11a) Nicolas (2013)

Philippine Sociological Society
From Confrontation to Collaboration: A Durkheimian Turn in the Claim-making of an

Urban Poor Movement?
Author(s): GERALD M. NICOLAS
Source: Philippine Sociological Review, Vol. 61, No. 2, CLASSICAL SOCIOLOGICAL THEORY
IN CONTEMPORARY PRACTICE (July-December 2013), pp. 371-394
Published by: Philippine Sociological Society
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GERALD M. NICOLAS
From Confrontation to
Collaboration:
A Durkheimian Turn in the
Claim-making of an Urban
Poor Movement?
Coercion theory has been influential in analyzing claim-making strategies of

civil society organizations and popular movements in the Philippines. Founded
mainly on Marxist ideas, coercion theory examines powerful forces rooted in
class contradictions that reinforce and reproduce domination of more powerful
sectors over others, as in the case of landless urban poor. However, as the
urban poor movement described in this article suggests, the claim-making
of civil society can take a perspective based on consensus. By asserting the
indispensable contribution of urban informal settlers in the sustainability of
cities, the group's agenda finds resonance with Durkheim's thesis on the division
of labor in society and his vision of social solidarity. This paper aims to present
the analytical strength of Durkheim's insights in articulating the issues and
interests of the urban poor and an alternative path for advocating social change
and justice.
Keywords: Durkheim; social solidarity, division of labor, social movements
Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 • pp. 371-394 171
Even in mobilization activities, UP- ALL members write on their placards specific proposals to the
government on how to address their limited access to formal housing. (Photo by Gerald M. Nicolas)
inspired popular movements in instigating social change.
Marxist Despite inspired concepts shiftsinpopular
Despite shifts in ofandthestrategies
the discourse movementsof civilclasssociety
discourse contradictions in and instigating strategies and exploitation of social civil change. society have
(in which popular movements form a subset) since the Marcos regime,
conflict perspective remains the ideological bedrock of activists,
including those opposing demolition of urban poor settlements. The
discourse of such groups broadcasted in mainstream media has been
replete with rancor (" Gobyerno , inutil /"), indictment (" Gobyerno , tutá
ng 'Kano!") and refusal to engage in dialogue or cooperation (" Ibagsak
ang rehimenl").
The claim-making of one urban poor movement, however, suggests
that downplaying class antagonism and advancing interdependence
among "unequal" classes can also produce solutions to issues of security
of tenure -a concern besetting more than a quarter of the urban population
in Philippine cities. This innovation in discourse finds resonance with the
theories, analyses, and concepts of Emile Durkheim, a sociologist whose
ideas are often interpreted in opposition to Marx (Gane 1992:1).
This paper aims to present the analytical potency of a Durkheimian
framework in examining how an urban poor movement articulates its
interests and vision for progress and social justice. Durkheim's sociological
framework based on the division of labor and solidarity have been largely
discredited and ignored in favor of Marxist and even Weberian models
based on conflict (Grusky and Galescu 2005:322-25). In this article, I
argue that Durkheim's sociological theory is useful in providing a fresh
optic to understand the language and practice of contemporary urban
issues. I illustrate this argument through the case of Manila's Urban Poor
Alliance (UP-ALL).
This article begins by revisiting Durkheim's concept of solidarity.
It aims to shed light to some misconceptions about Durkheim's alleged
conservatism by identifying some of his "progressive" insights about
social justice. In the second section, a review of UP-ALL's landmark
Gerald M. Nicolas works at the John J. Carroll Institute on Church and Social
Issues at the Ateneo de Manila University. He is taking up his MA degree in
Sociology at the University of the Philippines-Diliman. Email the author at

geraldnicolas@outlook.com.
Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 171
documents that reflect a deviation from the confrontational language
popular movements usually employ is presented. It is argued that relative
to other prominent urban poor groups, UP-ALL's claim-making takes
a perspective based on consensus rather than conflict. By emphasizing
the indispensable contribution of informal settlers in the sustainability
of cities, the group's agenda finds affinity in a Durkheimian vision of
organic solidarity. The article concludes with a cautious proposition for
civil society groups to explore a paradigm shift in claim-making from
one that incites confrontation between the sector and the government,
to one that encourages collaboration and partnership. A rereading of the
select theories of Durkheim serves as a good starting point.
REVISITING EMILE DURKHEIM

As the proponent of a science of social facts, Durkheim's sociology has
been dismissed as conservative. From a Marxist standpoint, Durkheim's
emphasis on functional interrelatedness among people neglects conflict,
which is necessary for social change to occur. By treating conflict as
pathology in the division of labor, Durkheim is said to have ignored
economic or material bases, i.e., mode of production, underlying social
phenomena such as the exploitation of workers and class conflict. This
led Bottomore (1981) to regard Durkheim's sociology as devoid of any
"superior" political significance and theoretical use.
In spite of these critiques, several theorists have been quick to reclaim
Durkheim's relevance in sociological theory today. Gane (1992), for
example, characterizes Durkheim's sociology as "radical" by challenging
the presupposed direct relation between material standards of living and
well-being above a basic subsistence level. He argues:
Durkheim gives no great weight to the importance of improvement

of material quality of life as a human ideal, and he does not allow this as
a particularly revolutionary or radical objective. It is perhaps here that it is
crucial to the understanding of Durkheim that when a society enters a period
of abnormality or pathology it is not simply the poor or lower groups which
suffer. Poverty is, above all, relative, and in any case can be given many
different values, even a sacred value. Poverty does not of itself equal misery,
just as wealth does not guarantee happiness. This idea was given great scope
174 Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 • No. 2
in theory, as it led to the thesis that human progress is not motivated by desire
for happiness nor does it lead to greater happiness (Gane 1992:7-8).
Durkheim has a different take on material poverty from Marxists

by placing strong emphasis on the importance of social solidarity or
cooperation rather than inequality and conflict. Although he recognizes
disorder and tensions arising from industrialization of society, he considers
solidarity as the normal condition of society that holds individuals
together. Conflict, for Durkheim ([1893] 1964:353-354), is abnormal or
a pathology that threatens social solidarity. Such premise has become the
basis for a popular sociological dualism that categorizes Durkheim as a
theorist of consensus in opposition to Marx, a theorist of conflict.
Durkheim identifies two forms of solidarity that reflect the way
societies are organized. Mechanical solidarity refers to a condition of
social life based on a strong sense of commonality (Durkheim [1893]
1964:70-110). Durkheim refers to this as "conscience collective,"
expressed in and regulated by the shared system of beliefs and sentiments
(Durkheim [1893] 1964:79). In such condition, there is minimal
individual autonomy but strong collective thinking and action. Punitive
regulation or punishment is imposed on any member who violates social
norms and severs social relations. Mechanical solidarity is typical of
fairly homogenous societies with segmentary structures or what is often
described as "traditional societies."
Organic solidarity, on the other hand, emerges in modern societies.

Integration is based on social differentiation and an increasingly complex
division of labor where the members of the population specialize in
different but mutually interdependent occupations. Functional cooperation
becomes a societal imperative to ensure survival. Social cohesion is
maintained through laws that address deviant behavior through restitution
rather than punishment.
By distinguishing these forms of solidarity, Durkheim introduces
division of labor as a "historically necessary process" (Zeitlin 1968:242)
as societies transition to modernity. Despite the tension that come with
greater individuation and social complexity, division of labor ensures
that society does not disintegrate by pulling people together and "forcing
them to be dependent on each other" (Ritzer and Goodman 2004:170).
NICOLAS • From Confrontation to Collaboration 175
Manifestations of functional differentiation are nowhere more
conspicuous and profound than in cities (Jones 1986). The process of

urbanization and the rapid pace of globalization have resulted in an
elaborate division of labor, producing undesirable outcomes especially
in cities from the global south. In the subsequent sections, it is argued
that Durkheim is not entirely silent on issues of conflict and inequality
in modern cities as commonly depicted in popular sociological text (see
Young 1994:73).
DÜRKHEIMS ACCOUNT OF INEQUALITY,

CONFLICT, AND CHANGE
Jones (1986) describes Durkheim's work as one which has limited appeal
to modern sociologists. Durkheim's premise that social order is a "normal"
feature of society not only glosses over the extent of social conflicts but
also the incompatibility between "some moral principles with others,
some laws with other laws, and morality with legality generally" (Jones
1986:48). This observation is consistent with the Marxist critique, which
considers social conflict and class antagonism as the enduring feature of
social life.
To say that Durkheim completely glossed over the issue of social

tensions, however, is to ignore the important concept of anomie.
Durkheim's concept of anomie can be considered as counterpart to
Marx's notion of alienation for both terms imply deviation from an
ideal, which for Marx is a society where the means of production are
socially owned and oppressive material conditions are overcome. The
difference between the two is that Durkheim used the term to diagnose
pathological patterns of social action rather than inherent contradictions
as a society progresses. Anomie therefore denotes normlessness and an
experience of alienation from collective interests and values based on
mutual interdependence. In the division of labor, anomie is experienced
when workers, to cite one example, lose sight of function and meaning
of their labor and become less inclined to participate in the shared goals
in the workplace.
It is through the concept of anomie that Durkheim is able to eschew
reductionism in analyzing social problems. Marx was convinced about
the exploitative and divisive effects of the division of labor. Durkheim,
in contrast, insisted that the division of labor is not inherently exploitative
but has "pathological" forms. Mutual interdependence deviates from its
"normal" function when it fails to produce social solidarity and prevents
the individual from improving one's situation. Durkheim identified several
pathological forms of the division of labor and it is through these categories
where one can extrapolate Durkheim's account of poverty and inequality.
One pathological form is the anomic division of labor. In such
state, different units of society fail to coordinate their functions with
one another and, in the process, become isolated by their increasingly
specialized functions. Once isolated, they see themselves as separated
from their highly specialized task, as in the case of a worker who feels
his labor is reduced to a machine (Besnard 2005:71). This concept comes
close to Marx's alienation, which, as applied to describe the relationship
of wageworkers and their capitalist employers during his time, conveyed
estrangement by the former from the means of production. Because for
Marx, it is through labor that human nature is expressed, the experience
of alienation that capitalism engenders limits a person from achieving his
or her potential.
Another abnormal form is forced division of labor. This results from
the mismatch between the person's abilities and capacities and one's
occupation. Durkheim would attribute the absence of a "good fit" to the
problem of inequality. For example, without equal access to educational
opportunities, individuals are relegated to jobs unsuitable to their interests
and skill sets. This compromises the smooth functioning of social life
because individuals tend to be unproductive members of society (Jones
1986).This is the basis for Durkheim's account of inequality:
If one class in society is obliged, in order to live, to take any price for
its services, while another class can pass over this situation, because of the
resources already at its disposal, resources that, however, are not necessarily
the result of some social superiority, the latter group has an unjust advantage
over the former with respect to the law (Durkheim in Ritzer and Goodman
2004:319).
Material inequality is characterized as "lack of economic discipline"

which, when left unchecked, can spill over the economic sphere and
bring about a decline of public morality (Durkheim [1893] 1984:xxxiv).
Consequently, Durkheim proposes that inequality be overcome:
. . . inequality, which comes about through birth, though not completely
disappearing, is at least somewhat attenuated. Society is forced to reduce

this disparity as far as possible by assisting in various ways those who find
themselves in a disadvantageous position and by aiding them to overcome it
(Durkheim [1893] 1964:379).
Based on this, it can be argued that Durkheim does not value social
order for social order's sake but because a society built on cooperation and
mutual interdependence is the realization of an equal and just society1.
If Durkheim's concept of the pathological is an anomic condition
where division of labor malfunctions, what then is his vision of social
justice? Durkheim did not consider material well-being as an indicator of
justice. Gane ( 1 992:9) points out: "in contrast to Marx who looked towards
a technical solution to the problem of scarcity conceived as resolved in a
society based on material abundance (communism), [Durkheim] saw the
moral and political question of relative abundance and relative scarcity
as a permanent one." Thus, "the fundamental theoretical point is that
socialism is not to be reached through technical or economic measures,
or through class struggle" but a "question of moral agents" rather than
money or force (Gane 1992:137). As Durkheim puts it:
The task of the most advanced societies is, then, a work of justice... Just
as the idea of lower societies was to create or maintain as intense a common
life as possible, in which the individual was absorbed, so our ideal is to make
social relations always more equitable, so as to assure the free development of
all our socially useful forces (Durkheim [1893] 1964:387).
Indeed, the social change Durkheim advocated for is not a problem of

or for the benefit of one class alone (e.g., the proletariat). For him, social
1 Poor coordination of functions is another pathological form of division

labor but this will not be discussed in this article (See Ritzer and Goodman
2004:174).
problems cut across social classes and cannot be reduced to antagonisms
based on economic modes of production. Even in a Marxist utopia where
economic inequalities have vanished, it remains imperative for individuals
to generate consensus on shared moral standards. Otherwise, new forms
of antagonisms inevitably emerge, compromising social cohesion.
FROM SOCIAL NUISANCE TO INDISPENSABLE

CONTRIBUTORS TO THE CITY
Scholarly literature on social movements in the Philippines usually
traces conflict-based analysis in the strategies of NGOs and political
organizations. Studying the Philippine NGO movement during the
transition period from Marcos dictatorship to the post-authoritarian
regimes of Aquino and Ramos, Rocamora (1993:2-3) described
the "political stance" of social movements, specifically NGOs, as
"progressive." Among the progressive elements he identified were the
following: (1) demand for radical changes in social structures (e.g., land
distribution, anti-imperialism); (2) orientation towards "seizure of state
power"; (3) sector-based organizing with emphasis on the marginalized
classes such as the urban poor, laborers, and peasants; and (4) staging of
mass protests or "parliament of the streets."
In the case the urban poor movement in the country, Karaos
(1993:72) points to the Zone One Tondo Organization (ZOTO) as the
pioneer in organizing and mobilizing urban informal settlers (then
labeled as "squatters") for demanding urban land reform through an
in-city resettlement project for families affected by the government's
slum upgrading project. It was also during this time that the "conflict
confrontation" approach, based on the theories of Saul Alinsky was
introduced and became popular among NGOs doing community
organizing in urban slums and rural farms (de Leon-Yuson and Gaurano
2011:72).
Despite the generally unfavorable impression by the general public
of groups motivated by conflict-inciting ideologies (which the latter
somewhat expect), the practice of agitation and sloganeering in organizing
urban poor communities and in articulating their demands for housing
and other rights continues to persist. The claim-making of one urban poor
movement, however, deviates from this traditional confrontational stance,
NICOLAS • From Confrontation to Collaboration J79
particularly when relating to the government. Rather than confronting
government power primarily with conflict-charged discourse and practice,
the Urban Poor Alliance (UP-ALL) conveys its agenda and demands in
a language that finds resonance in Durkheim's ideas on solidarity and
social justice presented in the previous section.
UP-ALL is a loose network of people's organizations and NGOs
advocating housing reforms. It was formed in 2005 by national
federations of urban poor groups, community organizations, and NGOs2.
It is a "loose" movement in the sense that there is no set of officers or a
definite structure. Its members are located in key cities in Metro Manila,
the Bicol Region, Visayas, and Mindanao. According to its advocacy
poster, UP- ALL "provides venue for participative collaboration between
POs and NGOs to discuss issues and solutions, and to analyze challenges
confronting the sector." With an "evidence-based agenda that underscore
the basic concerns of the urban poor sector," the alliance engagesthe
government on issues such as prevention of forced evictions, improvement
of resettlement sites, allocation of lands for low-income housing inside
the city, and institutionalization of social protection policies and programs
that will facilitate access to jobs and basic services by the poor.
In pursuing its agenda, UP- ALL had to deal with the public's
unfavorable perceptions of informal settlers, among them are the claims
that the urban poor are not engaged in productive work and that they have
no contribution in the taxes paid to government. The alliance's national
2 The alliance was initially composed of a small group of NGO and civil
society networks, namely the National Congress of CMP Originators
and Social Development Organizations for Low Income Housing (CMP

Congress) and their partner community-based associations; anti-eviction
NGOs such as the Urban Poor Associates (UPA), COPE Foundation, and
Community Organizers Multiversity (COM); Sentro ng Alternatibong
Lingap Panligal (SALIGAN), a legal resource NGO; Institute on Church

and Social Issues (ICSI), a research NGO; and the Partnership of Philippine
Support Service Agencies (PHILSSA). Since then, UP-ALL members and

affiliates have expanded to more than 1,000 people's organizations in 42 key
urban centers in the Philippines.
convenor, Jose "Ka Jose" Morales3 considered these as "myths" that UP-
ALL members, even before they coalesced as a movement, have been
trying to correct or put in a different perspective. He shared:
Sinasabi nilang ang maralita ay hindi nagbabayad ng tax? Lider ako na
nagsusulong ng kapakanan ng tao pero wala akong suweldo. Pero bumibili pa
lang ako ng candy sa îindahan, nagbabayad na ako ng bums. Sa mga binibili
natin, pagsakay, puro may taxes ang mga yan... Hindi kami nagbabayad ng
[income tax] pero nagbabayad kami ng indirect tax.
[They say the poor do not pay taxes? I am a leader who advocates for
the poor but I do not receive any compensation. But when I bought a piece of
candy or rode a public transportation, I already did pay tax. We may not be
paying income tax but we contribute indirect tax.]
Another stereotype regarding the urban poor is their unmotivated way

of living, which makes them the burden of society. When confronted with
such perception, Morales said he would always ask:
Sino ba ang kanilang manggagawa? Sino ang mga tagalinis ng sapatos,
tagalinis ng kanilang mga bahay? Sino ang kanilang drayber? Sino ang nag-
aalaga sa mga anak nila? Ang tao madalas mabilis magsalita ayon lang sa
kanyang nakikita pero hindi nagsusuri.
[Who are their workers? Who polishes their shoes, cleans their
houses?Who takes care of their children? People tend to judge easily based on
what they see without analyzing.]
Cognizant that from such "myths" flow policies and programs

that could lead to further impoverishment of the poor such as massive
demolition of slums and relocation of families away from the city, the
framework for analysis and strategies of the organizations under UP-ALL
3 Morales, Jose R. 2013. Interview by author, John J. Carroll Institute on

Church and Social Issues, Quezon City, August 7. Morales is the president
of the Ugnayang Lakas ng mga Apektadong Pamilya sa Baybaying Ilog
pasig at mga Tributaryo (ULAP), a federation of people's organizations and

community associations based in the easements of the Pasig River system.
are anchored on the contribution of the urban poor in the city. Cipriano
"Ka Ping" Fampulme,4 a convenor of Metro Manila-based members of
UP- ALL, said that it was not difficult to highlight this perspective in the
alliance's agenda and pursue these in a democratic process "Maitutulak
natin ang pag-iisip na hindi tayo pabigat sa lipunan ," he said, " kung
/^-engage natin ang gobyerno, [kung] maglalatag tayo [ng solusyon ] sa
pamahalaan. (We can put forward the view that we are not a burden of
society if we engage the government and present solutions.)"
By highlighting the contribution of the urban poor, one can
describe UP-ALL' s claim-making orientation as taking the functionalist
perspective. This was the main theme of the documents UP- ALL used to
inject in the public discourse the issues and concerns of the sector, and
guided the strategies the alliance employed when engaging with decision
and policy makers.
Post-Ondoy Statement
UP-ALL members engaged with the Catholic Church, international
development agencies, and donors to mainstream an identity that they
thought could generate empathy from those who consider them as
nuisance in cities. After consultations and discussions with allies from
the academe, heads of NGO members of UP- ALL were among those who
initially decided to advance a message that underscores the urban poor's
indispensable contribution to the city. This collective understanding was
first articulated in the whole page advertisement entitled "Urban Poor:
Workforce and Citizens" published in the Philippine Daily Inquirer in
November 3, 2009:
4 Fampulme, Cipriano. 2013. Interview by author, Multi-purpose building of

the Nagkakaisang Bigkis-Lakas ng Pasacola Dormitoryo (NABIGLA-PO),
Quezon City. July 6. Fampulme is the President of an organized community
in Barangay Nagkaisang Nayon in Quezon City that participated in the
Community Mortgage Program (CMP) of the national government. He was
also the Chairperson of the Luzon CMP PO Network (LCMP PO), a group
of people's organizations in CMP project areas, before accepting his current
position as Commissioner in the Presidential Commission on the Urban Poor
(PCUP).
Urban poor people are blamed for the floods caused by typhoon Ondoy
(Ketsana). Government officials demand they be prohibited from moving
back to their homes along the rivers and esteros. The president has said that
in the makeover of MetroManila we must "rid the city" of informal settlers
as if they were vermin. There is no scientific basis proposed for such violent
actions. Loggers in the Sierra Madre and developers may be more guilty. We
may evict 80,000 families from the waterways at great expense and suffering
only to find in 20 years the floods are back and stronger than ever. There must
be a rock solid scientific reason to disrupt the lives of 400,000 persons.
Riverbank and lakeside dwellers will not insist on returning to their
homes if they are offered in-city relocation near their jobs and the children's
schools.
The poor were affected that fateful Saturday (Sept. 26) just as the middle-
class people. Unlike the middle-class, however, the poor had no place to go
except back to their homes by the waterways.
Distant relocation is not the answer as there are usually no jobs available
in the far away sites. Jobs are basic: without regular income the people will be
hungry and soon return.
Let us move into 21st century thinking by making Metro Manila and
our other cities inclusive ones that integrate the urban poor into their midst
rather than force them into illegality on degraded sites. These diminish their
humanity and serve as constant reminders of social injustices perpetuated by
"the only Christian country in Asia."

We call for a serious examination of the causes of the floods. Can it not
be done by the Senate? What, if any, was the role of the poor? Who is really
to blame?
We call for both public and idle private land near the riverbanks to be
identified and set aside for riverbank and lakeside settlement, negotiated by
government for temporary social housing use until it can identify and prepare
permanent social housing sites for them in the city. We believe, however, on-
site upgrading is the best solution.
We also call for a serious re-examination of our current unjust and

inefficient land use patterns and a serious look at the implications of
urbanization for all Filipinos, especially the poorer citizenry.
It is time to initiate humane and effective approaches that will enable
our urban poor workforce to remain in the city, enjoy their rights as Filipino
citizens, and help realize a vibrant, competitive, humane and inclusive Asian
city.
Heads of UP-ALL member organizations were among those who

signed this public statement published 38 days after typhoon Ondoy5.
Extreme flooding in cities not only meant massive cleanup in the
metropolis but also the crosshairs of the blame game. Participated in
mainly by the government and corporate media, fault-finding landed
on the urban poor, still pejoratively called "squatters," particularly
those residing along waterways. While relief aid and charity work from
both the government and the private sector poured to victims in slum
communities, the image of urban informal settlers was suffering a huge
blow from an unkind public opinion6. They were blamed for exacerbating
5 Typhoon Ondoy struck Luzon Island in the last week of September, leaving
464 people dead, 448 of which were from Metro Manila based on the tally
of the National Disaster Coordinating Council (NDCC, now renamed as
National Disaster Risk Reduction and Management Council). The amount

of rainfall and floodwater overwhelmed almost all cities in Metro Manila
and surrounding localities, dismantling houses of thousands of families,
especially those along the waterways.
6 For example, in an article published in October 1 5, 2009, columnist Neal H.

Cruz identified as "one cause of floods" the "squatters," which he described
as "lazy residents" dumping garbage into waterways. TV news anchor Noli
de Castro, who headed the Housing and Urban Development Coordinating
Council (HUDCC) while serving as Vice President from 2004 to 2010, called
the urban poor as "lazy" and "kulang sa pansin." An article by Ellao (2009)
from the alternative journalism website bulatlat.com quoted de Castro as
saying in Filipino, "Maybe they are lazy. Tell them they are lazy. They should
pay their loans. I will demand their payment or else I will drive them away,
no matter who they are." Another popular media personality, Mike Enriquez,
is known for depicting informal settlers as good-for-nothing people. Giving
his opinion on informal settlers who were demolished in San Juan City in
2012, bulatlat.com quoted Enriquez, "They thought that it is the government's
responsibility to feed them, give them shelter while they do nothing."
the flood brought by typhoon Ondoy, prompting government to
immediately order the relocation of hundreds of thousands of slum
dwellers.
The statement aimed to counter the pervasive sentiment against

informal settlers. By having the advertisement printed on an English
newspaper, UP- ALL aimed to deliver two key messages to the broadsheet's
educated readers - the "non-squatters." First, the statement makes a case
for a reexamination of the pathologized depiction of the poor, as if they
were the only cause of the city's afflictions. The signatories called out
the government for the language used of "ridding the city" of informal
settlers. Reflecting a Durkheimian diagnosis, the statement enumerated
the interdependent factors that cause flooding - from illegal logging
to inefficient land use. Such situational analysis, while not uncommon
especially among progressive urban planners and environmental
movements, underscores an alternative collective awareness of the
interdependent functions of city life. To "rid the city" of one "pathology"
would have negative implications on the "organism" (i.e., the city). This,
as the statement suggests, furthers social exclusion, forcing the poor to
occupy degraded sites without any legal claim on the land. It also ignores
the functional complexity of how the city operates. As discussed in more
detail later, the city is able to function because workers from "slum
areas" are able to perform tasks that are indispensable to the day-to-day
operations of Metro Manila. This has become a trademark analysis for
UP-ALL statements.
Second, rather than emphasizing conflict, the statement called for

solidarity by appealing to the audience's moral sense based on religion
("the only Christian country in Asia"), sense of humanity ("humane and
inclusive Asian city"), systems of rights ("enjoy their rights as Filipino
citizens"), and shared experience across economic classes ("The poor
were affected. . . just as the middle-class people"). Through this approach,
UP- ALL established the moral bases for coexistence in the city, that there
is a set of norms and ethical commitments shared by urban dwellers and
the government, that they are equally part of the city and can contribute
to social cohesion as long as they have access to government and non-
government support.
Covenant with the Urban Poor
The national elections, which were to be held the following year,
served as another opportunity for UP-ALL to mainstream its agenda.
The alliance decided to throw their support to the candidates of the
Liberal Party. Two months before the national elections, then presidential
candidate Benigno S. Aquino III and his running mate Manuel Roxas II
signed the Covenant with the Urban Poor , a 10-point agenda "covenant"
which begins with the following statement:
Our country's most valuable resource is its people. In a modern economy
every person must be able to contribute the best of his or her abilities to the
development of the country. However, poverty denies many Filipinos this
opportunity. Bad governance and corruption subvert development and growth
(UP-ALL 2010).
The first item on the agenda pertains to protection from forced and
inhumane eviction:
No eviction without decent relocation. We will end illegal forced evictions.
We will not allow any public authority or private entity to evict families and
leave them homeless in the streets. As the work force of our cities , the poor, to
the extent possible, will be given the opportunity to stay in the cities. We will
strengthen efforts toachieve balanced urban-rural development and establish
sustainable livelihood activities in relocation areas (UP-ALL 2010, emphasis
added).
UP- ALL claimed its agenda as based on evidence and developed with
participation of urban poor communities (Karaos 20 IO)7. In a 17-page
7 The covenant was initially drafted by NGO members of UP-ALL. It

underwent several revisions after discussions and negotiations on the content
with the Policy Team of the Liberal Party, even if the covenant is between
UP- ALL and the Aquino-Roxas tandem, and not with the Liberal Party. For
one, the Policy Team was hesitant to commit to a policy limiting socialized
housing sites to locations inside the city. The two parties settled for an
in-city program that challenged UP-ALL to develop community-initiated
document prepared by its NGO members, UP-ALL enumerated ten key
housing and urban poverty issues, with corresponding policy proposals
and proposed executive actions. For the agenda on eviction, the following
"problem statement" was presented:
The bulk of the workforce of Metro Manila is constituted by informal
settlers. Major industries that depend on the cheap labor of the poor are
transport, construction, and retail trade. Urban poor workers in effect are
subsidizing the urban lifestyles of the middle class and the rich. Put another
way, half of the middle class will not be able to afford to live in Metro Manila
if construction, transport and retail prices were to go up if the wages of the
urban poor were increased so they could afford decent housing. The state has
an obligation to "subsidize" in -city housing for the poor because the poor are
subsidizing the urban lifestyles of the middle and upper classes (the urban
economy as a whole) through their cheap labor (UP-ALL 2009:15).
As in the Ondoy statement, the Covenant emphasizes integration by

allowing members of society, including the urban poor, to "contribute
the best of his or her abilities to the development of the country." UP-
ALL once again used the tag "work force of cities" to reinforce the urban
poor's role in the running of the urban economy. This echoes Durkheim's
appeal for a form of solidarity based on interdependence among social
actors, and this cannot be realized if urban informal settlers, who are
engaged in productive albeit undervalued occupations and are "in effect
subsidizing the urban lifestyles of the middle classes and the rich," will
be evicted and relocated in distant resettlement sites.
This statement illustrates UP-ALL's approach in transforming the

language of the urban poor's claim-making, to formulate statements
and positions in such a way that presents the urban poor as an
indispensable sector in the city with rights to stay in places where
they work and their children study is a deviation from the traditionally
housing projects to demonstrate the feasibility of in-city resettlement. As
discussed later, the government released P50 billion for housing projects that
will benefit primarily the residents in so- called "danger areas" such as rivers
and esteros.
KASUNDUAN SA MARALITANG TAGALUNGSOD
Ano mo« nwnamayan ang pinrtamahaiagang yaman ng athg banea. 8a Isang modemong ekonomiya, bawst tea ay dapat makaambag sa pajf-untad ng
baiyan sa sbot ng Karrywtg makakaya. Ngunit daWI sa kahtrapan. maraming Pipino ang napagkafcattan ng oportunidad na ito. Ang kat*alian at masamang
pamamatakad ng pamahaiaan ang pangunahing hadtong sa abng kaunlaran at paglago.
Blang mga koididatong nate kayong pąjingkuran, kami ay nangangakong magtatatag ng isang makataamgang Ipunan para sa lahat. Ulnoin namin ang
korupsyon sa panvMaen. Ang mga ihahain namng sołusyon ay napag-aralan, pangmatagaian at kinunsufta memo sa mga mamamayan. Upang tugunan
ang mga sulran^ng mga maraStrig tagaiungsod. kami ay nangangakong isasakaM»»" ang mga sumuaunodnaiayunin at poistya:
1. Walano ebiksvon kuno wdana dteentona retakasvon. Wavwkasan namin 7. Kaoavspaan. Sismian namin ang tutoy-tutoy na paWkipagkasundo para
ang mga ebfcaiyong puwarsahar at labag sa batas. Hrtdi namin pahihintuiu- s* kapayapaan sa Mindanao. Tutugunan namin ang pangangriangan ng
tai ang $«um*ig magpaptfayas ng mga parrtfya at üvwan sHe sa mga mga apektadong mamamayan ng armadong tunggaiian sa Mindanao,
taneangan. Blang mge manggagawa ng atihg mga lungaod, ang mga
marattang tagaiungsod ay dapal ttgyan ng pagkakataong manatK sa mga 9- fohaMHWYgn PMhrtaMf PO PaBYOPfl QpftV. MagWalaga kami ng
lungaod. P^jsuaumfcapan naming magkaroon ng balansang kaunlaran ng mga taong may kakaryshang magpiano at magsagawa ng mga proyaktong
k«*yunai at krfungauran. m ftataguyod ang mga sapat na hanapbuhay sa pangrehabHtaayon sa mga komunidad na naaalanta ng Bagyong Ondoy.
mga kjgar ng reiokasyon. Rerepaauhin namin ang Executive Order 854 nang may pakMpagaangguni
aa mga apektadong komunidad. Kasama ninyo. maghahanap kami ng mga
2. Paosasaavos no moa maritano pamavanan sa moa lunosod. «utuon angkop na soiuayon para sa mga nanrtrahan sa Manggahan Roortway at
namin ang aming programang pabahay sa pagpapauntad ng mga Lupang Arenda.
komunidad (arae development) at in-ctty resettlement sa pamamagitar ng
Community Mortgage Program (CMP). Pabtoilein namin ang 9- PatfvaPfl Up®ng maging mas epekttoo ang impiementasyon at
impiamantasyon ng CMP at ang lokalisasyon nito. Titiyakfri namin ang paghahabd ng programang pabahay sa mga mara*ang tagaiuigsod,
pagsasakaluperan ng lahat ng FVeaideniiel Proclamation upang maklnabang magtataiaga kami ng mga taong may pagktfng sa naporma na magpapak*»
»ig mga karapat-dapat na benepieyaryo. sa Housing and Urban Development Coordrating Council (WJDCC) at iba
pang ahenaiyang pabahay. Sisikapin naming magkaroon ng pantay na
3 Padiahatid no rea baiavano sertiavo sa moa komunidad. Sa erwn na representation ang Luzon, Vfeayas at Mindanao sa pagtatalaga ng mga
taon ng aming pwxjnungkulen. daregdagan namin ang pondo para sa poaisyon sa gabinete, maging sa mga pangatawong kaMm. na Nndl
kakjaugan at edukasyon. Paiatawakln namin ang saklew ng health insurance. iahaaakrtpiayo ang huaay at kakayahan. Htwangin c*n narrtn ang klnatawan
Dadagd^vi narrai ang büang ng mga sftd-aralan upang maiwasan na ang ngNQOs at samahanngmaralitang tagaiungsod sa tuponng Social Houang
paghahaknhinan o shifting ng mga aatudyanta. MagWaan din kami ng finance Corporation (SHFC) at konsaho ng HUOCC. at kinatawang NGO sa
kumpieto at may kaldad na aklat para sa mga mag-aaral ng mga pampub- National Housing Authority (NHA). itatatoga namin ang pangkalahatang
Kong pavdw. Maglalaan kami ng madaling pamamaraan ng aerbieyong tagapangaatae ng NHA. ang panguio ng SHFC. at ang pinuno ng
patubig at stektnadad sa mga komunidad ng mahihirap. Preaidantlai Commission for the Urban Poor (PCUP) nang may paMkipag-
sangeuni sa mga semahan ng mga maraMang tagaiungsod *t mga NGOs.
4. Badvet sa oabahav Upang mapunan ang pangangalangan pera sa
pabahay. magiaro kami ng sapat na pondo para aa mga kasalukuyan at 10. PakMdhok no moa mamamaven, Pahahatagahan namin ang papel ng
bagong programang pabahay para sa maraca. S«iguruhin narwi ang mga mamamaven sa paghahanap ng mga soiusyon sa kaniang problema,
ptptn'rt-irr ng pondong mandato ng Con^rahensiva and migrated Shatter Siaiguruhln naming kutonsuKahin namin ang mga mamamayan sa pag-
fìnwidng Act fCtSFA). bubuo ng mga datatye ng arrtng mga ptano.
5. Tratoaho. Likha kami ng mga programang makapagbtoigay sa mga Ang mga layunin sa kasunduang ito sa mga maraitang tagalcrisod ay
nwakta ng tratto gaya ng malawakang proyaktong pampuMko at mga magiging bahagi ng aming adyandang pangk«iniaran upang makaiMia ng
pagaae«iey pava paunlarin *ig kakayahan ng mga maretta. TutiAmgan isang Npunang bukáš sa lahat at waieng pagWNng aa ian.
namlnangmgana8almpomialna8ektornamakatanggapngmgalnaenabo. "N.
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fwaç PojKMcn m Sugbo inc.. SocM Arto» Q**m ÇPM BohgL CLĒAB CEBU NOP Matoti. Woran Dxrtapoit Omtm »r>. a*»
KM«. A«ĒD. OOOE oa ouoe. MPI Mf. PEACE SALOHSS). OROUP. TOUCH Hqpfcn m Fartímn. WS. ZUPł, WO. 88ML RA06, A8000Ł Cl£A«.
Filipino translation of the ( ove nam with the I Irhan Poor which appeared in a tabloid. The English version was
published in the Philippine Daily Inquirer and the livenum (in Visavas and Mindanao).
activist way of mobilizing the urban poor. The strong emphasis on the
urban poor's contribution to cities, as cited statements above suggest,
can thus be considered an innovative although not recent development
in social movements in the Philippines.8 As already pointed out, its
innovativeness lies on its objective of working with institutions,
especially government.
Methods of Engaging
The emphasis on the contribution of the urban poor in the economy
and society by the two documents studied above is also represented in
the tactics employed by UP-ALL. The Covenant , for example, was a
concrete expression of UP- ALL's objective to work with government.
National Convenor Morales said:
Karamihan ngmga kasunduan ay verbatim, ibig sabihin, madalas

[mangangako ang' isang politiko... pero ang mga pangako ay mapapako.
Naisip ng mga lider ng UP- ALL, 'why not idaan natin sa covenant?' ...
Ang covenant ay tinitingnang napakahalaga dahil isa itong dokumento na
pwedeng balikart at puwede talagang gawing paningil doon sa kausap dahil
mayroong pirmang pinahahalagahan.
[Many of the agreements (with politicians) are verbatim, but they more
often than not break their promises. So we thought, 'why not enter into a
covenant?'... We saw the covenant as an important reference document for

the commitments made by those we chose to endorse.]
To follow-up the commitments in the Covenant , UP- ALL engages

the current administration in what Morales described as a "dialogical"
process.
Ang porma ng ating pakikibaka ay "active non-violence." Ibig sabihin,

naniniwala tayo na kailangan tayong makibaka, kailangang igiit ang mga
8 Its recentness, however, could not be established; even UP-ALL members
could not recall when exactly this characterization emerged. One literature
on the urban poor as the working class appeared as early as mid- 1 980s (see
Karaos 1985:241-57).
karapatan natin, kailangan marinig ng gobyerno ang mga hinaing natin sa
isang proseso ng pakikipag-usap ... Hindi naman natin tinatawag na mali ang
porma o orientasyon ng pakikibaka ng iba nating mga kapatid [referring to
other urban poor groups] dahil 'yun ang alam nilang kaparaanan. Kaya lang
hindi tayo naniniwala sa mararahas at magugulong pakikipag-usap dahil ang
nagiging resulta ay sakitan at wala namang nakukuhang solusyon.
[Our struggle is "active non-violence." We fight for our rightsand demand
reforms in a process of dialogue. We do not accuse other groups as misguided,
for they believe their strategies are effective. We do not believe in fierce
and disordered engagement because people get hurt and we do not arrive in
solutions.]
Evidence, however, is insufficient to assess whether such ideas

permeating the language within UP- ALL have produced gains that would
have otherwise be achieved had it adopted a confrontational approach.
Whether the strategy of UP- ALL to "package" the sector it represents
as valuable citizens contributing to the wealth of the city has worked
remains to be seen. For one, as Morales pointed out, the effectiveness of
such a campaign depends on the response of the person or party engaged.
" Mas lamáng ang opportunities and strength [ng ganitong framework];
ang weakness ay depende sa taong kausap
The lobbying and advocacy of UP-ALL, employing the language
of cooperation, have so far led to positive outcomes in terms of
government programs on housing for informal settlers, and openness
to participation (albeit limited) of civil society in setting the direction
of the state's program for those without security of tenure. The national
government has allocated funds for on-site and in-city housing projects
where families living along the waterways will be resettled. In 2011,
President Aquino announced the allocation of P 50 billion for in-city
high density housing projects for low income families living along
waterways. As of this writing, five housing projects, all proposed by
the communities through their "people's plan," have been inaugurated
in UP-ALL- affiliated communities in Manila, Malabon, Caloocan, and
Quezon City. The projects will benefit an accumulated total of more
than 2,000 families.
1*0 Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 • No. 2
President Aquino designated then DILG Sec. Robredo as the point person for informal settlers concerns.
UP- ALL leaders held regular meetings with the secretary to discuss urgent concerns such as demolition
threats, validation of official list of informal settler families along waterways, and community- initiated in-city
housing projects. (Photo by Gerald M. Nicolas)
CONCLUSION: FROM CONFRONTATION

TO COLLABORATION
This article ventured to detect the ideas of Durkheim in the claim-making
of an urban poor movement. It examined documents of UP- ALL, focusing
on its statement after typhoon Ondoy in 2009 and the covenant with the
urban poor in 20 1 0. The article described the language of UP-ALL's claim-
making as one that reflects Durkheimian ideas, specifically on the division
of labor, solidarity, and social justice. It argues that by emphasizing the
interdependence between informal settlers and non-informal settlers
rather than reinforcing the tension between them, UP- ALL presented its
cause in a consensus- rather than conflict-driven manner. In a context
where confrontational strategies ideas continue to dominate civil society

movements, UP-ALL chose to "collaborate" with multiple stakeholders.
Applying the concept of collaborative division of labor is also relevant
now more than ever given the increasing specialization among actors in
cities, including the landless urban poor, whose services contribute to the
wealth of cities. Durkheim's concepts are indeed manifest in the current
social setting and can make important inroads in the claim-making of the
urban poor.
While it downplays the class-based conflict and material inequality
in cities, framing the urban poor's claim-making under the banner of
consensus can be described as an innovation. For one, that the urban
poor matter for the survival of cities is useful in articulating the precise
sentiments and frustrations of urban poor communities because of practices
of exclusion. The focus on interdependent differences of social actors,
however, does not necessarily mean advocating for the maintenance of
social structures that facilitate the domination by a few.
Finally, the essay explored the potential contribution of Durkheim
to enriching the discourse of social movements and civil society. While
Durkheim would not promote a classless society as ardently as Marx, his
analysis of abnormal forms of division of labor provides an alternative
framework for social development practitioners in understanding the
conditions that allow poverty to persist. Social movements that for so
long have been fascinated, rightly or wrongly, with the conflict model
rooted in economic determinism may find important and constructive
insights from Durkheim.
References
Barnes, J. A. 1966. "Durkheim's Division of Labor in Society." Man 1 (June): 158 -
175.
Besnard, Philippe. 2005. "Durkheim's Squares: Types of Social Pathology and Types
of Suicide." Pp. 70-79 in The Cambridge Companion to Durkheim , edited by
Jeffrey C. Alexander and Philip Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press.
Bottomore, Tom. 1981. "A Marxist Consideration of Durkheim." Social Forces
59(4):902-917.
Cruz, Neal H. 2009. "One Cause of Floods: Squatters." Philippine Daily Inquirer.
Retrieved May 3, 2013 (http://opinion.inquirer.net/ inquireropinion/
columns/view/2009 1 0 1 4-229929/One-cause-of-floods- squatters).
de Leon-Yuson, Ana Teresa and Maria Tanya Gaurano. 201 1. "The Urban Poor
Movement: Past Gains and Future Challenges." Pp. 69-86 in Civil Society
Organizations in the Philippines: A Mapping and Strategic Assessment ,
edited by Lydia N. Yu Jose. Quezon City: Civil Society Resource Institute.
Durkheim, Emile. [189311964. The Division of Labor in Society. New York: Free
Press.
Ellao, Janess Ann. 2009. "For Calling Them Lazy and 'KSP,' Poor Filipinos Strike
Back at Noli de Castro." Retrieved May 10, 2013 (http://bulatlat.com/
main/2009/09/22/for-calling-them-lazy-and-%E2%80%98ksp%E2%80%99-
poor-filipinos-strike-back-at-noli-de-castro).
Ellao, Janess Ann. 2012. "What's Missing (Wrong) with the Media Coverage on
the San Juan Demolition." Retrieved May 10, 2013 (http://bulatlat.com/
main/20 1 2/0 1 /1 5/whats-missing-wrong-with-the-media-coverage-on-the-
san-j uan-demol ition) .
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Sociological Project." Pp. 1-12 in The Radical Sociology of Durkheim and

Mauss , edited by Mike Gane. London: Routledge.
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C. Alexander and Philip Smith. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Jones, Robert Alun. 1986. Emile Durkheim: An Introduction to Four Major Works.
Beverly Hills: Sage Publications, Inc. Retrieved December 6, 2012 (http://
durkheim.uchicago.edu/ Summaries/dl.html).
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Power." PULSO l(3):240-257.

Karaos, Anna Marie A. 1993. "Manila's Squatter Movement: A Struggle for Place
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Philippine Sociological Society

From Confrontation to Collaboration: A Durkheimian Turn in the Claim-making of an

Coercion theory has been influential in analyzing claim-making strategies of

Keywords: Durkheim; social solidarity, division of labor, social movements

Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 • pp. 371-394 171

Issues at the Ateneo de Manila University. He is taking up his MA degree in

Sociology at the University of the Philippines-Diliman. Email the author at

Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 171

REVISITING EMILE DURKHEIM

Durkheim gives no great weight to the importance of improvement

crucial to the understanding of Durkheim that when a society enters a period

of abnormality or pathology it is not simply the poor or lower groups which

174 Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 • No. 2

for happiness nor does it lead to greater happiness (Gane 1992:7-8).

Durkheim has a different take on material poverty from Marxists

Organic solidarity, on the other hand, emerges in modern societies.

NICOLAS • From Confrontation to Collaboration 175

conspicuous and profound than in cities (Jones 1986). The process of

DÜRKHEIMS ACCOUNT OF INEQUALITY,

To say that Durkheim completely glossed over the issue of social

376 Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 • No. 2

Material inequality is characterized as "lack of economic discipline"

NICOLAS • From Confrontation to Collaboration 177

. . . inequality, which comes about through birth, though not completely

disappearing, is at least somewhat attenuated. Society is forced to reduce

themselves in a disadvantageous position and by aiding them to overcome it

(Durkheim [1893] 1964:379).

social relations always more equitable, so as to assure the free development of

all our socially useful forces (Durkheim [1893] 1964:387).

Indeed, the social change Durkheim advocated for is not a problem of

1 Poor coordination of functions is another pathological form of division

378 Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 • No. 2

FROM SOCIAL NUISANCE TO INDISPENSABLE

NICOLAS • From Confrontation to Collaboration J79

and Social Development Organizations for Low Income Housing (CMP

Community Organizers Multiversity (COM); Sentro ng Alternatibong

Lingap Panligal (SALIGAN), a legal resource NGO; Institute on Church

Support Service Agencies (PHILSSA). Since then, UP-ALL members and

urban centers in the Philippines.

380 Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 • No. 2

Sinasabi nilang ang maralita ay hindi nagbabayad ng tax? Lider ako na

nagsusulong ng kapakanan ng tao pero wala akong suweldo. Pero bumibili pa

lang ako ng candy sa îindahan, nagbabayad na ako ng bums. Sa mga binibili

paying income tax but we contribute indirect tax.]

Another stereotype regarding the urban poor is their unmotivated way

Sino ba ang kanilang manggagawa? Sino ang mga tagalinis ng sapatos,

what they see without analyzing.]

Cognizant that from such "myths" flow policies and programs

3 Morales, Jose R. 2013. Interview by author, John J. Carroll Institute on

of the Ugnayang Lakas ng mga Apektadong Pamilya sa Baybaying Ilog

pasig at mga Tributaryo (ULAP), a federation of people's organizations and

NICOLAS • From Confrontation to Collaboration 181

4 Fampulme, Cipriano. 2013. Interview by author, Multi-purpose building of

in Barangay Nagkaisang Nayon in Quezon City that participated in the

Community Mortgage Program (CMP) of the national government. He was

position as Commissioner in the Presidential Commission on the Urban Poor

382 Philippine Sociological Review (2013) • Vol. 61 • No. 2

(Ketsana). Government officials demand they be prohibited from moving

in the makeover of MetroManila we must "rid the city" of informal settlers

be a rock solid scientific reason to disrupt the lives of 400,000 persons.

Riverbank and lakeside dwellers will not insist on returning to their

except back to their homes by the waterways.

hungry and soon return.

humanity and serve as constant reminders of social injustices perpetuated by