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    Haucaypata 8

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    ISSN: 2221-0369 J REVISTA HAUCAYPATA Destin sarqueologicas fats Aiio 3 - Numero 8 Lim: Director y editor Rodolfo Monteverde Sotil Comité editorial Ivan Leibowicz / José Merrick / Alvaro Monteverde Sotil Difusion Mayra Delgado Valqui Diseito y diagramacién Emesto Monteverde P. A. Fotografia de la cardtula Rodolfo Monteverde 2010, Santurantikuy-Cuzco Imagenes de la dedicatoria, los indices y la relacién de colaboradores Aretemio Ocatia 1953. Elincanato / David Lozano 1926. Placa en el monumento a Manco Capac (detalle) / Julia Codesido 1929. India con arfbalo (detalle) / Henry Perronet Briggs 1827. The first interview between the Spaniards and the Peruvians (detalle) Las opiniones vertidas en los articulos publicados en esta revista son de entera responsabilidad de cada autor La revista no se hace responsable por el contenido de los mismos. © Probibida la reproduecién total o parcial de la revista sin el permiso expreso de su director. Revista Haucaypata, investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo Atio 3. Ntimero 8, mayo 2014 Publicacién cuatrimestral ISSN: 2221-0369 Hecho el Depésito Legal en la Biblioteca Nacional del Pert N° 2011-00350 LATINDEX: 22532 Hecho por computadora Jr, La Libertad 119 Santa Patricia, La Molina. Lima-Perd https: //sites.google.com/site/revistahaucaypata/ revistahaucaypata@gmail.com Todos los derechos reservados Dedicatoria Elntimero 8 de la revista Haucaypata esté dedicado al arqueélogo Ian Farrington GP), incansable investigador del pasado incaico y gestor de ‘publicaciones arqueolégicas como Tahuantinsuyu, una revista internacional de estudios incas. IF: Docente en Arqueologia del Nuevo Mundo en la Universidad Nacional de Australia, Canberr (ag7 Sus trabajos arqueo- T6gicos en el Perit seiniciaron con el Proyecto Moche-Chan-Chan, Tru- jillo (1971). Trabajé en el Pro} Cusichaca (1977-1980). Ejecut proyecto sobre la agricultura y el riego inca en el Valle Sagrado de los Ineas (1982). Exeav6 en el sitio Qespiwanka, Palacio de Wayna Qhapaq, ubicado en Urubamba (2989). Realiz6 una temporada de campo en El Shineal, Catamarca- Argentina. Junto con él arqueélogo peruano Julinho Zapata ejecuté el cavaron por tres afios (2001-2004). Ha escrito mas de 20 articulos aca~ démicos y recientemente ha pu- of Florida) Fue condecorado en dos ocasiones por el presidente del Pert: por las relaciones académicas y cientificas entre Pert y Australia y por la re- cién’ y repatriacién, des- de un museo australiano, de un manto Paracas. Actualmente es profesor visitante en la Escuela de Arqueologia y Antropologia de la Universidad Nacional de Australia Ademas, est4 preparando mono- grafias sobre Qespiwanka y la ha- Gienda de Wayna Qhapaq y sobre ‘Tambokancha. REVISTA HAUCAYPATA Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo Indice Editorial Relacién de colaboradores The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzeo):Inea actions and rituals ofsite closure Tan Farrington Esculturas zoomorfas delParqueArqueolégico de Sacsayhuamén, Cuzco: unaaproximacin a su entendimiento simbélico Rodolfo Monteverde Sotil Elushnu, el ghapag iian y las huacas en el Altiplano del Chinchaycocha, Una aproximacién a las estrategias de apropiacién y control territorial Inca, desde la lectura de los paisajes rituales y la astronomia José Luis Pino Matos y Wendy Moreano Montalvan Los calzados utilizados por los Incas para las altas montafias Christian Vitry Las fuentes etnohistéricas y Ia arqueologfa de montaiia en el estudio de los escenarios incaicos en altas cumbres Constanza Ceruti Paisajes rituales ineaicos, Una mirada desde las crénicas coloniales Ivan Leibowicz, Cristian Jacob, Félix Acuto y Alejandro Ferrari Presentacién del libro: Inca sacred space: landscape, site and symbol in the Andes, 2014 Frank Meddens, Katie Willis, Colin McEwan y Nicholas Branch (editores). Editorial Archetype. Londres Frank Meddens a 31 64 on 0 123 REVISTA HAUCAYPAT: Tnvestigaciones arqueoldgicas del Tahuantinsuy Editorial La Revista Haucaypata, investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo, es una publicacién peruana cuatrimestral que se centra en los estudios arqueolégicos ¢ interdisciplinarios, tanto nacionales como internacionales, del incanato. La revista nact6 con la intencién de cumplir tres objetivos que todo arquedlogo debe proponerse en su carrera investigacién, chfusion.y proteccion del patrimonio arqueolégico. Luego de haber publicado siete niimeros, entre el 2011 y el 2013, les alcanzamos el mimero ocho, el cual contiene seis articulos y una resetia Tan Farrington, reconocido arquedlogo australiano, analiza las evidencias arqueologicas del abandono de Tambokancha ante la mminente ocupacién hispana del Cuzco. Quien eseribe, complementa su estudio de las esculturas zoomorfas talladas en grandes afloramientos rocosos del Parque Arqueologico de Sacsayhuamén contrastando el dato arqueolégico con documentos etnohistéricos. Los colegas peruanos José Luis Pino y Wendy Moreano investigan los paisajes rituales y las estrategias Incas de apropiacién territorial del Altiplano del Chinchaycocha. Desde Argentina importantes arquedlogosnos hacen entrega detres interesantes trabajos. El primero de ellos corresponde a Christian Vitry, quien expone los resultados de un detallado trabajo de investigacién sobre los calzados Incas hallados en el volcdn Llullailiaco (6739 msnm). Constanza Ceruti confronta las evidencias arqueolégicas halladas en sitios Incas de alta montatia con documentos coloniales. Por su parte, Ivan Letbowicz, Cristian Jacob, Félix Acuto y Alejandro Ferrari analizan los paisajes rituales incaicos desde una perspectiva etnohistérica. Finalmente, el arquedlogo inglés Frank Meddens nos reseria, a modo de presentacton, la reciente publicacién Inca sacred space: landscape, site and symbol in the Andes, libro editado por él, Katie Willis, Colin McEwan y Nicholas Branch. Como siempre, queremos expresar nuestro més sincero agradecimiento a todos aquellos que han colaborado con sus articulos y participado en la realizacién de este mimero de la Revista Haucaypata, investigaciones arqueoldgicas del Tahuantinsuyo, en especial al Dr. Frank Meddens por la revisién de las traducciones al inglés. Ademés, queremos agradecer alo lectores por los comentarios crticgsy por labuena acogida le los ntimeros anteriores dela revista; que nos dan fuerza y aliento para continuar con nuestro tercer afio de publicaciones ‘Si desean descargar los siete nttmeros anteriores en pdf pueden hacerlo completamente gratis desde nuestra pagina: https: //sites. google.com/site/revistahaucaypata/ home. Asimisnio, desde ya invitamos a todos los arquedlogos, estudiantes de arqueologia y profesionales de otras ciencias sociales a publicar en el préximo mimero programado para setiembre de este ario. Rodolfo Monteverde Sotil Director y Editor REVISTA HAUCAYPATA 5 Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo Colaboradores Félix Acuto Instituto Multidisciplinario de Historia y Ciencias Humanas / CONICET Constanza Ceruti CONICET / Instituto de Investigaciones de Alta Montaria Universidad Catéhica de Salta Jan Farrington Senior lecturer in Archaeology (Australian ‘National University) Alejandro Ferrari Universidad Austral / CONICET Cristian Jacob Facultad de Filosofia y Letras dela Universidad de Buenos Aires Ivan Leibowicz Instituto de Investigaciones Antropoldgicas, Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico Frank Meddens PhD. in archaeology (University of London) / FSA MIFA. Research Associate (Royal Holloway University of London) / Director of Pre-Construct Archaeology Rodolfo Monteverde Sotil Maestrista en arqueologia (Pontificia Universidad Catélica del Peri) / licenciado en arqueologia (Universidad Nacional Rederieo Villareal) / baculler en historia del arte (Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos) Wendy Moreano Montalvan Licenciada en arqueologia (Universidad Nacional Federico Villarreal) José Luis Pino Matos Magister en arqueologia (Programa de Estudios Andinos-Pontificia Universidad Catélica del Per) Christian Vi Arqueélogo / investigador del Museo de Arqueologia de Alta Montafia / profesor e investigador de la Universidad Nacional de Salta REVISTA HAUCAYPATA 6 Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo SO The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals of site closur Tan Farrington ian farrington@anweduau Abstract Based on the results of archaeological investigations at the impressive site of Tambokancha on the Pampa de Anta to the west of Cuzco, I explore two interrelated themes. First, I examine the process of Inca site abandonment and compare it with what has been found at other sites within the Cuzco heartland. Second, I pose the question, why was this large and important royal place not recorded in the histories ofthe conquest. This raises significant issues about what the Incas felt about the Spaniards in the months between their arrival in Peru in 1532 and their eventual capture of Cuzco in November 1533. Their perceptions of them changed from *Viracochas” to “devils”. This isin part demonstrated by the context of certain archaeological finds at Tambokancha itself. Keywords: Tambokancha, site abandonment rituals and processes, offerings, Spanish invasion. Resumen Basado en los resultados de los anéllisis arqueolégicos obtenidos en el importante sitio de Tambokancha, ubicado en la Pampa de Anta, al oeste del Cuzco, desarrollo dos temas interrelacionados. Primero, examino el proceso de su abandono, al cual comparo con evidencias similares halladas en otros sitios cuzquerios. Segundo, me pregunto épor qué no existe ninguna referencia sobre Tambokancha en las fuentes historicas de la conquista? Esto nos hace reflexionar acerca de lo que pensaban los Incas sobre los espaiioles en los meses antes de su llegada a la costa peruana en 1532 y de su entrada al Cuzco en noviembre 1533. Sus percepciones sobre los hispanos cambiaron mucho durante este tiempo: de “Viracochas” a “Diablos”. Esto esté confirmado en el contexto de algunos hallazgos arqueolégicos en Tambokancha. Palabras claves: Tambokancha, ritos y procesos de abandono, ofrendas, invasién espatiola. Introduction The abandonment of an archaeological site has been the subject of theoretical and analytical studiesin many parts of the world(e.g. Cameron. and Tomka 1993; Darras 2003; Rivolta 2007) Schiffer (1972) considered “the differences between normal site activity areas and the residual deposits of cultural artefacts, usable or not, left after abandonment. The general processes that occur during abandonment may include the deliberate destruction of buildings, the removal of useful and valuable objects for use elsewhere or the caching of tools and other valuable objects in the prospect of a retum (Schiffer 1972: 160, 1987: 89-98). Processes of deliberate, as opposed to casual, abandonment have been recognised to occur rapidly and are often prescribed by ritual as, for one reason or another, the occupants decided that a move away isnecessary (e.g, Deal1985: 268-70; Montgomery 1993). The reasons, often cited, for abandonment are environmental catastrophe and/or crop losses, depopulation, disease, conflict, invasion or its threat, and the death of the principal occupant(s) (e.g. Nelson and Schachner 2002: 172-7). Detailed stratigraphical evidence has been used by Van Keuren and Roos (2013) in the study of ritual practices during the closing of a kiva at Fourmile Ruin, Arizona, to highlight a process of roof removal, wall destruction, a burial and finally coveringit with midden materials, Another type of deliberate abandonment, common in Formative Peru, is ritual entombment, in which one structure is closed and filled in before FARRINGTON, Ian, 2014. The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals ofsite closure. Revista Haucaypata. Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo. Nro. 8: 6-30. Lima. Ian Farrington st The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals of site closure another is built directly on top (e.g. McAnany and Hodder 2009) In Peruvian archaeology, there has been no systematic study of this phenomenon, despite it being reported at many sites throughout the prehistoric era. This paper presents a brief analysis of deliberate site abandonment by the Incas and documents an important case study. Perhaps the most famous analysis in Peru was conducted by Michael Moseley and his colleagues (2005) at the Wari mountain top enclave of Cerro Batil in the Moquegua valley, that illustrates the various phases and rituals of closure, The authors noted that the monumental architecture was quickly abandoned. Some buildings were emptied of all objects, while others were subjected to a different form of ritual closure. At the brewery, the process involved the consumption of chicha, the smashing of all serving and drinking vessels, which were left scattered on the floor, the torching of the building and finally the placement of six shell and stone necklaces and a bracelet on top of the ashes. In the palace interior, feasting on terrestrial animals and marine fish took place as well as chicha consumption. There was also the ritual disposal of various birds, icluding condor, pygmy owl and flycatcher. This culminated in the smashing of all serving vessels and plates and the burning of the building. The authors commented that, although the quality of foods was less in the entry court, pottery vessels had also been smashed there. A similar process was noted in the temple annexe butnotin the temple itself. This study essentially reports a practice of ritual closure of only the most important buildings, such as palace and temple, which along with the kitchen and brewery, became the focus of a celebratory feast, culminating in the systematic destruction of objects, particularly those of serving and consumption, and of foodstuffs. This was followed burning of the roof to render the site beyond use. Offerings took place at various stages during these activities and evidently at the end as well Inca actions of abandonment ‘The chroniclers provide some evidence thatthe Incas deliberately closed individual buildings or even a whole settlements on specific occasions inorder to prevent re-occupation. For example, the chronicler, Sancho de la Hoz noted that on their march south towards Cuzco in 1533 the rival inca armies burned cities systematically to prevent either their opponents or the Spaniards from occupying them and taking stored food and clothing: “... la gente de guerra estaba cinco le- guas de Xauxa camino del Cusco, y venia a que- mar el pueblo (Xauxa) y todos los edificios de el, para que los cristianos no hallaran donde hos- pedarse...” (Sancho de la Hoz 1917: 137 [1534]). “..y que el propio dia habian enviado aquellos seiscientos hombres para acabar de quemaron la ciudad de Xauxa, habiendo quemado ya la otra mitad hacia ya siete u ocho dias, y enton- ces quemaron un edificio grande que estaba en la plaza y otras cosas a vista de la gente de la ciudad con muchas ropas y matz, para que los espaiioles no lo aprovecharon ...” (Sancho de la Hoz 1917: 141 [1534]). The technique of burning buildings is also confirmed during the uprising of Manku II against the Spaniards in Cuzco on 6 May 1536, when in an attempt to prevent the invaders from continuing to occupy the city, he and his army attacked, setting fire to the thatched roofs of many buildings around the plaza, including the Qasana palace, its towers and Amarukancha (Pizarro 1986: 162 [1571]). These burned slowly for over a week, ultimately destroying the structural integrity of many of them and rendering them useless for re-occupation. Later in the campaign, Manku II set fire to other significant places, such as Chinchero, as part of his retreat towards Ollantaytambo and Vilkabamba In another example, Garcilaso de la Vega (2991: 69 [1609: Parte 1, Libro 2, Cap. 1]) related that during the reign of Wayna Qhapaq part of Amarukaneha had been struck’ by lightuing This was interpreted as a portent for the loss of the empire and its doors were immediately sealed with stone and mud and would never be re-oceupied: “En un cuarto de ella [Amarukan- cha] habia caido un rayo en tiempo de Huaina Capac. Los indios cerraron las puertas a piedra y lodo. Toméronlo por mal agiiero para su rey dijeron que se habia de perder parte de su impe- rio 0 acaecerle otra desgracia semejante, pues su padre el sol seitalaba su casa por lugar des- dichado.” Garcilaso (1991: 336 [1609: Parte 1, Libro 6, Cap. 4]) also reported that similar consequences befell the royal apartments when an Inca king x died, noting thataall the vessels in use, including cooking pots, jewellery and clothing, were buried and put out of use. “Luego que fallecia su rey poseedor cerraban el aposento donde solia dormir, con todo el ornato de oro y pla- ta que tenia dentro, como lugar sagrado para que nadie entrase jamas en él... Todas las vasijas de oro y plata que manualmente ha- bian servido al rey — como jarras, céntaros, tinajas y todo el servicio de la cocina, con todo lo demas que suele servir en las casas reales = y todas las joyas y ropas de su persona, lo enterraban con el rey muerto... ¥ én todas las casas del reino donde tenia semejante servicio también lo enterraban...” These data attest that the Inca had reasons and strategies for the abandonment and destruction of whole settlements as well as for the putting out of use of individual buildings within others, During the excavation of several archaeological sites in Cuzco heartland, some evidence has been found of closure rituals and the burning of roofs (table 1; figure 1). The types of inca site that were deliberately abandoned include part of an urban workshop area of Machu Picchu, several small isolated kancha with associated terraces, and shrines. For example, in his excavation at Machu Picchu in Conjunto 1, also called the Sector Militar, Zapata (1983 87) discovered much charcoal and pottery scattered over occupation floors as a result of the collapse of burning thatched roofs and the deliberate smashing of domestic ceramics inside the rooms. Similar evidence has also been found at sites peripheral to Machu Picchu, such as Choquesuysuy (Cuba 1999) and Intipata (Pilco and Quispe 2003), as well as the buildings associated with the ceremonial rock at Urgo near Calea (Candia 2008). While there is much archaeological evidence to confirm the burning of roofs and the smashing of ceramic vessels by throwing thom against the walls and floors of buildings, other techniques of closure, suggested by the chroniclers, have rarely been described. However, four comprehensive studies reveal these. In excavations at Choquequirao, Sector 9, ithas been reported that not only were artefacts systematically destroyed and roofs burned but also that doorways to several buildings were sealed with walls up to 1.3m in height, using in REVISTA HAUCAYPATA, 8 Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo at igig Com he Ss unite Cita mC Ese ‘Table 1, Evidencias de proceso de abandono en sitios arqueologicos del Cuzco, Ian Farrington 9 The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals of site closure Machu Picchu Choquesuysuy VERONICA Sliantaytamibo catcox AA rrvesiesr-sorssirar A @ Qespinanka lcs Tambokancha i (Chinchaypukyo urgo Chincheto @ Huchuy Cusco’ sevo4 A mChakan Cusco sikincnant Figure 1. The Inea heartland, showing the location of the major settlements and all sites mentioned in text. one case the lintel of the doorway itself, implying therefore that there had been some attempt to pull the building down (e.g. Gallego 2005) Detailed excavations in Sector A at Torontoy in the Vilkanota valley between Patallagta and Machu Picchu by Sumire and Tacuri (2010) have produced not only widespread evidence of burned and collapsed roofs and the breaking and scattering of artefacts but also of other significant ritual behaviours, such as the disturbance of a tomb, the breaking of inca floors to bury offerings, the deliberate placing of pottery vessels inverted on floors and the sealing of some, butnotall, doorways, including the deposition of ritual offerings. At Balcon del Diablo in the Chacén valley, Carranza and Vega- Centeno (2012) have described the excavation, of a small hut, with a half red and half yellow tamped earth floor, located near to a carved rock complex. ‘The archaeologists defined the rituals of abandonment as the burning at the junction between the red and yellow floors of an offering, pile with plant foods, animal bone, bone beads and a silver spangle. There was’ also at the eastern end the removal of a circular piece of floor, probably for a burial, and the burning of other foodstuffs in the western side behind a clay kerb. This important building appears to have been a small kitchen for serving food and chicha for the visitors to these sacred rocks. In another sector of the site an entrance was found sealed with a stone wall. In a similar vein at Wat'a, Kosiba (2010; 249-275) has demonstrated that the Incas conducted similar closure rituals of smashing pottery, making offerings and burning animal bone and ceramics, when dismantling REVISTA HAUCAYPATA. 10 Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo Figure 2. Plan of Tambokancha. and covering old buildings with 1m of fill and leveling the site for the construction of a new plaza and some high status buildings, ic. ritual entombment. This confirms that irrespective of the circumstances of the closure, the Incas, practised the same rituals and deposited the same kind of offerings. Tambokancha “Tambokancha, also known as Tumibamba, is located about 30 km, to the west of Cuzco, only ikm from the village of San Nicolas de Zurite in the southwestern corner of the Pampa de Anta. It is an extensive ruined earthwork site, covering 8 hectares, that is divided into three main architectural’ sectors (Farrington and Zapata 2003). Its substantial stone walls have been enclosed inside elongated mounds of clay from the adobe bricks of the superstructure of, every building that have gradually ‘melted’ over them. Some walls stand up to 3m in height and all are at least 1m above the latest phase of inca floors. The mapping of these elongated embankments has revealed a most unusual plan, shaped like a twni, with a large plaza (10om by 7om) at the base of a steep, terraced hill with a modified rocky outcrop on its summit (figure 2). Basically it comprises four different monumental architectural sub-sectors around the plaza with a probable palatial complex, Area A, at the foot of the hill on the western side, while beyond the plaza sub-sectors on the eastern side there are three curved rows of large buildings (figure 2). Its architecture is also distinctive with substantial wide, curved, not straight, wallsin every building ‘There are also many unusual buildings, including large monumental towers, two tall niched facades with terraced platforms that form stage- like structures facing the plaza on the western side, two magnificent zig-zag shaped edifices, Ian Farrington u The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals of site closure and many large kallanka-like ones The site remained generally unknown during the Colonial and Republican periods and, apart from this research, continues to be largely unknown to the modern archaeological community in Cuzco. There are no historical accounts that mention Tambokancha as a place during the Spanish incursion nor is it subsequently mentioned in any account of the road to Cuzco, even though it lies adjacent to a branch of the royal road to Chinchaysuyu along which the Spaniards must have travelled in November 1533. It is also within a few kilometres of the site of the important battle of Vilcaconga. Indeed, Cieza de Leén (1984: 256 [1559: Parte 1, Cap. XCI]) of his journey through the valley of Jaquijahuana en route to Cuzco in 1548 wrote on in general terms about the royal palaces there: “Awia en este valle muy sumptuosos aposentos y ricos adonde los se- jiores del Cuzco salfan a tomar sus plazeres y solazes.” Of the little historical information that does exist, it was mentioned as Tumibamba in an encomienda award to Hernando Pizarro in 1539 (Julien 2000) and as Tambocancha in a land claim by Don Alonso Tito Atauchi in 1551 (Rostworowski 1962). Crist6bal de Albornoz (4586) listed a waka called Tambocancha in Jaquijahuana, stating that it was: “casa que fue de wm ynga y tenia su figura de oro en la dicha casa; lidmase Tupa ¥nga Yupanqui. Te- nia muchas haziendas y riquezas esta casa y camayos". As Tumibamba, itis also associated with Wayna Qhapaq as that is the name of his royal panaqa. Clearly, these data suggest that the site had great importance in inca times and had remained in indigenous memory after the conquest because of its important lands and the shrine, for it still drew people to honour it. Elsewhere, I have argued that this area to the west of Cuzco was part of the royal estate of the living Sapa Inca and that Tambokancha may have been a significant royal establishment within it (Farrington 1992). Excavations at Tambokancha ‘The excavations at Tambokancha of six major buildings and numerous other trenches in patios, passages and doorways have been mainly around the plaza (figure 3). They have yielded over two tonnes of cultural materials, that include ceramics (over 56,000 sherds), metal, stone and shell objects, wood, charcoal, plantremains and animal bones as well as a small amount of human bone. While the excavated data provide an insight into the functions of its unustial monumental architecture, they also signify that the whole settlement was deliberately closed down before the Spaniards arrived. The lines of evidence are multiple and I shall try to reveal how and why this was carried out based ‘upon our field evidence The excavations demonstrated that many entrances to important buildings and even to the plaza itself had been deliberately sealed with rustic stone and clay walls, that were built several centimetres above original floor level. They had evidence of ritual burning activity and probable offerings underneath them. Examples include building E-2 on the southern side of the plaza, building D-5 in the southwest corner (figure 4a~ 4b), the southern entrance of C-4 on the eastern side and all of the entrances to the probable palatial complex A on the western side and even in corridors within this group. Both double jamb entrances in the southwestern corner of the plaza were also blocked in this manner. In some cases, this was conducted after the destruction of some buildings because there are lintels and large maran thrown into doorways. In building A-5 doorway 1 there was first an accumulation of pottery and other cultural debris across the threshold before a stone and clay wall sealed the entrance (figure 5). Those that were not sealed by this means had an accumulation of broken pottery, stone artefacts and building blocks thrown into them to reduce ease of access, such as building A-5 doorway 4 ‘As excavation proceeded as far as the various floor levels in all buildings, large amounts of broken pottery were encountered within 10-15¢m, thick layers of charcoal and ash (figure 6). While that is a normal feature of archaeological sites, it is rarely found in the quantity or distribution patterns recorded at Tambokancha. Almost none of the vessels are intact, yet the possibilities for artefact reconstruction are very great. It was found mainly alongside interior walls, as if they had been smashed deliberately by being thrown against them, as well as scattered over floors and piled high in doorways. In the royal palace kitchen area (Area II-A), there are various large and medium sized storage, cooking and food REVISTA HAUCAYPATA. 12 Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo Figure 3. Tambokancha Sector 2, showing sealed doorways in red and blocked canals in blue. Ian Farrington The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals of site elosure Figure 4a. Building D-5 after excavation, Its only doorway was blocked with a stone wall, Note the residual ash from offerings and burning roof on the floor. Figure 4b. Corridor between the northeast corner of building A-6 (outlined in white) and A-1 (outlined in red) blocked with an 80 em. wide stone wall REVISTA HAUCAYPATA 14 Thvestigaciones arqueoldgicas del Tahuantinsuyo Figure 5. Building A-5 doorway 1 during excavation, showing the entrance blocked with a wall of large construction blocks that lie on top of a thick clay layer, containing a maka neck, other ceramic fragments and ‘the remains of a red lay pot stand. service vessels, such as maka (aryballos), urpu and puku (plates), that have been smashed upside down and scattered about the floors, doorways and in the adjacent corridor and canal. In one of the large towers on the opposite side of the plaza (Area II-C), small sherds from some very fine vessels, inca-made vessels, but Tiwanaku in decoration, have been scattered against all interior walls and even in the entrance and antesala of the building, From what can be pieced together, it appears that a vessel was first smashed in one location and then the sherds were deliberately thrown, in different directions within and outside the structure. ‘Another activity, discovered initially in the kitchen area, seems to have been the deliberate burning and spoiling of food, such as maize kernels, tarwi and poroto beans, potatoes and ocas, llama, deer and whale bone, to the point that there are considerable carbonised deposits of these foodstuffs, often associated with plates, distributed on floors andinthe corridor and canal of that area (figure 7a-7b). Large amounts of ash and charcoal from the cooking facilities were also spread across the floors of the kitchens. Indeed, bumed foodstuffs also appear in other excavated buildings, suggesting that they had been carried to those structures and deliberately thrown to the ground (figure 8). This activity may suggest that the large and small maka, associated with the brewing and serving of agha (chicha), were part of a major brewing operation, but the beer containers were simply smashed on the floor. Despite these actions, there is no overwhelming evidence to suggest that these rituals involved Ian Farrington The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals of site closure Figure 7a, Building A-5 doorway 4 during excavation. Large plates smashed on the floor and against the doorway associated with carbonised maize and potatoes. a major feasting and drinking, there are only 76 decorated andundecoratedsherdsfrom ceramic qero in each of the main excavations (Zapata et al, 2009), although all valuable wooden ones would probably have been removed. Finally, in the kitchen area, many of the clay stands upon which the various brewing and cooking pots stood were also smashed and scattered about the rooms and corridor. Within this debris in many places, large flagstones had also been thrown to the ground, such as in the double- jamb entrances to the plaza in Sub-sector G. ‘Another technique of abandonment was to cut water supply to a settlement. At Tambokancha, the freshwater supply and drainage canals were deliberately blocked with broken artefacts, building blocks and carbonised plant foods (figure 9). Thisis foundin the corridor between REVISTA HAUCAYPATA 16 Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo the two kitchens, A-5 and A-6, and in the open drains in front of building D-5 in the northwest corner, and in front of C-4 and C-2 on the eastern side of the plaza. In all cases, the source of the ceramics and other items appears to have been the adjacent structures. Despite the amountof charcoal andashrecovered throughout every building, there are a series of small, but heaped, accumulations, that contained carbonised wood ‘and foods as well as shell and stone beads with various other objects placed in them or in their vicinity as well as some pieces of pottery. A feature of each one of these is that near the base, there is a focus object over which this ritual burning took place. These important objects were stone knives, bronze tupu, tumi and mace heads, whole shells, antlers, llama and whale bones. These were covered with a small Figure 7b. Building A-5 doorway 4 during excavation. Large plates smashed on the floor and against the doorway associated with earbonised maize and potatoes. ‘The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzeo): Inca actiot ind rituals of site closure Figure 8. Carbonised maize in offering pile in the corridor between buildings A-5 and A-6. mound of wood, straw, carbonised maize kernels and tubers and on top of these was placed a cloth or wooden effigy of a human or lama thathas been dressed and decorated with a bead necklace. These offerings were then lit. In excavation each one of these contained charcoal, ash, foodstuffs, beads and a focus well as several pottery fragments excavated building, antesala and corridor has dense patches of charcoal and ash with similar kinds of finds, although in some cases, these deposits had been spread or kicked over a larger area subsequently. Over 50 of these offerings have been identified to date but I shall just mention four. In building a small pile of ash and charcoal was found to contain carbonised maize kernels and tarwi and eight small feet with bifurcated toes made of shell, imdicating that the focus had been two llama effigies (figure 10). In building C-2, a similar pile contained both human teeth and shark teeth, some of the latter are perforated, although these had subsequently been kicked over and spread over a slightly greater area (figure 11). In small room 2 adjacent to building A-5 one offering had as a focus object awhole spondyius shell, within a REVISTA HAUCAYPATA Tnvestigaciones arqueologicas del Tahuantinsuyo Figure 9, Corridor and blocked canal between buildings A-5 and A-6 during, Note the fragments of large vessel flagstones, building stones and clay supports. Ian Farrington 19 The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals of site closure pile of wood charcoal, carbonised maize and potatoes, Hama bone and fragments of large vessels (figure 12). In the corridor between buildings A-5 and A-6, wood charcoal, ash, carbonised maize and small fragments of pottery were found piled up. Several specific offerings were identified but in one beneath the large sherds and ash layer the corrodedremains of a small iron horseshoe were revealed but further excavation showed that it too lay on top of more ash and a bronze inea tumi (figure 132- 1b-13¢). Other evidence for closure rituals have also been recorded. In building C-4, one of the large zig-zag structures with interior painted walls was excavated. Its floor was found to be covered with a thick layer of ash and thousands of small pieces of pottery, some metal fragments and beads. Careful removal of the upper few centimetres of this layer revealed a series of seven, Greular patches, each about 1m in diameter, and a rectangular one, that were devoid of the ash and pottery covering (figure 14). This could only mean that the floor had been disturbed after the initial phase of offering burning. Each feature was excavated, revealing seven deep, cylindrical tombs, all had been plaster-lned, similar im size and vittually empty, except for one. It contained the remains of an adult female with grave goods, that comprised only one complete vessel, an orange miniature plate with a loop handle and a maltese cross design, twelve fragments of broken, pottery and two spindle whorls (Farrington and Zapata 2003: 74, fig. 17). In two other tombs, there were the odd small human bone and a single sherd It is thought that after the burning of the offerings, these tombs had been opened by the Figure 10. A burnt offering pile in Building A-6, with eight llama feet made of bone, beads, carbonised maize, tarwi, and potato. REVISTA HAUCAYPATA 20 Thvestigaciones arqueoldgicas del Tahuantinsuyo Figure 11. An offering containing human teeth, shark teeth and beads, and broken pottery on the floor of Building C-2 The pile had been scattered before the collapse of the building. Incas and their contents largely removed to keep them out of the hands of the Spaniards. Even the middle-aged woman's tomb had been visited, its skeleton and grave goods disturbed and the complete pots may have been replaced byonly fragments. Inbuilding C-4, theplastered floor had also been broken. ‘There is other structural evidence that argues for the deliberate closure of these buildings. First, there is a considerable amount of wood chareoal across the excavated floors of every building and on the immediate outside them. In some cases, the original ground surface or floor has charcoal in patterns that indicate that roof thatch and wattle had fallen, whilst burning slowly and continued to burn in situ with roof beams (figure 15). This suggests that the roof of every building had been deliberately torched, Second, thestructural integrity of each building excavated appears to have been undermined by the deliberate pulling down of the building itself. There is some evidence that the adobe superstructures of most walls were partially pushed over into each building and that one comer of the lange tower in Area C building 2 was pushed over spreading stone blocks and adobes tmevenly over its interior, thus burying much evidence of the closing rituals. Over time, the effects of frost and rain gradually ‘melted’ the remaining adobe walls, exposing many finely worked limestone building blocks. The looting of the limestone blocks and the worked quoin stones for the construction of the church and houses in Zurite further destroyed the walls. The destruction of the structures and terraces on the hill above Area A resulted in the construction materials rolling down the slope to add more to the burial of that area and from where they could be looted. Table 2 demonstrates the sequence of actions involved in the abandonment of Tambokancha as can be determined from the archaeological record. ‘The questions that now need to be answered are: when did this occur?" and why was it necessary? ‘The analyses of the material culture reveal very little evidence for a Colonial occupation at the site. For example, there are only 80 sherds, that have been positively identified as colonial and Ian Farrington 21 The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals of site closure Figure 12. An offering in storeroom 2 beside building A-5 with a whole spondylus shell as the focus object with. sherds from large vessels, earbonised wood, maize and potatoes and llama bone there is only one other Colonial era object, the iron horseshoe. It is the latter which is critical to understanding the closure rituals that took place at Tambokancha. Its archaeological context places it within an offering pile in the corridor between the two kitchens, A-5 and A-6. The original focus of this offering was to be a smalll bronze tumi that, was surrounded by the usual accumulation of charcoal, ashandsherds. However, thehorseshoe was placed immediately above it within the pile asa second focus object, revealing its perceived importance by the Incas and the need to revere it and put it out of use along with the other artefacts and buildings. There is no other 1 To date no radiocarbon assays have been carried out on charcoal, bone or plant materials from Tambokancha. colonial artefactassociated with this offering, This probably means that the Incas had received itprior to the Spanish arrival in this area in 1533. Ithad been transported there as a curio, perhaps ithad been collected on the road and sent to the Inca court as proof of the invaders. Therefore, the archaeological context suggests that it happened prior to the arrival of the Spaniards in Cuzco and that, shortly after, Tambokancha was deliberately destroyed and ‘abandoned by the Ineas themselves. To consider the question of why was the site deliberately destroyed, it is necessary to understand the inca view of these strange, bearded men who had arrived in their land by sea and who behaved differently to every other people and culture with whom they had’had contact? The inca view of the invasion The Incas had a different view of cosmology REVISTA HAUCAYPATA Tnvestigaciones arqueologicas del Tahuantinsuyo Figure 1ga. Sequence of ffering in corridor between A-5 and A-6 with blocked central canal on left. Shows the location after ash, charcoal and some pottery have been removed. and philosophy to the Spaniards and they interpretednatural phenomena and unforeseen events as signs and omens that would influence theirpractice of religion andtheirreactionto the politics around them. In this stance, it is not the long term reactions to the Spanish mvasion, such as taki ongoy, but the short-term ones that led to the destruction of Tambokancha. It is known that Inca Wayna Qhapaq and his people had noted and interpreted several portents of a forthcoming cataclysmic disaster in which their world would be shattered. For example, Cieza de Le6n (1984: 201 [1553: Cap. LXV]) reported that ayna Qhapag had seen a comet that he thought foretold of his death. Itis understood that comet sightings occurred Peru in September 1526, January 1528 and July 1533 (Bauer and Dearborn 1995;, Zidlkowski 1985). Other ominous events have been listed by Garcilaso de la Vega (1991 1-594 [1609: Parte 1, Libro 9, Cap. XIV] and Ian Farrington 23 The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zu , Cuzco): Inea actions and rituals of site closure Figure 13b, Sequence of offering in corridor between A-5 and A-6 with blocked central canal on left. Image shows below the potsherds of an iron horseshoe. include + A thunderbolt struck one of the royal palaces of Amarukancha in Cuzco, + Severe earthquakes followed by tsunamis hit the coastal regions, + There was the tragic death of a royal eagle (anca), that was brought down by falcons in the plaza during Inti Raymi, an¢ + The sight of an unusual full moon with a triple halo, that was thought to foreshadow blood, death and the disappearance of the empire. Anotheris an eclipse, which Polo de Ondegardo (1916: 198 [1571]) reported that in Cuzco this was considered to be a bad omen, while Cobo (1964: 158-159 [1659: Libro 13, Cap. 5, 6]) added that a solar eclipse foretold the death of an Inca, while a lunar one could potentially leave the world in darkness. Therefore, sacrifices, feasting and people howling and dogs barking were considered important deterrents to the dangers. ‘Three solar eclipses are known to have occurred in the latter part of Wayna Qhapaq's reign and been visible from Cuzco and/or northern Pert: a total one on 30 July 1524 and two annular ones on 30 September 1521 and 23 January 1525 (Zidlkowski and Sadowski 1992). of REVISTA HAUCAYPATA z It is also written that when Wayna Qhapaq received the news that these strange white, bearded men dressed from head to foot were seen on the coast, he recalled the prophecy of his ancestor, Inca Viracocha, who had said that in the reign of the 12th Inca some strangers would invade from the sea to destroy their religion and empire — they would represent a “Pachacuti” — ‘a turning of the world upside down”. The Inca’s initial reaction was that they were "Viracochas’ because in their own account their creator god, Teqsi Wiraqocha Pachayachachiq, was predicted to return one day from across the sea (Guaman Poma (1980: 378 [1615: 380]). Titu Cusi Yupanqui (2006: 8, io [1574)), in his account of Manku II, summed up the understanding in Cuzco at the time: AS Tnvestigaciones arqueoldgicas del Tahuantinsuyo ‘En el tienpo que los espaiioles aportaron a esta tierra del Piru, que legaron al pueblo de Caxamarea ciento y nobenta leguas poco mas 0 menos de aqui, my padre Mango Ynga estaua en la ciudad del Cuzco; en esa hera con todo su poderio y mando como su padre Guaina Capac se lo auia dexado, donde tubo nueba por ciertos mensajeros que vinieron de alla de un hermano suyo mayor aunque bastardo llamado Atavall- PA, y por nos yndios yungas tallanas que rre- siden a la orilla del mar del sur quinze o beynte leguas del dicho Caxamallea, los quales dezian que abian bisto llegar a su tierra ciertas perso- nas muy differentes de nuestro auito y traje que parecfan viracochas, ques el nonbre con el qual nosotros nonbramos antiguamente al criador de todas las cosas, diziendo teesi viracochan, ng in corridor between A-5 and A-6 with blocked central canal on left. Image shows below it, a bronze tum. Ian Farrington 25 The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals of site closure que quiere dezir “prencipio y hazedor de todo” y nonbraron desta manera a aquellas personas que auian visto, lo uno porque dife- Tengiauan mucho nuestro traje y senblante, y lo otro porque beyan que andaban en vnas animalias muy grandes, las quales tenian los, pies de plata; y esto dezian por el rrelunbar de las herraduras, y tanbien los Hamavan ansy porque les auian visto hablar a solas en unos ‘pants blancos como vna persona hablaua con otra, y esto por el leeer en libros y cartas; y avn les Hamauan viracochas por la excelencia y parescer de sus personas y mucha diffe rengia entre unos y otros, porque unos eran de baruas negras y otros bermejas, e porque les veyan comer en plata, y tanbien porque te- nian yllapas, nombre que nosotros tenemos para los truenos, y esto dezian por los arcabuzes porque pensaban que heran truenos del cielo.” In the myths, Wiraqocha was described as a bearded man wearing a long robe with both arms raised and with rays radiating from his head and accompanied by snakes and pumas (Molina 1988: 60 [1573]). While the Spaniards were individually quite different with their distinct dress and beards, their appearance from the west certainly characterised them as probable manifestations of the god; hence they were called “Viracochas" Other attributes may have assisted in this interpretation. For example, in inca mythology, the god of thunder and lightning, known as Illapa or Inti Illapa, is closely linked to Wiraqocha. This deity is important throughout the Andes because Figure 14. The red tamped earth floor of Building C-4 covered witha thick ash layer after the potsherds and bone fragments have been removed. Note circular feature on the left that indicates that the floor had been disturbed after the burning of offerings but before the collapse of the building walls and roof. Excavation showed this to be an empty cylindrical tomb. Zz REVISTA HAUCAYPATA 26 Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo Figure 15, Excavation at the northeast external corner of the central tower, A-1, showing on the floor the tangled carbonised lines of wooden beams and a wattle and thatched roof, heis associated with mountains as the home of the ancestors, as well asthe formation of clouds, storms and rainfall about them. He is both feared for the physical effects of thunder and lightning, swirling cloud and damaging hail but also revered as the bringer of fertilising waters to the fields. He has several manifestations: as a mythical cat, the goa, and as the ghost of a dead ancestor. Indeed, the earliest descriptions of the Spaniards that the Incas received, such as that recounted by Titu Cusi Yupanqui, reveals that not only were they perceived as Viracochas but as manifestations of Ilapa as well. The rumbling of the horses’ hooves, sparks from the horseshoes on mountain roads and the explosive retorts and flashes of the arquebus and cannon were interpreted that the Spaniards could control the actions and sounds of Mapa. Indeed, Arriaga (1968: 215 [1621: Cap. VI) related that [apa and the Spanish Santiago were associated because the thunder clap resembled the noise of hooves, while the firing of muskets and cannon was related to the flash of lightning, as was also the glittering of swords and helmets, Examination of rock art and myth in northern Chile has noted that the native imagery equated Santiago and his horse with oth thunder and lightning (Gallardo et al. 1999; Castro and Gallardo 2009: 85-86), ‘These beliefs certainly enabled the Spaniards to get as far as Cajamarca and be received by Inca Atawallpa himself. However, attitudes changed when the Spaniards feigned insult as a ruse to capture the Inca and demanded a ransom to set him free. The subsequent desecrations and looting of Pachacamac and Cuzco made them Ian Farrington 27 The abandonment process at Tambokancha (Zurite, Cuzco): Inca actions and rituals of site closure Recogian todos los artefactos y objetos de importancia y los Ievaban a lugares seguros (P.e. la estatua de Thupag Inka Yupanki) J Los demas artefactos de cada edificio (P.e. ceramios, soportes de vasijas y fogones) eran destruidos contra las paredes y el suelo Arrojaban fragmentos de algunas vasijas dentro de los edificios, especialmente en las entradas Rellenaban cada canal con tiestos de cerdmica y comidas earbonizadas J Sobre los pisos, esparcian comidas carbonizadas (P.e. maiz, poroto, tarwi, quinua, papa, oca, ulluco), huesos (P.e. de camélidos y cérvidos) y algunos fragmentos de | ceramica Colocaban sobre los pisos, como objeto central, un tumi, tupu, euchillo Iitico, Spondylus y una figurina (de madera, lana o ichu) con collar de cuentas y vestida como persona o camélido. Sobre estos amontonaban fragmentos de cerdmica y restos de plantas. Inego quemaban todo Rompian los pisos y saqueaban Tas tumbas importantes ubicadas en diversos | edificios, para remover y guardar a las momias y sus ajuares en otros lugares Tapiaban con un muro de piedra y barro las entradas de algunos edificios y de la plaza | Quemaban los techos de ichu de cada edificio Derrumbaron los muros de adobe de los edificios para que los espafioles no pudieran asentarse ni saquear Tambokancha. Las piedras y adobes de las esquinas de algunos edificios fueron removidos para que el colapso sea total. Table 2. El proceso de abandono de Tambokancha. realise their culture was under threat. The duplicity and cruelty after the ransom was paid and the public execution of Atawallpa confirmed everything the Incas feared. From this point on, the Incas became wise as to who the Spaniards really were, their motivations and methods. Titu Cusi Yupanqui (2006: 40, 42 [1574]) recalled a speech made by Manku II to his captains after he had been captured by them, that remarked: “Hermanos ¢ hijos mios, los dias pasados os hize juntar otra bez desta manera para que biesedes vn genero de nueba gente que auia aportado a nuestra tierra, que son estos barbudos que estén aqui en este pueblo; y tanbien, porque me dezian que keran viracochas y lo parescia el traje, os mande que todos vosotros les serviesedes y acatasedes como a my persona mesma y les diesedes tributo de lo que en vuestras tierras teniades, pensan- do que hera gente grata e ynbiada de aquel que ellos dezian que hera el Teese Viracochan (que quiere decir “Dios"); y paresceme que me a sa- lido al rreues de lo que yo pensaua, porque sa- bed, hermanos que estos, segun me an dado las muestras despues que entraron en mi tierra, no son hijos del Viracochan sino del demonio, por- que me hazen y an hecho despues que en ella es- tan obras de tales, como podeis ver por vuestros ojos, que me parece que no podais dexar, si me amais verdaderamente, de rrescibir gran pena y congoja en ver ami, vuestro rrey, aprisionado con prisiones y tratado desta manera sin me- recerlo, y esto por auer metido yo en my tierra semejante jente que esta, que yo mesmo me he SO degollado; por vida vuestra, que si me deseais, dar contento que lo mas presto que pudieredes busqueis entre bosotros alguna cosa en rrazo nable cantidad de oro y plata, pues estos tanto se mueren por ella, para que pueda rredimir mi bexagion y salir desta prission en que por vuestros ojos me beis tan apassionado y congojado.” Manku II acknowledged his mistake in believing them to be the sons of «Viracocha» but as a result of their actions and greed he now considered them to be sons of the «devi>l. However, he implored his men to collect more gold and ‘silver to satiate the Spaniards needs in order that he should be freed. An interpretation and commentary ‘As a result of this realisation, the Incas prepared to abandon and destroy the palace complex at Tambokancha. This decision was based on their fear of the loss of the valuable objects and icons of royalty to the Spaniards and of the occupation and potential desecration of such an important sacred place, a royal palace, dedicated to their ancestor. Itwas made sometime during 1533 and perhaps after the execution of Atawallpa. The process took place quickly and systematically and, as noted from other sites, a regular series of ritual acts were undertaken. Many of these techniques had been used by the Wari and the Incas used them to close down specific places around Cuzco. Clearly, all important objects were removed, including the golden statue of Thupaq Inca Yupanki and appropriate ancestral mummies. Other things, such as foodstuffs, pottery and other goods, that couldbereadily manufactured or acquired, such as metal tools, beads, stone Imives, grindstones and spondylus, were simply destroyed by burning, throwing and smashing. Offerings were made using a significant focus object, fabricating and dressing some form of effigy and then setting fire to these. The horseshoe, that had arrived in Tambokancha as a valuable and significant object, part of Wiraqocha's accoutrements, no longer was considered such an important item. It was not removed but was added as a secondary focus to an existing offering pile with a bronze tumi focus and put out of use ‘The final acts of this process were to render the buildings closed and the whole site beyond REVISTA HAUCAYPATA 28 Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo use, This was achieved by sealing particular doorways and entrances, burning the thatched roofs and collapsing them, and finally bringing down the monumental architecture to turn the site into a nondescript ruin. That it was successful is confirmed by the fact that it was neither occupied nor mentioned by the Spaniards during their final tiumphant march into Cuzco. Its destruction had been so comprehensive that even Cieza de Le6n did not mention it specifically and nor did other ater chroniclers. Yet itsimportance remained in the memory of the native people for ‘whom it was considered to be a significant and sacred place whose cult, 50 years later, was listed for destruction as a waka (Albornoz 1988: 180 [1583-1584), Acknowledgements I would like to thank the Co-Director of the project, Julinho Zapata, for his tireless efforts in making these excavations and analyses a success, and to the site supervisors and finds officer - John, Apaza, Joe Castro, Isabel Martinez, Rail Del Mar and Yanet Villacorta - , and also to Miguel Coa Bibliography ALBORNOZ, Cristobal de, 1988 [1583-1584] Instruccién para descubrir todas las guacas del Pird y sus camayos y haziendas. En: Cristébal de Molina y Cristébal de Albornoz Fabulas y Mitos de los Incas: 163-198. (Editado por Henrique Urbano y Pierre Duviols). Crénicas de América 48, Historia 16. Madrid ARRIAGA, Pablo José de, 1968 [1621 Extirpacién de la Idolatria del Pirt. Biblioteca de ‘Autores Espatioles, Tomo 209: 191-227. Edicion ‘Atlas. 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Revista Espanola de Antro- pologia Andina, N° 15: 147-182. Madrid ~ REVISTA HAUCAYPATA Investigaciones arqueolégicas del Tahuantinsuyo r Esculturas zoomorfas del Parque Arqueolégico de Sacsayhuaméan, Cuzco: una aproximaci6n a su entendimiento simbélico Rodolfo Monteverde Sotil laspuertas48@gmail.com Resumen En diversos sitios de filiacién inca se han registrado tallas escultéricas zoomorfas (felinos, aves y serpientes). FI Cuzco no fue la excepcidn. En el presente trabajo ampliaremos nuestro andlisis intrinseco de las esculturas zoomorfas talladas en los afloramientos rocosos del Parque Arqueolégico de Sacsayhuamén (Monteverde 2011), valiéndonos de comparaciones controladas con esculturas zoomorfas evidenciadas en y fuera del Cuzco. Ademds, contrastaremos el dato observable con las fuentes etnohistéricas para aproximarnos a entender el valor ¢ importancia simbélica de estas esculturas cuzqueitas. Palabras claves: Inca, Sacsayhuamén, escultura, simbolismo. Abstract At various sites of Inca affiliation carved zoomorphic sculptures have been noted (felines, birds and serpents); Cuzco was no exception. In the present paper the intrinsic analysis of the carved zoomorphic sculptures on rock outcrops at the archaeological site of Sacsayhuaman are further investigated (Monteverde 2011). Use is made of comparisons with other zoomorphie carvings in and around Cuzco and the observed data is contrasted with ethno histortc sources to approximate an understanding of the symbolic value and meaning of the Cuzco carvings. Keywords: Inca, Sacsayhuaman, sculpture, symbolism. Introduction En diferentes asentamientos Tahuantinsuyo existen esculturas zoomorfas talladas en las su- perficies de grandes formaciones rocosas 0 en los muros de diversos edificios (Hyslop 1977, Carrién Cachot 2005; Meyers 2007, Meddens Com. Pers. 2014) (tabla 1). Las representa- cones escultéricas zoomorfas recurrentes son de felinos, aves y serpientes. En el Cuzco, la otrora capital del imperio, existen tallas simi- lares en los afloramientos rocosos de Chin- chero (Alcina Franch 1976; Caceres y Jurado 2000), Pomaorgo (Pardo 1957; Bauer 1992; Urton 2004), Parque Arqueologico de Sacsay- huamén (PAS) (Van de Guehte 1990, Cori Del Mar 2007, Monteverde 2011) y Yahuira (Bauer 2000). Ademas, dentro de los limites del uticleo central de la Hacta cuzqueiia, entre los rios Tul- Iumayoyy Saphy, existen tallas zoomorfas en las fachadas de edificios de estilo arquitecténico transicional, construidos en los primeros afios de a Colonia por indigenas cuzquetios (Echevarria y Valencia 2010 y Farrington 2013). En el caso especifico del PAS, en un articulo anterior (Monteverde 2011) comentamos que las investigaciones que nos anteceden no habia realizado anilisis materiales ni comparaciones, controladas de las esculturas zoomorfas en los afloramientos rocosos (P.e. Van de Guehte 1990; Bauer 2000; Cori Del Mar 2007 y Guevara 2010 Com, Pers.). Por ello, nos abocamos a responder Jas siguientes interrogantes: ¢a qué animales representan?, équé filiacién cultural tienen? y éexisten similitudes y diferencias a nivel intra- sitios e intersitios del PAS? Luego de haber rea- Tizado una nueva prospeccién en el PAS, en el 2013, confrontaremos el dato observable, tan- gible y mensurable de la evidencia arqueolégica MONTEVERDE SOTIL, Rodolfo, 2014. Esculturas zoomorfas del Parque Arqueol6gico de Sacsayhuamén, Cuzco: una aproximacién a su entendimiento simbélico. Revista Haucaypata. Investigaciones arqueoldgicas del Tahuantinsuyo. Nro. 8: 31-63, Lima. Rodolfo Monteverde Sotil 32 Esculturas zoomorfas del Parque Arqueolbgico de Sacsay simb: Sitio ras on = Sra Anca Inca Inca Inca Inca Inca Inca, Inca, Inca Transicional (inee-Colonia) juamian, Cuzco: una aproximacion a su entendimiento ico ‘ve/felino sorpiente {elino/serpiente otros afloramiento resaso felino afforamiento r0<080 fein afloramiento rocoso _ave/felino/serpiente/otros dificio (usb) feina roradebajo de un ushaw felino cdificio sempiente/otros ecificio (culpa) fclino/serpiente/otros afloramiento ro

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