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On Mach 1, 2022, USTR released the 2022 Trade Policy Agenda & 2021 Annual
Report of the President of the United States on the Trade Agreements
Program. The fact sheet is copied below.
“Key elements of the 2022 Trade Policy Agenda and 2021 Annual Report
include:
Following the recommendations that emerged from the 100-day reports, the
Biden Administration established an interagency Supply Chain Trade Task
Force led by USTR. This task force is directed to identify both unfair foreign
trade practices that have eroded U.S. critical supply chains and opportunities
to use U.S. trade agreements and future trade agreements to strengthen the
collective supply chain resilience of the United States and our trade partners.
“Using trade policy as a tool to achieve these shared goals, USTR is stepping
up its engagement with partners, allies, multilateral institutions and
organizations. These actors and institutions play a pivotal role in cultivating
any meaningful outcomes to address shared concerns. But to achieve a more
resilient and just global economy, reform is necessary. The policies of the past
contributed to contemporary challenges; we need different policies to
achieve a different outcome.
Comments
Consistent with the Biden Administration’s actions in 2021, the 2022 trade
policy agenda includes focus on labor rights both in terms of existing
agreements (USMCA) and addressing forced labor, tackling climate change,
addressing agriculture market access through enforcement and country-
specific negotiations, establishing rules for digital trade, making supply
chains more resilient, addressing distortions caused by nonmarket economic
behavior and combatting the COVID-19 pandemic. As stated in the
introduction to the President’s Trade Agenda (pages 1-2 of the report),
“To realize these goals, we must take stock of what has worked and what has
not. This requires us to identify and rethink aspects of the existing trading
system that incentivize or enable unfair competition.
“Competition in a global market provides Americans access to a wider variety
of goods and services at competitive prices. But, too often our existing global
trade rules have rewarded advantages that are not based on fair competition
– or American values more broadly. Consumers in the global marketplace are
also wage earners and producers, and members of broader communities
that feel the effects of our trade policies. A trade model that promotes
exploitation, whether of workers or the environment, is not efficient – it is a
form of unfair competition. And it is not sustainable.
“As President Biden has explained, ‘[We] will pursue new rules of global trade
and economic growth that strive to level the playing field so that it’s not
artificially tipped in favor of any one country at the expense of others, and
every nation has a right and the opportunity to compete fairly.’
“Exploitation of workers and the environment are not the only forms of unfair
practices that distort global trade at the expense of Americans. We must
recognize that China, as a large, non-market economy, has uniquely distorted
global trade through its economic policies and practices, causing harm to U.S.
production, investment, and even consumption. In many ways, China’s
integration into the global trading system has highlighted weaknesses in the
current system – and the urgent need for reform. Lack of protections for
workers, a weak environmental regime, and anticompetitive subsidies are the
hallmarks of China’s artificial comparative advantage. It is an advantage that
puts others out of business and violates any notion of fair competition.
“That’s why the Biden Administration is realigning our trade policies towards
China to defend the interests of America’s workers and businesses to
strengthen our middle-class, create shared sustainable growth, and spur
resilient climate action. We are working to counter China’s unfair economic
practices, including by raising our concerns directly with China and working
with our partners and allies to address shared challenges.
What the 2022 agenda doesn’t envision is new free trade agreements
being negotiated by the United States covering all or nearly all goods and
services. Sectoral or limited agreements with trading partners, working
through various multilateral or other organizations are the primary objectives
of the stated U.S. trade policy along with enforcement of existing
agreements. The report lists eight bilateral initiatives and support for one
regional free trade agreement (European Union, India, Japan, Kenya, African
Continental Free Trade Area, United Kingdom, Korea, Taiwan and Singapore).
A major initiative for the U.S. is the so-called Indo-Pacific Economic
Framework (IPEF). USTR’s report identifies the areas where negotiations with
IPEF countries will focus (pages 10-11 of the report).
While the Biden Administration supports the WTO, the WTO is but one forum
for seeking progress on the President’s trade policy agenda. Reform of the
WTO is the top U.S. priority at the WTO although dispute settlement reform is
not specifically mentioned. The Biden Administration is also interested in
conclusion of the fisheries subsidies negotiations and some of the Joint
Statement Initiatives (e.g., on digital trade). The discussion of the WTO (page
11 of the report) is copied below.
“Unfortunately, the WTO has fallen short with respect to these ambitions, and
its relevance and credibility have accordingly come under fire. In recent years,
the WTO’s inadequacy in responding to the needs of everyday people and the
inability of current rules to effectively constrain unfair trade and economic
practices have only become clearer. The pandemic has put a fine point on the
WTO’s struggle to adapt as an organization and to be relevant in responding
to pressing global challenges.
“That is why the Biden Administration supports a WTO reform agenda that
reflects the priorities of our worker-centered approach – one that protects
our planet, improves labor standards, and contributes to shared prosperity.
Our WTO reform agenda includes restoring efficacy to the negotiating arm
and promoting transparency; improving compliance with and enforcement of
Members’ WTO commitments; and equipping the Organization to effectively
address the unfair practices of non-market economies––such as economic
coercion––and global market distortions.
As described later in the report, the U.S. puts its focus in dispute settlement,
whether under the WTO or FTAs, on achieving a mutually agreeable solution
where possible. For cases where the U.S. filed a request for consultation,
USTR reports that 38 disputes were so resolved by the end of 2021. An
additional 46 disputes were resolved by completing the dispute settlement
process. Report at 32-33. While many WTO Members are seeking the return
to a two-tiered binding dispute settlement system within the WTO, the U.S.
concerns with the system remain largely unaddressed, including an
understanding of why the system became out of sync with the Dispute
Settlement Understanding over time.
In short, look for much of the U.S. trade policy actions in 2022 to be occurring
bilaterally or plurilaterally with continued WTO engagement but with more
limited expectations for progress within the WTO in 2022.
To read the full commentary from Current Thoughts on Trade, please click
here.
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