Journal of Educational and Human Resource Development 9:22-34 (2021)

Southern Leyte State University, Sogod, Southern Leyte, Philippines

Prevalence of English (L2) Lexicon in Conversations of

Waray (L1) Speakers: What are we doing with these
children?
Erlinda D. Tibus1 *, Voltaire A. Oyzon2
Hermabeth O. Bendulo3 , Rhodora A. Bande4
1,3
Southern Leyte State University
Tomas Oppus, Southern Leyte, Philippines
2
Leyte Normal University, Tacloban City, Philippines
4
Visayas State University, Baybay City, Philippines

Abstract
The intermeshing of languages is a natural feature in multilingual societies, like the Philippines.
Using the corpus-based design, this study investigated the prevalence of English words that
the 3-5-year-old Waray children use as they learn to speak Waray as their first language
(L1). Participants of this study were 397 pairs, or 794, of children from Leyte, Samar,
and Eastern Samar. About 30-minute conversation per domain was recorded. All the
transcripts of these conversations of Waray children, which were used as the corpus (85,503
words/a total of 595.5 hours of conversation) taken from three domains, such as the home,
playground, and school, were uploaded to the 3NS Corpora Project. The software generated
the first 1,000 high-frequency L2 words mixed in the Waray conversations. Sixteen semantic
domains were identified. Semantic domains containing relatively more words were action
words, toys/superheroes, and animals. Semantic domains with relatively small numbers of
words were shapes, parts of the body, and colors. The children’s language as apparent in
the semantic domains is strongly influenced by culture and immersion to the environment
which led them to mish-mash. Moreover, lexis development is simultaneous with grammar
development. This result means that children are learning English (L2) grammar as they
acquire the grammar of Waray (L1) which is abundantly existent in the culture and environment
where these children are immersed. However, further research must be conducted to validate
if these children are learning English as they acquire their L1.

Keywords: Corpus-building; Mishmashing; Language acquisition; Semantic domains; Waray language

Introduction milestone early but another child may acquire

it later. Concerning linguistic development;
however, children, regardless of their first
Children aged 3 to 5 years undergo many
language backgrounds and cultural learning
naturally occurring changes physically,
contexts show noteworthy resemblances in
cognitively, emotionally, socially, and
second language development. Doughty
linguistically. These various changes unfold
and Long (2003) described developmental
through sequential orders over time, though
order as a ”fixed series of stages,” in which all
no two individuals develop them at the
children or learners pass through the linguistic
same pace. There are age arrays for all
developmental processes.
the occurrences of these behaviors. One
In any multilingual speech communities,
child may reach his/her developmental

*Correspondence: tibuserlinda@slsuonline.edu.ph; https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2211-5242 ISSN 2545-9759

Tibus, Oyzon, Bendulo and Bande
children mishmash. Mishmashing of
languages is a natural feature in multilingual
societies (Alidou & Glanz, 2015), like the
Philippines. When a speaker starts to
alternate between two or more languages
or language varieties in the context of a
single conversation, he/she is doing the
process of mish mashing a language. Godley,
Sweetland, and Wheeler (2006) pointed out
that these languages are socially preferred
simply because they are the language
varieties used by those who are most
powerful and affluent in a society, where they
naturally tend to shift from one language
to the other in their utterances. A speaker
of more than one language sometimes
uses elements of multiple languages when
conversing with each other. If a speaker uses
more than one linguistic variety in a manner
consistent with the syntax and phonology
of each variety, he/she is code-switching.
Code-switching is characterized as one of the
features of language mishmashing. It involves
the process of alternation between two or
more different languages, tonal registers, or a
dialectical shift within the same language such
as Waray and English. Also, Sanmuganathan
(2018) and Greene and Walker (2004) argued
that code-switching serves as a linguistic tool
and a sign of the participants’ awareness
of alternative communicative conventions.
Furthermore, it is a strategy at negotiating
power for the speaker and reflects culture and
identity, and promotes solidarity. Krishnasami
(2015) asserted that parental code-switching
and other sources of exposure to other
linguistic codes play a vital and influential role
in the way children acquire language.
In the Philippines, specifically in the local
context, there could exist a mishmash of
languages as a phenomenon in acquiring
or learning a language or a phenomenon
effectively used in communicative functions.
This phenomenon may come in different
forms, like phonological, morphological,
grammatical, lexical, and syntactic mishmash.
Usually, this is present among children who
are exposed to different languages that exist
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JEHRD Vol.9, 2021
in the community, school, and at home.
However, locally, little is known about the
prevalent L2 words which are mixed in the
conversations among the Waray children.
This study was set to investigate the
mishmash of languages as a phenomenon in
the children’s early language development,
specifically ascertaining the English lexical
items or codes mixed in their Waray
language conversations. Besides, the
issues addressing the question, ”Gin-iinano ta
ini nga mga Bata?” [What are we doing with
these children?] were explored. The 3NS
Corpora Project of Leyte Normal University
is a software that was used to generate the
high-frequency L2 words mixed in the Waray
conversations of Waray children.
Theoretical Framework
The study centered on finding out
high-frequency English lexical items which are
naturally mishmashed in the conversations
of the 3-5-year-old Waray children in three
domains using their L1. Mishmashing,
a natural phenomenon of alternating
languages in conversation, is within the
theoretical perspective, Code-Switching,
and Code-Mixing, of Hoffman (1993). He
underscored that the most general definition
of code-switching includes the alternative
use of two languages or linguistic variants
during the same conversation (Hoffman,
1993). Moreover, code-switching takes place
because of the speakers’ various exposures
to a multi-cultural, multi-lingual environment,
and media. Spolsky (1998) concurred that
speakers do mishmash because they have a
repertoire of domain-related language choice
rules. Bilingual individuals, regardless of age,
can select, speak, and turn from one language
to another, whether it is done intentionally or
unintentionally, to explicitly relay messages
or information from the speaker to the
listener and to communicate with them well.
Therefore, as part of the normal occurrence of
children aged 3-5 years living and immersed
in a multi-cultural environment, a mixture of
Tibus, Oyzon, Bendulo and Bande JEHRD Vol.9, 2021

language among these children is inevitable. the parents, nannies, and older siblings of the
Besides, the development of their lexis participants.
parallels the creation of grammar. The transcripts of the recorded
conversations were done conscientiously
Methodology by the researchers. The transcripts
conformed to the new Waray orthography
The researchers utilized a corpus-based for consistency of spelling. All the transcripts
design using the conversations of 3-5-year of the conversations were uploaded to the
old Waray children in three domains: home, 3NS Corpora Project of LNU. The software
playground, and school. Particularly, this generated the first 1,000 high-frequency L2
study used a linguistic corpus to collect words mixed in the Waray conversations of
linguistic data. The linguistic data were the the 397 pairs of Waray children. From this list
transcription of the recorded conversations of of high-frequency words, the English lexicon
the Waray children. In corpus linguistics, was identified and classified accordingly.
this can be considered as a starting-point Figure 1 is a screenshot containing a sample
of linguistic description or as a means of the first 1,000 high-frequency words of the
of verifying hypotheses about a particular Waray children aged 3-5 years old.
language (UCLA Library, 2017).
The Waray children, 397 pairs or 794 Results and Discussion
of them, were the primary source of the
linguistic data. These children were selected In the first 1,000 high-frequency words (in the
through convenience sampling. The selection corpus of 85,503 words), 200 words were
criteria used were (1) within the locale of the English words. These 200 words were what
researchers, (2) children have parents whose is considered as the most commonly used
L1 is Waray, and (3) they reside in Samar and English words by Waray children aging 3
Leyte of Eastern Visayas. to 5 as far as the database is concerned.
The corpus used was a transcript of These English words were then categorized
collected recorded conversations of the Waray into semantic domains.
children. It generated the frequency lists The semantic domain is an aggregate of
of English words mixed in the conversations words, all sharing a core meaning related to
of the Waray children. Before making the a specific topic, such as kinship, body-parts
recordings, both parents of the children, who and, colors. Sixteen (16) semantic domains
were identified as the participants, were asked were identified such as superhero/toy/villain,
for consent. The nannies as well as the action words, pronouns/particles, numbers,
participants’ older siblings were informed as expressions, ICT gadgets, colors, animals,
to the purpose of the study. Moreover, their apparel, food/condiment, places, shapes,
assistance in the recordings was requested. people/persons, school learning materials,
However, the children-participants were not parts of the body, and modifiers. They were
informed that their conversations have to be presented in Figure 1 and the specific words
recorded to avoid inhibition and reticence under each semantic domain are identified as
during socializing with their friends. well in Table 1.
Each pair of the participants had at least 1 It is gleaned from Table 1 that the
hour and 30 minute-conversation in all three occurrence of 200 English lexica in the
domains. These conversations, which took first 1000 words in the conversation corpus
place in children’s homes, playground, and of Waray children was diversely distributed
school were covertly recorded to maintain the within the 16 domains. From the data in
natural flow and spontaneity of the dialogues. Table 1, the action word semantic domain
The recordings were done with the help of has the highest number of English lexicons

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Tibus, Oyzon, Bendulo and Bande JEHRD Vol.9, 2021

Figure 1. Screenshot of the first 1,000 high-frequency words by Waray children aged 3-5 years
old.

Figure 2. Prevalence of English lexicon per semantic domain in the first 1,000 words.

(31). Lowry (2016) shared that action words
or verbs are commonly learned at an early
age among children because these allow
children to start building early phrases and
sentences. Further, he said, the choice of
the verb used by children determines many
of the grammatical forms in a sentence.
Besides, verbs are a strong manifestation
of language development. Hadley, Rispoli,
and Hsua (2016) revealed in their study that
2-year-old children who use more verbs have
more advanced grammatical skills six months
later. According to Halliday (2003), there is
a correlation between meaning and physical
movement. As moving things tend to be
named before movable things (Greenfield
& Smith, 1976). This explains why the
respondents have the highest frequency in
the action semantic domain. Action words
validate Halliday’s (2003a) findings that in

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Tibus, Oyzon, Bendulo and Bande JEHRD Vol.9, 2021

Table 1. Semantic domains with specific English words mixed in the conversations of Waray
children

children’s early words, there is a correlation
between linguistic development and physical
development. These two variables seem to
go hand in hand.
Then the second-highest English lexicon
found in the conversations of children is the
domain on the names of superheroes, toys,
or villains. Children learn socially during
their play interactions, as they learn to play
in larger and larger groups, and as they
begin to learn about appropriate behaviors
within certain contexts. Research shows that
learning through play is an important part of
a child’s development because this is where
they release some extra energy, develop
problem-solving skills, develop their fine and
gross motor skills, nurture their creativity and
imagination, and exchange names of their toys
(Educational Playcare, 2011). Incorporating
active play interactions in the child’s daily
routine can be both fun and beneficial to
their growth. Through this, children acquire

26
Tibus, Oyzon, Bendulo and Bande
vocabularies that refer to the names of
their toys. Meanwhile, the third-highest in
the semantic domain is the animals (21).
Born (2018) revealed that even from infancy,
many children demonstrate curiosity about
and interest in animals. Prolonged gazes,
reaching or gesturing at animals, and grunting
or vocalizing are ways that infants and toddlers
express curiosity and indicate interest in
animals and pets at home and elsewhere
(Born, 2018). Studies further revealed that
children who grow up in homes with pets and
who are exposed to books and TV shows
with animals as characters typically show a
willingness to participate directly in caring for
the pets through actions such as feeding,
grooming, and talking to the pets (Born, 2018;
Katcher, 2002; Poresky, 1990). This might
serve as evidence for the more number of
English lexicons that refer to animals.
The data clearly shows that children in
their conversations in three domains do
mishmash at the early stage of language
development. This finding corroborated with
what Oyzon (2010) revealed in his study that
Waray school children were shifting from their
Waray mother tongue to Tagalog and English.
Accordingly, Waray school children ages 9 to
14 tend to substitute Waray terms with English
and Tagalog vocabularies thinking that those
English and Tagalog words are Waray words.
A distinction of Waray words from English
and Tagalog words is blurring among the
respondents. Children’s negative or indifferent
attitude towards the Waray language was also
observed (Oyzon, 2010). However, since
these two studies are dealing with the Waray
language, it might also be interesting to find
out if the same trend is true or applicable in
other Philippine languages.
Theoretically, Nelson (1973), and Clark
and Clark (1977) posited that children differ
greatly in their earliest words. Different
children acquire different sets of words in the
early stage of language development. In
other words, these sets of words that the
respondents acquire is a reflection of the
people who they are interacting with (Harley,
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2003; Nelson, 1988, 1990), since language
provides an access to particular spheres of
socialization (Gumperz & Hymes, as cited by
Halliday, 2003a). In other words, they have
these English words because the adults that
interact with them use these English words
since language development is an interactive
process (Halliday, 2004a). To paraphrase the
words of Sapir (1929) and Whorf (1956), ’the
vocabulary of a language reveals the physical
and social environment in which the speakers
live.’
Moreover, this idea also means, that a child
from a fishing village will acquire early the
words related to fishing than the words related
to farming, for example. Conversely, the child
from a farming area will acquire early the
words related to farming than the words related
to fishing, assuming that they all normally
interact with adults.
The above-mentioned theories and
contentions could substantiate the limited
semantic fields or domains (16) of the Waray
children’s English words. The generated
classification is too limited from Sutton
and Walsh’s (1980, as cited in Bowen,
2007) categorization of semantic fields
which rendered up to more than 120. This
information indeed reflects Sapir and Whorf’s
assumption that the children’s language
reflects the physical and social world in which
they live. The uneven distribution of lexicons
could also be explained by how children look
at the language: (1) as for labeling objects
and, (2) as for social interaction (Nelson, 1973;
Clark & Clark, 1977). However, according
to Nelson (1973), 2-year old children’s
vocabulary falls under these categories, such
as important person names (people), animals,
food, and toys. Consistent with Biesrwisch’s
(1970) observations that words that are
learned first are those with basic semantic
representation like nouns (Clark & Clark,
1977; Wales & Campbell, 1970; Gentner,
1978). Interestingly, these four domains
identified by Nelson are found in Table 1.
Given these data and the discussion, the
question, ”Gin-iinano ta ini nga mga Bata?”
Tibus, Oyzon, Bendulo and Bande
[What are we doing with these children?]
arises. Two issues address this question, such
as neocolonialism and learning violence at an
early age.
Neocolonialism
A remarkable pattern in the
Superhero/Toy/Villain semantic domain is
the prominence of Hollywood/Disney/Marvel
characters. From these data, we can tell
how the 3-5-year-old Waray children are
”disneyfied,” (to borrow a term from Halliday
[2004b] although taken in another context).
They are ”disneyfied” in the sense that
their imagination is very much dictated and
influenced by the Western media, particularly
Hollywood movies.
Fallon (in Kehoe, 1991) first used the term
Disneyfication to describe the transformation
of a society to resemble the theme parks of
the Walt Disney Corporation.
The media’s hour-by-hour imposition of
a phony ethos on the people is a major
impediment to free thought and, as a
result, free action. The words are often
used negatively, implying stratification of
consumption, merchandising, and emotional
exhaustion. They may also be used to
explain the processes of removing the original
character of a specific location or occurrence
and repackaging it in a sanitized format. The
specifics are watered down and references are
omitted to make the subject more enjoyable
and understandable.
In other words, they were ”disneyfied”
because they know who Superman is, but they
do not know any Filipino/Waray superheroes
such as Juan Bahag, Johnny Pusong, Datu
Sumangga, etc. Importing cultural products or
maintaining cultural mores may be considered
a type of neocolonialism.
Cultural colonialism, also known as
Neocolonialism, is the intention of wealthy
countries to dominate the values and attitudes
of other countries by cultural means such
as media, language, education, and religion,
primarily for economic reasons. The ”colonial
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JEHRD Vol.9, 2021
mentality,” or feelings of inferiority that lead
post-colonial societies to focus on physical
and cultural disparities between outsiders
and themselves, is one effect of this. Foreign
practices are sometimes regarded as more
valuable than indigenous ways. Western
principles are presumed to be the same
thing all over the world in a neo-colonial
society (Gray, 2010). The Waray painter
and poet Dante A. Rosales (2010) described
this condition succinctly when he said, these
imported cultural products (and values)
disguised regional realities and endorsed
counter-identities.
The absence of Filipino/Waray heroes in
their vocabulary gives the impression to these
children that Waray/Filipino identity does not
exist. Waray children are learning Waray
by learning words not their own. We are
alienating these Waray children from the
Waray language; leading to an identity crisis.
Bulhan (1985) stressed that in oppressive
contexts, counter-identities are the first stage
of identity formation, involving increased
assimilation into the dominant culture while
simultaneously denying one’s own culture.
Fanon (1967) argued that the death and
burial of its local cultural originality has
produced an inferiority complex in the soul of
every colonized people. And the colonized
inferiority complex is the result of a two-step
process, such as economic, internalization, or
epidermalization of inferiority. According to a
survey of public school children conducted at
the turn of the century, the Filipino child would
rather be an American, a Japanese, or an Arab
than a Filipino, demonstrating no regard, no
reverence, and just contempt for the nation
(Jacob, 2017).
Therefore, we are still grappling with the
effect of colonialism or neocolonialism. To
counter this, we must teach our children values
that our ”society wants to foster” and not the
wants of other capitalistic interests (Tickoo,
1995).
Tibus, Oyzon, Bendulo and Bande
Learning Violence at Early Age
The presence of the words like a shotgun (in
Semantic Domain 1: Superhero/Toy/Villain),
shot (in Semantic Domain 2: Action Words)
and boom/bang (in Semantic Domain 5:
Expressions) could spark curiosity as these
are words related to violence. Compare this,
for instance, with the very low number of words
in the Semantic Domains: Parts of the Body,
Shapes, and Colors.
Furthermore, burgeoning medical studies
indicate that long-term exposure to violent
video games is linked to desensitization,
which manifests as a lack of empathy,
though the direction of causality is uncertain.
(Funk, Buchman, Jenks, & Bechtoldt, 2003;
Huesmann, 2007; Anderson et al., 2010;
Gentile et al., 2004; AAP, APA, AACAP, &
AMA, 2000; Anderson & Bushman, 2001;
Gentile & Sesma, 2003; Kappos, 2007).
Likewise, a very alarming trend is that
the number of words related to gadgets and
ICT is higher compared to words related
to colors, places, shapes, people’s names,
school materials/learning and, body parts.
Technology or ICT, for many years, has been
judged for its potentially bad influence on the
child. Often, adults worry about the usage
and exposure of children to these ICT gadgets
concerning the question of how early exposure
to technology and other gadgets influences
the child’s general development (Vodopivec &
Samec, 2012).
Moreover, Plowman, McPake, and Stephen
(2008, cited in Vodopivec & Samec, 2012)
stressed that even the entire community
thinks that the usage and exposure to
ICT are risky for the child and that its
creative potential is being more and more
overlooked. According to Vodopivec and
Samec (2012), parents strongly consider
that contact with aggressive or unsuitable
content, endangerment of the physical health
(deterioration of sight, stiffness, spinal injuries
because of constant sitting position, obesity
âĂę), associability, and loss of constant
contact with reality or even addiction are
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JEHRD Vol.9, 2021
the most common negative consequences
of ICT usage. However, the integration
of ICT has the benefits of increasing the
following: 1) student motivation; 2) student
engagement; 3) student collaboration; 4)
hands-on learning opportunities; 5) learning
at all levels; 6) confidence in students, and
6) technology skills (Costley, 2014; Flanagan,
2008). These benefits take place only
once children are much closer to school
age. Kung (2002) likewise believes that
educators have recognized that the positive
effect of ICT usage can be convenient to
create both independent and collaborative
learning environments and provides children
or learners with language experiences as they
move through the various stages of second
language acquisition.
Many studies conducted revealed that all
the dangers and disadvantages of ICT usage
are mostly connected with the amount of
ICT usage, its content, and the degree of
parental control. Today, children can, through
ICT, easily access various contents than ever
before. Adults do not have control over
this access, because the media environment
has changed so drastically that complete
control over the child’s usage of ICT is
today practically impossible (Roberts, Foehr,
Rideout, & Brodie, 1999).
Conclusion and
Recommendation
Since little is known about the prevalence
of the English lexicon mixed in the Waray
children’s conversation, the study focused
on investigating the English lexical items or
codes interspersed in their Waray language
conversations. Moreover, the identified lexical
items were categorized under a specific
semantic domain. The 3NS Corpora Project of
LNU was used to generate the high-frequency
L2 words mixed in the Waray conversations of
Waray children.
Based on the result, there was 200 English
lexicon in the first 1000 words in the speech
Tibus, Oyzon, Bendulo and Bande
corpus of the children-participants. The
presence of these English lexicons explicitly
demonstrates that Waray children, in their
conversations in three areas, do mishmash
at the early stage of language development.
Besides, sixteen (16) semantic domains which
consist of an aggregate of words, all sharing
a core meaning related to a specific topic
were identified. As presented, there is an
uneven number of aggregated words under
each semantic domain.
As evidenced in the semantic domains
in Table 1, children’s vocabulary is strongly
influenced by factors like culture (family,
colonialism) and exposure to a multilingual
speech community that leads them to
mish-mash in their language. This implies
that as these semantic domains increase,
children also discover to access other
semantic domains that continue throughout
their acquisition of other languages besides
their L1. This is not unexpected since the
human brain is a self-organized structure
that is seen as a mixture, a non-unique
specification, and constant change.
With the foregoing discussion, two issues,
such as neocolonialism and learning violence
at an early age were found to address the
question, ”Gin-iinano ta ini nga mga Bata?”
[What are we doing with these children?].
Neocolonialism is used by developed nations
to influence indirectly the ideals and attitudes
of less-developed nations The rich nations
utilized the media, language, education, and
religion essentially for economic purposes.
Some of the vocabularies of the children
manifested cultural colonialism.
Moreover, some terminologies relate to
violence. Sad to note that at an early
age these children are already exposed to
such words and their connotation which
would influence their behavior and ideals as
they grow. This likewise suggests that the
environment these children are exposed to is
loaded with words and/or things that insinuate
violence. Besides, the presence of these
things and the use of these words are most
likely tolerated among children, otherwise,
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JEHRD Vol.9, 2021
they will not acquire these words at an early
age.
Based upon the findings, it may be said
that Waray children are both learning the
English (L2) grammar as they acquire the
grammar of Waray (L1), which are abundantly
existent in the culture and environment where
these children are immersed. This happens
because lexico-grammar is a single stratum.
Meaning, lexis development is simultaneous
with grammar development.
Further investigation is warranted to decide
whether these Waray children are learning
English as they learn their first language.
Since this aspect was not prioritized in this
study, future researchers who want to replicate
it should make it a priority to provide more
information regarding the issue.
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