The discussion around famines in Indian history often focuses on whether British or indigenous states cared more about famine relief. However, this is not a useful line of inquiry according to the author. What really mattered was knowledge - understanding the patterns and risks of drought in India's monsoon climate. Prior to the 1890s, neither British nor indigenous states had sufficient knowledge or capacity to effectively respond to famines. By the 1890s, new knowledge of India's climate led the British to implement unprecedented documentation and transportation projects during famines, though more could have been done with water projects. The author asserts that knowledge, not attitudes of states, was the key factor in famine responses.
The discussion around famines in Indian history often focuses on whether British or indigenous states cared more about famine relief. However, this is not a useful line of inquiry according to the author. What really mattered was knowledge - understanding the patterns and risks of drought in India's monsoon climate. Prior to the 1890s, neither British nor indigenous states had sufficient knowledge or capacity to effectively respond to famines. By the 1890s, new knowledge of India's climate led the British to implement unprecedented documentation and transportation projects during famines, though more could have been done with water projects. The author asserts that knowledge, not attitudes of states, was the key factor in famine responses.
The discussion around famines in Indian history often focuses on whether British or indigenous states cared more about famine relief. However, this is not a useful line of inquiry according to the author. What really mattered was knowledge - understanding the patterns and risks of drought in India's monsoon climate. Prior to the 1890s, neither British nor indigenous states had sufficient knowledge or capacity to effectively respond to famines. By the 1890s, new knowledge of India's climate led the British to implement unprecedented documentation and transportation projects during famines, though more could have been done with water projects. The author asserts that knowledge, not attitudes of states, was the key factor in famine responses.
relapsing into a sterile debate on the mentalities of states. Did the British care? Did indigenous states care more? This is a useless set of questions for research.
Mentalities of states cannot be defined. Mentalities did
not matter. And we cannot test if it mattered with precolonial data or data on indigenous states. Only the British in India compiled enough information. Others did not. End of dryland famines tells us exactly what mattered. Knowledge mattered. Knowing that the monsoon tropical climate made droughts high frequency and high risk mattered. States before and the British in mid-19th c “did not know” this nor had the capacity to deliver a response.
That changed around 1890s. New knowledge was
embodied in the thousands of pages of documentation on the Deccan famines unprecedented in scale and purpose. It led to an accent on mass transport and water projects, though not enough was delivered on the latter.
Knowledge mattered. This isn't what Mike Davis or
Hickel et al say. This is what “I” say. To critique me, please do not cite everybody else. Prove this thesis wrong. Dr. Halder’s article criticizing me falls into the old leftist trap of repeating bad statistics and banalities.
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