Professional Documents
Culture Documents
OCCASIONAL PAPERS 9
VEGETAL BUDDHAS
Ideological Effects
of Japanese Buddhist Doctrines
on the Salvation of Inanimate Beings
by Fabio Rambelli
INTRODUCTION
2 The role of plants as objects is particularly evident in the art fonn known as
ikebana 1: ~tft:, in which vegetal elements are isolated from their contexts to
fonn examples of abstract expressIonism that point to the nature of the vegetal
as object. It is also seen in premodern iron sculptures representing trees and
branches, known as tetsuju _:1M (iron trees).
3 Taira Masayuki, Nihon chusei no shakai to bukkyo B *J:\:lt!tO)tt~ c{L~,
1992, pp. 247-249.
Introduction 3
4 The term "ecosophia" was first used by Felix Guattari in his Les trois ecologies,
1989. I employ it in a different way.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 4
CHAPTER 1
3 Dabanniepanjing 37.581a.
4 In this context, it is interesting to note that the well-known Japanese locution
somoku kokudo shikkaijobutsu 1j[*~±~~p.M* ("plants and the territory
all become buddhas'') does not have Chinese precedents. It appears.for the first
time in a text written in Japan by the Tendai priest Annen 'ti:~ in the second
half ofthe ninth century.
5 For a general overview, see Miyamoto SMson E*IE#, "'S6moku kokudo
shikkai j6butsu' no bussh6ronteki igi to sono sakusha" r1j[*OO±~~pjZ
{l.J 0){MifnBa9~~ c.:c 0) f1"11f, 1961, pp. 672-674.
Ecosophia and ecognosis 9
10 On Zhanran's ontology and soteriology of inanimate objects, see also his Zhiguan
fuxing zhuan hongjue.
II Fung Yu-lan, A History of Chinese Philosophy, 1953 (1983), vol. 2, p. 386.
12 William LaFleur, "Saigy6 and the Buddhist Value of Nature. Part One," 1973,
p. 97. The sections of this article dedicated to the somoku jobutsu concept are
still the most complete essay on the subject in English. However, as I will show
in t):lls monograph, they present several problems.
13 But see, for example, Tamura Yoshir6 83 :t1::ff AA, "Tendai hongaku shis6 gaisetsu"
7(i1'*Jt}l',;w't!~, 1973, p. 537; Hongaku shisoron *Jt~;W.~, 1991, pp.
347-363.
Ecosophia and ecognosis 11
ritual practices.
In this chapter .I mainly address ecognosis, from Tendai and
Shingon perspectives: The choice to do so is motivated by the
wealth of doctrinal debates on the status of the nonsentients within
the Shingon and Tendai traditions, and their impact on many aspects
of premodern Japanese culture. While these two traditions critically
addressed analogous doctrines developed by other schools, such as
Hosso and Kegon, they also influenced the theories of new medieval
Buddhism in movements such as Hokke $~ (Nichiren B]i),
Zen, and the Pure Land denominations in a process that still needs
to be fully addressed in detail.
Tendai Ecognosis
16 Hoss6 was the traditional rival ofTendai, not only in terms of doctrines but also in
more secular matters such as court politics, economics, and control over the territory.
Particularly famous are the periodical struggles opposing Enryakuji g}§~ and
K6fukuji~m~ aswell as their branch temples. In this heated atmosphere, doctrinal
debates also acquired extra-philosophical significance.
17 The hegemonic role of Tendai doctrines of "original enlightenment," however,
does not mean that they did not face criticism. Particularly important opponents
were Sh6shin ~¥:~ (active 1153-1207) and, later, Reikii Koken m;g:7C~ (1652-
1739). The latter's criticism againstthe Genshi kimyodan 3Z: § ~lfrt:t.l movements
marked, according to Tamura Yoshiro 83*i1§'AA (Tamura, 1973, p. 478), the
Ecosophia and ecognosis 13
19 On this, see for example Tamura, 1973, pp. 541-545; 1990, pp. 70-71,457-495.
2lJ None of the traditional authorships is correct, since the texts, as we shall see,
appear to have been written later during the middle ages.
21 Quoted in Misaki, 1975, p. 89.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 14
ZI. On Annen's doctrines concerning plants and the nonsentients, see Shinkawa
Tetsuo *JT",g-a,Annen no hijo Jobutsugi kenkyU 't(!rQO)~F'IWpj(;{L~-liJfJ'i:,
1992.
2l Taizo kongo bodaishingi ryaku mondo sho, 2.487c.
24 Taizo kongo bodaishingi ryaku mondo sho, esp. 2.485b-488. See also Shinkawa,
1992, pp. 94-96.
Ecosophia and ecognosis 15
25 The Kantei somoku jobutsu shiki has never been published in modern times; printed
copies from the Edo period are preserved at various institutions. I was able to read the
copy at TOyo University library, which I thank for their kind assistance. For a preliminary
study of this text, see Sueki Fumihiko, "Annen Kantei somoku jobutsu shild ni tsuite"
*~fj.JE1j[*p.x;{MM21::-:JV)l, 1990.
2fi Kantei somoku jobutsu shiki, seveJlth dialogue.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 16
Plants are endowed with the four phases of life (shisi5): birth,
stability, alteration, and death. These are the shapes of [the four
stages of soteriology:] arising the desire [for enlightenment],
religious practice, bodhi, and nirviil}a, as far as plants are concerned.
Do plants not then also belong to the category of sentient beings?3o
This formal similarity between sentients and nonsentients reveals
a more profound and significant fact: that the nonsentients are
also continuously engaged in a salvific process:
i5)d~[] l~blz ~~ i L\{~fr ~~ ff 'IW 1PJ(~1-T ff '11H5i: i L\{~1-T Z ~ *
0 0 0
will specify that their treatment applies to all nonsentients, not just
to plants--even though that will entail logical and tenninological
problems. The text is also very obscure concemingthe Buddhological
status of plants:
~~o~.*~o ~.~~mtto ~m~fimtto ~~.7
=~~m~o~o~~~~mtto ~$m~fi~tto
Question: even though plants are endowed with Buddha-nature in
principle Vi bussho), they cannot have Buddha-nature as a result of
practice (gyo bussho). How can they then possess the circumstantial
cause and the final cause and become buddhas?34
Answer: You recognize that they are endowed with Buddha-nature
in principle. Well, you should know that they must then also
possess Buddha-nature as a result of practice. 35
34 This is a reference to the Tendai doctrine of the three causal factors of Buddha-
nature (Jp. san'in bussha, Ch. sanyin foxing =lZSIfJ,3i). According to Zhiyi,
the~e are the "primary cause" (zheng ying, Jp. shain JEIZSI, the principle), the
"final cause" (liao yin, Jp. ryain 71ZS1, wisdom), and the "circumstantial cause"
(yuan yin, Jp. en'in ~l2SI, religious practice) needed to realize one's Buddha-
nature. On the basis of Zhiyi's theories, Zhanran acknowledged that plants are
endowed with the three causal factors.
35 Samoku hosshin shugya jabutsu ki, 345b.
36 Critical edition by Tamura Yoshir6 in Tada et. al., eds., 1973, pp. 151-185; the
section on plants becoming buddhas, from which all passages translated below
Ecosophia and ecognosis 19
'lE" 8Z px;.{L jS; A!.{ ~ ~F 'jW1f 'jW ~, :@: =F'/i' " .R 1= ~F 'jWITif1f 'jW
it! , ~~!.{ PI }~tz,
39 Ibid.
4l Ibid. Goun 11*1 are the five psycho-physical aggregates (skandha) constituting
reality: material forms (shiki 15), perception (ju ~), ideation (.s6 m), volition
and activity (gyo fi'), and mind (shiki ~).
41 The text has here "True Dharma" (shabo iEti), but it is probably a mistake for·
iE¥\i (karmic body).
42 =
The term sanzen =f (lit. "three thousand") refers to the three thousand world
systems that constitute our universe according to Tendai cosmology; in hongaku
texts, this term designates the phenomenal multiplicity of reality as opposed to
its underlying sameness (ichinen -~, lit. "one thought"). .
, Ecosophza and ecognosis 21
world would decrease. As the text says, "at the end there would
be only the'realm of the buddhas."
It is precisely this possibility-a general homologation at the
top of the cosmic hierarchy or, in other words, a general equality
as the result of soteriology-that the initiatory lineages among
which the Sanjushika no kotogaki circulated wanted to avoid. In
fact, the Sanjushika no kotogaki appears to reveal the political
significance that the doctrines concerning the soteriology of plants
could acquire in medieval Japan. Ifnonsentients became buddhas,
the cosmic order, which the exponents ofhongaku tradition wanted
static and immutable, would also undergo an irreparable change.
One day, when everyone and everything had reached the state of
buddha, the cosmic hierarchy of beings lying at the foundations
of social control in medieval Japan would dissolve into an
egalitarian society-a perspective that the leading ideologues of
the major religious institutions wanted to avoid at any cost. To
prevent this possibility even on a merely theoretical level, they
were ready to modify the very concept of "buddha." In the
Sanjushika no kotogaki, this term refers to t.he top of the cosmic
hierarchy of beings and corresponds on earth to the members of
the hongaku tradition and, more generally, to the ruling elites of
kenmitsu religious institutions. I will return to these issues in the
final section of the next chapter.
43 Critical edition by Okubo Ryojun *?\*.EtJII~ in Tada et al., eds., 1973, pp.
187-286. The sections dealing most directly with somokujobutsu doctrines are
on pp. 215-220. .
44 Tamura, 1973, pp. 540-541; Sueki, 1991. On the nature of Tendai hongaku texts
and their systematic attribution to past masters, see Tamura, 1973; 1991; Kuroda
Toshio, "Historical Consciousness and Hon-jaku Philosophy in the Medieval
Period on Mount Hiei," 1989; Ishida Yoshito EH3~A, "Kuden kyogaku no
taisei" D {~f;!(~0){2fi:1jjf1, 1967; and Stone, 1999.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 22
The Great Treatise [that is, the Dazhidu lun] states: "There are
three kinds of heart/mind: yilituo (Jp. irida) ~~~'E, ganlituo (Jp.
karida) -=f~~'E, and zhiduoxin (Jp. jittashin) j(~JL\. Yilituo and
ganlituo are the heart/mind of plants, while zhiduoxin is of sentient
beings. The idea that plants have no mind comes from llinayana,
it is not a Mahayana one.,,48
49 Ibid.
~ Ibid.
5! The Formless Realm (mushikikai) is one ofthe three worlds (sangai, Ch, sanjie),
together with the Realm of desire (yokukai, Ch.. yujie) and the Realm of Material
Forms (shikikai, Ch. sejie). It is the realm of meditation in which there exist no
articulated matter.
52 The Heaven of No-thought (musoten) is the thirteenth of eighteen heavens of the
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 26
54 Ibid.
55 Tamura, 1991, pp. 443-455.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS
28
56 On this subject, see Kamata Shigeo, "Nanto kyagaku no shisashiteki igi" 1¥i1$
~~o)}iSUtI:Hl-9;tU:i, 1971, p. 538.
SI Tamura, 1973, pp. 546-548; 1991, pp. 325-345,407-441,457-467. On Japanese
developments of doctrines on plants becoming buddha s, especially from a Tendai-
Nichiren perspective, see also Sakamoto, 1980, pp. 397 -412 and 413-418 (English
translation ofthe latter: "On the' Attainment of Buddhahood by Trees and Plants',"
ibid., pp. xvii-xxiii).
58 See p. 21.
:f) Yuishinsho man 'i, T 83, p. 708a; see also Miyamoto 1961, pp. 689-690.
(j) See Dagen, Shobogenzo lE#;§&~, especially the chapters "Keisei sanshoku"
~~W5, in Terada ~EB and Mizuno 7l<Jf, eds.; Shobogenzo vol. 1: 289-299;
"Sansuikya" W7U.lE, in ibid., 331-341; "Muja seppa" ~'m'm#;, in ibid., vol.
2: 61-71.
Ecosophia and ecognosis 29
Shingon Ecognosis
(fj He. wrote that "even plants become [buddhas]; how much more so sentient
beings?," Unjigi, 406 a-b.
6/ Kukai mentions the Jingang ding jing, but he actually refers to a set of texts
belonging to the same lineage, such as Jingang ding yuqie jing shibahui zhigui ~
IfGlUJ]Um<{1JO~~-t l\*~t~~ffl" (T. vol. 18, no. 869, pp. 284a-287c), Dale jingang bulwng
zhenshi sanmoye jing.banruo bolomituo liqu shi *~~IfGlU/F;'gi~Jl'=S*l[~*I
*.'ll:~:E'11t\i~~l]l.~~ (T. vol. 19, no. 1003, pp. 609b, 61Oa), Jingangding yuqie
Jingangsaduo wu bimi xiuxing niansong yigui ~IfGlUmJijHJJO~IfGlIJi\i:lj1ifEiifH~
1T~~m{ifJt(T. vol. 20, no. 1125, pp. 535b, 538c), and the Dubu tuoluoni mu
~1Hf/)wt;\iJE EI (T. vol. 18, no. 903, pp. 898c-899a).
Ecosophia and ecognosis 31
'is For a general introduction to the Shingon doctrines of plants' becoming buddhas,
see Mikkyo daijiten ~~*Ii'f~, 1983, p. 1393; Kamei S6chii ~#*,'!;,
"Shingonshii ill okeru s6moku jobutsu ron to sokushin j6butsu no ninsho ni
tsuite" ~ B*1::::l3 ft Q **P!Z{Mijij cN~~P!Z{L9) AIDEr:: -:J 1;, -C, 1966.
79 This position is articulated and criticized in Raih6 *~Jt, Shingon honmo shfl ~
B *il1:~ 3.53-58; In'yii r=Pl1it Kohitsu shushzl sho i5~:j:it~tj> 4.362-363;
Senpo in ton sho {W{5f&~Jl!H'Y 1.196-199.
35
Ecosophia and ecognosis
III On the doctrine of the three fundamental modalities of the universe (sandai) and
on the four kinds ofmar.u!ala (shiju mandara), see Fabio Rambelli, "Re-inscribing
Mru:l<;lala," 1991.
81 The source of this interpretation is KUkai, Sokushin jobutsu gi.
82 Jichihan 1fjH, Daikyoyogi sho jd~~~&;P; Kakuban :I;~, Gorin kujimyo .
himitsushaku 1i,iltijl/¥EJF.I;fl1W~ ..
81 RaiM, Shingon honmo shu 3.53. Interestingly, Raiho adds that differences in
objects "are due to yin and yang and to the workings of principle .(ri fJIl) and
wisdom (chi ~)" (ibid.). A reference to yin and yang doctrines is also present
in the Muromachi period otogizoshi ~-ffJU1j[T entitled Tsukumogami ki {1~
t$i2 I will discuss below (pp. 60 ff.). .
~ See for example Ryiiyu ~rt;.,Hizoki shuyo ki ;fl1J;i2m-~i2 7.416-417; In'yii,
Kohitsu shushu sho 1.279-284.
85 On Shingon pneumatology, see James H. Sanford, "Breath of Life: The Esoteric
Nenbutsu," 1994.
1!6 In'yii, Senpo inton sho 1.196-199; see also Ryiiyu, Hizoki shiiyo ki 7.416-417.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 36
5U Ibid.
91 According to the Shingon teachings, when one secret is activated, the other two
secrets are generated as well: see Kakuban, Gorin kujimyo himitsushaku. Kukai
wrote that the Three Secrets of the Dhannakaya are present also in plants and
stones: Unjigi, 407a.
92 Raiho, Shingon honmo shii 3.53-58.
93 In'yil, Kohitsu shttshtt sho 4.362. See also Raiho, Shingon honmoshii 3.53.
94 Ryilyu, Hizold shttyo Id 7.416-417.
95 Dohan, Somokujobutsu so l'jr*AA1i)jll'jr, quoted in In'yil, Kohitsu shttshtt sho 1.
280-281
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 38
% Pp. ts ff.
'II Gozo mandara waeshaku, copy preserved at Kanazawa Bunko :&rRJtJ!![, kan
1 and 2. I am grateful to professor Manabe Shunsh6 ~~{~~, the director of
the Kanazawa Bunko, for his kind help with this text.
se In'yii, Kohitsu shush flSho 1.283.
Ecosophia and ecognosis 39
101 On the "eye-opening ceremony" (kaigen kuyi5) see Michel Strickmann, Mantras et
mandarins. Le bouddhisme tantrique en Chine, 1996, especially pp. 165-211.
lOS The formula is: val[! hUl[! trillJ hrilJ a il al[! alJ ill[!. See Shinkaku li:.v~, Gashusho
~~!tJ> final fasc. n. 2, p. 319. On the use of this formula see also ShOshin tilL"
Yugikyo hiyoketsu ij{(*lf*~~E~l9i: 2.185.
106 Kimura Hiroshi also mentions the presence throughout Japan of sacred trees,
of .legends about animated trees, and of religious rituals performed by tree
cutters: Kimura Hiroshi, "Doshokubutsu kuyo no shiizoku" ib1!Um{~~O)'§l
{;e:, 1988, p. 386.
41
CHAPTER 2
Zl E*m:,
On Enkulll~' s life and production, see Gorai Shigeru Enkii to Mokujiki
p:j~c: §Ilft, 1997, esp. pp. 21-164; Jan van Alphen, ed.,Enkii 1632-1695.
Tim;lesse Images from 17th Century Japan, 1999. The description of EnkU's
works (pp. 100-192) is by Robert Duquenne.
23 On this subject, see Rambelli, (forthcoming d); Bernard Faure, ''The Buddhist
Icon and the Modern Gaze," 1998; Robert H. Sharf, "On the Allure of Buddhist
Relics," 1999.
24 Quoted in Kageyama, 1978, p. 45.
Ecopietas 47
]J For some examples, see Sasamoto ShOji ffi*iEiil', Chusei no saigai yocho:
Ano yo kara no messeeji r:ptito) ~1!fT~1S - iJb O)iib'J) I? 0)).. 'Y t-.;:/, 1996,
esp.pp. 85-89, 142-147.
28 Murayama Shiiichi, Henbo suru kami to hotoketachi ~ID'I.9.g f$ c{lJ:: ts,
1990, p. 196.
29 Quoted in Murayama, 1990,p.189.
30 Nihon shold, vol. 1, p. 112; see also Kojild, pp. 51-53.
31 On Kasuga's sacred tree, see Seta Katsuya lf1 EB IJ9HtR;, ed., Ki no kataru chusei
I*J O)~S.g r:ptlt, 1995, pp. 18-22.
Ecopietas 49
other than the spirit of the sakaki tree. Yet, as Murayama Shuichi
argues, this idea probably arose only after the primitive concept
of sakald was used to refer to a particular kind of tree (previously,
sakaki does not seem to refer to any specific tree, but to trees
endowed with sacred functions in general). Subsequently, with the
formation of social structures controlling mountain forests, myths
concerning the divine creation of trees developed. 32 In the Nihon
shald the god of trees is called Kukunochi ii] ii] ~,~ih, a word that
was probably used to refer to the sakaki tree. The text also tells of
Itsutakeru no mikoto Ii. +3ifrJ, who descended from heaven in
the land of Kii *2{JI"~, and sowed the seeds of trees in the Great
Land ofEight Provinces (Oyashima no kuni:kl\j'['1 ~, an expression
referring to the Japanese archipelago) turning it into a verdant
mountain. The trees, however, were created by Itsutakeru's father,
the ambiguous and dangerous Susanoo no mikoto *~Q,!i]#.
According to the myth, Susanoo's beard became cedars (sugi), the
hair of his chest became cypress (hinald t1l), his eyebrows became
camphor trees (kusu W), and the hair from his buttocks became
black pines (maki *1). Susanoo further decided the uses of these
trees: cedars and camphor wood were destined to build boats,
cypress were to be used to build the king's residence, and black
pines were for coffins. Susanoo's children, Itsutakeru, Oyatsuhime
no mikoto :k~~~frJ, and Tsumatsume no mikoto :J1ITw~frJ,
sowed the seeds of trees and were worshipped in the land of Kii. 33
In the Kojild and the Nihon shold, legends concerning tree deities
are almost exclusively from the land of Kii, perhaps because, as
Murayama suggests, that vast forest region was close to the center
of Yamato :kfo power. 34 In any case, the land of Kii became the
paradigmatic land of trees. The central deity of the main shrine
(hongji *E) in the Kumano N~'T complex, Ketsumiko no kami
*1~1fElJTt$, is an arboreal deity. Its name literally means "god
son of trees" (ketsu is an ancient genitive form of ki, "tree"), although
it is not clear what kind of tree-god this deity is.35
These myths and ritual practices do not tell the whole story
about the role of trees and nature in general according to the
mentalities of the ancient inhabitants of Japan. In pre-Buddhist
mythological accounts nature was often presented as a negative
entity, theTealm of hostile and uncontrollable powers. The Hitachi
fudold 1It~m±~c, for example, describes the original condition
of the world as chaos, lack of order. The world was dominated by
violent deities (araburu-gami m.;s~Gt$), .and the main sigll of
chaos was the fact that "rocks and trees and the grass could speak." 36
Such an abnormal condition ceased only with the imposition of
cultural order that tamed violent deities and brought the vegetal
world under control. 37 Ancient stories about giant trees are also
manifestations of this attitude. For example, a well known legend
says that in Omi province there was a giant tree so tall that its
shadow covered Tanba province in the morning and Ise province
in the evening. Farmers were annoyed because its continuous
shadow hindered the develompent of agriculture. They asked the
emperor for help, and the emperor authorized the fellin of the
tree; as' a consequence, the land finally became fertile. 3 In this
r
respect, it is worth noting that until the early Meiji period big
trees were considered a nuisance and were logged in order to
clear land for agriculture. In fact, ancient texts often describe
giant trees as "enemies of the sovereign," or in general as causes
of disease and disorder. Their felling, under the ruler's authorization,
amounted to an act of cosmic and social ordering by the ancient
Yamato state. Interestingly, such acts of ordering also involved
the appropriation of local deities by Yamato powers and, at the
same time, a process of desacralization. 39
Whereas ancient texts emphasize the negative aspects of
nature, Buddhist doctrines on inanimate objects ·stress the
the area. Murayama, 1990, pp. 191-192.
36 Hitachi JUdold 1t~J!l.±~2, in Yoshino Yutaka 1511!.frG, ed., Fudold J!l.±~2,
1969 (1972), p. 19.
YI See Yamaguchi Masao, ''Nature and Culture in the Fudold," 1999.
38 Konjaku monogatari shu .&f1§'4WJMt~ 31, no. 37, in Yamada Yoshio UJ 83::f:~
et aI., eds., Konjaku monogatari shu vol. 5, 1963 (1965), pp. 306-307. Similar
stories appear in a surviving fragment Cii£.Jt) from Chikugo no kuni JUdold it
13tOOi!.±~2, in Yoshino Yutaka, ed., 1969, pp. 340-341; and in the Kojild, in.
Kurano Kenji ~Jf~1lJ and Takeda Ytikichi Jtt83W15, eds., Kojild, Norito t5
.
*~2 fJl~, 1958 (1966), p. 283.
JiI On this subject see Kawamura Minato JI/*1~, Oto wa maboroshi tflif;l,
1987, pp. 134-155 (esp. pp. 141-148).
Ecopietas 51
40 In Buddhist literature there were also some ambiguous cases. For example, the
Tsurezuregusa 1iE~:&r byUrabe Kenko Hf!I~9f reports that Shosha Shonin
~~J::A (ShoW 'I'i~, 7-1007) had the miraculous power to hear the laments of
beans being boiled (Tsurezuregusa, kan 1 no. 69, pp. 146-147; English translation
in Donald Keene, ed., Essays in Idleness, 1967, p. 62). This story probably
emphasizes Shosha Shonin's spiritual power and Buddhist compassion towards
all things, but does not indicate any remedy to stop the beans' suffering.
41 Ryi5bu honzei rishu makaen , chil, p. 235. On this text see Kadoya Atsushi r~
~1ffil, "Ryi5bu honzei rishu makaen ko"jjIijm*Wl'1!lJOO~~iiJfIj'~, 1992.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 52
42 This is the origin of two buddhist images later placed in the Yoshinodera ElIlY
~ as told in the Nihon shoki in an entry for the year 553. See Sakamoto Taro
:\tZ*:;t;:&~ et al.; eds., Nihon shokiB -:-*2
* vol. 2, 1967, pp. 103-104. A
variant of this tale appears in the Nihon genpo zen 'aku ryoiki B *~I'UIH!f~~
~!2 (Endo Yoshiki ~nJ~~ and Kasuga Kazuo ~ B1'1] 5'5, eds., Nihon ryoiki
B *~~!2, 1967, pp. 81-88).
43 See Allan G. Grapard, 1992, pp. 152-155.
44 See for example Nihon ryoiki B *m:~1l2, kan 2 no. 22, pp. 241-245; no. 23,
p. 245; no. 26, pp. 255-257; kan 3 no. 17, pp. 363-365.
Ecopietas 53
~ Nihon shoki, in Sakamoto Taro et al., eds., Nihon shoki vol. 2, 1965 (1966), p.
268.
51 Ibid., pp. 348-350.
52 Daianji garan engi narabini ruki shizaicho **~1iJO~~~friJiE~2Ji'l:.I!:tI\Ii,
pp.115-116.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 56
53 A synonym of Nakatomi no harae "p gO) fflitz or simply oharae *jjij{. This
was the sacred formula read during the oharae, an important purification ceremony
that took place in the sixth and twelfth months of the year, and was officiated by
members of the Nakatomi "p g priestly house. For an English translation of the
formula, see Donald L. Philippi, Norito, 1990, pp. 76-77.
54 Konjaku monogatari shzt 11 no. 22, in Yamada Yoshio et aI., eds., Konjaku
monogatari shu vol. 3, pp. 100-102.
55 On this tale see also Yamaguchi Masao, "Buddhist Ideology and the Formation
of Literary Text in Ancient Japan," 2000, esp. pp. 105-109.
Ecopietas
57
the original fonn (honji *:l:fu) of the kami venerated at the Jingliji
1$'8~, an important temple complex that controlled the Suwa
shrine and wa~. ?estroJed durin? .the anti-Buddhist persecutions of
the early MelJl era. In addItIOn, the on bash ira pillars were
identified with the single-pronged vajra (dokko 31iM), an important
ritual implement of esoteric Buddhism that functioned as a destroyer
of demons and protector of buddhists. 62
In premodern times, various explanations were proposed
concerning the meaning of the Suwa pillars. Miyaji Naokazu '8
:l:fuillr - has offered a systematic summary. The pillars have been
interpreted as cosmological markers of the four directions, as
protectors against meteorological disasters, as the sublime body
of Suwa Myojin ~~jJl3FJ1$ (the deity worshipped at the Suwa
shrine), as markers of the sacred space of Suwa Myojin and his
shrine, and as offerings to the kami. 63 These interpretations are not
mutually exclusive: as embodiments of the sacred according to
the principles of honji suijaku religiosity (principles that have
been forgotten today), the pillars were local manifestations of the
four protecting bodhisattvas of the region-therefore, they were
not just receptacles but living presences. They marked the sacred
space of the shrine-temple at the center of its religious landholdings,
and ensured protection as well-to the tree cutters (in a sort of
Tantric reversal in which the tree extends protection to those who
hurt it) and to the villagers at large.
What is particularly interesting to us, however, is an issue that has
been largely ignored by scholarship: the semiotic status of the pillars.
The space of the kami -bodhisattvas is expressed not by purely "natural"
trees, but by trees that have been subjected to human labor of various
kinds: ceremonial (ritual), semiotic (interpretation), and manual
(cutting, transportation, setting, etc.). In other words, the Suwa
on bash ira ritual constitutes a sophisticated intermediary stage in a
theory of representation of the sacred, a stage between ancient beliefs
in kami abodes (himorogi and yorishiro) and later iconic objects
The fact that the protagonists of the tale are inanimate objects
makes its social critique even more poignant. As we have already
seen, according to Buddhist initiatory discourses things look
inanimate only to the ordinary eye. Essentially, however, on their
obverse side (ura), they have a spirit. Accordingly, as possessors
of a spirit, they can either do evil or become buddhas. Tne
Tsukumogami ki says that the objects' animate nature is based
both on a transformation of the material elements to reveal
consciousness and on the activities of yin ~ and yang ~. The
Shingon exegetes discussed above 71 present in their texts "deluded"
and "enlightened" nonsentients. In the same way, the Tsukumogami
ki presents in a vivid graphic form the whole process of
enlightenment of things, from the original realization of their
sentient nature to final Buddhahood. At first, objects, like human
beings, lead a deluded, evil life. Their encounter with Shingon
Buddhism (an encounter that is violent as in all Buddhist stories
involving beings-including "inanimate" objects-that are
particularly ignorant and hard to lead to the righteous path) results
in conversion and in the arousing the desire for enlightenment
(hosshin), the performance of religious practices (shugyo), and
awakening (bodai). The final picture in a version of the
Tsukumogami ki shows the objects in their realized Buddhahood
(jobutsu), which is also a form of pacification and, therefore,
"extinction" (nirviilJ.a).
The Tsukumogami ki also shows something akin to an innate
religious spirit of the objects. As soon as they become aware of
their sentient nature, objects form a community and establish a
primitive (Shinto-like) religious center and rituals. It is one of
these rituals, a procession in the streets of Kyoto, that ultimately
triggers their conversion to Buddhism and salvation. After their
conversion, the rosary Ichiren -~ (a monk in the objects' world)
becomes· the spiritual guide of the community of things and leads
them to Buddhahood. The text does not discuss it, but Ichiren as a
rosary could certainly be envisioned as asanmaya-form, one of the
symbolic shapes of the Dharmakaya,72 and as the manifestation of
a buddha preaching to objects and guiding them to salvation.
Most likely, the Tsukumogami ki reflects pre extant ideas about
the intrisically animate nature of objects, with close references to
71 P.37.
T2 See pp. 29-30, and 33-34.
Ecopietas 63
T3 Hayarui Tasuku J:f7l< Iff, Nihon bukkyo no rekishi: kodai B*{L~ 0) ~5l: - J5
{\ 1986; "Heian makki no jidai to shiiky6" ¥**WlO)Ilif{~ C::*~, 1991.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 64
TI Ibid., p. 174.
78 Tamura, 1991, pp. 159-161. For a discussion of various meanings of the concept
of "absolute" in Buddhist thought, see also ibid., pp. 27-68.
"f} Ichijosho, cit. in ibid., p. 176.
m On this subject, see Tamura, 1991, pp. 159-184. Critics such as Sh6shin (active
1160-1207) attacked these ideas arguing that a cognitive transformation is not enough,
and that salvation needs to be a total transformation based on ascetic and devotional
practices as well as on the respect of the precepts. See Sakamoto, 1980, pp. 413-418;
Miyamqto, 1961, pp. 681-683; Tamura, 1991, pp. 393-398.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 66
CHAPTER 3
IDEOLOGICAL EFFECTS
3 Jury M. Lotman, quoted in Gillo Dorfles, Artificio e natura, 1977, pp. 40-41.
Ideological effocts 71
14 Berque, 1986, p. 114. On the coniferous forest, see Ueyama Shunpei l:LlJff:lfL
etal., Shin 'yojurin bunka it~W#:::x:{t. Vol. 1, 1969; Vol. 2,1976.
15 Cited in Berque, 1986, p. 114.
16 Algirdas J. Greimas and Joseph Courtes, Semiotica. Dizionario ragionato della
teoria dellinguaggio, 1986, p. 232.
Ideological effects 75
17 Ibid., p. 218.
18 Ibid.,p.219.
19 See Yamada Sh6zen WEl31lB:@:, "Bukky6 no shizenkan to nihonteki muj6" fk1f!i.
(}) E3 ~~ C B*S"J~1t, 1986.
2J pp. 26-27, 35-36 ??? check
VEGETAL BUDDHAS
76
ZI Takeuchi Rizo, ed., Kamakura ibun. Komonjo-hen vol. 15, no. 11, 222, pp.
76-78.
28 For a detailed analysis of the dispute see Minooshi shi henshu iinkai ~OOm
5I:f~~~j'i~, eds. Minooshi shi ~OOm51: vol. 1, 1964, esp. pp. 174-195;
436-437. The relevant primary documents can be found in Minooshi shi henshu
iinkai, eds., Minoo-shi shi Shiryo-hen ~OOm 51:51:'121-)1 vol. 1: Katsuoji monjo
!w!'l§~X., 1968, esp. pp. 54-63.
29 Minooshi shi henshU iinkai, eds., Minoo-shi shi vol. 1, p. 177.
Ideological effects 79
30 Ibid. See also Minooshi shi henshu iinkai, eds., Minooshi shi shiryohen, pp.
55-59 for the complete text of JunkU's Reimuki.
31
Bernard Faure, Visions of Power: Imagining Medieval Japanese Buddhism,
1996, p. 190.
32 Minooshi shi henshu iinkai, eds., Minoo-shi shi voL 1, pp. 183-184.
80
VEGETAL BUDDHAS
of deforestation. 33
It is likely that similar situations also occurred in the other
cases mentioned above. Initially, religious institutions tried to
control economic development by turning a blind eye to it. They
tolerated minor forms oftrespass, and then even authorized guilds
of tree cutters to fell trees in temple domains by granting them
monopolies over logging and coal making. However, priests were
shocked by the speed of progress of the new economy, which,
because of its commercial and proto-capitalist nature, was radically
different from previous forms of economic behavior. Traditional
control of productive activities was becoming obsolete, threatening
the social role of religious institutions. In some cases, the very
existence of temples was endangered by fires started for land
clearing and charcoal making. At that point, provincial temples
lacking their own defense forces could only appeal to central
authorities and invoke notions of sacredness as an ideological tool
in the attempt to stop the exploitation of their lands. Trees were
defined as ornaments of the buddhas and the karai, and temple
lands were described as a Buddha's Pure Land. In short, notions
of sacrality were employed by Buddhist institutions in order to
combat economic transformations in their regions, transformations
that were also affecting people's attitudes toward religious
institutions themselves. As we have seen in the case of memorial
services for old objects encouraged by the Tsukumogami ki, the
impact on society of economic transformations was a matter of
serious concern for Buddhist institutions. The enforcement of
prohibitions against killing (hunting) and logging contributed to
the diffusion of ideas and practices concerning sacred land. These
subsequently took shape in ideas of Japan as the land of the kami
(shinkoku t$~), and economy as a form of interaction with the
invisible world of buddhas and kami.
The fact that institutional claims about the sacrality of trees
were a kind of last resort against new practices and ways of
thinking sheds an important light on received notions concerning
the animistic outlook that supposedly constitutes the basis of
Japanese Buddhist attitudes towards nature and inanimate objects
in general.
of their plight, asking for help. The court sent Kataoka no omuraji
JtlP1Jjd~ to worship the god. He addressed the god saying: "Where
you live now there are farmhouses nearby, and day and night the
area is polluted. Do not remain here but move instead to a pure
place high in the mountain and reside there." The god heard his
prayer and ascended to the top of Mount Kabire; the villagers
built a stone wall around his shrine. 35
This story can be interpreted in many different ways, but it is
clear that the villagers it refers to did not originally think that that
particular tree was sacred, or even that a deity might be abiding in
it. The presence of a kami was the cause of misfortune rather than
something to celebrate as a sign of love for the sacredness of
nature. Analogously, and as we have seen in the case of tree
cutting on sacred lands, to the villagers most trees were not sacred
at all-just logs to be used in construction works or as charcoal.
Only the trees immediately surrounding the temple buildings were
treated with some respect (and even then this was not always the
case). Even in these cases, it is probably impossible to determine
with certainty whether the trees were sacred because a temple was
there or whether a temple was there because the trees were sacred.
Available sources can provide support for either of the two
possibilities. This implies that the issue of the sacredness of trees
was far from commonly accepted. A story in the Nihon ryoiki on
a speaking tree that was used to make a buddha image further
confirms this point. The editor writes at the end of the narration:
"Trees have no mind, how can they speak? (oo.) The voice must
have been produced bya spiritual power.,,36 This emphasizes an
important distinction between trees whose natural properties had
been changed by spiritual influences and trees in general, that
were otherwise mere inanimate things.
The Tendai scholar-monk Shoshin ~~Ji; (active 1153-1207)
wrote what is perhaps the most radical critique ofBuddhist doctrines
on plants becoming buddhas in his Hokke sandaibu shiki 1~¥=
*:g:~fk B'2 (Personal Records on the Three Great Commentaries of
the Lotus), written between 1165 and 1207. There he argued against
the presence of a soul or consciousness in inanimate things such
as plants from several perspectives. He noted that even Zhaman,
according to whom nonsentients have Buddha nature, did not say
that plants arouse the desire for enlightenment, perform religious
35 Hitachifudoki in Yoshino, ed., 1969, p. 29; see also Yamaguchi, 1999.
36 Nihon Iyoiki, kan 2 no. 26, pp. 255-257.
Ideological effects 83
A Metaphor ofPower
kenmitsu institutions.
Finally, special groups of people, usually known as jinin 1$ A
and yoriudo* A, were established to be in charge of managing
and policing the sacred lands of religious institutions. 54 .
From all of this appears, in all its complexity, the role that
doctrines on plants becoming buddhas played in medieval Japanese
culture. This, obviously, cannot be reduced to mere environmental
concerns resulting from animistic tendencies.
CONCLUSION
4 Ibid., p. 58.
5 Hakamaya Noriaki ~~~St3, Hongaku shiso hihan *jt~J~j:tt*lj, 1989, p.
9; pp. 134-158. Sueki Fumihiko recognizes the need to investigate the relationship
between hongaku thought and social discriminations, in particular against buraku
people. Sueki notes, however, that some Buddhist movements influenced by
hongaku thought reacted against such discriminations (Sueki, 1991, p. 46). For
a critical treatment of the "Critical Buddhism" movement, see Jamie Hubbard
and Paul L. Swanson, eds., Pruning the Bodhi Tree, 1997. In fact, hongalw
ideas were also diffused among anti-establishment groups, which valued them
for their antinomianism and anti-authoritarian potential. On this subject, see
Fabio Rambelli, '''Just Behave as You Like:' Radical Amida Cults and Popular
Religiosity in Premodern Japan," (forthcoming b).
6 On this subject see Fabio Rambelli, "Religion, Ideology of Domination, and
Nationalism," 1996.
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 94
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100
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119
GENERAL INDEX
119
VEGETAL BUDDHAS
120
120
General Index 121
121
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 122
122
General Index 123
123
VEGETAL BUDDHAS
124
124
General Index
125
125
VEGETAL BUDDHAS 126
126
General Index 127
127
VEGETAL BUDDHAS
w
Womb malJrJala, 34
wuqing chengfo, 8
x
xinwai wubiefa, 10
Xuanzang, 42
Yakushi,53
image of, 54
yamabushi, 67
yamadashi, 58
yibao buer, 10
yin and yang, 62
Yogacara tradition. See Hosso
yorishiro, 44, 46, 48,58,59
yoriudo, 90, 90n
Yoshino, 66
Yoshinodera, 52n
yu.dai,33
Yuishinsho mon 'I, 28
z
Zeami (1364?-1443), 42n
zelkova tree (tsuld), 53, 55
Zen, 12,27,30,75
Zhanran(711-782), 10, IOn, 1811,33,82
Zhiyi (538-597),9, 18n, 22
Zhongyin jingo See Chiiingyo
zuien fuhen, 10
128
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
129
Fig. 2 - One of the sacred pillars at Suwa Taisha ~~~jj*f±,
Nagano Prefecture. Photo by Fabio Rambelli.
Fig. 3 - Image of a Giant tree from the Sojitsuji engi e *~~
~~~ by TosaMitsumochi ± {6:7CDt Sixteenth century, S6jitsuji
*~~, Shiga Prefecture.
Vegetal Buddhas Occasional Papers 9
2001:tF1OY3 15 B ~r-r
7yl:::::;t 7/"'\';11)
Fabio RAMBELLI
Italian School of East Asian Studies
1'5 1) 700li *7J¥1iJf5i:m
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T 606-8302 *Wr!Jli::*lKfiEB.tf::0),§;IllJ4
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