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At present there are multiple theories about what comprises the core of bor-
derline personality disorder (BPD) psychopathology, each with distinctive
features and each with an associated model of treatment. We will examine
the distinctions between four major theories of BPD and assess their relative
merits (Table 1). These four theories were selected because each defines an
organizing core for BPD, all have associated and widely recognized models
for psychotherapy, and each model is taught by an active, influential, and
committed faculty. Moreover, each theory has a significant body of research
that supports its claims (Fonagy, Luyten, & Bateman, 2015b; Gunderson &
Lyons-Ruth, 2008; Kernberg, Yeomans, Clarkin, & Levy, 2008; Kring &
Sloan, 2010).
This review uses five standards for evaluating BPD’s theories. In the ab-
sence of standards for such comparison, these were chosen because of their
clinical relevance and significance and because of their feasibility for compar-
ison. The first standard considers their ability to explain the coaggregation of
BPD’s four component sectors: interpersonal, affective, behavioral, and self/
cognitive. The second standard addresses BPD’s high rates of comorbidity
with other disorders—how well does each theory account for these over-
laps? The third standard is whether a theory distinguishes BPD from other
From McLean Hospital, Belmont, Massachusetts (J. G. G., A. F., B. U., L. C.-K.); and Harvard Medical
School, Boston, Massachusetts (J. G. G., B. U., L. C.-K.).
Address correspondence to John G. Gunderson, McLean Hospital, Department of Psychiatry, Harvard
Medical School, 115 Mill St., Belmont, MA 02478. E-mail: jgunderson@mclean.harvard.edu
148
COMPETING THEORIES OF BPD 149
mental illnesses. The fourth standard is how well each theory incorporates
knowledge about BPD’s heritability. The fifth standard concerns their clinical
usefulness, that is, their clarity, understandability, and clinical applications.
These standards are efforts to reflect each theory’s content validity (Stan-
dards 1–4), predictive validity (Standard 3), discriminant and convergent
validity (Standard 2), and treatment validity (Standard 5). The potential bias
within each of these standards will be considered and their overall limita-
tions will be discussed.
The methodology used for preparing this review rests heavily on knowl-
edge and critical analysis of the relevant literature. This grounding has been
combined with clinical experience, notably using the therapies based on these
four theories, and with the perspectives gained from the authors’ experience
teaching or writing about these theories.*
* Because of the lead author’s investment in the theory of interpersonal hypersensitivity, coauthors in-
clude experts with a primary commitment to other theories, that is, Alan Fruzzetti and emotional dysregu-
lation, Brandon Unruh and failed mentalization.
150 GUNDERSON ET AL.
Multiple factor analytic studies have found four component sectors of BPD
psychopathology (Becker, McGlashan, & Grilo, 2006; Clarkin, Hull, &
Hurt, 1993; Hurt, 1984; Moor, Distel, Trull, & Boomsma, 2009; Sanislow,
Grilo, & McGlashan, 2000; Sanislow et al., 2009, 2002; Taylor & Reeves,
2007) (see Table 2). Each of these sectors represents a broad phenotype that is
found in multiple non-BPD disorders. A good theory for BPD should thus be
able to explain the presence of all four of these. Genetic evidence for a latent
organizing factor that accounts for the coaggregation of these four sectors
(Distel et al., 2010; Gunderson et al., 2011; Kendler et al., 2011) demands
that a good theory for BPD can explain why these phenotypes coaggregate.
The Excessive Aggression theory posits that alternation between the mal-
adaptive expression (excessive anger against an unfair other) and suppres-
sion (excessive anger toward self) of aggression constitutes a basic conflict
within the BPD personality (identified as a “splitting” defense). This theory
places the core of BPD within the self/cognitive sector (see Table 3). This split
around aggression explains impulsive acts, a disturbed and distorted sense of
self, and self-damaging behaviors. Paranoid experiences are conceptualized
as defensive projections of disowned hostility onto others. Lapses in reality
sense or testing (e.g., dissociation) are seen as psychological defenses against
“intolerable” realities. Thus, this theory identifies latent factors that organize
COMPETING THEORIES OF BPD 151
tives very satisfactorily into her theory (Linehan, 2015). The result is that for
a theory of personality, Emotional Dysregulation gives inadequate attention
to transactional origins of BPD and to the self sector of BPD and, unlike
other theories, consigns a secondary role to the interpersonal sector.
Just as importantly, by being relatively ahistorical (other than noting the
role of current or past invalidation, it is nondevelopmental), this theory does
not reflect those brain activities that allow for a self, that is, those activities
that organize and interpret each person’s world in ways that reflect past ex-
periences and that initiate responses consistent with one’s past.
Failed Mentalization theory conceptualizes an interpersonally acquired
psychological handicap that is central to interpersonal relatedness (see Table
3). This handicap explains BPD’s interpersonal symptoms as products of the
preborderline child not having had his or her mental states (e.g., emotions,
attitudes, intentions) attended to, labeled correctly, and accepted by caretak-
ers. The resulting unrealistic, extreme, or unbalanced perceptions of self or
others are thought to cause BPD’s behavioral and emotional problems. Be-
cause the mentalization concept is inextricably tied to self-awareness and to
misattributions of others, it implicitly absorbs the same self–other dynamic
interplay that characterizes the Excessive Aggression theory, and easily ac-
commodates the self/cognitive sector. As with the Emotional Dysregulation
theory, emotions are assigned particular importance as triggers for lapsed
mentalization, and aggression/anger in BPD is considered secondary to en-
vironmental frustrations, not a primary motivating force. Of note, by as-
signing anger/aggression this secondary role, both the Emotional Dysregula-
tion and Failed Mentalization theories adopt the self psychology school of
thought developed by Kohut and others in the 1970s, and applied to BPD by
Adler and Buie (1979).
According to the Interpersonal Hypersensitivity theory, people with
BPD are at baseline anxious and/or depressed; these individuals give way to
anger when they perceive an impending separation or rejection. Then angry
devaluation (bad other) and/or self-harm and suicidality (bad self) occur.
Thus, like in the Excessive Aggression theory, the management of anger is
important, but, unlike in the Excessive Aggression theory, anger is not neces-
sarily excessive or instinctive and is not considered core. What is excessive is
the catastrophic significance, that is, the sense of abandonment and hatred,
assigned to the impending separation or rejection. When the person with
BPD feels alone, dissociation (self or world as unreal) or brief paranoid ex-
periences (self as endangered) occur. Fears of rejection or abandonment, or
the actual experience of being alone, prompt desperate impulsive behaviors
such as substance abuse or promiscuity. Thus, in this theory all BPD symp-
toms are understood to be directly related to the person with BPD’s immedi-
ate interpersonal context. While both the Interpersonal Hypersensitivity and
Failed Mentalization theories describe the same attachment paradox, that
is, an intense need for closeness and attention and an equally intense fear of
rejection or abandonment, in the Interpersonal Hypersensitivity theory, this
type of attachment is secondary to this genetically determined hypersensitiv-
ity’s effect on triggering maladaptive parental responses, not as an attach-
ment that is created primarily by parental failures.
COMPETING THEORIES OF BPD 153
with negative cognitions that reflects failed regulation. Still, this theory lacks
the developmental explanatory power of MDD’s major psychological expla-
nations (i.e., retroflected anger or low self-esteem). Similarly, panic disorder
is considered another painful emotional state with negative cognitions to be
regulated, but neither its origins nor its psychology are inherent in the theory.
Emotional Dysregulation theory also does not do well with explaining other
personality disorders because of its disregard for the concept of self and its
psychology. It has particular problems with explaining NPD and ASPD be-
cause its concept of BPD does not incorporate aggressive personality traits
such as cruelty and exploitativeness, let alone grandiosity or disdain. In this
theory, these are states of “emotion mind.” Moreover, and this is notable,
the Emotional Dysregulation theory predicts high overlap and interaction
with bipolar disorder, a prediction that is disconfirmed by existing evidence
(Gunderson et al., 2014). This is notable because the theory that BPD is
based on emotional dysregulation has fueled the persistent proposition that
BPD is a bipolar spectrum disorder.
The Failed Mentalization theory is best at explaining comorbidities with
other personality disorders such as ASPD and NPD with their discernible
failures of self-appraisal, introspection, and empathy. These are attachment
strategies that guard (defend) against becoming vulnerable or hurt. Disor-
ders that entail histories of past trauma, most notably PTSD, are also read-
ily affiliated with BPD according to this theory by virtue of the destructive
consequences trauma has on mentalization capabilities (Allen, 2013; Fonagy,
COMPETING THEORIES OF BPD 155
The previous standard examined how well BPD’s theories can explain its
major comorbidities—its overlap with other disorders. This third standard
looks instead at each theory’s specificity for BPD: Does the theory define a
core unique to BPD, or could the proposed core apply to other disorders as
well? In this discussion, it is important to bear in mind that although the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) definition of
BPD has been the diagnostic standard for 40 years, it is unfair to assume
that specificity of a theory to the DSM definition of BPD is a strength. Of
particular significance here is the significant scientific support accorded to
redefining this disorder using traits. Whether and how these theories would
fit with such a redefinition invites consideration. As we learn more about
this disorder, the DSM definition will surely evolve. Current theories frame
hypotheses about BPD that may prove as useful or more useful in advancing
our understanding of BPD and redefining this disorder than does their fit
with the DSM definition.
Excessive Aggression theory was derived by Otto Kernberg from psy-
choanalytic theory, specifically from the object relations theory pioneered
by Melanie Klein (Kernberg, 1967). This theory emphasizes the vicissitudes
156 GUNDERSON ET AL.
Genetic causes for BPD were largely ignored until the first significant twin
study estimated its heritability at 69% about 17 years ago (Torgersen et
al., 2000). Subsequent research has lowered this estimate, but convincingly
confirms that BPD’s heritability accounts for more than half the variance in
whether BPD develops (Distel et al., 2010; Gunderson et al., 2011; Kendler
et al., 2011). As noted earlier, this research has also confirmed an underlying
unifying common pathway genetic model. This research now requires theo-
ries about BPD’s core to account for the major role played by genes and to
propose what the nature of the unifying genetic disposition is.
The aggression central to the Excessive Aggression theory may be either
genetically determined (an extreme variation of the aggressive instinct shared
by all humans) or develop as a consequence of excessive frustration. In either
event, the resulting development of BPD is related to “primitive” (meaning
158 GUNDERSON ET AL.
reality-altering) conflicts about integrating the aggression into the self. Curi-
ously, despite having pioneered the plausibility of a genetic basis for BPD,
this is the only theory that does not concede a deficit to be the core of BPD:
Whatever its genetic sources might be, they are secondary.
The Emotional Dysregulation theory emphasizes a self-regulatory bio-
social deficit. In this theory, excessive emotionality is the core of BPD. This
excessive emotionality is thought to be based in the limbic system (Line-
han, 1993), but the core problem with its regulation is thought to be based
in the prefrontal cortex and is therefore a “top-down” problem (Herpertz
& Bertsch, 2015). Perhaps because this theory was developed before BPD’s
heritability was established, the theory has not explicitly adopted a genetic
explanation for excessive emotionality or the problems in its regulation.
The Failed Mentalization theory proposes a handicap in mentalization
as the core of BPD. This handicap was observed while conducting research
on child attachment, yet attachment patterns in childhood have little to
no heritability (Bokhorst et al., 2003). As such, this theory was not well-
grounded in biology or genetics. Rather, it began as the most mentalistic
theory (i.e., it involves prefrontal functions of self-awareness, language, so-
cial learning, and interpretation). Recognizing this, Fonagy has made efforts
to integrate genetics by proposing that BPD involves a genetic predisposi-
tion to hypermentalize (excessive and inaccurate attributions). This, in turn,
he proposes, is a result of a genetically determined persistence or excess of
epistemic vigilance (distrust in the believability of others; Fonagy, Luyten, &
Allison, 2015a). This shift introduces the picture of a pre-BPD child who is
suspicious—sees the world as dangerous. This is not dissimilar to the picture
painted by the Excessive Aggression theory, except that the suspicion is ge-
netically determined in the Failed Mentalization theory rather than projected
as in the Excessive Aggression theory. Alternative—or perhaps complemen-
tary—sources for BPD’s genetic disposition are being suggested that arise
from widely distributed genetic dispositions. One of them is a “P” factor
common to all personality disorders (Sharp et al., 2013). Fonagy adds to
this a second, equally broad disposition, an under endowment of a geneti-
cally based resilience “R” factor. From these various propositions about the
nature of BPD’s genetic disposition, BPD itself emerges as a particular form
of phenotypic expression that is environmentally determined. The proposal
that BPD arises from such broad genetic disposition(s) that lack specificity
for this syndrome is similar to the role for genes proposed for excessive ag-
gression.
The theory of Interpersonal Hypersensitivity moved from its descrip-
tion of how BPD symptoms are sensitive to interpersonal context into a
more substantive model only after BPD’s transmission was discovered. This
knowledge led to a theory in which BPD’s genetic disposition is considered
the disorder’s core. This proposal reflected a retreat from the theory’s prior
reliance on the attachment paradigm because attachment lacked heritability
and was unstable over development. This theory gives BPD’s interpersonal
behaviors a genetic basis rather than seeing them as secondary to acquired
handicaps in psychological or social functioning as proposed in the other
three theories. Here interpersonal hypersensitivity is seen as a cause of, rath-
COMPETING THEORIES OF BPD 159
er than as a result of, dysfunctional parenting. This theory suggests that such
hypersensitivity may originate in the midbrain and that it disrupts the devel-
opment of organizational and reality-assessment functions of the prefrontal
cortex: It is a “bottom up” explanation (Herpertz & Bertsch, 2015).
In summary, the theories are highly diverse in their efforts to integrate
BPD’s genetic disposition. Although both excessive emotionality and exces-
sive aggression might logically be considered as promising candidates for
BPD’s genetic disposition, this perspective has not been adopted by the theo-
ries. The Excessive Anger, Emotional Dysregulation, and Failed Mentaliza-
tion theories all identify top-down cortical failures of organization, percep-
tion, or regulation as BPD’s core. Of these, only the Failed Mentalization
theory has undertaken efforts to incorporate BPD’s genetics, but the nature
of what comprises this genetic determination remains unresolved. The Ex-
cessive Aggression theory stands alone in seeing a conflictual, rather than
deficit, core for BPD. The Interpersonal Hypersensitivity theory stands alone
in seeing BPD’s core as genetic.
This standard addresses the theories’ relative clinical usefulness. This in-
cludes their understandability and learnability, and also how well each theo-
ry guides treatments in different settings and with different modalities. This
discussion will highlight distinctions, but readers should appreciate that the
clinical approaches from these disparate theories have many common fea-
tures (Bateman, 2012; Clarkin, Levy, Lenzenweger, & Kernberg, 2007; Gab-
bard, 2007; Gunderson, 2011; Weinberg, Ronningstam, Goldblatt, Schech-
ter, & Maltsberger, 2010).
Because of its origins within psychoanalytic theory, and notably the ar-
cane concepts of object relations, the Excessive Aggression theory is difficult
for nonpsychoanalytic clinicians to understand. Because the aggression so
central to this theory is dismissed and unacknowledged by patients with BPD,
it also requires the most inference by clinicians. The clinical applications are
truly theory driven. The technical neutrality or interpretations of aggressive
motives that this theory requires by therapists are inherently counterintui-
tive to their supportive instincts, especially when these interventions elicit
anger from patients. Its concepts of projective identification and splitting
model how patients with BPD assign disowned aspects of themselves onto
the clinician. From its start, this theory has alerted clinicians to the risks of
their responding harmfully. Excessive Aggression’s derivative psychotherapy,
transference-focused psychotherapy (TFP), has primarily interested psycho-
analysts or psychoanalytically trained clinicians. Therapy aligned with this
theory requires highly disciplined specialists. TFP is a twice-weekly individ-
ual psychotherapy. In contrast to the unchanging quality of its Excessive Ag-
gression theory, TFP has undergone many iterations in the process of becom-
ing manualized (Clarkin, Yeomans, & Kernberg, 2006). These revisions have
sustained technical neutrality and the absence of overt support by therapists,
160 GUNDERSON ET AL.
but TFP has become more structured and more cautious about interpreta-
tions (Caligor, Diamond, Yeomans, & Kernberg, 2009). This model of ther-
apy retains great loyalty by those who have been schooled in it, but, as that
generation ages, it is being less taught and it remains inherently the most dif-
ficult to learn. Ironically, this most psychoanalytically based theory has not
received wide endorsement by the psychoanalytic community, which resists
the idea of operationalized therapies and of measurable indices of outcome.
Because Emotional Dysregulation theory is based on observables, it re-
quires the least inference and is the least difficult to understand. However,
for this same reason, the theory has less broadly applicable explanatory prin-
ciples. Emotional Dysregulation’s derivative treatment, dialectical behavioral
therapy (DBT), while structurally a group and individual therapy, has also
been applied to family therapy and has found valued applications at different
levels of care. Still, even basic DBT is labor intensive (~5 hours/week) and
requires extensive training. The total package, that is, individual appoint-
ments plus group sessions with 24/7 coverage, is burdensome on treaters and
often exceeds available resources. Both DBT’s intensiveness and Linehan’s
historical reluctance to support “impure” practices have limited the use of
this therapy. Recent evidence that DBT can be effective using skills groups
without the individual component and without 24/7 coverage suggests that
DBT’s applications can expand considerably (Linehan et al., 2015). This ap-
plication has not, however, been represented or endorsed by the latest ver-
sion of the DBT manual (Linehan, 2015).
The theory of Failed Mentalization, like the theory of Excessive Aggres-
sion, is not easily understood. The concept of mentalization is inherently
complicated (Choi-Kain & Gunderson, 2008). It has three components: self-
awareness (akin to mindfulness or introspection), other-awareness (akin to
empathy), and awareness of how one’s own mental state and those of others
influence each other. Making accurate clinical judgments about the skill with
which a person—including one’s self—performs these functions requires mo-
tivation and persistence. The central clinical application of Failed Mentaliza-
tion is mentalization-based therapy (MBT), which, like DBT, consists of both
individual and group modalities. MBT has proven effective in both long-stay
day hospital and outpatient settings and has been adapted for an increasingly
wide range of clinical settings and non-BPD patients (Bateman & Fonagy,
2012). MBT’s emphasis on mental states and interpersonal interactions, and
the therapist’s nonauthoritarian stance of “not-knowing,” make this model
of therapy poorly suited for patients who require an authoritative stance and
unexamined limits in settings such as emergency rooms or hospitals where
quick and unilateral decisions are required. Notably, derivatives of MBT are
being applied in many schools of psychotherapy training (Bateman & Fona-
gy, 2012). Fonagy’s introduction of the epistemology paradigm has brought
with it some conflict with MBT’s attachment paradigm. The latter highlights
the significance of one-to-one interaction with caretakers (most applicable to
COMPETING THEORIES OF BPD 161
individual therapy), whereas the former focuses on learning from all sources
(more applicable to groups) that is independent of attachment.
The theory of Interpersonal Hypersensitivity is explicitly intended to be
understandable to nonspecialist clinicians with a wide range of experience
and motivation. Its related therapy, good psychiatric management (GPM),
is a once-weekly individual session that is as much case management as it is
psychotherapy. Because this therapy pioneered and emphasizes psychoedu-
cation, includes medications, and emphasizes BPD’s genetic determinants, it
is more comfortably anchored within the medical model than are the other
theories. Because it is not intensive, but pragmatic and supportive, it is easily
provided by nonpsychiatrists and can be applied in all clinical settings (see
Choi-Kain & Gunderson, 2018). The GPM approach is less ambitious in
seeking to cause psychological changes from within-office insights or skill ac-
quisition than are the extended therapies developed from the other theories.
Change depends less on the closeness or empathy in the therapy relationship.
It depends more on the patient’s finding GPM’s psychoeducation and advice
helpful; these establish the epistemic trust that begets compliance that gets
with the model’s support for patients getting back into the world. In the psy-
choanalytic perspective, GPM clinicians prompt an idealized transference,
then knowingly use it. It is a treatment model well suited for ERs, hospitals,
and all outpatient settings where nonintensive treatments are provided.
In summary, Excessive Aggression is a theory that is difficult to under-
stand, and its clinical application is both the most difficult to learn and the
most restricted (it applies only to individual psychotherapy). It alone claims
to make structural changes in the BPD patient’s personality. Both the Emo-
tional Dysregulation and Failed Mentalization theories are implemented via
groups as well as individual sessions. These theories have become widely
applied. Still, both require extensive training and are resource-intensive.
They select for clinicians who want to become BPD specialists. Their group
component might have particular cost–benefit advantages. The Interpersonal
Hypersensitivity theory offers a treatment model suitable for general clinical
use and that fits more comfortably within medical/psychiatric settings. This
model requires the least resources, but offers the least ambitious expectations
for directly effecting psychological change.
DISCUSSION
All of the theories in this review have enlightened our understanding of BPD
and fueled significant improvements in the care of individuals with BPD.
Still, it follows from the content of this review that all of these theories in-
clude inherently controversial viewpoints. We hope that identification of
these viewpoints will increase awareness and prompt improvements. Theory
builders can hear most from devoted acolytes who do not give critical feed-
back. To our knowledge, there has been limited dialogue or open debate
162 GUNDERSON ET AL.
between those who have developed these theories. As noted, sometimes there
have been failures to address each other’s contributions or those of relevant
prior theories. Having said this, the conclusions reached during this review
lead to the following suggestions as to how these theories might improve:
1. The Excessive Aggression theory is the standard-bearing theory that
dominated conceptualizations of BPD for more than 20 years and against
which the other theories have needed to measure themselves. Its theory
has not changed much. It has good sensitivity (Standard 2) and specific-
ity (Standard 3). This review suggests that the theory should identify the
excess of aggression as likely to be genetically determined, and having
accepted this, then accept this as a deficit that therapies only incomplete-
ly resolve. The persistence of BPD as wholly a conflict disorder in this
theory is hard to justify. This theory has an important role to play in the
understanding of BPD: The field should hope for the continued training
of TFP specialists who offer hope for the most profound psychological
changes.
2. The Emotional Dysregulation theory is the one that pervades most clini-
cal discussion. It is overdue for the theory to identify either excessive
emotionality or emotional regulation as its candidate for BPD’s genetic
disposition. The theory also needs to adopt the transactional and devel-
opmental implications of the central role assigned to invalidation and its
role in shaping beliefs about the self and, perhaps too, interpersonal re-
lationships. Such revisions would give due recognition of the interactive/
interpersonal sector of BPD and better establish this theory’s relevance
to personality. The field will benefit from broader use of the skills group
component divorced from the individual therapy and the excessively bur-
densome 24/7 availability.
3. The Failed Mentalization theory is very appealing because of its devel-
opmental origins. It is a theory that is actively undergoing change. This
theory needs to clarify when mentalization refers to a generic and stable
psychological function that all people have more or less and that all psy-
chotherapies need to address, and when it refers to a type of failed men-
talization for BPD that is a specific form of psychopathology. These are
not necessarily incompatible. To advance the claim that mentalization is
a core of BPD, further work is needed to integrate the admirable but still
confusing efforts to define BPD’s genetic disposition, and to clarify how
this genetic disposition leads to BPD’s particular type of failed mental-
ization. The theory would also benefit from further reconciliation of the
epistemology and attachment paradigms.
4. The Interpersonal Hypersensitivity theory risks being too tightly bound
by the existing description of DSM BPD. So much is still unknown. Its
emphasis on a genetic core runs the risk of encouraging a biologically re-
ductionist model of BPD that could diminish patients’ sense of agency or
their hopes for basic psychological changes. Nonetheless, it fills a needed
role by offering a treatment model usable by nonspecialists that helps
COMPETING THEORIES OF BPD 163
address the major public health problem that these patients represent. It
has also provocatively raised the question about whether interpersonal
relationships, a domain that has traditionally been assumed to be inter-
personally shaped, can and should be seen as heavily influenced by one’s
genes.
The distinctions and relative merits of these theories help explain why their
comparably effective therapies have differential appeal to clinicians and dif-
ferent BPD patients. The Excessive Aggression theory’s dark and imperi-
ous feel appeals to psychodynamically trained clinicians, philosophers, and
students of human nature. It appeals to patients who like its depth and its
promise for curative change. It requires patients be able to withstand the
frustrations inherent in a less supportive therapy. The Failed Mentalization
theory’s cool and lofty ambience appeals to intellectual and developmentally
based clinicians. It also appeals to intellectual and introspective patients.
The universality of mentalization encourages it to be comfortably relevant
to all interactions and everyday life situations. The Emotional Dysregulation
theory’s clarity and ahistorical perspective appeal to clear thinking, “does
it work?”, problem solvers, and, most notably, to cognitive-behaviorally
trained clinicians. It appeals to BPD patients by explicitly rendering them as
students (because of its didactics) and collaborators. They also welcome its
benign view of their nonaggressive character. The Interpersonal Hypersensi-
tivity theory appeals to pragmatists who are comfortable being authoritative.
It can frustrate patients who seek an intensive relationship with their thera-
pist or who find its emphasis on “getting a life,” that is, especially getting
work, distasteful.
The controversial role of aggression in BPD that was evident in this re-
view demands added attention. A body of evidence from ethology (e.g., Lo-
renz & Wilson, 1966; Morris, 1967; Storr, 1968; Wilson, 1978) supports
the existence and adaptive necessity of an aggressive instinct. Two of the
theories about BPD, Emotional Dysregulation and Failed Mentalization, do
not accept this perspective. Like the self psychology school of thought that
preceded them, they see the aggression of BPD as secondary to environmen-
tal frustration or stress or as defensive flights from other internal states of
mind. These theories discourage clinicians from perceiving people with BPD
as wanting to intentionally hurt or defeat or control others. As noted, attrib-
uting such intentions to BPD patients can be expected to elicit anger, but this
does not make them untrue. From a developmental perspective, accepting
such aggressive motivations could be identified in the Emotional Dysregula-
tion theory as the pre-BPD person’s willfully resisting validation or failing
to recognize it. In the Failed Mentalization theory, this could be identified
as the pre-BPD child’s distrust or dismissal of the caretaker’s efforts to mark
or accept the child’s feelings or other mental states. There is a wide range of
aggression in people, including those with BPD, and theories should incor-
porate this factor.
164 GUNDERSON ET AL.
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