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From «sermo modernus» to «Borromean» rhetoric

Author(s): Carlo Delcorno

Sources: Italian letters , OCTOBER-DEC 1987, Vol. 39, No. 4 (OCTOBER-DECEMBER
1987), p. 465-483
Published by: Casa Editrice Leo S. Olschki srl

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THE

Year XXXIX - No. October 4-December 1987

From the «sermo modernus»

to the "Borromean" rhetoric

While in recent years medieval preaching has been the object of numerous
and methodologically shrewd studies,1 there is no history of preaching in the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries made with modern intentions, which takes into
account the interweaving of religious, social and literary problems connected
with this kind of discourse.2 Writing this chapter of the cultural history of the
sixteenth century is certainly not an easy undertaking: there is no religious
battle or attempt to renew the Church, from the Councils of Constance and
Basel to the V Lateran Council (1512-16), to the Council of Trent (1563) which did not re

1 See for the most recent bibliography R. Rusconi, Predication and religious life in Italian
society from Charlemagne to the Counter-Reformation, Turin, Loescher 1981; L. Bol zoni,
Oratory and sermons, in Italian literature, directed by A. Asor Rosa, 3 The forms of the text, II
La prosa, Turin, Einaudi 1984, pp. 1041-1057; C. Delcorno, Vulgar preaching of the secc. XIII-
XV, in the Critical Dictionary of Italian Literature, directed by V. Branca, 2* ed., Turin, Utet 1986,
vol. Ill, pp. 532-544.
2 The panoramas traced by A. Galletti, L'eloquenza (From the Origins to the 16th
Century), Milan, Vallardi 1904-1938 are inadequate; E. Santini, Italian eloquence from
the Tridentine Council to the present day, Milan-Florence, Sandron 1923; E. Vercesi,
Eloquence from the seventeenth century to the present day, Milan, Vallardi 1931-1938.
For the preaching of the sixteenth century cf. P. Tacchi-Venturi, History of the Society of
Jesus, Rome, vol. I, t. 1, Ed. «La Civiltà Cattolica» 1951, pp. 291-310; M. Scaduto,
History of the Society of Jesus in Italy, III The age of Giacomo Lainez (1556-1565). The
government, Rome, Ed. «La Civiltà Cattolica» 1964, pp. 367-371; IV The era of Giacomo
Lainez (1556-1565). The action, Rome, Ed. «La Civiltà Cattolica» 1974, pp. 532-581.
Arsenio D'Ascoli's study, La predicazione dei Cappuccini nel Cinquecento in
Italia, Loreto, Libreria S. Francesco 1956, is of little use now. Notes on Capuchin
preaching in the collective volume The origins of the Capuchin Reform, Proceedings
of the Conference of Historical Studies, Camerino , 18-21 September 1978, Ancona,
Provincial Curia of the Capuchin friars 1979. See in particular the reports by O.
Schmucki, La figura di s. Francis in the first Capuchin Constitutions [...], pp. 121-157;
and by F. Azzo pardi, Studies in the first fifty years of the Capuchin Reform, S.
Salvatore Petit pp. 281-299.

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466 Carlo Delcorno

run to preaching as all of their programs. Dioses of religious history have been tackled only in a few complexes
think of Rigo and Prodi on the renewal of Prosperi and Ginzburg and Ossola in the 1930s,4 to the recent
essays by Savonarola.5

On the other hand, the raria's interest in sacred oratory is scarce, although an illuminating
intervention that

first time in the sixteenth century a letter, putting Giovan Battista Marino in a position. Little d

which, through a series of cons, determine the decadence of the self

modernus or thematic or scholastic

tina, defined and regulated from the outset and destined to reach full suet and Segneri.
First of all Borromea '7 is needed to reconstruct

'
rhetoric

3 See P. Prodi, Cardinal Gabriele and literature 1959, vol. II, chap. IX (Pre line, The ideal type of bishop according to the
line, Carlo Borromeo and his model d International Conference in the IV Centen Rome, History and Literature Edition 1986, 4
See A. Prosperi, Tra evangelismo e

Rome, Ed. of History and Literature 1969, of patience. A seminar on «Benefits

' '
In reforms Mazes of the « Benefit of Cris
and mannerisms, edited by V. B
pp. 385-425.
5 See O. Niccoli, Prophets and people in Renaissance Italy, Bari, Laterza 1987,
especially the chap. IV (The apocalyptic preaching from Andrea Baura to Zaccheria da
Fivizzano).
6 See G. Pozzi, Around the preaching of Panigarola, in Problems of religious life
in Italy in the sixteenth century, Padua, Antenore 1960, pp. 315-322. Now J. O'Malley
returns to the subject, Borromeo as Pastor and Educator, paper given at the
Conference on S. Carlo Borromeo: Catholic Reform and Ecclesiastical Politics in the
second Half of the sixteenth Century (Washington, October 25-27, 1984). In the
meantime, see the report by O'Malley himself in "Rivista di storia della Chiesa in
Italia", XXXIX (1985), pp. 250-252.
7 See P. Bayley, French Pulpit Oratory 1598-1650. A Study in Themes and
Styles with a Descriptive Catalog of Printed Texts, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press 1980, pp. 45-53. Fundamental is the extensive discussion of M. Fumaroli, L'âge de

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From the "sermo modernus" to the "Borromean" rhetoric 467

and the aspects of the rhetorical crisis to which the generation of s. Carl ends.

In the mid-sixteenth century, applying the canons of the Council

of Trent (especially the Decretum de lectoribus et praedicatoribus
Sa crae Scripturae of 1546, confirmed in 1563),8 we witness an
unprecedented effort to establish and disseminate the rules of an
oratory sacred, which exalts the figure of the bishop above any
other ecclesiastical and civil dignity. Above all in Italy and Spain, a
rhetoric atelier opens, more active than any humanistic academy,
more effective even than the network of schools that three centuries
earlier had been set up by the Mendicant Orders.9 In order not to
get lost in the forest of manuals of sacred rhetoric it will be
appropriate first of all to examine Borromeo's legislation, in particular
the Instructiones praedicatio nis Verbi Dei (issued in 1573 by the
Third Provincial Council),10 integrating it with the reading of the
treatises written by his collaborators (Valier and Boterò). Alongside
the disciplinary norms, the recommendations on the training of the
future preacher, there is no lack of precise remarks on the five parts
of prayer (inventio, dispositio, elocutio, memoria and actio). The
essential subject of preaching is the Scriptures , but also the
explanation of liturgical ceremonies, hagiography, and a certain
number of clichés, which were already typical of medieval preaching:
the condemnation of licentious female fashion, dances, gambling ,
of the lavish display of servitude, of immoral spectacles.11 In the exposition of Scripture the

the eloquence. Rhétorique et « res literaria » de la Renaissance au seuil de l'époque

clas sique, Genève, Droz 1980, ch. III (Le Concile de Trente et la réforme de l'éloquence
sacrée).
8 See M. Fumaroli, L'âge de l'éloquence cit., p. 137.
9 See M. Fumaroli, L'âge de l'éloquence cit., p. 138: « Directement sous son
influence ou indirectement sous l'effet de l'heureuse conclusion du Concile, s'ouvrit en
' '
Italie et en Espagne un véritable école atelier de rhétorique,
de sophistes plus
antiques ouprolifique
qu'aucune qu'aucune
Académie
humaniste » . R. Antonelli, The Dominican Order and literature in pre- Tridentine Italy,
and C. Bologna, The Franciscan Order and literature in pre-Tridentine Italy, in Italian
literature, directed by A. Asor Rosa inform the Studia dei Men dicanti , vol. I The man
of letters and the institutions, Turin, Einaudi 1982, pp. 681-728 and 739-744.

10 See Instructiones praedicationis Verbi Dei. Ex Concilii provincialis III, de

creto [...] editae S. Caroli [...] jussu, in Introductio ad Sanctorum Patrum lectionem,
author AB Caillau, vol. I, Mediolani, Stella 1830, pp. 750-811. The first edition is in
the Acta Ecclesiae Mediolanensis, Pars II (Mediolani, apud Pacificum Pontium
1582, ff. 212v-22lr).
11 These are themes that punctually recur in the preaching of s. Carlo. See
A. Annoni, Carlo Borromeo and secular society, in San Carlo e il suo tempo cit.,
vol. II, pp. 889-960.

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468 Carlo Delcorno

he must observe precise norms: and bizarre and new interpretations can lead many heretics
into error, unless he owes them "in locis eorum finitimis".

(De iis quae ad formant concioni speech, which was already sacred in the fifteenth century; and
was composed of the exord sere divided in some points, and of a ring « more sanctorum patrum
cate again in the dedicat chapter to establish the appropriate tone of voice presented here almost
like a st cem sedatam adhibeat, et quotidi tione vocis varietate utatur, ut q rare videatur: res enim
strenue

dignitatem habent, plenis faucib

In cohortatione, quae in epilogo c nuatissima, quae fit faucibus co obstrepero; mox are equal

The pages on elocutio (De elocuti generic condemnation of the rice style in this case Borromeo
did not invite us to omit the arcais

unusual metaphors and similes

of the formulas that introduce i
many exclamations: in short, of those lexical and rhetoric elements the meaning of the significant
part d

12 See the chapter Materia sacrae conc

pp. 779-778. The same concern is expressed by De praedicatore Verbi Dei, written eg dière 1584, f. 92y [De
haeresibus apud 13 Cf. Instructiones cit., pp. 803-804.

14 See Instructions cit., pp. 808-810. see H. Dansey Smith, Preaching in th Preachers of the
Reign of Philip III, Ox «The sermon may [...] be considered not structure ». See also, on the subject
of predicación de Pedro de Valderrama (1 ciones recientes), in «Rivista de literat pp. 24-25.

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From the "sermo modernus" to the "Borromean" rhetoric 469

signification.15 What is surprising in the Instructionses of s. Carlo is the lack of references to

the medieval sermon type, which had been the main target of the Humanists and Erasmus in
particular, and which was still criticized by Marc'Antonio Natta in De christianorum elo

quenza, published in 1562; 16 and yet it was accurately described in one

of the most important rhetoric of the ' BorromeanRhetorica
' age, the by
Eclesiastica
Luis de
Granada.17 St. Charles has a very clear idea that
that rhetorical building, built by the Mendicants in the thirteenth
century between the University chair and the pulpit, some materials
can be used ; but that it does not correspond to the purposes of post-
Tridentine oratory , in which the mover clearly prevails over the
docere, determining a systematic and constant search for pathetic
tension, which must be present in all parts of the oration, like the
blood circulating in all the limbs of the body ("Dabit igitur operam, ut
que madmodum per singula corporis membra sanguis diffunditur, ita
in omnibus concionis suae partibus quaedam insint, quae ad
commoven dum valeant").18 Not only that, he is keenly aware of the
fact that even the structures of classical prayer, known by now to
every educated person, and used for more than a century by Christian
preaching, must be simplified according to the model of the homiletics
of the Greek and Latin Fathers. This is a cultural node on which it is
necessary to insist, since the medieval or thematic sermon was
called modernus precisely to distance itself from the modus antiquus of the Fathe

15 See Instructions cit., pp. 806-807. This tendency is already evident in the Pani garola. See G. da
Locarno [Pozzi], Essay on the style of sacred oratory in the seventeenth century exemplified on P. Emmanuele
Orchi, Romae, Inst. Hist. ord. Fratrum Minorum Cappuccinorum 1954, pp. 123-124.

16 Cf. Marci Antonii Nattae astensis, De Christianorum eloquentia liber, in

Volumina quaedam nuper excussa [...], Venetiis, Aldus 1562, ff. 79-80: « Nullus
apud illos verborum cultus, nullus orationis nitor, tenent quasdam argumentorum
formulas, quibus unumquodque reiicitur vel probatur. Eruditis viris satisfacere queunt,
sed in vulgus sermo eorum exire non potest, tum quia scaber, tum quia affectus animi
nudis utens syllogismis non commovent [...] Aliis hos Theologos, Scholasticos, alii
Parisienses vocant, propterea quod hoc docendi genus in Parisiorum urbe vel institu
tum fuerit vel magis frequentatum". At the origin of this bad preaching is the obscure
style of Aristotle, to which Natta opposes the eloquence of the Fathers of the Church.
17 See Ecclesiasticae Rhetoricae sive de ratione concionandi libri sex Ludovico
Granatensi Dominican monk author [...] Venetiis, ap. F. Zilettum 1578, pp. 172-173 (lib. IV chap. VI De genere
concionis didascalico). The fundamental objection to this didactic genre is that it is not suited to movere ('docendi
gratia magis quam movendi adhibetur'). See M. Fumaroli, L'age de l'éloquence cit., p. 143.

18 See Instructions cit., p. 762. These are images that reappear in Boterò's De praedicatore Verbi Dei
(lib. Ili, ed. cit., f. 43r): «Non enim muliebrem venustatem, sed virilem quandam dignitatem secantur; nec fuco
illitum, sed sanguine diffusum
colorem adamant ».

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470 Carlo ÿ eie or no

to be admired, as inspired by the tares of ecclesiastics who were intellectuals, armed with the new strum

Wales, a Franciscan master who at the end of the thirteenth century noted in his ar

doctores antiqui de thematis divisioni rabant, sed Spiri tu Sancto edocti, di dam massa, protulerunt".19 On
this torica by Borromeo, as on all the Instructiones, he returns with one of the Veronese bishop Agostino
Valier, ch of the Accademia delle Notti Vaticane ,

he had the commission of the De rhetorica

of the Milanese seminary and of the diocese

published in Venice in 1574, and in Paris plentiful and acute among those who came out of the

Valier, while dealing with the parts of ancient rhetoric, specifies that in the orator absolutely
necessary, the propositio and the sunt ad minimum orationis ecclesiast

purpose; et probatio, hoc est argu

The opening and the epilogue are reserved according to the norms also for these parts f dium he
dedicates three chapters, distingu grave et breve, abruptum ÿ exclamat the epilogue Valier
distinguishes the double which serves to recapitulate the whole discourse of the public ( « ut cum
aliqua co which can serve as a short and intense

19 See my study on Giordano da Pisa and the author

Olschki 1975, p. 107.
20 I quote from the ed. of Venice, ap. Andream B
Vatican Nights was directed by Borromeo who had the title of Obedient. See P. Paschini romeo in Rome
(1560-1565), in « Lateranum », line, Carlo Borromeo and his model of vesc 21 See De rhet. eccl., Ili 45 (ed. cit., p.
23 22 Cf. De rhet. eccl., Ili 47 (De verecundo

exordio); III 49 (De exordio abrupto).

23 See De rhet. eccl., III 58 (De epilogo): « accommodate! possent his temporibus illa verba interdum implorantes, dicamus:
peccavimus, in cit., p. 260). The Panigarola (cf. The Preacher

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From the "sermo modernus" to the "Borromean" rhetoric 471

the propositio, the central and necessary part of the speech, are the most interesting for
anyone who wants to understand the upheaval of models that took place in sacred oratory
between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. worry
The fundamental action of the preacher must be to reduce prayer to
a unity, allowing himself only a few digressions on the fundamental
themes of moral doctrine, those "praecepta utilia saepe ite randa"
which we have already pointed out in Borromeo's Instructiones: "Post
exordium, vel loco exordii , utatur ecclesiasticus orator pro positione;
in qua haec sunt necessary: ut sit una, aut ad unum redi gatur, ut sit
catholica, ut sit popularis".24 Twenty years later, a famous preacher
like Panigarola did not hesitate to affirm that the sermon must respect
the unity of the propositio "in the way that Aristotle in the Poetics says
that the poem is not one, if the action is not one".25 Valier refers not
to Aristotle, but to patristic models, and immediately recalls that
Giovanni Chrysostom used to focus the homily on a single subject («
Beatus Chrysostomus singulas suas homilias ad singulas propositiones
saepe redigit [...] »), and that in this way John Nazianzen and Basil,
Cyprian, Ambrose, Bernard and Zeno proceeded. The propositio can
be treated using a division into parts, which is useful for the clarity of
the exposition, and which however should not be confused with the
divisio of the thema, characteristic of the medieval sermon. Valier
advises never to use divisions exceeding three or four parts, in order
not to generate confusion, and not to imitate bad cooks, who tear the
meat apart instead of dividing it: "Cavendum est, ne ita instrumento
dividendi delectetur orator,
ut confusionm pariat potius quam ut memoriae consulat. Concionem
suam in partes, not in frusta dividat. Non imitetur malos coquos, qui
discerpunt potius quam dividunt carnes".26 The custom of distinguishing
prayer into three or four parts is typical of the great contemporary
preachers ,27 who believe that this is also useful for a better

around the book of Elocution by Demetrio Falereo, Venice, Ciotti 1609, p. 114), precisely
by appealing to the norms of s. Carlo and del Valier, recommends that the final prayers
be «not verbose and long; but very short".
24 See De rhet. eccl., III 50 (p. 237). The « praecepta utilia » is discussed on p. 239:
"Praecepta utilia (ut sancti patres fecerunt) saepe iteranda, et crebro eadem de re, pro utilitate
audientium, adhibendae sunt hortationes, et reprehensiones, etsi locus Evangeli aut Epistolae
quam récitât Ecclesia, postulare non videatur".
25 Cf. Method of composing a sermon by Rev. Panigarola, bishop of Asti. With
the addition of a treatise on local memory, in Padua, F. Bolzetta 1599, p. 6.
26 See De rhet. eccl., Ili 56 (De division, quae veluti instrumentum propositioni servit), p. 259.

27 On the custom of dividing the sermon into three parts cf. P. Bayley, French Pulpit

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472 Carlo Delcomo

tion « eo quod ter conquiescan nentes populis, loqui incipiant would blame a custom
by now

must reproach the clerics i q « qui unico filo orationis, homi the most convenient method
for whom while the technique of the triple extraordinary bulls « qui de super quantum,
the author immediately adds

verborum et connexione sentent

gas conciones ad populum habui preferences of Valier, who, sion, exhorts his readers
to family and paternal eloquence cidat [...] ut e clericis ad quos s eos hortarer, ne
famam concionat illam dicendi formam, quam ex Il Panigarola, which after being s.
Charles, in turn, became ves this double level of retor that the new complex episcopal
dignity of oratory, conven sona [...] the reasoning from the parchment ».29 Compared
to the line cic towards the treatises of Natta and B

Oratory, 1598-1650 cit., p. 108. Corn last G. De Rosa, The Franciscan Corn of Bitonto, in «Magazine
of the history of divide the sermons into four parts, rest, to stop. See for example places, Venice,
Gabriel Giolito de' Fe held in the cathedral for entry into the simples, which mark the conclusion of
may you be blessed, and so on» (Prima Par (Seconda Parte); «Due parole sole, et a (Third Part) At
the end there is a solemn

28 See De rhet. eccl., III 56 (p. 260).

29 Cf. Il Predicatore, Particella XII, leotti il Borromeo distinguishes the oratory of the
people, from the more artful printed preaching ». See P. Prodi, Il cardinale 30 See M. Fumaroli
L'âge de l'éloq de L'Arte del predicare contenta in tr

Andrea Torresano 1562.

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From the "sermo modernus" to the "Borromean" rhetoric 473

at the Jesuit school, the treatises inspired by Borromeo mark a retreat of rhetoric, subordinated
to sacred things, to the usefulness of contents. The point of reference is not so much Cicero's
De oratore
as much as Augustine's De doctrina Christiana, and subordinately
Erasmus' Ecclesiastes. Yet Borromeo's attitude has the merit of
saving the fundamental reasons of rhetoric, denied by some forms
of sixteenth-century preaching (think of that of the first Capuchins),31
and disowned by more than one treatise writer, such as Lorenzo da
Villavicente for example { De formandis sacris concioni bus).32 This
ability to mediate between the opposing currents of preaching in the
sixteenth century partly explains the success of Borromean rhetoric
' ', which ultimately, however, is decided by the network of colleges
and seminaries in which it is taught throughout Catholic Europe . For
the first time, as Marc Fumaroli observes, the reform of sacred
eloquence coincides with the disciplinary reform, so that paradoxically
the abandonment of pagan Ciceronianism favors, in the climate of
the Catholic Reform, a true triumph of eloquence, elevated to the
dignity of priestly and apostolic office, and closely connected to
episcopal prestige, preaching being "praecipuum episco porum
munus".33 In this way we emerge from a long period of uncertainty
and ideological and rhetorical conflicts, which had begun towards
the middle of the Four hundred. At that time Humanism, now sure of
its reasons, had frontally attacked the whole system of medieval
preaching , exercised almost exclusively by the Mendicants, mostly
in the itinerant form, and according to the techniques of the sermo modernus.
To this model the humanists had contrasted an oratory inspired by the
rules of classical rhetoric, more suited to the new culture and the
widespread aspirations for a more interior religion. The crisis of sacred
eloquence, which will worsen in the sixteenth century for the disparate and

31 Cf. Arsenio D'Ascoli, The preaching of the Capuchins cit., chap. Ili (The
Constitutions and preaching). In the Constitutions of 1536 it is exhorted not to add
"to the naked and humil crucifixo terse, phallerate et fucate words, but naked, pure,
simple, humile et basse, nothing less divine, fiery and full of love" (p. 132) . See
also C. Urbanelli, Storia dei Cappuccini delle Marche. Part I, Vol. II Vicende of the
first fifty years (1535-15S5), Ancona, Provincial Curia FF. Cappuccini 1978, pp.
475-520.
32 Cf. Laurentius a Villavicentio, De formandis sacris concionibus seu de
interpretatione Scripturarum populari libri III, snt On this treatise see M. Fu maroli,
L'âge de l'éloquence cit., p. 126.
33 Preaching is defined as "praecipuum episcoporum munus" by the Council
of Trent (Fifth Session, 17 June 1546). See P. Prodi, Cardinal Gabriele Pa leotti
cit., vol. II, p. 76.

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474 Carlo Delcomo

divergent initiatives of the new ones can be explained with the double fallim tan in the second
half of the Q handled in a more Siena form, remains completely extraneous and therefore is
destined to hysterilirs to have at the large pub conquers the Roman curia, both to Florentine
brotherhoods, but ri and can not introduce himself as me Church and society. To understand
the early sixteenth century it is necessary to highlight i

I remember the medieval sermon,

at the current state of research,
Welcoming a topos hagiogra giroci in honor of s. Bernardin reformer of preaching in the
second half of the century

preaching well - affirms Giac in Padua in 1460 - has taken away the

saint ».34 However, like many a true reformer of eloquy tends one who in preaching manifests
new theories over negotiates and simplifies the old s of the quaestio and of the lectura the
treatise writers wanted àûYars p tree: the scriptural verse, is the trunk ; the divisto marks it

34 See C. Delcorno, Two sermons vol

in 1460, in « Proceedings of the Veneto Institute t. CXXVIII, Class of moral sciences, other testimonies
Z. Zafarana, Berna Bernardino preacher in society on medieval spirituality», XVI, T 35 Cf. G. Cantini,
San Bernardino S. Bernardino da Siena. Essays and research (1444-1944), Milan, Life and thought
I refer to my study L'ars praedican

international catherinian-bernardini
Sienese demia of the Intronati 1982, pp.

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From the "sermo modernus" to the "Borromean" rhetoric 475

most important articulations of speech; dilatatio complicates them with new

secondary branches, loads them with fronds and fruits. New and inimitable is in
Bernardino the elegant clarity of the partitions of speech, which certainly includes
the habit of observing the elementary rules of the ars memorativa, the mastery of
the language, the mimic-declamatory register of his very rich exemplary narrative ,
by now conditioned by the tradition of bourgeois novellas.36 Bernardino, who also
enjoyed the friendship of eminent humanists (from Guarino to Vespasiano from
Bisticci to Traversari), did not bother at all to clarify the relationship between the
eloquence of the friars of the Observance and the new humanistic oratory, now
well established in civil discourse . The comparison, on the other hand, can no
longer be postponed in the second half of the fifteenth century, when the victory of
the humanistic movement is definitive , and the forms of classical oratory tend to
occupy the highest areas of sacred oratory. It is significant that one of Bernardino's
closest and dearest pupils, Giacomo della Marca, attempts to describe and exalt
the master's eloquence by referring to the terminology of classical rhetoric, not of
the art scholars, and even insinuates that Bernardino was more excellent by Tullio.
In the aforementioned panegyric of 1460 he states: « His sermons de eloquentia
were adorned, that if Tullio had returned, he would not have acatado more exquisite
and adorned and various words, and make the exchlamatione a loogi e tenpi a
plau dere et exortare [ ...] that if suit the rhetoric and Tullio iterum insembre

dire stado, seria stà bastanza".37 This attitude of compromise, which

superimposes a superficial humanistic guise on the scholastic structures of the
thematic sermon, characterizes post-Bernardinian preaching , in which the
scholastic system is suffocated by a parasitic flowering of classical auctoritates
and patristic and canonical.
Such an awkward ostentation of classical culture, imbricated with canonical
quotations, was completely foreign to the style of Bernardino, the
which avoided references to pagan authors, citing rather some favorite vulgar
authors, Dante and Jacopone;38 and was also far from the

36 See most recently M. Cataudella, Narrative microstructures in vulgar sermons,

and M. Montanile, Sources and literary transformations in Siena VII, XIII and XXII, in 5.
Bernardino of Siena preacher and pilgrim, edited by F. D'Episcopo , Proceedings of the
National Conference on Bernardinian Studies (Malori, 20-22 June 1980), Ge latina,
Congedo 1985.
37 Cf. Due predica volgari cit., p. 178.
38 Cf. my study on the « exemplum » in the preaching of Bernardino of Siena, in
Bernardino preacher in the society of his time cit., pp. 92-93. For the Jacoponic and
Dantesque quotations in Bernardino cf. M. Bigaroni, S. Bernardino a

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476 Carlo Delcorno

refined play of allusions and humanists. Roberto Caracciolo, with di Pontano and
Galateo, loved especially in the cycles printed de penitentia, Quadragesimale de bile of
citations.39 It was an exercise

flaunt all together knows it

the most shrewd techniques of art virtues you bus recently pubbli have summarized in a
single Thursday over five hundred quotations (« Eg sermones quos predicaveram ibi u
omnibus partibus, particulis, dis lis, et notate fuerunt ultra quinq

Preachers like Caracciolo, or mark the extreme limit of that different measure, a precise
demonstration of Bernardino's scrolling is typical of the seco, all the pre- insert in their
cycles of preaching

Giacomo della Marca collected between the Sermones Dominicales42 or the two
that Michele Carcano inserted in the De commendatone virtutum et repro batone
viciorum.n Alongside the more usual juridical auctoritates and

Todi, in «Franciscan Studies», LXXIII (1976), pp. 109-125; H. Rheinfelder, Dante, his thought, his time in the
preaching of St. Bernardino of Siena, in Dante in thought and exegesis of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,
Proceedings of the Study Conference organized by the Municipality of Melfi (September 27- 2 October 1970),
Florence, Olschki 1975, pp. 93-113.
39 See O. Visani, The preaching of Roberto Caracciolo and Puglia, in " Literary criticism", L (1986), pp.
125-141, on p. 131.
40 See L. Gasparri, On the manuscript tradition of Robert of Lecce's sermons. With two unpublished
sermons, in « Archivum franciscanum historicum », LXXIII (1980), pp. 173-225, on p. 217.

41 See A. Alecci, in Biographical Dictionary of Italians, vol. 6, Rome, Inst. del

the Italian Encyclopaedia 1964, pp. 399-400.
42 See S. Iacobus de Marchia, Sermones Dominicales. Introduction, text and notes by R. Lioi OFM,
Falconara Marittima, Biblioteca Francescana 1978. See
the serm. 60 De gloriosa iustitia (vol. II, pp. 381-391); and Serm. 79 De magnificentia et utilitate universalis ìustitie
(vol. III, pp. 118-131).
43 Cf. Sermonarium de comendatione virtutum et reprobatione viciorum, Milan, U. Scinzenzeler 1495 [Hain-
Copinger *4505]. See sermon 54 of Passion Sunday (De quiditate et specificaton iusticie) on the theme "Si quis
sermonem meum servaverit mortem non gustabit in eternum" (cc. & j va - [& ÿ va]), and sermo 55 for on the same
Sunday (De excellentia et comendatione virtutis iustitie) on the hiberna « Sanguis Christi, qui per Spiritum Sanctum
semetipsum obtulit inmacu

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From the "sermo modernus" to the "Borromean" rhetoric 477

theological ample space is given to the quotations of Sallust, Horace,

Plato; and Carcano, with regard to commutative justice, does not leave
out the Virgilian parcere subiectis et debellare superbos. At first reading,
one is surprised by this accurate collection of classical flores, but it is not
difficult to realize that it is a simple decoration , since the pattern of the
speech is medieval, and is based on the De ìustitia of s. Thomas.44 One
cannot be surprised if Erasmus, in the Praise of Folly, defined this late
scholastic-humanistic preaching as a chimera, a monster, such as not
even Horace could have conceived when he wrote, at the beginning of
the Ars poetica. « Humano capiti cer vicem pictor equinam iungere si
velit etc. ».45 Erasmus takes up and deepens a polemic that has its
origins in Italy, in the generations of Salutati and Bracciolini. Coluccio
himself in De se culo et religion draws an unsurpassed caricature of the
techniques of the sermo modernus, and highlights the ambiguous
sensual atmosphere created by some acclaimed preachers:

... adest, inquam, religiosus quispiam et sublimis in pulpito, post an gelicam Marie salutationem
iocundo quodam sermocinationis preludio suis moribus introductam, aliquod divinarum
scripturarum oraculum reassu mens pulcerrimum totum in sua, ne dicam turpia, membra
discerpit, et equisillabis canticis puerili labore compositis auriculas vulgi permulcet, et eodem
observato concentu membra subdividit, subdivisa distinguit, et rebus inops ac sententiis inanis
maxima verborum inculcatione lascivit, nuncque acutissime vocis tonitruo totis viribus laterum
excitât audientes, nunc graviter insonando submissiore voce proloquitur, nunc candidissimo
fronte deprompto, sudario faciem purgat, oculos fricat, nares emungit, tantamque mundiciam
delicatus affectai ut non vir, non reli giosus sed potius Ciprica mulier videatur. Manicas deinde
reiciens summas oras pulpiti candida manu comprendit, digitos in ordinim ponit, seque

latum Deo, emundabit conscientiam nostrani ab operibus mortuis » (Heb 9, 14) (cc. [& ÿ
va] - 3 ij ra).
44 Cf. Summa theol., II ii, 58. I refer to my essay on The city in fifteenth-century Franciscan
preaching, in At the origins of the Monti di Pietà. 1 Franciscans between ethics and economy in
late medieval society, Studies on the occasion of the celebrations for the fifth centenary of the
death of Blessed Michele Carcano (1427-1484) [...], « Quaderni del Monte », 3, Bologna 1984,
pp. 29-39, on p. 33.
45 Cf. Moriae encomium id est Stultitiae laus, in Opera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami,
Ordinis quarti, t. III, Amsterdam-Oxford, North Holland Publishing Company 1979, p. 166: « Hic mihi
stultam aliquam et indoctam fabulam ex Speculo, opinor, HistoriaÛ aut Gestis Romanorum in medium
afEerunt, et eandem interpre tantur allegorice, tropologice et anagogice. Atque ad hunc quidem
modum Chimaeram suam absolvunt, qualim nec Horatius unquam assequi potuit cum scriberet:
Humano capiti etc. ».

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478 Carlo Delcomo

murmuratione muliercularum gau

caturus verbum dei totus in ostentationem efiusus aut levitatis aut inanis

glorie spectaculum prebet.46

Salutati does not go beyond the condemnation of the clumsiness

and dubious morality of certain preachers; Poggio confronts the very
champion of the Franciscan Observance, Bernardino da Siena, stating
that his oratory is insufficient, incapable as it is of leading the faithful
back to an inner religion, which does not exhaust itself in external
gestures. Cencio Rustici , spokesman for the author himself in the
dialogue De avaritia (1429), states : « Verum in una re (pace sua
dixerim) errare mihi videntur et ipse [Bernardino] et caeteri huiusmodi
praedicatores. Nam cum multa loquantur, non accommodating orationes
suas ad nostram utilitatem, sed ad suam loquaci ta tem".47 It is a radical
criticism which, in the bad rhetoric of the friars, unmasks an antiquated
culture and an erroneous conception of religious life. On the same
positions is Valla, who in De verofalsoque bono contrasts good ancient
rhetoric with the ars praedicandi of the friars: « Ea nanque est
argumentorum inculcatio, ea exemplorum redundantia, ea rerum
earundem repetitio, is flexus orationis quicquid occurrit more vitium
apprehendentis, ut an useless sit an turpius nesciam »;48 where the
allusion is evident not only to the usual divisions s and subdivisiones,
but to the emblematic representation of the sermon itself as a tree. Valla
does not limit himself to these criticisms: the Encomion Sane ti Thomae,
which he recited a few months after his death, in 1457, in S. Maria sopra
Minerva, is a sermon constructed according to the rules of the "lauda
tivum genus", established by Quintilian. It consists of an exor dium, of
the narratio, which touches on the double theme of the Christian militia
and the glorification of Thomas; of the probatio and the refutatio,
dedicated to the saint's virtus and scientia (one exalted, the other
rejected ); concludes a sort of iconographic peroratio, as Camporeale
defi ned it, where the glory of s. Thomas among the doctors in the presence of the

46 See Coluccio Salutati, De Seculo et Religion, ed. BL Ullman Florentiae, Olschki 1957, pp. 45-46.
On this famous passage, see E. Garin, Desires for reform in the oratory of the fifteenth century, in The
philosophical culture of the Italian Renaissance, Florence , Sansoni 1961, p. 170.

47 I quote from R. Fubini, Poggio Bracciolini and S. Bernardino: themes and motifs of one
controversy, in Proceedings of the Caterinian-Bernardian International Symposium cit., p. 515.
48 See Lorenzo Valla, « De vero Falsoque Bono ». Critical edition by M. De Panizza Lorch, Bari,
Adriatica 1970, p. 43. The passage is taken from the introduction to book II. For the interpretation see R.
Fubini, Poggio Bracciolini cit., p. 524.

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ÿ to the « sermo modernus » to the « Borromean » rhetoric 479

torics of the heavenly glory.49 The impetus for the change in a classical
sense of sacred oratory precedes Valla 's text by a few years , and
comes from the prelates who, having left the schools of the humanists,
flock to Rome, exercising the office of preacher on various occasions,
but above all in the office of orator coram pope in the Sistine Chapel.
Here also the preachers coming from the Schools of the Mendicant
Orders, despite oscillations and compromises with the old medieval
model, end up accepting the humanistic type. Just a Franciscan,
Lorenzo Guglielmo Traversagni (1425-1503) is the author of a treatise,
datable to 1478, and printed with various titles (Rhetorica Nova or
Margarita eloquentiae), which gives a precise description of the new
sacred oratory. Which is characterized not so much by the abandonment
of the techniques of divisto of the theme or by the use
of a more elegant Latin, as much as from the shift of the finality of the
speech from docere to delectare and moverei However, the most
accurate and complete presentation of this oratory, which became a
stable element of the papal court in the second half of the century, can
be read in the De ratione scribendi by Aurelio Lippo Brandolini,
composed in 1491. Brandolini classifies this by now vast homiletic
corpus in the epideictic genre, and identifies its most significant
rhetorical trait in the unity of discourse ("oratio enim unum aliquod sibi
dicendum pro ponit"). 51 The investigation carried out by John W.
O'Malley on 160 sermons recited in the Sistine Chapel and in St. Peter's
from 1450 to 1520 confirms the indications of these treatises. From the
mid-fifteenth century , a type of sacred oration was imposed in Rome
at the curial level, consisting of an exordium, the narratio and the per
oratio-, the purpose of which is to induce a learned public to admire the
gestures and benefits of God and the saints, certainly not to teach or debate theologic
The deductive procedures of the sermo modernus are followed by the lyrical
tones proper to the epideictic genre; the moral themes, the apocalyptic threats,
the pastoral terror that still subjugates the general public, is opposed by the
calm and collected contemplation of the mysteries of Creation , the Trinity and
the Incarnation. There is, as he keenly observes

49 See SI Camporeale, Lorenzo Valla between the Middle Ages and the
Renaissance. Enco mion s. Thomae, 1457, in «Dominican Memoirs», NS VII (1976), pp.
11-194, at p. 57.
50 See JW O'Malley, Praise and Blame in Renaissance Rome. Rhetoric,
Doctrine , and Reform in the Sacred Orators of the Papal Court, c. 1450-1521,
Durham North Carolina, Duke University Press 1979, p. 44, and in general the chap.
II (The new Rhetoric: Ars laudandi et vituperandi).
51 Quoting from JW O'Malley, Praise and Blame, p. 60.

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480 Carlo Delcorno

O'Malley, a conversion from the int both the frequency of the verba videndì ( pone,
contemplate), and the use fr which, as mentioned a propos via to a continuous exchange
between

line of that patrist mano tradition.53 Tommaso « Fedra » Eng per s. Thomas held at the
annual Min to some kind of restoration

established «eam praecipue ob causa egregia, sed vetustate evanescen tione

renovaretur».54

The sacred oratory of human taste

Roman circles, but it spreads i
vernacular, to different audiences. Little is this model, and how it is preserving the medieval
custom

by Mariano da Genazzano, at least his preaching).55 In Florence, there is evidence of

lay preaching in the city confraternities, controlled by the Medici, but open, which
intertwine over the years with the preaching of Savonarola. Already the need to "remake
life i

which we see those men St. Plotinus intended, not on the contrary to find the way to a
more visible presence of this documented phenomenon in Florentine libraries, only

especially the Magi. XXXV 211, and i

52 Cf. JW O'Malley, Fraise and Blâ 53 See for these reports H. Ma Princeton University
Press 1981. Stu 843 and 1453, but obviously dates back to 54 Cf. JW O'Malley, Praise and
Bla 55 See the two sermons (Dell'Im delivered in 1484 to the Augustinians by S. G on Mariano
da Genazzano (f 1498), on pp. 117-204, on pp. 171-190.

56 See E. Garin, Desires for reform

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From the "sermo modernus" to the "Borromean" rhetoric 481

rabile. The variations, at least from a rhetorical point of view, are minimal
compared to the Latin model in use in Rome. See as a sample the
sermon on the Eucharist recited by Donato Acciaioli in the Company of
the Magi in 1468, of which Trinkaus has given extensive excerpts.57 The
author begins by protesting his own inadequacy in dealing with the
subject, which was assigned to him by superiors: if every part of his body
were transformed into language, he would not be able to say the slightest
part of the proposed subject. The proem concludes with a prayer to God
to strengthen his poor wit. The central part of the speech revolves around
two typically humanistic ideas: the Incarnation of Christ and the benefits
of the Eucharist. The doctrinal questions raised by the reluctant Euca
are not silenced, but are subordinated to the celebratory tone of the
speech. Not dispute, but contemplation is the most appropriate method
for dealing with this subject: "It is therefore necessary to make up for
with faith and with the intellect by contemplating the height of the divine
counsel and of this most worthy Sacrament". The way in which Acciaioli
deals with the benefits of the Eucharist is also typically humanistic ,
making use of a philological discussion of synonyms: Communion,
Viatico, Oblation, Memorial. The prayer ends with a prayer which invokes
from God light for the intellect, love for the will, contrition of the heart, so
that the faithful, nourishing themselves on the food of the angels in a
worthy way, make themselves similar to the heavenly hierarchies . The
same scansions of the discourse, applied to the same theme, the Eucharist, are
vain in one of the sermons recited by the teenager Poliziano in Com

pagnia del Evangelista.58 Certainly there is no more than an elegant varia here

57 See Ch. Trinkaus, In our Image and Likeness. Humanity and Divinity in Italian
Humanist Thought, London, Constable 1970, vol. II, pp. 644-647. The sermon ("Oratione
del Corpo di Christo by Donato Aeriamoli et dal lui nella Compagnia dei Magi recited
die XII aprilis 1468") can be read in the cod. Rice. 2204, civil code. 181r-184f.
58 Cf. A. Poliziano, Unpublished vulgar prose and published and unpublished Latin and
Greek poems , collected and illustrated by I. Del Lungo, Florence, Barbera 1867 (reproduced
anast. Olms, Hildesheim-New York 1976), pp. 3-6. The Polizianeo sermon opens with the
inevitable protest of insufficiency ("I am not allowed to remain silent, Fathers and Brothers,
having forced myself to speak, so as not to be inobedient; I dare not speak, so as not to be presumptuous").
The topic is entered into with a definition of the concept of sacrament and with the
etymology of the term «Eucharist» («Other is a Sacrament, according to Augustine,
than a visible form of invisible grace, nor is another Eucharist interpreted other than
good grace »). No doctrinal complication, no theological disquisition breaks the slender
and terse prose, which wants to persuade the listeners to admire and praise the miracle.
We proceed with a series of exclamations, interspersed with new confessions of
insufficiency, which give occasion to quotations from Dante ("Ma chi pensasse el
ponderoso tema E l'omero mortai che se ne carca, Noi blamerebbe se sub'esso trema").
He concludes a lyric peroratio, which leads to confession, and invites the recitation of a
lauda, according to a custom that in Florence has an illustrious precedent in Dominici.

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482 Carlo Delcorno

tion on the topoi of preaching religious participation which is pr even wanted to connect derna.59 In general the oratory of
the limits of a temperate adhesion but it will be necessary to deepen the research

dips and unmistakable moments.

of sacred oratory shows Savonarola's double preaching, which will eventually find support
for his studies by Garin, Kristeller and the nationality of Giovanni Nesi, emblem colo. In
fact, Nesi, an admirer first attracted by the fic Savonarola theology. If the homilies held s

in the Companies of St. Nicolò and usual humanistic schemes, but with the ability to imitate « el prisco cost cites in the
Company of the Magi a bright and sunny metaphor, of Ficinian speculations on the fire of il Vasoli, which this tension

expresses, should find fullness. Who, on his own, they scholastic preaching, the overwhelm him occurred in conve dicare
« to the apostolic »63 invent tico, which will be prolonged and often beyond the dispersion of his i

With the new century the lines of evol

59 See Ch. Trinkaus, In our Image an 60 See E. Garin, Desires for reform between Donato Acciainoli and Girolamo
Savon

(1973), p. 103-179, at p. 110.

61 Cf. Oratio de Eucharestia die XX
Giovanni Nesi cit., p. 134.
62 See C. Vasoli, Giovanni Nesi cit., p.
was published by O. Zorzi Pugliese, of Spirituality in Late Eiftheenth-Centur et Renaissance », XLII (1980), pp.
641-65

63 As the chronicler Bartolome attests

cit., ÿ. 367.

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From the "sermo modemus" to the "Borromean" rhetoric 483

increasingly divergent. The traditional sermon of the Mendicants continues, to

which the Humanists no longer listen,64 and which however continues to have an
impressive circulation in print.65 Humanistic oratory, having failed in the secular
and vernacular variant documented in Florence, is decidedly oriented towards a
Ciceronian prose. One thinks of the inaugural oration of the Fifth Lateran Council
(1512), delivered by Egidio da Viterbo, which Sadoleto sends to Pietro Bembo as
a perfect example of classical eloquence.66 At the opposite extreme, the preaching
of street prophets flares up, like that maestro Andrea Baura da Ferrara, whom
Marin Sanudo listens to in Venice in 1517 while he harshly reproaches his vices,
but (he notes in the Diaries) "without alegation de no dotor, philosopho né poet",
and who returns, in 1520, to preach in the Campo St. Stephen against the Pope
and the Roman court (so much so that Sanudo notes: « This followed the doctrine
of Fra Martin Luther is in Germany »);67 or like the hermit Matteo da Bascio, who
goes around the villages repeating the ( whose incipit is « In hell sinners »).68
severe rebuke Despite the initiative of the new Orders founded between the 1920s
' Somasks, Jesuits), the' and
sacred
theoratory
Councilwill
of Trent
not find
(Theatines,
a sure ruleBarnabites,
until the
her
establishment of the network

rica of s. Charles Borromeo. In it, as in the contemporary rhetoric of the Protestant

camp, the great genus of the ancients resurrects, thanks to the wise conjunction of
the sacred contents with a passion and a
' '
affection purified from the object to which they are applied.69
Charles Delcorno

64 When Bembo asked him why he didn't attend Lent, he said, "What must I do?" Because one never hears
anyone else but the Scholar shouting against the Angelic Doctor, and then Aristotle comes third and finishes the
proposed question.' The anecdote is reported by Ortensio Landò (Paradossi, lib. I Arsenio D'Ascoli, La predicazione
dei Cappuccini cit., p. 50.

65 For the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, there is a lack of a catalog of the homiletics recorded in
manuscript codes. Useful, at least for Franciscans, is A. Zawart, The of Franciscan Preaching and Franciscan
Preachers (1209-1927). A bio-bibliog Study, in "Franciscan Studies", VII (1928).

66 See C. O'Reilly, « Without Councils we cannot be saved! ». Giles of addresses to the Fifth Lateran
Council, in « Augustiniana », XXVII (1977), 204. On this famous speech cf. JW O'Malley, Giles of Viterbo: a Ref
Thought on Renaissance Rome, in Rome and the Renaissance. Studies in C and Religion, London, Variorum
Reprint 1981, vol. I, pp. 1-11.

67 See O. Niccoli, Profeti e popolo cit., p. 123.

68 See A. Prosperi, Gian Battista da Bascio and the preaching of the Roma mid-16th century, in « Bulletin of the
Waldensian Studies Society », XCVI (1975), pp and O. Niccoli, Profeti e popolo cit., pp. 125-139.

69 See D. Shuger, The Christian Grand Style in Renaissance Rhetoric, i tor », XVI, 1985, pp. 337-365.

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