrandizers amassed and deployed re-
ent differences in achieved statuses would be the first, and
sources in self-serving ways that obligated and indebted
most important, step toward change in social perceptions
followers-that is, they marshaled resources to create liens
about the nature of society and the inherent status of vari-
on the future labor of those accepting their favors. Aggran-
ous persons (Clark 2000). Explanations of the origins of
dizers' stratagems privileged activities that might bring in
hereditary privilege must account for shifts in social beliefs
the lion's share of resources, greater renown, or bind cli-
as well as the distribution of privileges. Given the egalitar-
ents to them for future considerations.
ian tribal milieu imagined for early Mesoamerica, naked
As described, the ballgame would have provided nu-
power and coercion would not have constituted viable
merous opportunities for winning and losing resources or
paths to perdurable political power (see Clark and Blake
for creating future social obligations among one's associ-
1994). But in an interesting way, the ballgame may have
ates, either through gambling, gaming, feasting, or spon-
provided a formalized setting for acceptable intersocietal
sorship of the event. Any explanations stressing material
aggression that may have channeled aggression to produc-
gains from the ballgame, however, merely extend the tiveag- ends.
grandizer model and the field of activities that led to differ-In the following discussion we designate various possi-
ential wealth and prestige. We believe the ballgame did
ble paths to power and privilege with agentive labels such
play a critical role in the development of formal governm-
as "sponsor," "ballplayer," and "gambler." These are
ment, but one quite apart from any competitive material-meant to highlight activities and social roles rather than
ism. We suspect that one totally unanticipated and salient
provide stereotypes of past agents. Clearly, one individual
effect of organizing team sports among a network of egali-
could have engaged in all these activities. Also, the known
tarian Mesoamerican villages some 3,600 years ago was
role of "aggrandizer" is not exclusive to those proposed
the emergence of community identities, or communitas,
here. We suspect that aggrandizers were sponsors, players,
and of community representatives or leaders. Coupled withand gamblers involved in ballgame events and associated
other aggrandizer activities, the emerging notion of "ouractivities. All these labels refer to competitive activities, al-
community" and shared interests laid the basis for ascribed
beit at differing social scales, as we describe in the follow-
leadership among chiefdom societies. ing sections.

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 HILL AND CLARK / SPORTS, GAMBLING, AND GOVERNMENT 339

Gambling bets were placed prior to the game and held "in trust" by a
third party until the game was completed. Although Catlin
For all its pageantry, blood, and bruises, the one aspect
does not elaborate on outcomes of this gambling, the total
of the Aztec ballgame that captured the imagination of the
goods wagered must have been substantial. The often vio-
early Spanish clerics was the side bets. As narrated by
lent determination of the players to score accentuates the
Durain, disproportionate resources were wagered on out- nature of the stakes.
comes of games. Bettors were not confined to the elite
Stern (1950:84) reported that among the Acaxee of
class; commoners were allowed equal access to chances of
Nayarit, Mexico, large bets were integral to the ballgame.
easy wealth or personal ruin. In truth, debt was no respecter
Stakes rose even higher for intercommunity games, though
of persons in ancient Mesoamerica. Among the Aztecs,
they still tended to be limited to personal property. A chal-
formal rules tantamount to laws provided for the payment
lenge by one village could not be refused by another. A
of sums won or lost. Occasionally, wagers were made that
messenger was sent to collect wagered articles, usually of
exceeded the economic wherewithal of the bettor, and
equal value to those put up by the challengers. A "consola-
sempiternal servitude awaited him should he bet on the
tion prize" was awarded to the losing team unless they
wrong colors.
were the host team. If the host team won, everyone dined
As inherently titillating as these data for the Aztecs
on a luxurious feast. However, if they lost, the hosts did not
might be to clerics, they are of questionable relevance for
share their feast with the victors who had just made off
the early Mesoamerican case of rank origins, coming as
with their possessions (Stem 1950:84).
they do from a situation of traditional stratified societies.
Status could be greatly enhanced, or lowered, through
Of greater potential importance would be information from
tribal societies. Fortunately, there is a wealth of such data
gambling (Scarborough 1991:142). Among the Gros Ven-
tre of Montana, for example, gambling was a means of so-
on gaming for North and South American tribal societies
that confirm the link between gambling and gaming seen in
cial mobility (Flannery and Cooper 1946:398). Most gam-
late Mesoamerica. We consider briefly a few select cases bling centered around a wheel game that required skill and
from this larger sample before turning to some of the im- dexterity. Supporters of competing players would often
plications of gambling for the origins of rank in early provide food for spectators and boast of their ability to ca-
Mesoamerica. ter the event. Reports show that social ambition could be
snuffed out by a single bad day of gambling. White Owl,
Gambling was an integral component of nearly all tribal
an
and rank societies, and it continues to form an important older man of great standing among the Gros Ventre,
economic and social lifeline for many native communities challenged to a wheel game by Lame Bull, an ambi-
was
(Gabriel 1996). As Kathryn Gabriel (1996:17) observes,tious young upstart. So confident was Lame Bull of victory
"Native American traditions abound with myths and leg- that he bet all his possessions and those of his wife and se-
ends that reveal the sacred significance of gambling andlect relatives. The social stakes were even higher. A loss by
the divine origin, power, and symbolism of these games."White Owl would have meant his downfall; a win would
Information from Amerindian societies illustrates gam- make him even bigger in the eyes of his followers. Lame
Bull lost the contest and all his possessions and became an
bling's remarkable power to precipitate short-term social
change. Anthropologists working in the Amazon Basin ob- object of ridicule to his family and former followers. Al-
served that gambling was commonplace, recording that though White Owl gained numerous possessions in the
contest,
"they played not merely for the fun of the game but to win of greater importance was maintenance of his
substantial stakes," the wagers consisting of "baskets prestige.
of
maize, strings of glass beads, and, when necessary, every- Inevitably, gambling also led to serious conflicts. The
Gros Ventre solved the most extreme conflicts by fission-
thing the players had in their houses" (Cooper 1949:514).
Players as well as spectators engaged in betting. ing from the main group, which they were free to do at any
time (Flannery and Cooper 1946:411). Gambling stakes
Ballgames enjoyed widespread popularity throughout
North America but generally not within formal ballcourts
seem to have been largest between rival bands. To prevent
as in Mesoamerica. In the latter part of the 19th century,rivalries from destroying the social fabric, gambling was
George Catlin observed the Choctaw playing a ballgameprohibited
at among ritual specialists and between certain kin
an astronomical scale. "It is no uncommon occurrence for relations (both fictive and sanguine). In Flannery and Coo-
six or eight hundred or a thousand of these young men to per's (1946:415) list of gambling rules among Plains
engage in a game of ball, with five or six times that number
groups, the two overarching principles that emerge are (1)
of spectators, of men, women, and children surroundinga prohibition of gambling between close relatives, and (2)
the ground, looking on" (Catlin 1953:290, emphasis added).
its encouragement between rival groups. It is as if gam-
Even compensating for exaggeration, the number of play-
bling were the quintessential means to effect Sahlins's (1972)
ers is impressive and would have required an extremelyversion of negative reciprocity, the gaming version of
large playing field. As in the South American examples,
"buying cheap and selling dear." Clearly, gambling provided

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
340 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 103, No. 2 * JUNE 2001

an effective means of getting nearby villages or communi- Perhaps of greater importance than gambling winnings
ties to interact with each other in competitive ways. Taboos
are gambling debts. Those who bet and lose more than they
against gambling with relatives channeled its power to-
possess must be re-possessed themselves. In some social
ward rivals, thus assuring that victorious gamblers would
circumstances, the ability to command the labor of such
not accumulate wealth on the backs of their families. Aswretches for personal ends may have been important or
one perspicacious informant put it, gambling within the even critical in the more general processes of debt manage-
family would be "like winning [property] from yourself' ment. A particularly apt way to obligate a follower would
(Flannery and Cooper 1946:414). be to cover his gambling losses. The potential for gambling
Gambling power is a recurrent theme in tribal narratives. to create debts is obvious. Less clear are the long-term ef-
Some narratives attest to help from deceased ancestors fects of such activity on the general social fabric and egali-
(Flaskerd 1961:92) who brought success in gambling. In tarian ethos.
some societies, gambling is so powerful that it is thought to
interfere with or threaten other powers and, therefore, must Gaming
be controlled (Flannery and Cooper 1946:407). Few stud-
ies address the subject in any detail, however. A relatively The analytical distinction between the social effects of
unexplored component of this line of thought is the psy- gaming and gambling is somewhat forced as the two ap-
chology of gambling and its effects on prehistoric socie- pear to be sides of the same coin. In some of the personal
and intercommunity rivalries mentioned above, playing a
ties. Did gambling and the associated debts incurred inten-
sify existing inequalities and intercommunity rivalries? game was just the excuse to force a heavy wager on a rival
that could not be refused without loss of face. Whereas
Many more examples of gambling among tribal socie-
ties could be adduced; however, the few mentioned suffice gambling appears inherently to concern material gains and
to make several fundamental points. Gambling on ball- consequences of significant wins or losses, gaming relates
games and other games was widespread in the Americas more to social prestige. In the Aztec and Gros Ventre ex-
and was engaged in for fun, profit, and prestige. Almost amples, challenge to a game appears to have carried the so-
anything, and sometimes everything, could be wagered. cial force of a personal duel and involved the honor of
Gambling of personal property was common and, among one's name, as based in one's sports prowess. It is obvious
more complex societies, wagering of human labor for fu- that demonstrable high levels of sports skill and physical
ture considerations occurred. Gambling is widely acknow- ability would carry prestige in most societies, but it is not
ledged as a powerful activity, with an inherent power to clear how this could be parlayed into other long-term
elevate and debase those who engage in it. Moreover, its benefits.

social divisive powers are well attested.
The conditions of possibility for gambling involve rules
and protocols concerning bets, collections on bets, and
challenges to games. Lady luck is also a pervasive theme,
with some gambling successes attributed to one's super-
natural connections. In many encounters, especially those
with high stakes, wealth, prestige, and social good will
were all on the line. Gambling was therefore an important
means for a diverse range of societies to reconcile a divine
plan with the random events of everyday life (Gabriel pear to have won it through sporting victories. In fact, their
1996). privileged station was a necessary precondition for learn-
Granting all of the above for sake of argument, is there a
plausible link between the power of gambling, wealth ac-
cumulation, and the transformation of egalitarian society?
On basic principles we suspect not. Given its pervasive-
ness in societies of all types, gambling may be a cultural
universal and thus of dubious explanatory power. It is
clearly a means of wealth redistribution and, secondarily, a
means to gain greater prestige, both of which are probably
important but not critical in social transformation. Gam-
bling comes equipped with its own social-leveling mecha-
nism, and unless one can rig the game, it would seem that
in habitual gambling, wins and losses would eventually
level out. So prospects of large material gains from betting
over the long run appear few.
In today's world, the association of sports prowess with
success is synonymous with wealth, renown, and potential
political power. Evidence from late Mesoamerica also in-
dicates that some of these relationships between sports, re-
nown, wealth, and power may be premodern. It is well to
remember, however, that much of the linkage depends on
the prior existence of societies based upon social stratifica-
tion, monetary systems, and market economies. In the Az-
tec case, players were born to high privilege and do not ap-
ing the sport in the first place because the ballgame was an
elite activity. What benefits might derive from gaming and
athletic skill in an egalitarian setting? The most obvious
ones suggested by the Mesoamerican data are renown and
wealth. But by themselves these seem rather unidimen-
sional, and it is hard to imagine a scenario in which a
sport's hero in an egalitarian milieu could leverage renown
from sporting successes into hereditary benefits for his off-
spring. Also, the wealth actually won in playing the game
would have been meager compared to potential gains from
side-bets. Absent gambling winnings, the tangible remu-
nerations from ballgame victories were rather insignificant.
The very nature of physical sports ties success on the field
to biological parameters of strength, speed, coordination,

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 HILL AND CLARK / SPORTS, GAMBLING, AND GOVERNMENT 341

and the like. The reality of sports is that the aging process ceased ancestors who then "played" the game vicariously
eventually defeats all comers; one cannot forever prevail through living offspring. So perceived, victory in these
against younger rivals. In a sense, any prestige or wealth matches signaled supernatural favor and, perhaps of
gained through successful sporting activity is likely to fol- greater importance, the efficacy of one's ancestors in mor-
low the life-cycle trajectory thought to apply to New tal affairs compared to others' ancestors. By such simple
Guinea Bigmen. No matter their fame, they cannot sustain means, players and/or their sponsors garnered greater pres-
their successes indefinitely because age and fatigue even- tige and higher status for themselves as well as their ances-
tually catch up with them. tors through successful play in the ballgame.
Several examples discussed above suggest that one Links to apotheosized ancestors and sublime supernatu-
benefit of gaming was the possibility of humiliating one's ral favor are widely sought these days as the most convinc-
rivals on the field of play. This may have been an espe- ing way to have effected the transition from egalitarian to
cially important benefit in the types of competitive egali- non-egalitarian social structures (see Friedman and Row-
tarian or bigman systems thought to be characteristic of lands 1977; Marcus and Flannery 1996; McAnany 1995).
early Mesoamerica. Competitive sports also occurred be- Ballgame successes provide a compelling logic for such a
tween rival communities. In this light, it is of interest that link. However, it is worth pointing out in this regard that,
several scholars view ballgames as surrogates for costly given certain beliefs about connections between the living
warfare between competing polities (Fox 1991:227-228; and the gods, success in any socially esteemed endeavor
Taladoire and Colsenet 1991). While true for late would do, including gambling, farming, weaving, hunting,
Mesoamerican societies, for our question it is more inter- fishing, and so forth. As with the accumulation of material
resources, the accumulation of symbolic capital (Bourdieu
esting to consider ballgames as a form of competition pos-
sibly analogous to warfare among New Guinea societies 1977, 1990) and social prestige appears to have been an
(see Wiessner and Tumu 1998). Although interpretations important ingredient, but insufficient by itself. All paths to
drawn from such analogies must be tentative, there was a potential heritable power have the possibility of differen-
strong link from the very beginning in Mesoamerican sym- tial control of material goods, but these required invest-
bolism between militarism and the ballgame (Taladoire ment and manipulation in particular ways to defeat the
and Colsenet 1991:174). Competition between rival com- egalitarian system.
munities, in the form of ballgames, probably involved for-
mal and informal rules of compensation. Sponsoring
Other interesting implications follow from possible con- Permanent architectural facilities such as ballcourts had
sequences of the physical contest itself. If a player were
multiple options for investment, first through their con-
killed or seriously injured in a ballgame, his death or injury
struction, which had their own managerial imperatives
may have required compensation to his close kin. Depend- (Hill 1999), and subsequently through their maintenance
ing on compensation rules, such wealth transfers could and expansion. Ballcourt sponsorship could have taken
have been of greater importance than any gambling win- several forms: coordination of initial construction and pro-
nings because they would have had longer term conse- vision of labor, meals, building materials, ritual specialists,
quences. In New Guinea, compensation payments impli- dedicatory feasts, and/or players. Underwriting construc-
cate formal systems of wealth valuables, and their payment tion of a ballcourt would have given aggrandizers a means
is generally the first step in establishing long-term ex- of expanding their influence locally and regionally, while
change relationships between parties (see Hayden 1995). simultaneously debasing competitors who could not fi-
Perhaps the most important outcome of ballgames in- nance such endeavors.
volved aspects of social knowledge, norms, and values. Sponsorship may have conferred ownership in some in-
One of the clear outcomes of contests of physical prowess stances. Ownership of the ballcourt and/or playing gear, or
and skill could be, or would be, changes in social valu- sponsorship of games and their associated activities, espe-
ations of persons. The transition from egalitarian to rank cially rituals, feasting, and gambling, would both have
systems essentially makes such disparate valuations per- opened promising possibilities for long-term benefits. De-
manent. So with all of their material gains, changes in so- pending on one's theoretical leanings, private ownership of
cial perceptions of individual worth would have been the Paso de la Amada ballcourt or critical ballgame equip-
equally important. Information from the Maya area sug- ment provides a best or worst case scenario for the origins
gests one way in which the phenomenology of the ball- of rank based upon private property. There are many variants
game may have been promoted in the emergence of as- of such arguments going back to the Enlightenment, but
cribed leadership. Linda Schele (in Freidel et al. 1993) they all involve control or monopoly of a critical resource
argued that ballgames in the Classic period (ca. A.D. that others want or need so badly that they willingly submit
250-900) were contests of mortals against gods, with gods to the lucky soul who controls them. Ownership of the
being represented by mortals. Such contests involved de- Paso de la Amada ballcourt, however, appears an unlikely

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
342 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 103, No. 2 * JUNE 2001

candidate for such an explanation because it can hardlymay be have been wholly unintended and had little to do with
construed as a necessity, and other ballcourts certainly tangible material benefits, as great as these could have
been; rather, it may have entailed new perceptions of com-
could have been constructed just as easily as it was. All pri-
vate property routes to rank involve some form of rent munity
of identity and related identities. In advancing this ar
material and social benefits that owners extract from users.gument, we presume that ballplaying was inherently com-
petitive and involved numerous teams within the Mazata
We doubt that ownership of a sports arena in a tribal setting
would have had such consequences. region. Further, we postulate that the formal construction
of the ballcourt at Paso de la Amada coincided with con-
The nagging question raised by discovery of the early
earthen ballcourt at Paso de la Amada is whether or not the
struction of other courts at other villages, formation of vil-
household at Mound 6 was responsible for its constructionlage teams, and intervillage competition among teams,
and use. We suspect so. Construction of the elevated
each sponsored by one or more aggrandizers. The village
Mound 6 house followed close on the heels of the con-
cluster at Paso de la Amada was large enough to have
struction of the ballcourt, so correlation in this instance issponsored several teams; we suspect that, initially, compe-
tition among teams at Paso de la Amada may have been as
sufficient probable cause to consider individual sponsor-
ship of this facility. Aggrandizers sought opportunities to intense and divisive as that among teams from different
demonstrate their magnificence, and sponsorship of a ball-villages. Construction of a more formal facility at Paso de
la Amada, however, appears to have changed matters sig-
court would have been a grand way to do so. Sponsorship
allowed aggrandizers to deploy resources, many of themnificantly and to have promoted intravillage cooperation
under
perishable, and to put them into the hands of followers, the banner of a single village team.
with a promissory for later returns. Even excluding any We cannot resurrect the pageantry surrounding these
early games, but what is known from later times indicates
material returns from extracting rents from use of the facil-
ity, management and control of the court would havethat games would have been highly charged affairs, rang-
brought important benefits in terms of wealth creation, ing from sublimated warfare between villages to carnivals
debt management, and personal renown. of fun, food, gambling, and hospitality. Indeed, ballgames
The presence of just one ballcourt in a region, of course,were inherently social affairs and would have been obvious
is as illogical as wearing only one shoe. Consequently, we activities meriting aggrandizer sponsorship. Ballgames
expect that other large villages in the Mazatan region also and their collateral activities provided numerous opportu-
had ballcourts and that village teams played "away-games" nities to deploy perishable resources and to be magnani-
as they did in later times. If correct, the broader question mous to one's relatives, neighbors, and friends, and this
concerns construction of several ballcourts and the organi-would have been sufficient motivation for aggrandizers to
zation and consequences of intervillage competition. Ifstay involved.
scheduling of ballgames were tied to maintenance of ball- Of special interest to us, however, is a probable conse-
courts, then aggrandizers who sponsored their construction quence of league play among different villages. The emo-
and controlled use-rights could have bolstered personal tions and excitement surrounding competitive matches
prestige by successes in the ballcourt arena, qua players, would have promoted a mutual association of teams, spon-
gamblers, and/or sponsors. sors, and villages that culminated over time in a shifting
As architectural facilities, ballcourts provided perma- sense in the region of "we" versus "they" that had not been
nent loci for games and rituals connected with specific present before. Just as modem collegiate athletics easily
sponsors. Although there is no shortage of modem exam- fosters esprit de corps and polarizations of loyalties around
ples of sponsor aggrandizement, the one we imagine was school colors, we think that competitive team sports led to
small in scale, probably confined to the Mazatan region. a polarization of team loyalties, village loyalties, and a
The permanence of ballcourts created new opportunities heightened sense of belonging to a community. We call
for competitive interaction for subsequent generations by this sense of community identity communitas. We do not
connecting players, sponsors, and participants in long-term use this term to signal antistructure and intersubjective
relationships. Each time a ballgame was played, these con- egalitarianism, as does Victor Turner (1969). Rather, it de-
nections would have been reinforced in the minds of par- notes a social perception among village coresidents of a
ticipants and spectators. We suggest these connectionscommon sense of belonging to the same community, a
were habitual in nature and eventually turned to the socialsense that cross-cuts lineage loyalties.
Prior to construction of the formal ballcourt at Paso de la
advantage of those most closely associated with the ballcourt.
Amada, the internal evidence of the residence patterns for
The Ballgame, Communitas, and this site shows the presence of replicated residential units,
First Government or wards. Analytically, we see this as a village cluster of
residences with no clear evidence of village-level integra-
The most consequential phenomenon resulting from the tion. This changed soon after the construction of the ball-
construction and use of the Paso de la Amada ballcourt court and the special residence at Mound 6. The entire Paso

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
 HILL AND CLARK / SPORTS, GAMBLING, AND GOVERNMENT 343

de la Amada village cluster appears to have become an in- lization of formal government, then our discussion of the
tegrated community. We suspect any growing sense of critical events leading up to it is necessarily suspect. We ar-
solidarity or communitas was largely an outgrowth of sup- gued that primitive government, or simple chiefdom socie-
port for the village team and related activities. More impor- ties, emerged in the Mazatan region of southern Mexico
tantly, this sense of community identity would logically about 1600 B.C. To our knowledge, this currently would
have implicated a titular community head, a visible per- make it the oldest formal government in the Americas-
sonification. In all the various activities involved with but we anticipate older evidence will eventually be attested
scheduling and sponsoring ballgame events, the teamin coastal Ecuador and Peru. Given the vagaries of archae-
sponsor qua manager would have been seen by outsiders ological evidence and ground truthing, however, it is possi-
from other participating villages as the team and villageble that we may have underestimated the Mesoamerican
representative. These external identities folded back intocase. But it is unlikely that we would be off by more than a
internal perceptions among one's coresidents, and the titu- century. Even allowing such a margin of error, the ball-
lar leader became viewed as such by foreigners and friends court at Paso de la Amada was constructed very near the
alike. These notions of village leader only strengthened the emergence of chiefdom societies in this region, either just
prestige of the aggrandizers in each village who sponsored before or just after. In either eventuality, this monumental
the teams.
construction activity, and the subsequent use of the facility,
The emerging sense of community identity and embodi- was tied to early government. It either aided in the initial
ment of community leadership did not lead automaticallyemergence of government or in sustaining the new govern-
from achieved to ascribed leadership, but we think it wasment through its first and most difficult years. The reality
an important piece of the puzzle that we have been slow to
of the ballcourt and its timing are firmly established. Given
appreciate. In previous speculations on this matter, we be-
the timing of the emergence of chiefdom societies, the pre-
gan with a presumption of community solidarity and inte-
sumption that the ballcourt/ballgame was integral to the
gration; this was inappropriate. Communitas arose from a
development of first government appears to be a reason-
complicated process of intervillage interaction; the obverse able one.
of this same process of emerging identities saw the asso-
Based on information of the Mesoamerican ballgame
ciation of sports teams with particular villages and of team
from later periods, and of gaming among American tribal
sponsors as the embodiments of these same entities. With
societies, we explored three possible paths to power and
such perceptions in place, and with chronic disparities in
prestige that may have arisen through gambling, gaming,
responsibilities and perks, leadership roles created and
and ballgame sponsorship. Of course, the specific connec-
filled by aggrandizers could have been amplified and
tions and their effects are unknowable, but manifold logi-
passed on to heirs. If this were the case, formal government
cal possibilities are entailed in such practices. Here we
based upon hereditary rulership is one probable outcome of
considered only the most plausible. The numerous ways in
changing notions of communitas in Early Formative
Mesoamerica. which individuals could gain some chronic material or so-
cial advantage over others are all compatible with the ag-
grandizer model proposed by Clark and Blake (1994). Our
Concluding Remarks discussion suggests that this model is too materialist and
Throughout our discussion of the early Mesoamerican political because it shortchanges the phenomenological
side of cultural practices. We argue that nonmaterial out-
case we have been lax in separating anthropological concerns
from traditional philosophical and political science ones.comes from ballgame sponsorship may have been as im-
portant as material ones in the development of hereditary
Our title alludes to traditional social contract theory for
consensual government going back to Thomas Hobbes, rulership.
John Locke, and the Mayflower Compact of the originalAs a new or modified cultural practice, the arrangement
and promotion of intervillage ballgame competitions in
Plymouth colony, but in our detailed arguments we consid-
early Mesoamerica may have been critical in changing per-
ered the minimal level of government as that corresponding
to simple chiefdoms (Service 1962), or the beginnings ceptions
of of individual and group identity. Arising from ba-
hereditary rulership. Simple chiefdoms governed by heredi- sic fanatical spectator behavior, a sense of communitas
tary chieftains probably fall short of the base level of civitas
may have emerged about the same time as the novel prac-
tice of recruiting village leaders from the descendants of
considered by early political thinkers. Therefore, possible
disparities between categorical levels and disciplinary
previously successful tribal headmen. The transition from
concerns here raise an important reservation about our pro-
egalitarian lifeways to those based upon such hereditary
posal. distinctions was sustained by chronic disparities in privi-
Our argument is historical and relies on getting right the lege-both material and ideal-that led to habitual prac-
absolute and relative sequence of events and practices. If tices of inequality. We think the promotion of team sports
we have misidentified the critical juncture for the crystal- had a significant impact on the accumulation of resources

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
344 AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST * VOL. 103, No. 2 * JUNE 2001

and debt management as well as on shifts in social valu-Blake, Michael, John E. Clark, Barbara Voorhies, George
ations of various categories of persons. These possible Michaels, Michael W. Love, Mary E. Pye, Arthur A.
connections certainly merit more research for theDemarest, and Barbara Arroyo
Mesoamerican case. The impact of competitive sports on 1995 Radiocarbon Chronology for the Late Archaic and For-
mative Periods on the Pacific Coast of Southeastern
early governments might also be worth investigating in
Mesoamerica. Ancient Mesoamerica 6:161-183.
other world areas.
Borhegyi, Stephan F.
In conclusion, we stress the need to consider sports and
1980 The Pre-Columbian Ballgames: A Pan-Mesoamerican
other social competition in terms of changing notions of Tradition. Milwaukee Public Museum Contributions in An-
personhood and community identity in tribal and tran- thropology and History, 1. Milwaukee: Milwaukee Public
segalitarian societies. The large scale of investment in for- Museum.
mal competitive games and gaming facilities in knownBourdieu, Pierre
tribal societies is sufficient grounds for suspecting that 1977 Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge
such activities are critical to social reproduction and, there- University Press.
fore, worthy of analytical attention. How were such en- 1990 The Logic of Practice. Stanford, CA: Stanford Univer-
deavors financed in the past, and what kinds of tangible sity Press.
Catlin, George
and intangible benefits were derived therefrom? In the
1953 A Choktaw Ball Game. In Primitive Heritage: An An-
Mesoamerican case, the unintended and unanticipated con-
thropological Anthology. Margaret Mead and Nicolas Calas,
sequences of sports competitions may well have been more eds. Pp. 289-295. New York: Random House.
formal government and new perceptions of identity. Clark, John E.
1994 The Development of Early Formative Rank Societies in
Notes the Soconusco, Chiapas, Mexico. Ph.D. dissertation, Univer-
sity of Michigan.
Acknowledgments. A previous version of this article was
1997 The Arts of Government in Early Mesoamerica. Annual
presented at the 64th annual meeting, Society for American
Review of Anthropology 26:211-234.
Archaeology, March 24-28, 1999, in Chicago. This research
2000 Towards a Better Explanation of Hereditary Inequality:
was supported in part by the New World Archaeological
A Critical Assessment of Natural and Historic Agents. In
Foundation, Brigham Young University, and the Social Sci-
Agency in Archaeology. Marcia-Anne Dobres and John
ences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. The Insti-
Robb, eds. Pp. 92-112. London: Routledge.
tuto Nacional de Anthropologia e Historia (INAH) facilitated Clark, John E., and Michael Blake
our excavations in Mexico. We gratefully acknowledge the 1994 The Power of Prestige: Competitive Generosity and the
comments of Robert L. Egbert, Bill Fowler, and three anony- Emergence of Rank Societies in Lowland Mesoamerica. In
mous reviewers and the positive experience they afforded us Factional Competition and Political Development in the New
in the review process. Special thanks to James A. Brown for World. Elizabeth M. Brumfiel and John W. Fox, eds. Pp.
his discussions on the topics presented here. The final version 17-30. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
of this paper benefited greatly from the editorial skills of Clark, John E., and Dennis Gosser
Sandy Clark. We take full responsibility for any errors, omis- 1995 Reinventing Mesoamerica's First Pottery. In The Emer-
sions, or shortcomings of this essay. gence of Pottery: Technology and Innovation in Ancient So-
1. Please address all correspondence to: Warren D. Hill, cieties. William K. Barnett and John W. Hoopes, eds. Pp.
Ph.D., Postdoctoral Fellow, UBC Centre for Disease Control,209-221. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press.
655 West 12th Avenue, Vancouver, B.C., Canada V5Z 4R4. Cooper, John M.
Tel: (604) 660-1784, Fax: (604) 660-2094, E-mail: whill@ 1949 Games and Gambling. Bureau of American Ethnogra-
interchange.ubc.ca phy Bulletin 5(143):503-524.
Cyphers, Ann
References Cited 1996 Reconstructing Olmec Life at San Lorenzo. In Olmec
Art of Ancient Mexico. Elizabeth P. Benson and Beatriz de la
Blake, Michael
Fuente, eds. Pp. 41-49. Princeton, NJ: The Art Museum,
1991 An Emerging Early Formative Chiefdom at Paso de la Princeton University.
Amada, Chiapas, Mexico. In The Formation of Complex So-Durin, Fray Diego
ciety in Southeastern Mesoamerica. W. L. J. Fowler, ed. Pp. 1971 Book of the Gods and Rites of the Ancient Calendar. Fer-
27-46. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press. nando Horcasitas and Doris Heyden, trans. Norman: Univer-
Blake, Michael, and John E. Clark sity of Oklahoma Press.
1999 The Emergence of Hereditary Inequality: The Case of Edwards, Harry
Pacific Coastal Chiapas, Mexico. In Pacific Latin America in 1973 Sociology of Sport. Homewood, IL: Dorsey Press.
Prehistory: The Evolution of Archaic and Formative Cultures.
Flannery, Regina, and John M. Cooper
Michael Blake, ed. Pp. 55-74. Pullman: Washington State 1946 Social Mechanisms in Gros Ventre Gambling. South-
University Press. western Journal of Anthropology 2(4):391-4 19.

This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms

Flaskerd, George A.
1961 The Chippewa or Ojibway Moccasin Game. The Minne-
sota Archaeologist 22(4):86-94.
Fox, John G.
1994 Putting the Heart Back in the Court: Ballcourts and Rit-
ual Action in Mesoamerica. Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard Uni-
versity. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International.
Fox, John W.
1991 The Lords of Light versus the Lords of Dark: The Post-
classic Highland Maya Ballgame. In The Mesoamerican Ball-
game. Vernon L. Scarborough and David Wilcox, eds. Pp.
213-240. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Freidel David, Linda Schele, and Joy Parker
1993 Maya Cosmos: Three Thousand Years of the Shamans'
Path. New York: William Morrow.
Friedman, Jonathan, and Michael J. Rowlands
1977 Notes towards an Epigenetic Model of the Evolution of
'Civilization.' In The Evolution of Social Systems. Jonathan
Friedman and Michael J. Rowlands, eds. Pp. 201-276. Lon-
don: Duckworth.
Gabriel, Kathryn
1996 Gambler Way: Indian Gaming in Mythology, History
and Archaeology in North America. Boulder: Johnson Books.
Hayden, Brian
1995 Pathways to Power: Principles for Creating Socioeco-
nomic Inequalities. In Foundations of Social Inequality.
Douglas Price and Gary Feinman, eds. Pp. 15-86. New York:
Plenum Press.
Hayden, Brian, and Rob Gargett
1990 Big Man, Big Heart? A Mesoamerican View of the
Emergence of Complex Society. Ancient Mesoamerica
1:3-20.
Hill, Warren D.
1999 Ballcourts, Competitive Games, and the Emergence of Tedlock, Dennis, trans.
Complex Society. Ph.D. dissertation, University of British 1985 Popol Vuh: The Definitive Edition of the Mayan Book of
Columbia, Vancouver.
Hill, Warren D., Michael Blake, and John E. Clark
1998 Ball Court Design Dates Back 3,400 Years. Nature
392:878-879.
Leyenaar, Ted J. J.
1978 Ulama: The Perpetuation in Mexico of the Pre-Spanish
Ball Game Ullamaliztli. Leiden: E. J. Brill.
Turner, Victor
Marcus, Joyce, and Kent V. Flannery
1996 Zapotec Civilization: How Urban Society Evolved in
Mexico's Oaxaca Valley. London: Thames and Hudson.
McAnany, Patricia
1995 Living with the Ancestors: Kinship and Kingship in An-
cient Maya Society. Austin: University of Texas Press.
This content downloaded from 148.223.96.146 on Thu, 11 Aug 2016 16:49:56 UTC
All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms
HILL AND CLARK / SPORTS, GAMBLING, AND GOVERNMENT 345
Motolinia, Toribio de Benavente
1903 Memoriales de Fray Toribio de Motolinia. Facsimile
edition. Madrid: Librerfa de Gabriel S&inchez.
Sahlins, Marshall D.
1972 Stone Age Economics. New York: Aldine de Gruyter.
Scarborough, Vernon L.
1991 Courting the Southern Maya Lowlands: A Study in Pre-
Hispanic Ballgame Architecture. In The Mesoamerican Ball-
game. Vernon L. Scarborough and David R. Wilcox, eds. Pp.
129-144. Tucson: University of Arizona Press.
Scarborough, Vernon L., and David R. Wilcox, eds.
1991 The Mesoamerican Ballgame. Tucson: University of
Arizona Press.
Service, Elman R.
1962 Primitive Social Organization: An Evolutionary Per-
spective. New York: Random House.
Stem, Theodore
1,950 The Rubber-Ball Game of the Americas. Monographs of
the American Ethnological Society, 17. Marian W. Smith, ed.
Seattle: University of Washington Press.
Taladoire, Eric, and Benoit Colsenet
1991 Bois Ton Sang, Beaumanoir: The Political and Conflic-
tual Aspects of the Ballgame in the Northern Chiapas Area. In
The Mesoamerican Ballgame. Vernon L. Scarborough and
David Wilcox, eds. Pp. 161-174. Tucson: University of Ari-
zona Press.
Taube, Karl A.
1996 The Rainmakers: The Olmec and Their Contribution to
Mesoamerican Belief and Ritual. In The Olmec World: Ritual
and Rulership. Elizabeth P. Benson, ed. Pp. 83-104. Prince-
ton, NJ: The Art Museum, Princeton University.
the Dawn of Life and the Glories of Gods and Kings. New
York: Simon and Schuster.
Torquemada, Juan de
1975 Monarqufa Indiana. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional
Autonoma de Mexico.
1969 The Ritual Process: Structure and AntiStructure. Chi-
cago: Aldine Publishing.
Wiessner, Polly, and Akii Tumu
1998 Historical Vines: Networks of Exchange, Ritual, and
Warfare in Papua New Guinea. Washington, DC: Smithsonian
Institution Press.