Discuss the features of the following theories and how they have been applied in analysis

and gender relations in Africa.

Introduction

Globalization, liberal ideology, and capitalist individualism in today's world have an effect on
both the struggle for individual rights and human insecurity (Caracciolo and Santeramo, 2013).
This has sparked debates, campaigns, and demands to stop the alleged gender disparities in
Africa and across the globe (MacKinnon and Cumbers, 2011). According to Bourguignon
(2018), one of the issues facing modern global societies is the disparities across gender lenses.
Human rights advocates, activists, governmental and non-governmental organizations that work
hard to eradicate all vices connected to it worldwide have recently received a lot of attention
(Muchomba, 2015). Basically, social and economic traditions within the society are the source of
what is considered gender inequality in all its forms (Bourguignon, 2018). The following are the
theories that explain gender relations;

Radical feminism; Feminists associated with traditional women's rights organizations like the
National Organization for Women in the 1960s and 1970s held the view that gender equality
could be achieved through systemic reform, and their primary objective was to secure equal
rights for women. However, during the same period, there were feminists who did not believe in
reforming the system, but fundamentally restructuring it by uprooting patriarchal power
structures. These women saw themselves as revolutionaries, and their desire to better the
condition of women was inspired by their involvement in radical social movements where they
were denied equal authority by the males leading these movements. (Tong 2009). They
established the practice of consciousness raising, in which women gathered to discuss their
experiences as "women," and became known as radical feminists. They declared that "personal is
political" with the idea of global sisterhood after realizing that personal situations are not
particular to individual women. They held that the most basic form of oppression, in which men
control women's sexual and reproductive lives, is the fact that women are oppressed simply
because they are "women."

Radical feminists have the following features;

Radical libertarian feminists pushed women to embrace androgyny, or embodying both
masculine and feminine traits, arguing that a purely feminine gender identity is harmful to
women's growth as complete human beings. Other radical feminists disputed this assertion
because they thought that being androgynous meant adopting mostly masculine traits, and
occasionally the worst of the masculine traits. But they recognized that this was an effort to give
women more freedom to show and select their own gender identities. Radical cultural feminists
rejected this model of androgyny by suggesting that women should embrace their femininity and
celebrate those values that are culturally associated with being women, thus essentializing the
‘female nature’ that is common to all women, across varied socio-cultural-political
contexts(Tong 2009).

They asserted that gender and sex are distinct, and that naturalized gender roles are efforts by
male society to control women through strict rules. Because it implied that both men and women
could choose to embody a combination of gender identities and traits at will, the majority of
them supported the concept of androgyny. This section has discussed four writings by radical
feminists to help readers comprehend the variety of viewpoints present in this branch of
feminism. According to Kate Millet, the sex/gender system is the source of women's oppression,
and in order to end oppression, gender must be abolished. This is stated in her 1970 novel Sexual
Politics. This is so that patriarchy can justify male control by imposing naturalized gendered
ideals through complex social sanctions of institutions like church and family.

While most radical libertarian feminists believed that there should not be any judgment towards
sexual practices (as being good, healthy, normal as opposed to bad, unhealthy, abnormal), radical
cultural feminists believed that the only unambiguously good form of sexuality for women is
monogamous lesbianism. They held the opinion that in order to stop sexual oppression, the
institution of patriarchy must be abolished because it forces women into heterosexual
relationships.

Radical libertarian feminists argued that as long as pornography aids women in overcoming their
fears of sex, fosters fantasies, and other positive female behaviors, it need not inherently be bad
or harmful to them. This implies that, if they so choose, women should be free to find enjoyment
in pornography, including violent depictions of male-female relationships. Radical cultural
feminists disagree, asserting that any form of sexual objectification or representation of women
as such in the bedroom supports patriarchal agendas by dictating feminine gender roles. Thus,
they contend that pornography is harmful to women because it normalizes male dominance and
female submission, opening the door for sexual abuse. (Tong 2009)

Liberal feminism;

Thus, the introduction of liberal concepts to educated women led to the emergence of liberal
feminism in Western nations. Liberal feminists want to apply liberalism's guiding principle to
gender equality: women are oppressed because they lack political and civic rights. Reforms that
seek to create equal opportunities for men and women can therefore be used to combat it. Thus,
ending discriminatory behaviors and promoting equal rights would result in the "liberation" of
women.

The foundation of liberal feminism is the liberal political theory, which was influenced by the
French Revolution and primarily emphasizes equity. Its fundamental principles of independence,
all people having the same rights, equality before the law, and democracy are drawn from liberal
political philosophy. Liberal feminists claim that society has a misconception that women are
inherently less intelligent and physically competent than men (Tong, 2009). They think that
everyone has the capacity to execute any task rationally and that women's subordination is a
result of certain antiquated notions. Males are evaluated based on their accomplishments,
whereas women are evaluated based on their gender (Jaggar, 1983). Men and women should
have equal rights, and women should have access to the same opportunities as males, they
emphasize.

Liberal feminism is an egalitarian feminism, which means it calls for political equality, including
women's right to vote and run for office and entry to the labor market, as well as equal rights in
marriage, education, and the workplace. (equal pay). Liberal feminists, in essence, reaffirm
women's rights to participate fully in society and to receive the same treatment as men. Liberal
feminism has historically opposed prostitution, in opposition to radical feminism but similarly to
pro-sex feminism.

As a result, it is a reformist (as opposed to revolutionary) feminism that has faith in the ability of
the system to change but does not challenge it. Liberal feminism is individualistic rather than
group-based; rather than favoring one gender, rights are given to people who are presumed to be
equal and therefore similarly deserving. Therefore, anyone who advocates for feminism that is
restricted to equitable rights for men and women is using the term "liberal feminism."

Liberal feminists created and popularized the term "sexism" to describe ideologies and societal
norms that maintain women's subordination. They contend that the main reason for prejudice is
sexism. It is founded, in part, on biological determinism (also known as essentialism), an
ideology that contends that specific behaviors or skills are innate to men or women and derived
from biological characteristics. According to this ideology, rather than being social or cultural,
differences between men and women are natural: Men are naturally inclined to rule but unfit to
care for children or the home, whereas women are naturally inclined to domestic labor and
uninterested in politics or productive work.

Socialization into traditional categories is another foundation for sexism. In 1963, the liberal
feminist Betty Friedman published the feminine mystique, a book in which she denounced the
American ideology of femininity which defines women solely as wives or mothers. Last but not
least, sexism results from the perception that women are objectified and conceived as sexual
objects (in advertisements, on the street, at work, etc.), which limits their freedom (to dress and
behave however they please, to move around in public spaces, etc.).

Liberal feminism has traditionally focused on equality from a legal standpoint, which could be
considered almost fully achieved in some Western countries, as evidenced by the constitutions of
democratic countries that acknowledge the fact that no individual can be discriminated against
based on their gender. Liberal feminism still exists because, in reality, gender equality in the law
does not always equate to actual and effective equality.

Marxist feminism; Marxism served as an inspiration for Marxist and socialist feminisms, which
emerged in opposition to liberal feminism, whose struggle stopped at equal rights. Legal freedom
alone cannot "liberate" women because it does not result in the end of patriarchy in interpersonal
relationships. Additionally, achieving equitable rights will not eliminate economic inequality.
Although its roots can be found in the late 19th century, Marxist/socialist feminism rose to
prominence in the 1960s and 1970s, when Karl Marx's concepts resonated the loudest.
Marxist feminists have maintained that capitalism produced patriarchy. There would be some
connection between capitalist economic exploitation and patriarchal tyranny. According to
Engels, the establishment of private property (and the traditional family) was the greatest
historical setback for women because it led to the need for monogamous marriage, the control of
women by fathers, and later by husbands, as well as the duty to pass on property. The abolition
of private property would also result in the end of marriage and the family, which would end
women's subjugation as we know it. Women's oppression should stop with the dissolution of the
capitalist system and the end of class oppression, according to Marxist feminism and Marx
himself.

Women are taken advantage of by both the capitalism and patriarchal systems, according to
socialist feminists (primarily). As a result, they are overused. The organization of our societies,
which is founded on male dominance and the subordination of women, is referred to as
"patriarchy." Patriarchy has an effect on many areas, from political, economic, social, and
cultural institutions to everyday discourses and practices, just as capitalism organizes both the
economy and society. Socialist/Marxist feminists disagree with radical feminism's assertion that
patriarchy is the only system to blame for gender inequality; consequently, they maintain that
many women's continued financial reliance on men is a significant barrier to their freedom.
Marxist feminists have maintained that capitalism produced patriarchy.

According to Engels, the establishment of private property (and the traditional family) was the
greatest historical setback for women because it led to the need for monogamous marriage, the
control of women by fathers, and later by husbands, as well as the duty to pass on property. The
abolition of private property would also result in the end of marriage and the family, which
would end women's subjugation as we know it. Women's oppression should stop with the
dissolution of the capitalist system and the end of class oppression, according to Marxist
feminism and Marx himself. We can watch as feminism disintegrates amid a broader conflict
over the emergence of a socialist society.

Instead, socialist feminism rejected the idea that feminism was a subset of the conflict between
economic groups. Socialist feminists considered how capitalism and sexism interacted and
osmosed. New types of advantages and oppression are produced by the interaction of gender and
class. In order to further exploit women, capitalism builds on patriarchy, but this does not
necessarily imply that women's oppression is exclusively related to the current economic system.
The over-exploitation of women is especially evident in the labor market, where women are not
only exploited as much as male employees are by the capitalist economic system, but they are
also paid less as a result of wage disparities. According to patriarchal reasoning, women are less
valuable than men, and as a result, women's work is worth less than men's work.

When women laborers come from Southern nations, a third form of exploitation can be added
because these women are often paid even less. The capitalist system also gains from this
affordable labor because it can reduce manufacturing costs and boost profit margins. Marxist and
socialist feminists claim that the capitalist economic production mode favors men's capabilities
over women's in its structure. Additionally, it forces women to adopt the role of the male
breadwinner by performing household duties in the private realm while men work in the public
sector. Therefore, a capitalist system cannot support gender equality.

Queer feminism; In order to institutionalize and legitimize some forms and expressions of
sexuality and gender while stigmatizing others, queer feminism critically analyzes how power
operates. Sexual and gender identities become unstable as a result of queer feminism, which also
encourages and allows for numerous, unrestricted interpretations of cultural events. It asserts that
all sexual behaviors and gender expressions, as well as any notions connecting them to
established, corresponding identities and classifying them as "normal" or "deviant" sexualities or
genders, are social constructions that produce forms of social meaning. By rejecting the notion
that sexuality and gender identity are essentialist categories decided by biology and can therefore
be empirically judged by fixed standards of morality and "truth," queer feminism builds upon
feminist theory.

The idea of heteronormativity, a potent discourse that shapes human relations in accordance with
heterosexuality, is introduced by queer theory. According to Michael Warner (2002), a broad
category of social interactions can be understood as heterosexuality, and this privatized sexual
culture gives its sexual practices an air of legitimacy and normality. We refer to this feeling of
rightness—inherent in everything, not just sex—as heteronormativity. (p. 194) In order to
establish heterosexuality as the dominant sexuality, heteronormativity manipulates societal
structures, practices, and knowledge systems as well as individual psyches. For example,
heteronormative discourses embedded in training systems lead one to believe that identities (e.g.,
clients, participants), ideas (e.g., curricula, policy), and relationships (e.g., notions of “family”)
are exclusively heterosexual, which, concomitantly, silences sexual and gender-difference.

Butler advanced (a) the idea of "performativity" as it pertains to the expression of identity and
(b) a radical critique of category-generating terms that manage identity by using gender as the
foundation for her arguments. Butler began by highlighting the societal customs and laws that go
along with being and becoming. (an individual). Problems for subjects attempting to develop a
sense of agency, resistance, and subjectivity around their gender identity are brought on by these
social practices and norms. These regulations devalue and disregard individual liberty while
imposing strict compliance requirements. (Butler, 1999). According to Butler's argument, gender
identity then becomes "performative," with people "performing" their gender in accordance with
these societal conventions.

In this respect, encounters with performativity imply that gender identity categories are flexible
rather than rigid. By exposing them and challenging the ways in which they construct and bind
gender, Butler and others "trouble" the hegemonic character of these social rules and practices.
For instance, Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) proposed the idea of "hegemonic masculinity,"
which claims that femininity and subordinated masculinity are inferior and that male masculinity
is constructed as dominant through societal, institutional, and influential norms.

In conclusion, the characteristics of queer theory, heteronormativity and performativity, may be

helpful in challenging authority figures and "the way that things are done" in the workplace.
Recent criticisms of queer theory's overly Western focus have led to its evolution to include
elements of transnationalism in light of international societies. (e.g., Gopinath, 2005).

Conclusion

Because of their gender, women experience oppression, violence, marginalization, and denial of
their legal rights on a global scale. Feminism has existed since antiquity, but its organized shape
first appeared in England in the 17th century. Several political ideologies, including liberal
feminism, Marxist feminism, socialist feminism, radical feminism, and ecofeminism, were
developed during the second phase of feminism in response to men's sexist attitudes toward
women's private lives.

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Anderson, B. S., & Zinsser, J. P. (2000). A History of Their Own: Women in Europe from
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